(5th meeting) Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
Conferences
Date: 29 April 2026
Language: English
Transcript: https://transcripts.un.org/ar/asset/k10/k10foqor5j?lang=en
Transcripts available through this tool are created by using automatic speech recognition and are not official records nor official documents of the United Nations. Official records and official documents are available on the Official Document System of the United Nations.

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President [0:07]:

The Fifth Plenary Meeting of the 2026 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is called to order. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, this morning the Conference will continue with the general debate. and I have 70 speakers on the list. May I remind all delegations that group statements should not exceed eight minutes and national statements should not exceed five minutes. Your microphones will start blinking when you have one minute remaining of your allotted time. Furthermore, delegations are reminded to please inform the Secretariat as soon as possible if they wish to exercise their right of reply at the end of the day, so that adequate time can be set aside for those statements. I would also like to kindly remind States Parties to ensure that the content of their statements does not stray beyond the issues under consideration and the substance of the treaty. Delegations are kindly requested to submit electronic versions of their statements in PDF and Microsoft Word formats to e-statements@un.org no later than two hours in advance of delivery. I now have the honor to invite the first speaker on the list, the representative of Canada, speaking on behalf of the Agenda Statement Group. You have the floor, Canada.


Canada · Gender Statement Group [1:50]:

Thank you, Mr. President. I have the honor to take the floor on behalf of Albania, Australia, Austria, Costa Rica, Denmark, Finland, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Lithuania, Mexico, Montenegro, Iceland, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Switzerland, Turkey, and my own country, Canada. 26 years ago, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1325, setting out the landmark Women, Peace and Security resolution, acknowledging the disproportionate impact of conflict on women and girls and the critical roles women play in conflict prevention, resolution, and peacebuilding. The importance of including gender perspectives in our work is regrettably being regularly challenged, including in disarmament and nonproliferation fora despite evidence showing that gender equality is a primary predictor of peace. In the implementation of the NPT and throughout its review process, it is important that we rely on facts to systematically mainstream gender perspectives and advance gender equality. The effects of nuclear weapons are inherently indiscriminate, yet the disproportionate impacts on women cannot be ignored. It is a fact that women and girls experience exposure to ionizing radiation differently than men and boys. It is a fact that women face higher levels of cancer from this exposure than men, particularly cancers that affect the female reproductive system. And it is a fact that increased reports of birth defects, miscarriage, and reproductive illnesses directly followed exposure to nuclear explosions both in Japan and directly following nuclear testing in communities located near nuclear test sites worldwide. It is also well established that women continue to be underrepresented in science, medicine, politics, and diplomacy, where crucial decisions about nuclear materials and weapons use are made. For example, not a single woman sat on the inaugural UN Atomic Energy Commission, created in 1946 to address the problems raised by the discovery of atomic energy, and which laid the groundwork for what would become the NPT. Advocating for gender mainstreaming in the NPT is still forward-looking, as much further work needs to be done. Despite some gains, gender equality in the NPT context is yet to be fully realized. Initially comprising only 6.3% of delegates in 1980, women are still underrepresented in the NPT, comprising just 15.6% of delegates in 2000, and 33.9% in 2022, underscoring the distance still to be traveled to achieve equal participation and effective gender mainstreaming.


Speaker 3 [4:52]:

Both.


Canada · Gender Statement Group [4:52]:

The gendered impacts of nuclear weapons and women's contribution to nuclear disarmament remain insufficiently researched, inadequately resourced, and unevenly implemented. We call on this conference to reaffirm the critical role of women in advancing a world free from nuclear weapons, review efforts to advance gender equality when assessing the treaty's implementation in the next review cycle, ensure gender perspectives are included and considered in the next review cycle, and promote the full, equal, and meaningful participation of women in disarmament and non-proliferation processes. Thank you, Mr. President.


President [5:32]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Canada for his statement on behalf of the Gender Statement Group. I now invite his Excellency Walid Obedat, permanent representative of Jordan. My apologies. I will give the floor to her Excellency, Agreselda Lopez, permanent representative of El Salvador. You have the floor, ma'am.


El Salvador · Permanent Representative [6:12]:

Thank you very much, Mr. President. The delegation of El Salvador would like to congratulate you for your election at the helm of the Review Conference, as well as the rest of the countries that make up the Bureau. We thank you for the preparatory work, specifically the regional consultations held in prior months. We trust that under your leadership, President, we will be able to achieve results which would send a positive signal on the state of multilateral negotiations on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, as we have highlighted in the framework of this preparatory cycle. And as part of our historic national position on nuclear disarmament, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the NPT, is a fundamental pillar of the international regime for disarmament and non-proliferation. The lack of consensus in the last two review conferences, as well as in this cycle of preparatory committees, continues to be a source of high concern for my country. It is indispensable that this conference achieve tangible results. They may be concise, of course, but the idea would be to send a clear message to the international community that state parties reaffirm their commitment to disarmament and non-proliferation as part of the path towards a world free from nuclear weapons. This year, we celebrate the 80th anniversary of our organization, the United Nations. It's an invitation to reflect upon its foundational purposes, among them nuclear disarmament, which has a central foothold here. El Salvador, based on its security doctrine, does not possess nuclear weapons or other WMDs. nor does it base its security on nuclear dissuasion. As part of a region free from nuclear weapons, we reaffirm our political commitment to the Treaty of Tlatelolco, through which states of my region, Latin America and the Caribbean, have opted for nuclear disarmament as the only real security guarantee possible. Preserving the denuclearized character of our region is especially relevant in the current geopolitical context. As a State Party of the TPNW, El Salvador reaffirms its complementarity with the NPT. For my country, this instrument is a legally binding commitment with the total elimination of nuclear weapons, as well as with the prevention of its devastating humanitarian and environmental consequences. The inherent risks cross-border and global of any kind of nuclear detonation, even if it were unintentional, would be catastrophic. No state can adequately respond to these effects. The consequences of using nuclear weapons are incompatible with human survival. Scientific evidence of the last years shows that the effects of a nuclear detonation would be even more severe than what was previously estimated, creating impacts for the global economy, food security and the health of current and future generations. Our way of life would be radically altered, which reaffirms that the only guarantee against these risks is the total elimination of nuclear weapons. In this sense, We reiterate our call for the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, and we urge the States in Annex 2 to join it without delay. President, El Salvador has consistently expressed its concern over the modernizing of nuclear arsenals and the incorporation of emerging technologies, including AI and quantum technologies, in command, control, and nuclear communication systems. These dynamics create new risks and threaten to undermine decades of progress when it comes to non-proliferation. And we welcome the GA resolution on the possible risk of integrating artificial intelligence in C3I systems as an opportunity to deepen our analyses of these challenges. My full statement, President, will be available online, but we would like to conclude by asking you to carry out all possible efforts to achieve concrete results, and we would like to reiterate our willingness to support you in anything necessary. Thank you very much, President.


President [11:01]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of El Salvador for her statement and for her support to the President. I now invite the distinguished representative of Colombia.


Colombia [11:20]:

President, Excellencies, distinguished delegations, before explaining our position on this general debate, President, I would like to greet you and congratulate you upon your election, and we are absolutely sure that under your guidance and leadership, we will have very constructive deliberations. President, We are meeting at a conference that isn't happening in a context of business as usual. The current international security context has changed radically in an accelerated and dangerous manner. And if we do not recognize this frankly, this conference runs the risk of speaking to a world that no longer exists. Today, we are living in a scenario characterized by armed conflicts, open regional tensions, and competition among states. we observe a worrying phenomenon. In the face of uncertainty, the international system is not turning toward disarmament, rather it is reaffirming the political, military, and symbolic value of nuclear weapons. For the first time in over half a century, the largest nuclear arsenals are working without any kind of limits to restrict and verify their size, deployment, or state of modernization. We've lost transparency, predictability, and trust. And when these elements disappear and rules are eroded, we see a weakening of the limits to contain nuclear risk. In parallel, there is a worrying normalization of nuclear rhetoric, security doctrines that broaden explicitly the role of nuclear dissuasion, concepts that present nuclear weapons as the ultimate guarantee of protection, and decisions that not just modernize but quantitatively reinforce nuclear capacities. Columbia would like to express its deep concern. We should ask ourselves what kind of international order we are building and at what cost for humanity. It is no coincidence that the doomsday clock is 85 seconds away from midnight, the closest that we have ever been to a global catastrophe. This is not an abstraction, Mr. President. It is a specific warning about the deterioration of our international security. My country argues that true security will not be built upon broadening nuclear weapons, but rather reducing them. It's not built upon the multiplication of threats, but rather through the strengthening of norms, commitments, and effective controls. This is why Colombia considers that this conference has a historic responsibility to show that Nuclear multilateralism continues to be relevant, capable of absorbing tensions and of offering collective responses rather than amplifying threats. President, Excellencies, when it comes to disarmament, Colombia would like to reiterate that the total elimination of nuclear weapons is not a mere rhetorical aspiration, but rather a legal obligation based on the commitments in the treaty. The goal of a world free from nuclear weapons is a shared responsibility, but it is not uniform. Nuclear weapons possessing states have a specific commitment that they can no longer continue to delay. This is why it is indispensable that this conference sent clear signals that reducing nuclear risk does not substitute disarmament. Dissuasion cannot become an end in and of itself, and the lack of armament controls is neither sustainable nor acceptable. When it comes to non-proliferation, Colombia would like to express its concern over programs that are dangerously moving closer to the nuclear threshold in contexts where verification mechanisms have been weakened or eroded, and over states that have openly placed themselves outside of this regime. Given what I have privately stated, Colombia would like to reaffirm that the role of the IAEA is more essential than ever. Defending its authority, independence, and technical character means defending one of the last pillars of trust that continue to uphold this regime. Finally, Colombia would like to underline a paradox that characterizes this debate. Never before had science and nuclear technology contributed so much to human well-being. Nevertheless, that knowledge exists with a sustained expansion of rhetoric, doctrines, and investments that morally are unsustainable and politically are very dangerous. Colombia believes in dialogue, cooperation, and collective action, and we're here to build bridges and work for results in order to recover the legitimacy, credibility, and moral authority of this instrument. I thank you, President.


President [16:11]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Colombia for his statement. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Caroline Schwager, Permanent Representative of New Zealand to the United Nations, for her statement. You have the floor, madam.


New Zealand · Permanent Representative [16:25]:

Thank you, President. Good morning. You naturally have my delegation's full support. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty has been enormously successful in underpinning the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime and contributing to international peace and security. The global nuclear safeguards system, developed to ensure all states are meeting their non-proliferation obligations under the NPT, is pivotal. It has built mutual confidence for more than five decades and is enabling states to benefit from the peaceful uses of nuclear technology and energy. But the NPT faces mounting challenges. Progress on nuclear disarmament consistent with the NPT's Article VI obligation is being eroded and in some cases reversed. We see some nuclear-armed states building up their nuclear arsenals. Others are giving nuclear weapons more prominence in their security policies and increasing nuclear and related war readiness. They justify these actions on the basis that increasing strategic mistrust makes these changes necessary. But such steps also contribute to further mistrust and strategic competition, and they increase the risks that nuclear weapons could be used. There are also troubling indications that, in the face of nuclear threats or coercion, at least a few non-nuclear weapons states are starting to ask whether nuclear weapons might be their only guarantee against aggression. Meanwhile, the demise of nuclear arms control-related agreements has removed important guardrails against falling into the nuclear abyss. And there are gaps emerging in strategic dialogue among the states with the largest nuclear arsenals. We can't expect to solve some of our largest collective challenges without first engaging in dialogue. In this regard, we expect greater responsible leadership from the nuclear weapons states, including at this review conference. Effective implementation of Article VI remains a central priority for my delegation, something we will pursue at this review conference, both nationally and as a member of the New Agenda Coalition. New Zealand, along with Ireland and Switzerland, has also developed a proposal aimed at achieving consensus on nuclear weapons states reporting and more interactive consideration of these reports. This would benefit MPT review practically and improve mutual confidence on Article 6 implementation at a challenging time for this Treaty. Our full recommendations are included in Working Paper 7. Nevertheless, New Zealand also recognises that the Treaty's credibility and staying power depends on full, balanced, and faithful implementation across all three pillars. We want this review conference to strengthen non-proliferation, enhance nuclear safety and security, and appropriately advance the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Military activities and multiple armed conflicts around nuclear facilities are elevating serious nuclear safety and security risks. It is a problem no longer isolated to one conflict or region, and underlines the importance of upholding the prohibition of strikes on peaceful nuclear facilities. For this reason, New Zealand will co-sponsor a working paper on this important topic. As a member of the Vienna Group of 10 countries, New Zealand has also co-sponsored papers on a range of nuclear non-proliferation, safety and security issues. In closing, we should all reflect that the explosive power of nuclear weapons is so overwhelming that it is difficult to comprehend the scale of the devastation stemming from their use. But we do know they are weapons that can destroy entire cities, cities that house civilians. We know that no state or international authority has the capacity to respond adequately to nuclear weapon detonations. We know the effects of nuclear weapons are indiscriminate and take no account of borders. They cause long-term, intergenerational harm, as we have seen in our region in the Pacific. The drafters of the NPT understood this when they determined that the devastation of nuclear war would affect all humankind and that every effort must be made to avert this danger. They understood that despite their destructive power, nuclear weapons are not a force of nature. They stem from human choices. As states parties to the NPT, we should draw strength from this. We will have to make choices at this review conference, hard ones in some cases, to help to sustain and reinforce the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime. My government is convinced that, despite States Parties' many differences on individual issues, it is in all of our interests to do so. Thank you, President.


