(3rd meeting) Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
Conferences
Date: 28 April 2026
Language: English
Transcript: https://transcripts.un.org/ar/asset/k12/k12ye7g1ff?lang=en
Transcripts available through this tool are created by using automatic speech recognition and are not official records nor official documents of the United Nations. Official records and official documents are available on the Official Document System of the United Nations.

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President [0:00]:

The third plenary meeting of the 2026 Review Conference of States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is called to order. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, this morning the Conference will continue with the general debate. I would like to reiterate my call to delegations to be present in meeting rooms at the scheduled time in order to promote the punctuality and efficiency of the review conference's proceeding. May I remind all delegations that group statements should not exceed eight minutes and national statements should not exceed five minutes. A traffic light system will be enforced to assist delegations in keeping within their allotted time. Delegations are kindly requested to submit electronic versions of their statements in PDF and Microsoft Word formats to e-statements@un.org no later than two hours in advance of delivery. We will continue now with the general debate, and I have the honour to give the floor to the first speaker on the list, His Excellency Zaki Levan, Gumrucu, Deputy Foreign Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, who is speaking on behalf of the Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative, NPD-I, and also in his national capacity. You have the floor, sir.


Türkiye · NPDI · Deputy Foreign Minister [1:40]:

Thank you, Mr. President. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the Nonproliferation and Disarmament Initiative, Australia, Canada, Chile, Germany, Japan, Mexico, Netherlands, Nigeria, Philippines, Poland, United Arab Emirates, and my own country. The MPDI is united by a shared objective: to strengthen implementation of the Treaty across all three of its pillars, and to ensure that our collective commitments translate into tangible, measurable progress towards a world without nuclear weapons. We are a cross-regional group with a diversity of national perspectives, but a shared commitment to practical and effective solutions that command broad support. At a time when the international security environment is increasingly strained and when trust in multilateral processes is under pressure, the value of such a pragmatic and bridge-building approach is clear. The credibility of the Treaty hinges not just on the commitments we make, but on our collective ability to deliver on them in a balanced, transparent and accountable manner. The NPTDI also reaffirms the importance of the universalization of the Treaty and calls on all States not party to accede to it as a non-nuclear-weapon State. As outlined in our working paper submitted for this Review Conference, commitments and agreements reached at previous Review Conferences remain fully valid and must be implemented in full. While progress has been achieved in certain areas, the NPD I shares the widespread concern that progress, particularly in the disarmament pillar, has stalled. It is therefore crucial that our efforts build on these commitments to drive meaningful, sustained progress across all three pillars. It is in this spirit that the MPDI has submitted Working Paper 32, which brings together a comprehensive set of forward-looking recommendations drawn from our own contributions over successive review cycles. These recommendations do not seek to reopen long-standing debates, nor reopen treaty obligations. Rather, they focus on making existing commitments more transparent, more measurable, and more effectively reviewed. Allow me to highlight several core elements of our approach from the working paper. First, with respect to disarmament, the NPDI underscores the central importance of the full and effective implementation of Article VI. We underline the urgent need to reinvigorate disarmament efforts in the face of rising nuclear risks, increased strategic competition, and the absence of legally binding arms control arrangements. Our recommendation does call for concrete, transparent, and verifiable steps by nuclear weapons states, including further reductions in nuclear arsenals, enhanced confidence-building and transparency measures, doctrinal reviews to reduce the role and operational status of nuclear weapons, and intensified efforts on nuclear risk reduction. Second, the NPTDI places strong emphasis on transparency and accountability. We call on all States Parties to commit to regular, standardized reporting on their implementation of treaty obligations across all three pillars. Reporting should go beyond general descriptions and include substantive and very appropriate comparable information. In this regard, we urge nuclear weapons states to report at least twice per review cycle using standardized formats, which would significantly strengthen confidence and allow for meaningful assessment of progress. In this regard, we draw attention to the voluntary reporting template developed by the NPDI as a practical transparency aid. Transparency, however, must be matched by engagement and meaningful dialogue as well. We therefore recommend that the review process allocate dedicated and interactive time to consider national reports, including specific opportunities to discuss reports by nuclear weapons states in an interactive format that enables questions to be raised and clarification sought and provided. Third, under the nonproliferation pillar, the NPTI reaffirms the essential role of International Atomic Energy Agency and underscores that a comprehensive safeguards agreement, together with an additional protocol, constitutes the current international verification standard. We call for continued efforts toward universalization of the standard, support for effective safeguards, and respect for IAEA's mandate, technical authority, and independence. We emphasize the continued relevance of negative security assurances, nuclear weapon-free zones, and advancing implementation of the 1995 resolution on the Middle East in strengthening confidence and regional security, while recognizing that the only absolute guarantee against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is their total elimination. We further reaffirm our strong support for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and its prompt entry into force. Finally, under the peaceful uses pillar, the NPTDI reaffirms the inalienable right of all States Parties to the peaceful use of nuclear energy in conformity with Article I, II, and III of the Treaty. We also underline the importance of cooperation among States Parties as reflected in Article VI of the Treaty. We