President [22:12]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of New Zealand for her statement. I now invite the distinguished representative of Azerbaijan.


Azerbaijan [22:23]:

Mr. President, allow me to begin by congratulating you on your election as president of the 11th Review Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Mr. President, NPT remains the cornerstone of the international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime, and an essential framework for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. It's imperative to uphold and strengthen the comprehensive, balanced, and non-discriminatory implementation of the treaty's three mutually reinforcing pillars and to advance concrete and balanced outcomes that strengthen the treaty and the effectiveness of its review process. While the international security environment continues to raise serious concerns, It has become more important than ever to ensure the full and effective implementation of the obligations under Article VI through concrete, practical and verifiable measures. In this regard, we reaffirm the vital importance of the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. We support the work of the International Atomic Energy Agency, which plays an indispensable role not only with respect to the verification on nonproliferation obligations under the NPT, but in upholding and strengthening the global nuclear safety and security framework. The inalienable right of states parties to develop research, production, and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes remains a core element of the NPT. Access to peaceful nuclear science and technology should be promoted on an equitable, safeguarded, non-discriminatory, and sustainable basis, and should contribute to national development priorities and the achievement of the sustainable development goals. At the same time, peaceful uses should be pursued in accordance with appropriate and effective levels of nuclear safety, security, and safeguards in close cooperation with the IAEA. We recognize the essential role that nuclear technology can play in areas such as medicine, agriculture, and environmental protection. Through the IAEA's technical cooperation programs, Azerbaijan has benefited from the peaceful applications of nuclear science, enhancing our national capacities in various sectors. Mr. President, although past review cycles have not always produced agreed substantive outcomes, they have nevertheless demonstrated that common ground can still be identified on many important issues. This review conference should therefore be guided by pragmatism, mutual respect, inclusiveness, and the readiness to work across differences in order to achieve practical, balanced, and forward-looking results consistent with the object and purpose of the Treaty. The 2026 Review Conference must not become a missed opportunity. With political will, balance, and mutual respect, state parties should reaffirm the treaty's continuing relevance and work toward outcomes that strengthen international peace and security across nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Azerbaijan stands ready to engage constructively with all states parties to that end. Thank you very much, Mr. President.


President [26:07]:

I thank the representative of Azerbaijan for his statement. And now I have the honor to invite the representative of Djibouti to take the floor.


Djibouti [26:22]:

Mr. President, I have the honor of delivering on behalf of the delegation of Djibouti my sincere and heartfelt congratulations on your election to preside over this important NPT Review Conference. We are very confident that your astute leadership will steer our proceedings towards constructive and consensus-based outcomes. Rest assured, you have my delegation's support. Djibouti would like to associate itself with these statements delivered on behalf of the Africa States Group, the Arab Group, and the NAM. We would like to make the following remarks in a national capacity. Mr. President, this NPT Review Conference is taking place at a critical juncture. within a geopolitical context characterized by heightened tensions, which are weakening the disarmament and non-proliferation regime, exposing this regime to growing challenges, in particular, modernization and expansion of nuclear arsenals, as well as the erosion of confidence building and transparency mechanisms. This conference is a most fitting opportunity for us to assess the implementation of states parties' obligations across the three pillars. Although we all clamour for peace, stability and nuclear non-proliferation, the NPT, the only binding mechanism in this sphere, is encountering difficulties. Nonetheless, the failure of the two previous NPT review conferences, and in particular, the obstacles linked to the implementation of the consensus-based results stemming from the 1995 and 2010 review conferences, all of these pose serious challenges to the maintenance of the NPT's viability. This reality reminds us of the pressing need to double our collective efforts by exhibiting responsibility so as to ensure that this 11th review conference is crowned with success. Djibouti remains committed to the NPT's principles: disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. It is important to recall that the nuclear weapons free zones treaties, the ones on existing Nuclear weapons free zones, such as the Pelendaba Treaty, to which we are a party, are essential instruments of the non-proliferation regime, making concrete contributions to international peace and security. On this note, we would like to call on the nuclear weapons states to fully respect the status of these nuclear weapons free zones in a clear cut and unequivocal manner, including the non-use and the non-threat of use of these weapons under any circumstances. We also support the universalization of the treaty establishing a nuclear-weapons-free zone in the Middle East. Such a mechanism in the Middle East would allow us to reduce tensions, to prevent nuclear proliferation, as well as to promote an environment that would be conducive to international and regional cooperation, all the while significantly contributing to the overarching objectives of disarmament and nonproliferation. Mr. President, we call on the nuclear weapons states to prioritize dialogue, transparency, and cooperation, rather than threat-based deterrence logic. Genuine strength lies in the ability to build mutual trust and to come up with collective solutions to the challenges hanging over global security. Thus, my delegation calls on Annex II states under the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty to reconsider their position so as to allow for the treaty's swift entry into force as well as its effective and universal implementation. Thus, we support the universalization of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. We believe that it is a complementary instrument, complementary both to the NPT and the CTBT. Furthermore, we reaffirm the fundamental importance of the inalienable right of all states, especially developing states, to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, in keeping with the NPT's provisions and under IAEA safeguards. By way of conclusion, we'd like to call for full cognizance of our moral and ethical responsibility, our responsibility as the guardians of our planet. We have a duty to future generations, and this should remain our absolute priority, guiding all of our commitments and the decisions we make. This requires heightened political resolve on the part of all of us, and in particular, states who do have nuclear weapons. Thank you very much.


President [31:08]:

I thank the representative of Djibouti for her statement. next speaker on my list is the representative of Samoa, His Excellency Fatu Manava Pa'olele Lutelu, Permanent Representative of Samoa to the United Nations.


Samoa · Permanent Representative [31:28]:

Thank you very much, Mr. President. Samoa aligns with the statement delivered by the Solomon Islands on behalf of parties to the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty the Treaty of Rarotonga. I congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency and assure you of Samoa's full support. This review conference takes place at a moment of acute global risk. The NPT has, for over 50 years, been the foundation of the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Today, that foundation is under serious strain. We are witnessing rising geopolitical tension, expanding and modernizing nuclear arsenals, and increasingly confrontational rhetoric. These developments weaken strategic stability and increase the risk of proliferation and active wars. Mr. President, the world and the Pacific region do not need nuclear weapons to survive. Nuclear weapons are a nemesis to all, including those that possess them. For our Pacific region, this reality is deeply personal. Our region has endured over 300 nuclear tests, the consequences of which continue to affect our people and environment across generation. Samoa therefore reiterate its total opposition to all nuclear testing and calls for the immediate universalization and entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Nuclear disarmament is not an abstract policy debate for us, but a historical necessity to ensure that the tragedies of the past are never repeated. Some of our communities living close to ground zero were relocated from their ancestral islands and restricted from using the ocean resources for their livelihoods. They also experienced an upsurge in medical problems, including cancers and birth defects. At the end of these nuclear tests, radioactive waste and machine were either buried or dumped into the Pacific Ocean. Samoa support the peaceful use of nuclear science and technology and value its cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency through its technical cooperation program. However, such use must always meet the highest standards of safety, security, and safeguard. Strengthening verification and compliance remain essential. For small island developing states, the risk of transboundary and transgenerational harm, particularly to the health of our ocean, is existential concern. Our region has set a clear course. Under the 2050 strategies for the blue Pacific continent, our leaders have declared the blue Pacific an ocean of peace, committed to the elimination of nuclear weapons and the protection of our environment and people. This vision, rooted in the Treaty of Rarotonga, is closely linked to the goal of this conference, to ensure the NPT's provisions are fully realized. We call on all State Parties to match commitment with action. The credibility of the NPT depends on tangible progress, particularly on disarmament. Let this Conference be a turning point, one that reinforces the integrity of the Treaty and delivers meaningful outcome for all, including the safeguarding of our blue Pacific for generations to come. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [36:06]:

I thank the representative of Samoa for his statement and for the kind words addressed to the Presidency. The next speaker on my list is the representative of Ecuador, Mr. Andres Montalvo, Permanent Representative of Ecuador to the United Nations.


Ecuador · Permanent Representative [36:24]:

Mr. President, aware of the complex task that you have, I would like to offer Ecuador's support to the President of the Review Conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, Ambassador Doan Viet. It's been said or implied in different statements that we've heard that states parties of the NPT have the very serious responsibility of achieving tangible and substantive results. is because of our collective consciousness that the current debates go beyond the merely theoretical. And our current reality means that there are growing risks of the use of nuclear weapons, as well as a rise in the number of conflict and tension, conflict situations and tension around the world. Therefore, we reaffirm the importance of the NPT as the fundamental pillar of the international architecture for disarmament and nonproliferation. President, colleagues, it's been repeated multiple times that nuclear weapons are a threat for humanity. This political message is not in vain. The very existence of nuclear armaments, the modernizing of arsenals, and the persistence of deterrence doctrines undermine international security and weaken trust among states. Ecuador, agrees with the majority of the international community. There are no circumstances that justify the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. The inevitable conclusion is that the only total guarantee to protect us against the existential risks of their use is the total, verifiable, and irreversible elimination of these kinds of weapons. It is no coincidence, therefore, that the majority of delegations have also reaffirmed the relevance of the three pillars of the NPT: disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. This balance is crucial for the credibility of the regime and should be implemented in a comprehensive and non-selective manner. Ecuador considers that the development of this conference has shown that there is a call for all nuclear weapons states to fully comply with their obligations on the basis of Article VI of the treaty. to move forward in good faith towards nuclear disarmament. The existence of thousands of nuclear weapons is proof that nuclear disarmament in practice continues to be a dead of the states parties of the NPT. President, at the same time, Ecuador advocates for the inalienable right to peacefully use nuclear energy without discrimination and based on states non-proliferation obligations. This right is fundamental for sustainable development, specifically in areas such as health, agriculture, and the fight against climate change. The contribution of the IAEA is something that we should highlight. And Ecuador thanks them for their contribution. Excellencies, I would like to conclude by mentioning two instruments that also warrant the attention of other delegations. First, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which Ecuador supports. We call for its universalization as a complementary tool that strengthens the NPT in the goal of moving towards the total elimination of nuclear armaments And the second element that I would like to mention is the Tlatelolco Treaty. Latin America and the Caribbean have shown that a world free from nuclear weapons is possible by becoming the first highly populated area free from these kinds of weapons through this exemplary international instrument. So I would like to support the arguments made by several colleagues from the region in terms of the impact of the Treaty of Tlatelolco. President, Excellencies, the moment demands political will, collective responsibility, and a renewed commitment to multilateralism. We cannot allow that inaction continues to erode the credibility of the non-proliferation regime. The NPT is not an end in and of itself. It is a means to reach our overarching goal of moving towards a world free from nuclear weapons that is safer, more just, and more humane. This is the challenge that we should meet with specific results in this review conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. I thank you.


President [41:16]:

I thank the representative of Ecuador for his statement. The next speaker on my list is the representative of Nepal, His Excellency Lok Bahadur Thapa, Permanent Representative of Nepal to the United Nations.


Nepal · Permanent Representative [41:33]:

Mr. President, distinguished delegates, Nepal associates itself with the statement delivered by Uganda on behalf of the States of Non-Aligned Movement that are parties to the NPT. Let me now deliver the following remarks in my national capacity. At the outset, I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election and assure you of my delegation's full support and cooperation in steering this important conference towards positive outcome. It is a great honor for Nepal to serve as one of vice presidents of this conference and urge all to demonstrate the spirit of solidarity and consensus to deliver tangible progress on the NPT. Mr. President, the global nuclear and disarmament architecture is facing immense pressures with rising conflict, widening mistrust, and skyrocketing spending on defense. The NPT reaffirmed our collective commitments to secure non-nuclear non-proliferation and a world free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Nearly six decades since its adoption, these commitments are far from being realized. We continue to live under the persistent threat of nuclear weapons at a time when SDG progress remains clearly off track, especially in the most vulnerable nations, amidst a heightened global uncertainty. Mr. President, Nepal believes that the overarching objectives of the NPT can only be achieved through balanced, comprehensive, and non-discriminatory implementation of all obligations across these three interlinked and mutually reinforcing pillars. Nepal reaffirms that a time-bound, general, and complete disarmament of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction is the only guarantee against their use and for lasting global peace and security. We call upon the nuclear-weapon states to fulfill their obligation on nuclear disarmament under Article VI of NPT in a transparent, irreversible, and verifiable manner. The possession of nuclear weapons under any pretext is against the spirit of the NPT treaty. We view that notions such as responsible possession, nuclear deterrence, and nuclear sharing perpetuate a dangerous nuclear status quo and are neither acceptable nor legitimate. In this regard, we emphasize the effective implementation of 13 practical steps of the 2064-point action plan of the 2010 Review Conference. Mr. President, Nepal stands against both horizontal and vertical proliferation, including modernization of nuclear weapons and nuclear sharing that run counter to the NPT provisions. We hold that the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons are crucial instruments complementing NPT and call upon states which have not done so to accede to these treaties without delay. Pending the entry into force of CTBT, a moratorium on nuclear weapons test explosions or any other nuclear explosions must be ensured. We also call for an early conclusion of the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty. Nepal underlines the importance of unconditional, non-discriminatory and legally binding security assurances. by nuclear-weapon States to the non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. In addition, Nepal attaches great importance to the establishment and maintenance of nuclear-weapon-free zones, including one in the Middle East, as practical and effective measures towards achieving a nuclear-weapon-free world, and thus call on Member States to support such initiatives. Mr. President, we reaffirm the inalienable right of every Member State to pursue peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the NPT framework, while adhering to relevant safety, safeguard, and security measures of International Atomic Energy Agency. We emphasize the necessity of robust international cooperation to ensure that developing and least developed countries have equitable access to develop and utilize nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in accordance with this treaty. Technical cooperation programs that support the scientific application of nuclear technology in areas such as industry, health, agriculture, and other beneficial fields should be promoted to harness the shared benefits. To conclude, Mr. President, Nepal reaffirms its longstanding commitments to the NPT as a cornerstone of global nuclear nonproliferation, nuclear disarmament, and peaceful uses of nuclear energy and technology. We must pursue and strengthen the universality of the treaty and ensure its good-faith implementation. Nepal stands steadfast to collaborate with all member states and partners for strengthening global peace and security, safeguarding human dignity, and ensuring a nuclear-weapons-free world. I thank you.


President [46:16]:

I thank the representative of Nepal for his statement and for the kind words addressed to the presidency. I now have the honor to invite the representative of Thailand, His Excellency Chaichai Chaiyavivad, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Thailand to the United Nations.


Thailand · Ambassador and Permanent Representative [46:35]:

Thank you. Mr. President, first of all, congratulations on your election as president of this conference. We are confident that your able leadership will guide us towards a successful and meaningful outcome. The residue of Thailand's full support. Thailand aligns itself with the statements of the non-aligned movement and ASEAN. President, escalating geopolitical tensions have raised alarm of the threat of nuclear conflict. We are deeply concerned by the eroding disarmament commitments amid nuclear brinkmanship and demonization of nuclear threats. The integration of artificial intelligence into nuclear systems with an unintended automated escalation, a gamble humanity cannot afford. Thailand's stance is clear. We cannot fix a deteriorating security architecture with more arms and fewer commitments. Our collective security demands a renewed commitment to robust multilateralism and rule-based international order, as well as strong political will. For over 50 years, the NPT has remained the cornerstone of international efforts on nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation, and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. To keep it relevant, States parties must collaborate to ensure balanced, transparent, and non-discriminatory implementation across all three pillars of the NPT. This conference must be the catalyst to ending the cycle of deadlock. Only by honoring our commitments can we meaningfully advance toward the goal of complete and general nuclear disarmament. Mr. President, The only true guarantee against the use of nuclear weapon is their total elimination. Thailand urges all nuclear weapon states to implement their Article VI obligations in a reversible, verifiable, and transparent manner. We call for sustained dialogue among nuclear weapon states, including efforts to conclude successor framework to the New START Treaty. In the meantime, Risk reduction must go hand in hand with disarmament efforts to foster trust and confidence and prevent miscalculations and unintended consequences. Thailand advocates for a multi-track approach to pursuing a world free of nuclear weapons, recognizing that complementarity will continue to support the universalization of key instruments particularly the TPNW and the CTBT, and stand ready to serve as a bridge builder to narrow the gaps and drive collective actions. Thailand reaffirms its support for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in all regions, including the Middle East, and encourages further efforts to provide legally binding security assurances in this context. As the depositary state of the Treaty on the Southeast Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone, or the Bangkok Treaty, Thailand advocates for enhanced dialogue between nuclear-weapon states and nuclear-weapon-free zones to bridge differences and address outstanding issues, including with a view to the signing and ratification of the protocol to the Bangkok Treaty by nuclear-weapon states. Thailand fully upholds its nuclear non-proliferation obligations, including under the Security Council Resolution 1540. We stand ready to cooperate with all parties, including with multilateral frameworks, to ensure full and effective implementation. The peaceful use of nuclear energy is the inalienable right of all states. Thailand remains committed to the IAEA's frameworks, including the comprehensive safeguards agreements and additional protocols, which are essential to ensuring the peaceful nature of nuclear development program. In a regional context, Thailand underscores the importance of ASEAN-IAEA cooperation, particularly through the practical arrangements. President, We must strengthen the review process in light of evolving global security landscape. The new political will is most needed to ensure effective NPT implementation. This conference represents a decisive moment to restore credibility and integrity of the NPT. Let us not repeat the failure of previous conferences. Thailand calls upon all state parties to engage constructively to a substantive outcome and the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world. I thank you very much for your kind attention.


President [52:01]:

I thank the representative of Thailand for his statement and for the kind words addressed to the presidency. I now have the honor to invite the representative of Jordan, His Excellency Walid Obaidat. Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Jordan to the United Nations. Take the floor.


Jordan · Ambassador and Permanent Representative [52:24]:

Thank you, President. Mr. President, at the outset, I would like to congratulate you and the members of the Bureau on your assumption of the presidency of the conference. We reaffirm our country's support for your valuable efforts to enhance the prospect for success and for achieving consensual outcomes and tangible impacts. Jordan also aligns itself with the statements delivered by the Arab Group, NAM, the chair of the seventh session of the conference on the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other WMDs. This conference convenes at a very critical stage. In this context, Jordan strongly condemns the unjustified attacks launched by the Islamic Republic of Iran against several neighboring countries, including Jordan. and the targeting of residential areas and buildings. This represents a violation of international law and a grave threat to international peace and security, and contradicts Security Council Resolution 2837. Mr. President, since the last review conference in 2022, international tensions have increased. While confidence in arms control arrangements have declined, nuclear weapon states have continued to modernize their arsenals in the absence of tangible progress in nuclear disarmament. Hence, the pressing need to reaffirm existing commitments, to preserve balance among the treaty's pillars, and to prevent further faltering. From this standpoint, and since 2019, when Jordan presided over the first conference on the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. Jordan has also hosted this year the preparatory conference for the review conference. We would like to emphasize that this conference represents a supportive process to implement the 1995 decision on the Middle East. We emphasize the need to translate this conference through the outcomes of the review conference. Mr. President, Jordan reaffirms the following six points. First, our commitment to the full, balanced and non-selective implementation of the NPT, preserving the integration among its three pillars: nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We stress the universality of the Treaty and the need for all States to accede to it without preconditions. Second, the need to achieve real progress in implementing the treaty's obligations, particularly Article VI of the treaty. We reject the continued modernization of nuclear arsenals or the expansion of the role of nuclear weapons in security and military doctrines. This includes supporting efforts to reduce nuclear risks and strengthening negative security assurances that are unconditional and non-discriminatory for non-nuclear weapon states, pending their total elimination. Third, the centrality of the 1995 resolution on the Middle East. As I have already mentioned, this resolution is an essential part of the package that led to the indefinite extension of the treaty. Its full implementation is an ongoing obligation that must neither be undermined nor bypassed. We reaffirm our support for establishing a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other WMDs. And we stress that the UN conference dedicated to this track is a supportive and complimentary mechanism to implement the 1995 resolution and is not a substitute to this decision. Fourth, the necessity for Israel to accede to the Treaty as a non-nuclear weapons state and to place all its nuclear facilities under comprehensive safeguards of the IAEA. Fifth, preserving the inalienable rights of State Parties to develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, according to Article IV of the Treaty. Sixth, support the central role of the IAEA in safeguards and verification and the strengthening of its technical cooperation programs. In conclusion, Mr. President, we hope that this conference will reach a consensus that can be translated into practical outcomes and results that will reaffirm prior commitments and demonstrate that multilateralism remains capable of addressing the most pressing issues affecting international peace and security, and that our common goals and the Non-Proliferation Treaty are still a priority that is implementable. Thank you, President.


President [57:21]:

I thank the representative of Jordan for his statement. And I have the honor to invite the representative of the State of Palestine, His Excellency Riyadh Mansour, Minister, Permanent Observer of the State of Palestine to the United Nations, to take the floor.


State of Palestine · Minister, Permanent Observer [57:38]:

Thank you, Mr. President. Allow me at the outset to congratulate you for presiding over the 11th Review Conference of the Parties of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Be assured, Mr. President, of my delegation's full support. The State of Palestine aligns itself with the statements made by Egypt on behalf of the Arab Group and Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement. Mr. President, humanity finds itself living under a nuclear sword, inching closer and closer to our necks, threatening our mere existence, our planet, and life as we know it. Peoples around the world are all living in fear, engulfed by terror, subsisting under the perpetual, crushing burden of armament. It feels that we are minutes away from a disaster, but we know that we are one miscalculation away from abolishment and one accident away from annihilation. If humanity does not put an end to nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons may very well one day put an end to humanity. This is why, Mr. President, this Review Conference should bring about genuine progress, especially when it comes to nuclear disarmament. It should reinforce the dividing line between our capacity to build and our capacity to destroy. The Non-Proliferation Treaty is the enduring cornerstone of the disarmament regime. Its full implementation is both the measure and the vehicle for disarmament, non-proliferation, and peaceful uses, its three mutually reinforcing pillars, which should be pursued together and with equal determination in a time-bound manner. Mr. President, the indefinite extension of the treaty was never meant and could never mean indefinite acceptance of the existence of nuclear weapons and indefinite delaying of full, complete, irreversible, and verifiable nuclear disarmament. The State of Palestine reiterates that nuclear weapons, their use and threat of use are and have always been illegal as they violate by their very essence the fundamental principles of humanity and distinction. Nuclear deterrence is an oxygen Peace and stability cannot arise by the threat of assured and mutual destruction. Nuclear deterrence is not a sane, safe, or sustainable model. We recall that the conclusion of negotiations leading to disarmament is not an equivocation, but a legal obligation clearly stated by the ICJ, which requires concrete and time-bound actions by the nuclear weapon states to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons in accordance with their nuclear disarmament legal obligations and commitments, and most importantly, what morality and humanity demand. Mr. President, as there can be no justification for the exceptional status granted to nuclear weapons, there can be no justification for Israeli exceptionalism in our region. We reject the presence of nuclear weapons in our region. Our region should be free of nuclear weapons, full stop. The dangerous precedent continues to loom over the future of our region. The State of Palestine stresses that this review must further the implementation of the 1995 resolution in establishing a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. which is an integral part of the package that led to the indefinite extension of the treaty and whose objectives are yet to be realized. This is a recognition of the significance of our region, given its history and geography and the conflicts it is a witness to. For the past decades, our concessions have been met by obstruction, our patience by intransigence, and fundamental commitments by disregard. We thus welcome the successful convening of the sixth sessions of the Conference on the Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons. We reiterate that the Conference is open to all invited parties and operates by consensus. Those who decide to exclude themselves cannot blame others for their so-called exclusion. We call on the three co-sponsors of the 1995 resolution to uphold their obligations. This is indispensable. for regional and international peace and security, and for the credibility of their calls for nuclear nonproliferation in our region. Mr. President, in conclusion, the treaty was a negotiated product of finely tuned compromises an accepted balance of responsibilities and obligations for which all parties could be held accountable and that could be measured, monitored, and strengthened to advance disarmament while promoting the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The treaty must be strengthened, not undermined. The only effective remedy against the threat nuclear weapons pose on all humanity is ridding the world of those weapons. The only effective remedy against nuclear proliferation is complete nuclear disarmament. What happened in Hiroshima and Nagasaki did unfortunately not stop the nuclear weapons race, but rather accelerated it. May the memories of the victims and the suffering of the survivors finally guide us on a wiser path away from such horrors, and I thank you very much, Mr. President.