recognize the growing contribution of nuclear science and technology to sustainable development, health, food security, water resource management, and climate action. The IAEA, through its technical cooperation program and flagship initiatives, plays a central role in this regard and requires sufficient, assured, and predictable resources. We stress that the high standards of safety, security, and safeguards are indispensable for maintaining confidence in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Mr. President, this review conference is taking place at a challenging moment, but it is also an opportunity to demonstrate that the Treaty can deliver results. The NPTDI reiterates its support for strengthening the NPT review process, including through greater transparency, inclusivity and interactive dialogue to enable more effective review and credible outcomes. The NPDI stands ready to engage constructively and openly with all delegations and to work with regional groups and other cross-regional initiatives to translate these practical, balanced recommendations into an outcome that strengthens the treaty and reinforces its credibility across its three pillars. Thank you. Mr. President, let me now switch my hats and make the following remarks in my national capacity. At the outset, let me congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the 11th Review Conference. You may count on the full support of my delegation. Mr. President, for more than half a century, the NPT has remained the cornerstone of the global nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament regime, as well as an essential pillar of international peace and security. Today, however, we find ourselves in an increasingly complex and dangerous security environment, whereby strategic competition is intensifying, arms control mechanisms are eroding, and expansion of nuclear arsenals continues, while trust among states is declining. These developments challenge not only the NPT, but also our collective aspiration to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons. Yet, this difficult environment should not lead us to resignation. On the contrary, it should strengthen our resolve. We must continue upholding the Treaty, preserve its integrity and credibility through full, balanced and non-selective implementation of all three of its pillars, and strive, of course, for the universalization of the Treaty. After all, the goal of a world without nuclear weapons is not merely a moral aspiration. It is a strategic necessity for the survival and security of humanity. Mr. President, in this regard, Turkey remains fully committed to the ultimate goal of a world free of nuclear weapons through a step-by-step, verifiable, and irreversible process, in which the P5 bear a special responsibility in fulfilling their related obligations under Article VI of the Treaty. In the meantime, though, we underscore the importance of strategic risk reduction and stronger confidence-building measures as well, while acknowledging that this is not a substitute for nuclear disarmament. The expiration of the New START Treaty without a follow-on arrangement, for instance, puts us all in a very precarious situation. This is why Turkey encourages meaningful dialogue among nuclear weapons states to reinstate strategic stability, including through further reductions in nuclear arsenals. U.S. proposal in this regard for multilateral strategic stability dialogue is much welcome. We also underscore the need for the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and reiterate our call for all remaining Annex 2 States to sign and ratify it without further delay. Pending its entry into force, continued adherence to existing moratoria on nuclear weapon test explosions remains vital. And likewise, negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty should begin without further delay. Mr. President, the nonproliferation pillar also faces serious challenges. In this regard, the DPRK's ongoing nuclear and ballistic missile programs remain a matter of grave concern and a clear challenge to the global nonproliferation regime. We reiterate our call for the complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We also continue to support the long overdue establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in accordance with the 1995 decision and the 2010 action plan. In that context, it is with deep concern that we follow the war in Iran, which might have a bearing on the future of the NPT too. Our firm position in support of a peaceful settlement of concerns related to Iran's nuclear program remains unchanged, and we will continue to support efforts in that direction. At the same time, we also continue to stress that all nuclear programs must remain exclusively peaceful, transparent, and fully consistent with multilateral international obligations. And in this regard, the central role of the IAEA is indispensable in ensuring that, and thus preserving the integrity and credibility of the NPT. At this point, let me also comment the unrelenting efforts by IAEA in the context of the ongoing wars in Ukraine and Iran, where attacks on nuclear facilities have demonstrated once again the grave risks to nuclear safety and security during armed conflict. Nuclear safety and security must never be compromised under any circumstances, anywhere. Mr. President, the peaceful use of nuclear energy also constitutes a central pillar of the Treaty. The inalienable right of all States Parties to develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, as stipulated in the Treaty, must be fully respected by all. Turkey, on its part, is committed to exercising this right in a safe, secure, and transparent manner. And as we continue to advance our civilian nuclear energy program in line with the highest standards and in close cooperation with the IAEA. Posture and in support of other allies remarks yesterday, let me underscore that NATO's extended deterrence is fully in conformity with the NPT. It has not only preceded and informed the negotiations for the NPT, but also constituted and continues to contribute to the global nonproliferation regime established thereafter. Mr. President, in closing, the current international security environment underscores the need for and the continued relevance of the NPT. Therefore, it is imperative that all States Parties reaffirm their commitment to the Treaty. After all, the future of the NPT depends not only on legal commitments, but also on political will, mutual trust, and a genuine sense of shared responsibility. It is with this understanding that Turkey supports efforts to strengthen the review cycle and stands ready to work constructively with all partners to ensure a successful outcome of this review conference. Through dialogue and under your able leadership, we are confident that this review conference might go beyond merely reaffirming past commitments and produce practical forward-looking outcomes. Thank you.