President [1:04:28]:

I thank the representative of the State of Palestine for his statement. Next speaker on my list is the representative of Paraguay.


Paraguay [1:04:44]:

Thank you very much, Mr. President, and we wish you all the best in your work this morning. First, we would like to thank the Presidency for their efforts to find solutions to the many challenges that we are facing in the sector. President, you can count on my delegation's collaboration in the discharge of your mandate. President, delegations, the difficult current context when it comes to international security reminds us once again that peace in the world depends on a delicate balance. If it is disturbed, it can have grave consequences. We reiterate that it is deeply concerning to see the revival of a security model based on deterrence and the threat of use of nuclear weapons. Once again, the shadow of a humanitarian catastrophe that is incalculable overcomes the world. And it is important to bear in mind that what for some means security, for the vast majority of countries in the world is the opposite. It is a latent risk that puts at risk collective security and the well-being of current and future generations. President, we are convinced that the NPT is the basis of the disarmament regime, as well as nonproliferation and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. This is why its balanced, comprehensive, and nondiscriminatory implementation of its three pillars is fundamental to achieve its goals. We are also convinced that this instrument is perfected and complemented within the international disarmament architecture by the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Likewise, President The statements declared nuclear weapons free zones, such as those created by the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which my country is a party to, as well as Rarotonga and Antarctica, are another fundamental effort that reinforces this universal architecture through regional efforts. President, Paraguay reiterates the need to fully respect the inalienable right of all states to develop, research, produce, and use nuclear energy. peacefully without discrimination as it is recognized and contemplated in Article 4 of the NPT, which also recognizes the critical role carried out by the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, and its safeguard systems in the application of State Parties' obligations based on the Treaty. We would also like to underline that it is unacceptable that these rights are used to mask other intentions or goals The important contributions of peaceful nuclear applications have for food security, health, nutrition, as well as the prevention and control of diseases, animal welfare and husbandry, and environmental protection. and the management of water resources, among others, are fundamental for Paraguay. Based on this precedent, we would like to conclude by highlighting that this review conference should be geared to prioritizing areas of common interest that are low-hanging fruit, such as the issue of the peaceful use of nuclear energy, and to discuss regional approaches to collaborate when it comes to the use of nuclear energy, as well as education on disarmament and nonproliferation, and the building and strengthening of capacities through international cooperation for non-nuclear weapon states and developing countries. Thank you, President.


President [1:08:18]:

I thank the representative of Paraguay for his statement and for the kind words addressed to the Presidency. I now have the honor to invite the representative of Islamic Republic of Iran, His Excellency Reza Naghafi, Permanent Representative of Iran to the United Nations in Vienna, to take the floor.


Iran (Islamic Republic of) · Permanent Representative [1:08:39]:

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Mr. President, I congratulate you for assuming the presidency of this conference and assure you of our fullest cooperation. My delegation also associate itself with the Non-Aligned Movement statement. We are meeting at a time when the international legal order is declining, and the hegemonic policies and unlawful use of force have fundamentally shattered the treaty's very foundations. Only in less than nine months in 2025 and 2026, the world observed two wars of aggression by two nuclear weapon possessors against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Both began under the pretext related to Iran's peaceful nuclear program, using the Nazi propaganda tactic of big lie. Repeat a lie often enough and it becomes the truth. For well over 1,700 weeks, the Israeli regime's officials repeated this big lie that Iran is only a few weeks away from developing nuclear weapons. The aim was to divert attention from its atrocities and its nuclear weapon program. While all of Iran's enriched uranium has always been under the IAEA's fullest supervision and continued for even up to its last gram, until now there is no report whatsoever about the diversion of even one gram of such material. The Americans falsely portrayed Iran's enriched uranium as a danger. Again, the aim was to distract attention away from the 55 years of clear noncompliance of U.S. with its nuclear disarmament obligation, as well as to demonize Iran and to invade it. But massive attacks on our civilian infrastructure, schools, universities, hospitals, bridges, homes, mosques, churches, synagogues, historical places, and the like reveal the ugly truth. They delusionally intended to destroy our integrity, independence, and civilization, send us back to the Stone Age, and get our oil and gas. But before that, they should have studied our history, our culture, and our civilization to understand the meaning of martyrdom and the rationale behind a civilized nation's resistance up to the last drop of its blood. Likewise, they must have understood that, contemporarily, we have been and are very well known for defeating invaders and taking back our territory, sovereignty, independence, and oil and gas, our gravest crime in the lens of Western invaders. In their cowardly aggressions, our beloved leader, a man of peace and dignity, with his well-known fatwa on rejection of nuclear weapons and other WMDs, was martyred, along with him, more than 3,400 civilians. Only in one case, In a triple tap strike on a girls' primary school in city of Minab, 168 innocent children aged between seven and 12 mercilessly torn to pieces. In a matter of moment, their angel-like faces and beautiful eyes were buried under the rubble, and with them, their dreams, jokes, and laughter too. In reaction to these brutal aggressions, The UN Security Council and the IAEA Board of Governors and its Director General failed to even issue a simple verbal condemnation. Worse still, resolutions were adopted against Iran in which, regrettably, the victim replaced with the murderer and no reference was made to either the crimes or the name of the murderers. This inaction and indifference indicates that the world is rapidly moving down the slope of moral and legal decline. Does appeasement and silence toward the aggressors mean anything other than aiding and abetting them? Wouldn't it result in emboldening them to commit more crimes more brutally against more nations? Mr. President, let us now take a look, quick look, at the challenges of the treaty. On nuclear disarmament, global nuclear arsenals are expanding. Thousands of nuclear warheads are on high alert and ready for use. And the U.S., UK, and France have started a new nuclear arms race and a new nuclear arms modernization race. These are the continuation of over 55 years of clear noncompliance with their explicit legal obligations on nuclear disarmament. On nuclear nonproliferation, NATO's nuclear sharing arrangement continues to represent a direct operational proliferation mechanism under which five non-nuclear weapon states, including Belgium, Germany, and the Netherlands, host around 100 U.S. nuclear weapons, and their pilots are trained for nuclear strike missions. Additionally, German officials are brazenly and yet publicly advocating for the acquisition of nuclear weapons. France announced a nuclear alliance with the European countries, and Australia, together with the U.S. and U.K., engage in new proliferation arrangement under AUKUS. There are actual proliferation cases. These are actual proliferation cases and seriously breach the non-proliferation obligation of these states. However, we have all heard in this room over the past two days how representatives of countries involved in these arrangements brazenly justify their action, which are in clear violation of Article 1, 2, and 6 of the treaty, while making baseless claims against Iran's peaceful nuclear program. Iran strongly condemns all such violations. In the same context, it is more than 31 years that the 1995 resolution on the Middle East, an essential element of the treaty's indefinite extension, has not been implemented. As a result, the Israeli regime has remained as the only non-party to the NPT in the region. Its clandestine nuclear activities and facilities are outside the IAEA safeguards, possesses tens of nuclear warheads, and its official brazenly threatened to use them, posing a grave threat to peace and security of the region and beyond. On the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, a group of states continue to make persistent systematic efforts to demonize exercise of certain aspects of this inalienable right or artificially link them to proliferation concerns. Additionally, safeguards are being implemented in a very discriminatory, politicized, and highly restrictive manner to force a state to abandon their inherent right to develop a full national nuclear fuel cycle. The worst is that The U.S., one of the treaty's depositories, publicly and explicitly forces Iran to fully abandon the exercise of this inherent right. And when this unlawful demand was categorically rejected, the U.S., along with a nuclear-armed non-party to the NPT, has waged two wars of aggression and massively targeted state parties' safeguarded peaceful nuclear facilities. All these and similar policies and practices materially breach the treaty, violate its object and purpose, and seriously jeopardize the delicate balance between the rights and obligations of the states parties. Mr. President, these accumulated grave challenges reveal two realities. One, all treaty pillars have shaken, cracked, and fractured, putting the treaty's entirety at risk. And two, the Western states, particularly the US, UK, France, and Germany, are responsible for the most of these challenges, either through their 55 years of noncompliance with their nuclear disarmament obligation, or treaty's violation in the form of nuclear weapon sharing, an arrangement like ACUS. We cannot ignore these stark realities. Rather, we must act and act decisively. This requires, among others, adopting practical and balanced decisions to address the root causes of treaty's challenges, depoliticizing the treaty's application, and stopping instrumentalization of the IAEA and its safeguard system. To that end, Through its working papers, Iran has made concrete proposals which mainly focus on four key areas. Unequivocal reaffirmation of absolute prohibition of any attack, any armed attack on safeguarded nuclear facilities. Concrete time-bound plan for the total elimination of all nuclear weapons. A decisive decision on the Middle East by compelling the Israeli regime to renounce the possession of nuclear weapons and to join the NPT; and, finally, the reaffirmation of the inalienable right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in all its aspects, including an inherent right to a full national nuclear fuel cycle. Finally, Iran will work towards adopting a balanced, substantive, and concrete final document. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [1:19:39]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Iran for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Elmer Shalla, Permanent Representative of Peru to the United Nations Office in Geneva. You have the floor.


Peru · Permanent Representative [1:19:59]:

Ambassador, His Excellency, at the outside, At the outset, I wish to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to chair this 11th review of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. You can count on Peru's full support.

Mr. President, we are deeply disquieted by changes in the international security landscape. We're seeing an erosion of trust between states. The security landscape is deteriorating.

And we see that, again, there's a growing role assigned to nuclear weapons. And all of this certainly makes up a challenging landscape. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the cornerstone of the international regime, is experiencing tensions that have created stress for the commitment that sustains it since 1970. The situation in the Middle East has highlighted the fragility of the balance that underpins this regime. The lack of progress towards a nuclear-weapons-free zone and other weapons of mass destruction in that region recalls that commitments should become specific and tangible results. And to this, we see that there are recent statements and actions of some non-nuclear weapons states to obtain guarantees under nuclear deterrence schemes, such as the expiration of the New START Treaty. My country considers that this is completely unacceptable. This does not strengthen international security. On the contrary, it creates more uncertainty. In this context, Peru reaffirms its commitment to the three pillars of the NPT: nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. None of these can stand if the others are weakened. This balance is indispensable to preserve the credibility of the Treaty. When it comes to nuclear disarmament, my country has actively contributed to the deliberations in the disarmament conference in Geneva, and specifically by coordinating subsidiary organ number one in 2024 and 2025. When it comes to safeguards, Peru has a history of cooperation with the IEA. IAEA, and this includes the application of the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement and the Additional Protocol. Moreover, we promote the peaceful uses of nuclear energy for sustainable development, public health, agriculture, and the management of water resources. As a State Party of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, our region has shown that security can be built upon trust rather than threats. Latin America and the Caribbean was the first highly populated area to declare itself free from nuclear weapons and continues to be an example of regional cooperation. In that spirit, we reiterate our support to efforts to establish a zone free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East, based on commitments adopted in 1995 and reaffirmed thereafter. Upholding these commitments is not just a political obligation, it is a strategic necessity, President. For Peru, the priorities in this Conference are clear: advancing towards nuclear disarmament in a verifiable, irreversible and transparent manner, but unequivocally reaffirming the commitments enshrined in Article VI of the Treaty. to negotiate without delay a universal and legally binding instrument on negative security assurances to reduce nuclear risks, including measures relating to doctrines, operational alerts, and strategic transparency, and strengthening accountability through national reporting and follow-up mechanisms. We believe that transparency and responsibility are a key to rebuild trust and revitalize our commitment with the NPT. Because when trust disappears, the risk grows. And when the risk grows, no nation is safe. Finally, my country reaffirms its conviction that multilateralism and disarmament diplomacy continue to be the most effective tools to face current challenges. No state can ensure on its own the security of everyone. Humanity does not need new nuclear doctrines, it needs political will. It does not need more deterrence. It needs cooperation. It does not need to live with these weapons. It needs to decide to eliminate them. I thank you.


President [1:24:53]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Peru for his statement. I now invite His Excellency Abdullah Ali Fadel Al-Sadi, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Yemen to the United Nations. You have the floor, sir.


Yemen · Permanent Representative [1:25:10]:

Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the 11th session of the NPT Review Conference. We are fully confident in your ability to guide our work towards achieving the desired objectives. My delegation aligns itself with the statement of the Arab Group, the Non-Aligned Movement, and the President of the seventh session of the Conference on Establishing a Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East. I would like to make the following statement in my national capacity. The review conference is held in a delicate international context marked by increasing polarization, rising geopolitical tensions, declining trust in arms control regimes, and increasing rhetoric regarding nuclear deterrence, these developments place the NPT before a decisive test, which requires restoring the balance among the three pillars. This also requires enhancing the implementation of the three pillars in an integrated way without selectivity, especially as two decades have passed without reaching an updated agreement to move forward with implementing the NPT. The Republic of Yemen acceded to the NPT, like other Arab states, as we are fully committed to the principles of nonproliferation and disarmament. And as we believe that the possession or development of nuclear weapons constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security, we remain fully committed to nuclear disarmament. This is an indispensable priority to maintain international security. We call upon nuclear weapons states to fulfill their commitments and to take practical, concrete measures to reduce their arsenals and to enhance transparency and build trust. the President regarding on proliferation. The NPT remains the fundamental legal framework to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. However, the credibility of this regime requires a global comprehensive commitment to the provisions of the treaty without exception. That includes subjecting all nuclear activities to the IAEA comprehensive safeguards regime. In this context, The existence of nuclear capabilities outside of the NPT, especially in the Middle East, is a fundamental challenge that undermines the non-proliferation regime and that fuels instability. While all Arab countries have adhered to the treaty, Israel remains outside of this framework. It continues to refuse to subject its nuclear facilities to international control. This poses a serious threat to the security equilibrium in the Middle East and fuels instability in this vital part of the world. The establishment of the zone free of nuclear weapons and other WMDs in the Middle East remains a fundamental objective and the urgent need to enhance international and regional security. This objective is based on well-established terms of reference, most notably the 1995 resolution on the Middle East, which is an integral part of the understandings that led to the extension of the NPT. Accordingly, failure to implement all elements of this package puts the legal validity of the rest of the elements into question. We express our deep concern over continued failure to implement this resolution and the the absence of any progress to implement the outcomes of the 2010 conference. We are also concerned over the failure of successive review conference in reaching a consensus that addresses this issue. The 1995 resolution remains valid until it's fully implemented. Any Parallel tracks cannot replace this resolution. They only support and complement it. The Republic of Yemen calls for supporting the sessions of the Conference on the Establishment of a Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and other WMDs in the Middle East. The seventh session is held this year under the presidency of the Sultanate of Oman. We call for the participation of all concerned states and all states of the Middle East in this conference, especially Israel, that still refuses to accede to the NPT. It refuses all international initiatives that aim at ensuring the universality of the treaty. It is important for the co-sponsors of the 1995 resolution to honor their commitments. Mr. President, regarding the peaceful use of nuclear energy, we stress that it's an inalienable right of all states to develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful means, which is consistent with the NPT. It is important to protect this right from any unjustifiable restrictions. At the same time, all states must fully comply with international safeguards. It is also important to enhance the role of the IAEA and support technical cooperation programs, especially to the benefit of developing countries. This would contribute to using nuclear applications in critical areas such as healthcare, food security, and the management of natural resources. The Republic of Yemen looks forward to this session restoring the momentum of the NPT review process. We look forward to practical outcomes that enhance the effectiveness and credibility of the NPT. We support all international efforts that aim to establish a world free of nuclear weapons. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [1:31:15]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Yemen for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Pierre Moko Morico, Permanent Representative of Cote d'Ivoire. You have the floor, Excellency.


Côte d’Ivoire · Permanent Representative [1:31:30]:

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, my delegation congratulates you on your election As President of this conference, rest assured you will have our full cooperation throughout our proceedings. We align ourselves with the statements delivered by the Africa Group as well as the Non-Aligned Movement. In a national capacity, we would like to make the following remarks. Mr. President, over five decades after it entered into force, The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the international disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Nonetheless, we are compelled to acknowledge that the Treaty's credibility is being put to the test today. Indeed, this conference is being held against the backdrop of an international context marked by the rise of heightened fragmentation of the multilateral order, a rise of strategic rivalries between the great powers, and a progressive weakening of disarmament instruments. Now, these disquieting trends weaken the collective security architecture. Nuclear risks, which many had believed consigned to history, are reappearing in new forms, fuelled by the modernization of arsenals, the development of emerging technologies, and the erosion of confidence-building mechanisms. Mr. President, this Review Conference is not just another meeting. It is a litmus test for the credibility of the international disarmament architecture. Indeed, as global equilibria are being completely overhauled, the balanced and non-selective implementation of the three NPT pillars is a test of our collective wisdom. On disarmament, Cote d'Ivoire is deeply disquieted by the lack of substantive progress on the reduction of nuclear arsenals. We call on States with nuclear weapons to exhibit leadership and to honour their commitments. On this note, my delegation reiterates its conviction that the NPT is complementary to other disarmament instruments. such as the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. On non-proliferation, my country reiterates its commitment to the pivotal role played by the IAEA's safeguards. We call for meticulous respect for international obligations and for a strengthening of the safeguards regime. Preventing any kind of proliferation is therefore of absolute importance. My delegation hence believes that it is vital that we guarantee the parity and reinforce the operationalization of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization international monitoring system. And in fact, Cote d'Ivoire is hosting two stations under the scheme. Turning now to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, this third pillar is for Cote d'Ivoire and the entire African continent a development challenge with immediately applicable and very concrete scope. My delegation insists on the need to guarantee equitable access to nuclear technologies for peaceful purposes, especially for developing countries. Cote d'Ivoire is proud of our technical cooperation with the IAEA, which has resulted in the opening in Abidjan of the first radiotherapy center in the country, as well as in the capacity building work in radiological safety. Now, these achievements illustrate the tangible benefits of the NPT for Africans. My delegation, therefore, calls for significant strengthening of the IAEA's technical cooperation program for developing countries so that the atom can decisively serve health, agriculture, environmental, and food security interests. Cote d'Ivoire is proud to be a party to the Pelindaba Treaty, which has made the African continent into a concrete example of how we can commit to nuclear disarmament. By choosing collective security free from nuclear weapons, Africa has chosen trust over deterrence. This choice is not tantamount to forswearing anything. It is our vision. Mr. President, the trust deficit between States Parties is one of the main obstacles to concrete progress. This is why we call for the following: a strengthening of inclusive strategic dialogue, a revitalization of multilateralism, and an approach that is underpinned by collective responsibility. Mr. President, three consecutive review conferences without a final substantive document would send a sorry signal about disarmament multilateralism. We have the tools, we have the legitimacy, we have the moral obligation to take action. The status quo is no longer a viable option. The history of disarmament is made up of moments of political courage. This is one such moment. On our side, Cote d'Ivoire, as a committed actor, a committed multilateralism, reasserts its resolute commitment to a world free from nuclear weapons underpinned by collective security, cooperation, and mutual trust. I thank you.


President [1:36:44]:

I thank the distinguished permanent representative of Cote d'Ivoire. And now I have the honor to invite His Excellency Mohammed Issa Abu Shab, the permanent representative of the United Arab Emirates. You have the floor, Excellency.


United Arab Emirates · Permanent Representative [1:37:00]:

Mr. President, I would like to congratulate you once again on assuming the presidency of this review conference. The United Arab Emirates stands ready to work constructively under your leadership toward a credible, balanced, and action-oriented outcome. We call on all States Parties to engage in a spirit of flexibility and shared responsibility with a renewed commitment to consensus. The UAE aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the Arab Group and the Nonproliferation and Disarmament Initiative. Mr. President, at a time of heightened geopolitical tensions and mounting pressures on international peace and security, the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains indispensable as a cornerstone of the global nuclear nonproliferation regime and for advancing nuclear disarmament. The total elimination of nuclear weapons remains the only absolute guarantee against the use or threat of use of such weapons. At the same time, the peaceful uses of nuclear energy constitute an inalienable right of all States Parties to be exercised in conformity with the Treaty. The UAE continues to demonstrate that a peaceful nuclear energy program can be developed responsibly, transparently, and in full compliance with international obligations. Our national experience serves as a practical model of how the NPT framework enables the safe and secure development of nuclear energy while reinforcing international confidence. In this context, we underscore the central role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in verifying compliance and safeguarding the integrity of the nonproliferation regime. We reaffirm the importance of universal adherence to the Additional Protocol as a critical instrument for strengthening transparency and building confidence in exclusively peaceful nuclear programs. We also reiterate the importance of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and call on all states that have not yet done so to sign and ratify it without delay. Mr. President, the UAE has consistently expressed deep concern regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran's conduct, particularly in relation to its nuclear activities, missile program, and destabilizing behavior in the region. The UAE condemns in the strongest terms Iran's missile and drone attacks, which commenced on 28 February 2026 against the UAE and other countries in the region that are not parties to the conflict with Iran. This unprovoked aggression by Iran and the deliberate targeting of civilians, civilian objects, and critical infrastructure constitutes a grave violation of international law. This broader pattern of aggression and terrorism cannot be separated from the serious and longstanding concerns surrounding Iran's nuclear and missile programs. A state that unleashes large-scale, unprovoked attacks against its neighbors while simultaneously restricting international verification cannot credibly assert the peaceful nature of its nuclear activities. The continued inability of the IAEA to verify that Iran's nuclear material is exclusively for peaceful purposes due to insufficient cooperation and restricted access is a serious proliferation concern. Iran's enrichment of uranium up to 60 percent, a degree of enrichment that has no credible civilian justification, further heightens international alarm. The UAE therefore calls on Iran to immediately restore full, unconditional, and sustained cooperation with the IAEA, to provide complete transparency regarding its nuclear program, and to comply fully and without conditions with its safeguard obligations. Mr. President, Iran is not the only country whose actions are raising concerns. Similar proliferation challenges persist beyond our region, including the continued development of nuclear and ballistic missile programs by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which threatens regional and international security and stability. This review conference therefore remains as relevant and indispensable as ever, and the seriousness of the challenges before us must be reflected in the ambition of its outcome. The UAE reaffirms its commitment to working with all partners in pursuit of a safer world free of nuclear weapons. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [1:41:43]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of the United Arab Emirates for his statement. I now have the honor to invite His Excellency Ahmad Faisal Mohamed, the Permanent Representative of Malaysia to the United Nations. You have the floor, Excellency.