President [15:05]:

I thank His Excellency Zeki Levent Gumrucu, Deputy Foreign Minister of the Republic of Turkey, for his statement, as well as for his kind words addressed to the President. I now have the honor to invite His Excellency Neil Parson, permanent representative of Trinidad and Tobago speaking on behalf of Caricom. You have the floor sir.


Trinidad and Tobago · CARICOM · Permanent Representative [15:32]:

Thank you Mister President. Excellencies, good morning. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the 14 member states of the Caribbean community, Caricom. Caricom aligns itself with the statement delivered yesterday by the non-aligned movement. At the outset, CAEWCOM congratulates you on your appointment as President of the 11th Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We also commend you on your consultative and transparent approach and the conduct in the preparatory meetings leading up to the Conference. We assure you and the Bureau of our full cooperation and support in guiding this Conference toward outcomes that strengthen the Treaty and advance our shared objectives of international peace and security and sustainable development. CARICOM affirms and reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime, and as an essential instrument for the promotion of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We underscore the continued relevance and validity of the treaty's three mutually reinforcing pillars: nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. CAIRICOM has a long-standing and principled position that favours the complete, irreversible and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapons. Our region has consistently advocated for a world free of nuclear weapons, recognizing that their existence poses detrimental humanitarian and environmental risks, particularly for small island developing states such as ours, which remain acutely vulnerable to the catastrophic consequences of nuclear detonations, whether intentional or accidental. In this regard, CAEWC expresses deep concern over the continued existence and modernization of nuclear arsenals, the slow pace of progress in fulfilling disarmament obligations, and the increasing risk of nuclear confrontation. We underscore that Article 6 of the Treaty constitutes a binding legal obligation on all States Parties to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to nuclear disarmament. CAEWCAM therefore urges renewed political will and concrete, measurable actions to advance nuclear disarmament in a transparent manner. Caricom also recalls its strong support for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which complements the NPT by reinforcing the disarmament pillar and placing humanitarian considerations at the center of nuclear disarmament efforts. While recognizing different views on this instrument, we encourage constructive dialogue aimed at building trust and bridging gaps among state parties. Mr. President, on nuclear non-proliferation, CARICOM underscores the importance of complete compliance with the treaty and with safeguards obligations. We reaffirm the central role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in verifying compliance and promoting confidence in the peaceful nature of nuclear programs. CAEWCOM encourages all state parties that have not yet done so to conclude and bring into force comprehensive safeguards agreements. CAEWCOM further emphasizes that non-proliferation efforts must not undermine the inalienable right of all state parties to develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in accordance with Articles IV and V of the Treaty. Peaceful nuclear applications, when pursued safely and securely, can contribute meaningfully to development, particularly in areas such as medicine, agriculture, water management, and climate resilience and cultural preservation. In this context, CAIRICOM highlights the importance of equitable access to peaceful nuclear technology, capacity building, and technical cooperation. We call for enhanced international cooperation to support developing countries in harnessing peaceful nuclear applications, supported by effective safeguards that protect the fragile ecosystems and communities of small island developing states. Mr. President, as a nuclear-free region under the Treaty of Tlatelolco, the Caribbean continues to demonstrate that regional approaches can play a vital role in strengthening the global non-proliferation and disarmament architecture. CARICOM reaffirms its commitment to maintaining and strengthening nuclear-free, weapon-free zones and calls upon nuclear weapons states to provide unqualified negative security assurances to all such zones. Finally, Kairoukum emphasizes the importance of restoring trust, promoting dialogue, and reinforcing multilateralism in addressing the complex challenges facing the NPT regime. The success of this review conference will depend on our shared readiness to engage constructively to uphold the spirit and letter of the Treaty. KiwiCOM stands ready to work with all States Parties to achieve a balanced, forward-looking outcome that strengthens the Treaty, advances nuclear disarmament, prevents proliferation and promotes the peaceful use of nuclear energy for the benefit of all. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [22:30]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Trinidad and Tobago for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Ihab Awad, Permanent Representative of Egypt, speaking on behalf of the Arab Group. You have the floor.