Malaysia · Permanent Representative [1:42:02]:

Mr. President, my delegation congratulates you on your election as President of the Review Conference. and assures you of our full cooperation and support. Malaysia associates itself with the statements delivered by the Philippines on behalf of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and by Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement. The NPT remains the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Yet, decades on, we remain far from the shared goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. The credibility of the Treaty now, more than ever, hinges on the delivery of concrete and irreversible progress, not mere reiteration of commitments. We must demonstrate that the Treaty remains fit for purpose in addressing both longstanding and emerging challenges. In today's environment of heightened geopolitical tension, the risks of miscalculation and escalation are real and growing. Malaysia is deeply concerned that evolving doctrines risk normalizing the notion that nuclear weapons confer security, when in reality, they exacerbate insecurity for all. Any use of nuclear weapons, whether by design or miscalculation, would have catastrophic and irreversible humanitarian and environmental consequences that transcend borders. Such consequences would be global in scope and beyond the capacity of any state or system to manage. Malaysia therefore maintains its principled position on the total elimination of nuclear weapons within the framework of general and complete disarmament. Malaysia reiterates that the NPT's three pillars, disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy are mutually reinforcing and must be implemented in a full, balanced, and non-discriminatory manner. However, current trends reflect not only stagnation, but regression, with renewed arms competition and the gradual erosion of established norms. Malaysia calls on all States Parties to uphold non-proliferation obligations consistently, while ensuring that the peaceful uses pillar is advanced through effective cooperation and capacity building without discrimination. This Review Conference must serve as a decisive moment to restore confidence in the Treaty through meaningful and measurable action. Mr. President, Commitments agreed at the 1995, 2000 and 2010 review conferences remain valid and must be fully implemented. These are not political aspirations, but binding undertakings that must be honoured without delay. Malaysia urges the nuclear weapons states to demonstrate leadership through tangible, measurable and irreversible actions, including enhanced transparency, and risk reduction measures. Malaysia also looks forward to the first review conference of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, TPNW, later this year. We view the treaty as a complementary instrument that reinforces the global disarmament architecture and strengthens momentum towards fulfilling Article VI of the NPT. It reflects the clear and unequivocal position of the international community that nuclear weapons must never be used under any circumstances. As a state party to the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty, or SEANWFZ, Malaysia underscores that nuclear weapon-free zones are practical mechanisms that reduce risks and build confidence. We call for the signing and ratification of the protocol to the Tlatelolco Treaty at the earliest opportunity and urge nuclear weapons states to respect the denuclearized status of all such zones. Malaysia further supports the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. In light of the deteriorating regional security environment, This objective has become more urgent than ever. We reaffirm the continuing importance of the 1995 resolution on the Middle East. Mr. President, Malaysia is deeply concerned by developments in the Middle East, which continue to erode confidence in the global non-proliferation regime. In this regard, Malaysia condemns Israel's actions that fuel instability and undermine prospects for peace and security in the region. Malaysia unequivocally reiterates that the integrity of the NPT cannot be preserved while one state in the region remains outside the treaty and continues to benefit from exceptionalism. Israel must accede to the NPT without delay and place all its nuclear facilities under comprehensive IAEA safeguards. Malaysia also remains concerned by developments in the Korean Peninsula following the surge in ballistic missile launches by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK, which continue to undermine regional and international peace and security. We call for restraint, de-escalation, and the resumption of dialogue towards the realization of lasting peace and stability in a denuclearized Korean Peninsula. On peaceful uses of nuclear energy, Malaysia reiterates that Article 4 on the inalienable right of states parties to develop research and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes must be fully implemented without discrimination. This right must not be constrained by political considerations unrelated to treaty obligations. Malaysia recognizes that the IAEA is the sole competent authority for safeguards verification and remains committed to fulfilling its obligations. The days ahead will be challenging. Following successive review cycles without a substantive outcome, Failure is not an option for this conference. Malaysia stands ready to engage constructively with all States Parties to achieve a balanced and forward-looking outcome that strengthens the NPT and our collective security. Thank you, Mr. President.


President [1:49:16]:

I thank the Distinguished Permanent Representative of Malaysia for his statement. I now have the honour to give the floor to His Excellency Tong Van Savanhphet, Permanent representative of Lao People's Democratic Republic. You have the floor, Excellency.


Lao People's Democratic Republic · Permanent Representative [1:49:33]:

Mr. President, Excellencies, at the outset, my delegation congratulates you, Ambassador Do Hong Viet, on your election as President of the 2026 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and assures you of our full support We also extend our congratulations to all members of the Bureau. My delegation aligns itself with the statements delivered by the the distinguished representative of Uganda on behalf of Non-Aligned Movement, and the Philippines on behalf of ASEAN. Mr. President, today we still witness that nuclear weapons continue to pose major threats to global peace and security and survival of humankind. Our current and future generations continue to live under the constant fear and risk of nuclear catastrophe. The Lao PDR, therefore joins the majority of UN Member States in calling for urgent action towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons. The Lao PDR reiterates that the total elimination of nuclear weapons is the only fundamental guarantee against the use or threat of such weapons. We view that the NPT remains the cornerstone of global nuclear nonproliferation regime and an essential foundation for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament. We call on all States Parties to the NPT to renew their commitments towards the full implementation of the Treaty. The Lao PDR believes that the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, nuclear-free -- weapons-free zones, and relevant UNSC resolutions collectively make important contributions to the strengthening of global nuclear disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation and play a complementary and significant role in realizing our common desire for a world free of nuclear weapons. As a party to the Southeast Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones, or SEANFEZ Treaty, my delegation views that the creation of regional nuclear-weapon-free zones has made significant contribution to the strengthening of global nuclear disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation. The SEANFEZ Treaty reflects the commitment of countries in Southeast Asia to progress towards general and complete disarmament of nuclear weapons and preserving the Southeast Asian region as a nuclear-weapon-free zone and free of all other weapons of mass destruction. The Lao PDR also recognizes the critical role of the IAEA in nuclear nonproliferation and promotion of peaceful use of nuclear science and technology, ensuring compliance with the NPT through various safeguards agreements. In closing, My delegation reiterates the Lao PDR's continued commitment to working closely with other States Parties to advance the NPT objective. We underscore the importance of renewed strong political will and joint efforts by States Parties to achieve successful outcomes of the Review Conference. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [1:53:11]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of the Lao PDR for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Slovenia.


Slovenia [1:53:23]:

Thank you, Mr. President, and congratulations on your election. Let me assure you of my delegation's full support throughout the next weeks. I would like to wish you successful work towards an action-oriented final document. However, global events and trends are working against us, even more so than in the past. As already mentioned in the statement by the European Union, with which Slovenia fully aligns, the NPT has been providing security benefits to all State Parties for over five decades. Our work at the Review Conferences must ensure this continues to be the case. And we will achieve it only by strengthening the Treaty in all of its three pillars. Mr. President, I would like to recall that NATO's extended deterrence is fully compatible with the NPT. We reject the false narratives of its scope and nature. In parallel, Slovenia fully recognizes Article VI as an integral part of the NPT. It is a legal obligation of all the parties to work towards the ultimate goal, a world without nuclear weapons. In this spirit, I would like to recall the statement of the P5 from 2022 that nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. Slovenia subscribes to a progressive, step-by-step approach to nuclear disarmament, with tangible results and concrete benefits. Additionally, we support efforts at confidence-building, transparency, and risk reduction. In this context, the CTBT and its organization not only serve as a powerful deterrent to nuclear testing, but also provide tangible civilian benefits like early warning alerts. Slovenia is committed to the entry into force of the CTBT, which is long overdue, and calls on all states to abide by the existing moratorium on nuclear testing. Capping the nuclear weapon fissile material production is equally important. Progress towards the FMCT is critical. In the meantime, all nuclear weapons states should declare and uphold a moratorium on production of nuclear weapons-grade fissile material. As the New START treaty ended, arms control revival is more needed than ever. Slovenia calls for urgent work towards a new legally binding framework limiting the largest nuclear arsenals. We support the United States efforts for multilateral stability arms control talks. Mr. President, with regard to nonproliferation, Slovenia fully supports the work of the IAEA and calls for the universalization of the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement together with an Additional Protocol. Proliferation of nuclear weapons is unacceptable, and Slovenia remains concerned with the unclear nature of Iran's nuclear program. The recent military escalation in Iran and the wider region has not done away with these concerns. Slovenia calls on all sides to prioritize de-escalation and protection of civilian and civilian infrastructure. We express our solidarity with the countries of the region and call for the implementation of the Security Council Resolution 2817. There is only a diplomatic solution to Iran's nuclear program, and the EIA must be a part of it. Slovenia is concerned with the implications of armed attacks against nuclear facilities devoted to peaceful purposes in Ukraine. Russia's aggression represents a profound risk for safeguards and for nuclear safety and security in Ukraine. Slovenia calls for respect of IAEA's seven pillars and five principles for ensuring nuclear safety and security. The DPRK, on the other side, remains one of the world's major proliferation challenges. Russia's comment on the DPRK's nuclear weapons program being a closed issue is not acceptable and goes against the object and purpose of the NPT. We urge the DPRK to accept offers of dialogue and work towards denuclearization. Mr. President, as a country with a fully fledged civilian nuclear program, Slovenia places great importance on the development, research, production, and use of nuclear energy. Nuclear technologies and their potentials are critical for achieving the sustainable development goals. We will continue to work to make benefits of peaceful uses of nuclear energies available to all, including through financial support to the EIA. To conclude, Mr. President, it is true that the NPT remains a cornerstone of everything nuclear, nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation, and peaceful uses. It is also true that its review conferences in more than a decade produced underwhelming results. Modern global challenges nevertheless demand tangible results. The increasing reliance on nuclear energy applications, including nuclear power, demand it. Enduring proliferation and safeguards challenges demand it. A future world without nuclear weapons demands it. We should not react with despair to the impasse. Although our differences are great, they are not insurmountable. Step by step, we can overcome them. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.


President [1:59:17]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Slovenia for his statement. I now invite the distinguished representative of Greece.


Greece [1:59:27]:

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, my delegation congratulates you on your appointment and wish you every success in guiding the work of this review conference, and we assure you of our full support. Greece fully aligns with the statement delivered by the European Union and wishes to add the following remarks in its national capacity. Chris remains a steadfast supporter of the Treaty of the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which stands as the cornerstone of the global disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. Today, this architecture is under increasing strain. We are witnessing growing challenges to compliance, erosion of trust, and a troubling return to divisive rhetoric. Any retreat from international commitments weakens the integrity of the system and undermines collective security. Against this backdrop, safeguarding the NPT and advancing its three mutually reinforcing pillars remains imperative. Mr. President, Greece shares the objective of a world free of nuclear weapons. At the same time, we remain convinced that progress must be gradual, realistic, and verifiable. A step-by-step approach grounded in trust and accountability remains the most viable path forward. In today's complex security environment, including in Europe, extended nuclear deterrence continues to contribute to strategic stability. Greece considers that such arrangements, including within NATO, are consistent with both the letter and the spirit of the NPT. Key priorities remain clear, the universalization and early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and the launch of negotiations on the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty within the Conference on Disarmament. Mr. President, persistent proliferation crises continue to pose serious risks. Developments in the Middle East have once again underscored the urgency of addressing nuclear challenges through diplomacy. We call upon Iran to reestablish full cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency and support efforts towards a comprehensive and verifiable arrangement on its nuclear program. We also condemn the DPRK's continued development of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles in violation of Security Council resolutions while supporting diplomatic efforts towards the complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. Greece condemns Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine. The illegal seizure of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant constitutes a grave breach of international law and raises serious nuclear safety and security concerns. Nuclear weapon-free zones remain a valuable regional complement to the global regime. Greece supports the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Mr. President, Greece highly values the International Atomic Energy Agency's technical expertise and independence and impartiality in fulfilling its mandate Its effective work with the comprehensive safeguards agreements and the additional protocol constitute the current verification standard under the NPT, ensuring the exclusive peaceful nature of nuclear activities. Nuclear safety and security are inherently transboundary. States must uphold the highest standards of transparency and responsibility, particularly in regions exposed to natural risks. The 40th anniversary of the Chernobyl disaster is a stark reminder of the potential consequences of failure. At the same time, emerging technologies, including small modular reactors, may offer opportunities to enhance safety, provided they are developed under robust international standards. In conclusion, Mr. President, verification and trust remain at the heart of the regime. Without credible verification, the risk of hedging strategies and latent proliferation will persist. Non-proliferation is therefore not only an objective in itself, but a prerequisite for meaningful progress towards disarmament. Greece stands ready to work constructively with all State Parties towards a balanced and consensual outcome of this Review Conference. I thank you.


President [2:04:27]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Greece for his statement. I now have the honor to invite His Excellency Lamin Diba, the Permanent Representative of the Gambia to the United Nations. You have the floor, Excellency.


Gambia · Permanent Representative [2:04:40]:

Mr. President, let me congratulate you for your election to the position of President of the 11th Review Conference. Mr. President, the Republic of the Gambia aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the African Group, the Non-Aligned Movement, and now make this statement in our national capacity. Mr. President, The Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the basis of international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation rule. However, its continued credibility depends not only on its enduring relevance, but on the consistent balance and good faith implementation of its obligation by all states parties. We must, therefore, reflect with honesty and responsibility to the extent to which we have fulfilled the NPT commitments we have voluntarily made in the past. Mr. President, The Gambia remains deeply concerned by the inadequate progress in nuclear disarmament, alongside the continued expansion and modernization of nuclear arsenals. These trends risk widening the gap between commitment and action. It also heightens global mistrust In this regard, we call upon all nuclear-armed States to fully implement their obligations under Article IV through transparent, irreversible, and time-bound action towards nuclear disarmament. The commitments contained in the 2010 Action Plan, Mr. President, remain valid and urgent, including the need for strengthening reporting, enhanced transparency, and increased accountability. Mr. President, having an action plan itself represents a significant collective accomplishment, which must be preserved and advanced rather than weakened by selective implementation or shifting priorities. Trust remains the foundation of this treaty. Without it, our shared objective of NPT cannot be realized. In this regard, the Gambia reaffirms the indispensable role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in strengthening verification mechanisms and building confidence among States. Mr. President, recent global developments serve as a stark reminder of the rationale behind the establishment of the NPT. The risks associated with the proliferation and potential use of nuclear weapons remain real and deeply concerning. Mr. President, we must reaffirm our common responsibility to future generations by working collectively towards a world free of nuclear weapons and a world in which peace and security are not overshadowed by factual threats. As a state party to the African Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty, the Treaty of Pelindaba, and having recently ended our term in the African Peace and Security Council, the Gambia reaffirm Africa's strong and principled rejection of nuclear weapon. At the same time, Mr. President, the Gambia underscores the importance of promoting the peaceful use of nuclear technology Its application in health, agriculture and water resource management are essential for sustainable development and must be strengthened through international cooperation in line with Article IV of the Treaty. Mr. President, We call for the legislation of key international instruments, including the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, and urge all remaining States to ratify it without delay. We also support the strengthening of the IAEA safeguard systems and the expansion of nuclear weapon-free zones. Furthermore, Mr. President, the Gambia reiterates its support for legally binding negative security assurance to guarantee the protection of non-nuclear weapon states and to reinforce confidence in the global nonproliferation regime. The continued stocking of nuclear weapon is a choice, a choice that carries profound risk for humanity. True and lasting security cannot be built on the threat of mutual destruction. We must remain guided by the collective objective of achieving a total elimination of nuclear weapon as the only credible guarantee against nuclear devastation. To conclude, Mr. President, The Gambirri affirms its commitment to a world free of nuclear weapons, and we are ready to work constructively with all delegations to ensure that this review conference delivers concrete, measurable, and forward-looking outcome that brings us closer to that shared goal. Nakasaki and Hiroshima are lessons that we must never accept to repeat in history. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [2:10:05]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of the Gambia for his statement. I now have the honor to give the floor to His Excellency John Silk, Permanent Representative of the Marshall Islands. You have the floor, Excellency.


Marshall Islands · Permanent Representative [2:10:19]:

Mr. President, Excellencies, delegates, the Republic of the Marshall Islands expresses its gravest concern that the world is slipping into a dangerous and growing level of nuclear risk. We have always urged meaningful progress wherever it can be achieved between nuclear powers and the world as a whole to reduce and eliminate nuclear weapons. The NPT and multilateral disarmament does not exist in a vacuum. And words do not gain compliance only because diplomats insist upon it. Such pragmatism seems often endangered on the negotiating floor. We support your leadership, Mr. President, in guiding us all during this meeting to build better bridges. Mr. President, we are joined in our common concern by many including our Pacific Island Forum and other nations which are also, like the Marshall Islands, signatories to the Rarotonga Treaty, establishing a South Pacific nuclear-free zone. Our experience as a region and the direct experience of the Marshall Islands is a compelling lesson for the world to act. The Republic of the Marshall Islands, during its time as a UN Trust Territory experienced 67 large-scale tests of nuclear weapons, undertaken by the UN administering authority, the United States, between 1946 and 1958. At the time of testing, and on every possible occasion in the intervening years, The Marshall Islands has informed UN members of the devastating impacts of medical surveillance as test subjects, of death and ongoing health impacts inherited through generations of our displaced populations who still live in exile or who were resettled in unsafe circumstances and then had to be removed. Even today, science remains a moving target Our exiled local communities are still struggling with resettlement. Mr. President, many of the tests were undertaken after the Marshallese leaders petitioned the UN to halt these tests. And in 1954 and 1956, some of these leaders traveled to the same halls in New York. And despite assurances of our well-being, the tests continued under the auspices of UN Trustees of Resolutions 1082 and 1493. Visiting missions and annual sessions continue to address this issue. Eventually, our concern over our exposure helped achieve the 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty. Mr. President, the UN General Assembly has recognized humanitarian consequences, as well as the impacts upon victims of nuclear testing. In addition to the UN Human Rights Council with Resolution 57/77 on Marshall Islands, the International Day Against Nuclear Testing, established by General Assembly Resolution 64/35, is a key umbrella to address all peoples who experienced exposure. In NPT review conferences in 1995 and again in 2000, Member States recognized that a special responsibility exists towards former UN trust territories adversely affected by weapon testing conducted under the auspices of the United Nations. Strong steps have since been taken, including establishment of a nuclear commission to coordinate effort, but huge challenges remain. Mr. President, we support the joint submission led by Kiribati to Working Group III regarding impacts of nuclear testing, and we emphasize the importance of progress on an outcome which recognized the responsibility and obligation to address the historic wrongs and contemporary challenges of testing impacts. Mr. President, since 1954, the Marshallese people have urged the world to hear our voice, to hear the voice of those who have been displaced, banned, and otherwise set adrift from some of their islands, to hear the voice of Marshallese mothers who have given birth to children with deformities, or a stillborn baby that looks like a jellyfish. and the increasing rate of children born with autism. To hear the voice of Marshallese people who we believe have the highest rate of cancer in the Pacific. Finally, Mr. President, my generation is here today to echo the voice of our Marshallese leaders who came to these halls in 1954 and 1956. As you walk these halls, And if you take a few moments, you might hear their voice and their call to bring an end to nuclear arms. Kumunta, thank you.


President [2:16:29]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of the Marshall Islands for his statement. I now have the honor to give the floor to His Excellency Ibrahim Jimo, Permanent Representative of Nigeria. You have the floor, Excellency.


Nigeria [2:16:47]:

Thank you, Your Excellency. Mr. President, unfortunately, the Permanent Representative of Nigeria, Ambassador Jumo, is unavoidably absent, and I'm delivering the statement on his behalf. Mr. President, Nigeria congratulates you on your assumption of the presidency of this 11th Review Conference and assures you of our full support. We also align ourselves with the statements of the African Group and the Non-Aligned Movement and wish to make the following remarks in our national capacity. Mr. President, whereas this Review Conference convenes at a critical moment of growing nuclear risk, due to heightened geopolitical tensions. The inability of past conferences to reach consensus has weakened confidence in the review process. We must therefore act with urgency to deliver a balanced and forward-looking outcome that restores credibility. Nigeria reiterates that nuclear disarmament remains the highest priority of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation proliferation of nuclear weapons and the only guarantee of global peace and security. Continued reliance on nuclear deterrence is neither sustainable nor credible. We call on nuclear weapons states to fulfill their Article VI obligations through time-bound, transparent, verifiable, and irreversible measures and to halt the modernization of nuclear arsenals. Pending total elimination, Nigeria supports practical risk reduction measures, including the alerting, adoption of no-first-use doctrines, and strengthened crisis communication. These steps are necessary, but they must not replace disarmament. Transparency and confidence-building measures remain essential to reducing mistrust and preventing escalation. Nigeria remains deeply concerned about the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons. Their use would be contrary to international law, including international humanitarian law. The only absolute guarantee against such consequences is their complete elimination. We reaffirm our strong support for nuclear weapons-free zones, including the African Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone Treaty, and call for universal respect for all such zones, as well as progress towards a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Nigeria supports the strengthening of the safeguards system under the International Atomic Energy Agency, alongside robust verification, export control, and international cooperation to prevent proliferation and nuclear terrorism. At the same time, we reaffirm the inalienable right of all states to peaceful use of nuclear energy under Article IV. This right must be preserved and supported through technology transfer and capacity building, particularly for developing countries seeking progress in health, agriculture, energy, and environmental sustainability. Mr. President, Nigeria recognizes the value of complementary instruments such as the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and underscores the urgency of the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. as well as the commencement of negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty. We also expressed concern over emerging risks, including the integration of artificial intelligence into nuclear systems, and stressed the necessity of maintaining meaningful human control at all times. In conclusion, Mr. President, Nigeria remains steadfast in its commitment to the NPT and its three pillars. We will continue to promote disarmament, support nonproliferation, and advocate equitable access to peaceful nuclear energy. The international community cannot afford another missed opportunity. The time for concrete, measurable, and irreversible progress towards a nuclear-weapons-free world is now. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [2:21:11]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Nigeria for his statement. I now have the honor to invite His Excellency Ankhaa Bayar Niamdorj, Permanent Representative of Mongolia. You have the floor, sir.


Mongolia · Permanent Representative [2:21:27]:

Mr. President, thank you, distinguished delegates. At the outset, allow me to congratulate you on taking on this important responsibility of leading the CERVI conference. We are confident that your leadership will help guide us toward a substantive and positive outcome. Mongolia aligns itself with the statement delivered by Uganda on the behalf of non-alignment move and would like to make the following remarks in our national capacity. Mr. President, for Mongolia, peace and security are not abstract ideals. They are the foundation upon which our development, resilience, and future depend. As a country defined by vast open landscapes and a long tradition of peaceful engagement, Mongolia views stability not as given, but as something that must continuously nurture through cooperation, restraint, and mutual respect. Today's global security environment is increasingly complex. Strategic tensions persist, trust is under strain, and reliance on nuclear deterrence continues. In this environment, maintaining the credibility of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons requires not only safeguarding the treaty itself, but ensuring its peaceful and balanced implementation. Mongolia's approach to these issues is shaped by its own choices. More than three decades ago, Mongolia declared its territory a nuclear-weapon-free zone. and an expression of its commitment to peace, self-restraint, and international security. The single state nuclear-weapon-free status recognized by international community that presents practical contribution to strengthen confidence and predictability. We believe that such approaches grounded in the national commitment yet supported internationally can complement broader multilateral efforts and help advance the shared objective of nuclear-weapon-free world. Mr. President, Mongolia attaches importance to strengthening cooperation among nuclear-weapon-free zones, which have demonstrated their value as practical regional arrangements in support of the global nonproliferation regime. Mongolia's nuclear-weapon-free status forms of this broader architecture, together with the regional nuclear-weapon-free zone treaties, including Tlatelolco, Rarotonga, Bangkok, Pelindaba, and Semipalatinsk. It illustrates such arrangements, while diverse in form, contribute collectively to the objectives of the NPT. We see particular value in deepening engagement among these zones, including through the exchange of experiences, the promotion of best practices, and enhanced cooperation. Mongolia stands ready to contribute to such efforts, recognizing their role in reinforcing the global nonproliferation regime and strengthening confidence at both regional and international level. Mongolia also places importance on strengthening the broader disarmament and nonproliferation architecture. By ratifying the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, Mongolia reaffirms its principled conviction that addressing the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons must guide global efforts toward the prohibition and total elimination. The peaceful uses of nuclear energy remain an essential component of the treaty. For Mongolia, ensuring reliable and sustainable energy is closely linked to our development priorities and environmental responsibilities. In this regard, cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency continues to be of critical importance in strengthening our national capacity and ensuring transparency. Mongolia remains committed to fostering dialogue as a pathway to peace. Through our initiative, Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Northeast Asian Security, we have sought to create an inclusive space for engagement where differences can be addressed through dialogue rather than confrontation. Such efforts reflect our belief that trust is built step by step through consistent and open communication. Mr. President, at this pivotal moment, the responsibility to uphold the integrity and effectiveness of NPT rests with us all, all of us. In this regard, Mongolia notes with concern the continued difficulty in reaching agreement on substantive outcome document. The absence of such outcome does not serve the long-term credibility of the review process. We therefore call on all the state parties to engage constructively, demonstrate flexibility, and work toward outcomes that strengthen, not weaken, the treaty. The path toward a nuclear-weapon-free world may be gradual, but it requires a steady commitment and collective resolve. In closing, guided by its identity as a peace-oriented nation and its commitment to multilateralism, Mongolia will continue to contribute actively to advancing nuclear disarmament, preventing proliferation, and promoting peaceful use of nuclear energy. We remain ready to work with all partners in pursuit of a safer and more secure world for present and future generations. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [2:26:57]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Mongolia for his statement. I now have the honor to invite His Excellency Domingos Fernandes, Permanent Representative of Mozambique. You have the floor, Excellency.


Mozambique · Permanent Representative [2:27:14]:

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, the Republic of Mozambique congratulates you on your election as President of the Review Conference and assures you of our full support. Mozambique Alliance itself, with the statements of the Non-Aligned Movement and the African Group, and offers the following remarks in its national capacity. Mr. President, this Review Conference takes place at a particularly critical moment for the international security architecture. Persistent geopolitical tensions, the modernization of nuclear arsenals, and the erosion of control frameworks pose serious challenges to the credibility and effectiveness of the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Emerging technological risks, including artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, and cyber capabilities, are outpacing existing governance frameworks and introducing new layers of uncertainty and risk into nuclear deterrence dynamics. Mozambique reiterates that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime with unparalleled legitimacy among the 191 states parties. Preserving its integrity is a collective, non-negotiable priority. The foundational bargain of the Treaty depends on balanced, full, and non-discriminatory implementation of all three pillars simultaneously. Selective implementation in any direction undermines the Treaty's long-term viability. On nuclear disarmament, the total elimination of nuclear weapons remains the only absolute guarantee against their use or threat of use. While we acknowledge the reductions in nuclear arsenals since the end of the Cold War, the current stagnation in disarmament efforts and the continued modernization of nuclear arsenals raise serious concerns. Mozambique, therefore, calls for the full implementation of Article VI of the Treaty, including concrete measurable and irreversible steps toward nuclear disarmament and reaffirm the continued relevance of past commitments, including the 13 practical steps of 2000 and the 64-point action plan of 2010, and welcome the TPNW as a complementary instrument reflecting the humanitarian imperative at the heart of the NPT's disarmament pillar. On nuclear non-proliferation, Mr. President, Mozambique recognizes the fundamental role of the IAEA and its safeguards system in ensuring compliance with the treaty compliance. The IAEA's independence, technical authority, and adequate resourcing must be preserved and strengthened. We underline the importance of strengthening safeguards, including the Additional Protocol, as a critical tool for detecting undeclared nuclear activities, and encourage all States that have not yet concluded Additional Protocol agreements to do so without delay. Mozambique remains committed to strengthening of its national regulatory frameworks and to the international cooperation on nuclear security, including efforts to prevent nuclear terrorism and illicit trafficking of radioactive materials. On peaceful uses of nuclear energy, Mr. President, Mozambique attaches great importance to the inalienable right of all States Parties to develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination, as enshrined in Article IV of the Treaty. For developing countries, nuclear science and technology are essential tools for sustainable development. Mozambique has directly benefited from these applications in areas such as medical radiotherapy, agriculture, water resource management, and environmental protection. With AIA, support, Mozambique established a radiotherapy center at Maputo Central Hospital and continues to expand national capacity in nuclear medicine and related technologies, and looks forward to strengthening international cooperation in nuclear energy, including through emerging technologies such as small modular reactors where appropriate. technology transfer and financing arrangement must be equitable and genuinely responsive to developing countries. On nuclear weapon-free zones, from an African perspective, Mozambique emphasized the importance of nuclear weapon-free zones to regional and global security as confidence-building measures and practical expressions of disarmament commitment. Africa has demonstrated its strong and unwavering commitment to a world free of nuclear through the Treaty of Pelindaba, which established the African Nuclear Weapon Free Zone and reiterates its support for the establishment of a nuclear-free, weapon-free zone in the Middle East. Mozambique reiterates its strong support for the long-standing commitment to establish a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. The continued absence of progress on this issue undermines the universality and credibility of the non-proliferation regime. On the outcome of the conference, Mr. President, Mozambique is conscious of the difficult political landscape within which this conference takes place. We have twice in recent memory failed to adopt a consensus final document. The erosion of multilateral confidence that this represents is itself a threat to the treaty's long-term effectiveness. The absence of consensus cannot be allowed to become an accepted norm. The treaty's parties owe it to present and future generations to find common ground. And finally, we call upon all delegations to engage constructively in good faith and renewed sense of urgency to restore confidence in the treaty and deliver a balanced and meaningful outcome from this conference. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [2:34:35]:

I thank the distinguished permanent representative of Mozambique for his statement. I now invite the distinguished representative of Venezuela.


Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of) [2:34:46]:

Thank you very much, President. First, allow me to congratulate you on your election and to wish you much success. You can count on the strong support of my delegation during your work. We support the statement made by Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, and because we are short on time, we will read a summary of our statement. President, we participate in this review conference at a decisive moment for humanity. We are living in an era of growing tensions, open conflicts, and a dangerous erosion of multilateralism. In this context, nuclear risk does not only persist, it is rising, and it seems that we are sleepwalking to the precipice. Today, more than ever before, we should recognize that the world is in a situation of structural insecurity. The modernizing of arsenals, the weakening of arms control agreements, and nuclear saber-rattling have elevated risk to levels that we have not seen in decades. Nuclear weapons, and we have to insist upon this, are not instruments to ensure security. They're instruments of mass destruction whose impacts, humanitarian, environmental, and economic, would be irreversible. Just one nuclear detonation would cause tens of thousands of victims and consequences that would last for generations. In this context, the NPT continues to be the cornerstone of the international nonproliferation and disarmament regime. Nevertheless, its credibility depends on its full implementation, as well as implementation in a balanced and nondiscriminatory fashion of each of its three pillars. The NPT is a historic commitment to prevent nuclear proliferation, to promote the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and to move towards full, verifiable, and irreversible disarmament. Nevertheless, balance is under stress today. We cannot ignore, moreover, the consecutive failures in terms of consensus during prior review conferences. This does not just only weaken the treaty, but it also puts at risk international security. President, while the vast majority of states has fulfilled its commitment to not acquire nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons possessing states continue modernizing and in some cases expanding their arsenals. This does not just contradict the spirit of the NPT, it also undermines its credibility and legitimacy. We cannot ignore this contradiction. We cannot accept a system where the security of some depends on the lack of security for others. We cannot allow for the future of humanity to hang below the threat of mutual annihilation. The threat of nuclear weapons is existential. Their existence, as well as the possibility that they may be used or the threat of use, is the greatest danger for international peace and security. History has taught us that disarmament progress does not come from resignation, but rather political will. This is what happened in the case of the prohibition on chemical and biological weapons, and the same thing should happen in the case of nuclear weapons. That is why the TPNW is an important step in that direction. It does not substitute the NPT, it complements it. It reinforces the international norm that these weapons are unacceptable, illegitimate, and incompatible with international humanitarian law. But treaties in and of itself are not enough. We need action, leadership, and courage. Our delegation calls upon all states to unambiguously reaffirm their commitment with total nuclear disarmament to stop modernizing arsenals and expanding nuclear capacities. to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines, to strengthen transparency and accountability, and to truly advocate for diplomacy and dialogue as the only legitimate ways to ensure peace, security, and stability at the international level. President, the right of all states to peacefully use nuclear energy should be preserved without discrimination and on the basis of international obligations. At the same time, we should reject any attempt to politicize verification mechanisms or unfairly restrict that right. We reaffirm that any attack or threat against nuclear facilities that operate with peaceful means is a grave violation of international law and puts all of us in danger. Moreover, we reiterate our firm support to the establishment of nuclear weapons-free zones, specifically in the Middle East, as a critical step towards regional peace and security, as well as peace and security at the international level. And we also call for the end of any action that could undermine the status of regions that up until now have been proclaimed as nuclear weapons-free zones. Moreover, we reaffirm that nuclear disarmament is not a political option. It is a legal and moral obligation. Article VI of the NPT is neither optional nor conditional. It demands that negotiations be carried out in good faith in order to completely eliminate nuclear arsenals. Nuclear risk is not something that is abstract. It is real, immediate, and avoidable. We would like to conclude by emphasizing that true security cannot be built upon threats, but rather cooperation. It cannot be built upon fear, but rather trust. It cannot be built upon force, but rather the law. The future is not set in stone. It depends on the decisions that we take today. Humanity cannot fail in this endeavor. Thank you very much, Mr. President.


President [2:40:32]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Venezuela for his statement. I now invite the distinguished representative of Maldives.


Maldives [2:40:45]:

Mr. President, all protocols observed. We meet at a difficult moment for nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation. Trust is low, tensions are high, nuclear arsenals are being modernized, and the idea that nuclear weapons provide security is again being presented as normal. For the Maldives, this is deeply troubling, for SIDS already facing the pressure of climate change, debt stress, and external shocks, the consequences would be devastating. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation Proliferation of nuclear weapons remains the cornerstone of the disarmament and non-proliferation regimes. The Maldives believes in the NPT's confirmed relevance must be proven through implementation and an agreed final document. I will make three points. First, on disarmament. The Maldives reiterates its principal position. The total elimination of nuclear weapons is the only absolute guarantee against their use of threat. Nuclear weapons states must fulfill their commitments through concrete, transparent, irreversible and verifiable steps. Modernization and expansion of nuclear arsenals divert resources away from the urgent need of people. Every dollar spent on nuclear weapons is a dollar not spent on climate resilience, health system, food security and education. In this regard, the Maldives sees the TPNW as complementary to the NPT and as a clear expression of the will to eliminate nuclear weapons. Second, on non-proliferation, the Maldives calls on all States to fully comply with the obligations under the NPT. We support the central role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in verifying the peaceful nature of nuclear programmes. Safeguards must be strengthened and applied without discrimination. The Maldives is the IAEA's newest member, and we remain committed to its core principles. In this context, the Maldives recalls Security Council Resolution 487 of 1981, which calls upon Israel to urgently place its nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards. More than four decades later, that call remains unimplemented. The Maldives therefore calls on the IAEA to report on the continued non-implementation of Security Council Resolution 487. We further call on Israel to place all its nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards. This would contribute to the long-standing objective of establishing a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. We also support the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Third, on peaceful use, the Maldives reaffirms the right of all States Parties to access nuclear science and technology for peaceful purposes in conformity with the Treaty. For SIDS, peaceful nuclear applications can support development in practical ways, including cancer care. The peaceful uses pillar must therefore be advanced through capacity building, technology transfer, technical cooperation and equitable access. Mr. President, the world needs us to keep faith with the promise of the NPT, a world free of nuclear weapons. I thank you.


President [2:44:21]:

I thank the distinguished representative of the Maldives for her statement. This concludes the list of speakers for this meeting. We will continue the general debate this afternoon at 3:00 p.m. I give the floor to the Secretariat to make an announcement.


UN Secretariat · Secretariat [2:44:39]:

Thank you very much, Mr. President. Just a reminder that France will present its national report in Conference Room 1 at 1:15 today. Thank you very much.


President [2:44:52]:

I thank the Secretariat. The meeting is adjourned.