Egypt · Arab Group · Permanent Representative [22:50]:

Mr. President, it is my honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the Arab Group. The Arab Group aligns itself with the statement delivered by NAM yesterday. At the outset, please allow me to congratulate you and Vietnam on your election as President of the 2026 NPT Review Conference. The Arab Group stands ready to cooperate with you to ensure the success of the Conference and to achieve outcomes that meet that achieve its credibility and viability after two consecutive failures since the last successful conference more than 16 years ago. Mr. President, the Arab states attach great importance to strengthening the nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation regime with the NPT at its core. The NPT's universalization and full implementation would lead to the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, thus promoting international peace and security. For us, the NPT's credibility rests on the balanced implementation of its three pillars. In addition, to the implementation of the 1995 Middle East resolution. In this context, the effectiveness of the global nonproliferation regime must be strengthened to prevent the transfer and development of nuclear technology for nonpeaceful purposes. Serious efforts must be exerted to universalize the IAEA's comprehensive safeguards agreements. In this context, The comprehensive safeguards agreements are the globally agreed standard for verification, and it's also a legal requirement under the NPT. Their universality is the only means to ensure effective nonproliferation, including in the Middle East. All Arab states have ratified the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement in full compliance with their nonproliferation obligations under the treaty. The Additional Protocol, on the other hand, is of voluntary nature, and the decision to accede to it is a sovereign decision for each state. We underscore the inalienable rights of States Parties to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The economic and technological development of States Parties must not be impeded through restrictions or additional obligations imposed on non-nuclear weapon States. It's imperative to respect the principle of refraining from military actions against safeguarded peaceful nuclear facilities. Dialogue, diplomacy, and cooperation with the IAEA are the only means of addressing concerns related to Iran's nuclear program. On a related note, the Arab Group reiterates its strong condemnation of Iran's Missile and drone attacks against Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, the Kingdom of Bahrain, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Sultanate of Oman, the State of Qatar, the State of Kuwait, and the Republic of Iraq. These deliberate attacks have targeted civilian facilities, infrastructure, critical infrastructure, including residential and commercial areas, telecommunications facilities, airports, hotels, oil installations, food security facilities, desalination plants, ports, fuel storage facilities, and diplomatic missions. These attacks are a grave violation of the sovereignty of these states and a flagrant violation of international law, including IHL, the Charter of the United Nations. They also pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The Islamic Republic of Iran has failed to comply with the binding requests contained in Security Council Resolution 2817 of 2026 to immediately cease its attacks. Iran bears full international responsibility for these attacks and is obligated to make full reparation, including compensation and restitution. Mr. President, the negotiating parties, thanks to political will and despite the Cold War, have successfully reached the NPT based on a bargain that obliges the five nuclear weapons states to totally eliminate their nuclear weapons under Article VI in return for other states committing to not acquire nuclear weapons. Therefore, the nuclear weapons states' possession of nuclear weapons under the NPT is temporary. It's not an entitlement. More than 50 years after the NPT's entry into force, it's regrettable that nuclear weapon states continue to leverage their possession of nuclear weapons as an open-ended license and shirk any specific timeline to honor their obligations. In this context, we express deep concern over repeated attempts by nuclear weapon states to reinterpret their obligations under Article VI or to link their implementation to preconditions that hollow out their obligations, invoking deterrence, strategic stability, or the unfavorable security environment. The continued adoption by nuclear weapon states of security and military doctrines that permit the use of nuclear weapons, the modernization of nuclear arsenals, the threats to resume nuclear testing, the nuclear sharing arrangements, and the extended nuclear deterrence policies fundamentally contradict the spirit, letter, and objectives of the treaty. Extending the total elimination of nuclear weapons, the Arab Group once again calls for legally binding international instruments that provide effective, unconditional, non-discriminatory and irreversible security assurances to non-nuclear weapon states against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. This can be achieved through the unconditional accession to the protocols to the nuclear weapon-free zone treaties. And in addition, the no force use policy must be upheld. In this context, we recall the 1996 advisory opinion of the ICJ on the illegality of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. We recall the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons. Mr. President, the nonproliferation regime is grappling with serious challenges, including the absence of genuine efforts to universalize the treaty, repeated cases of noncompliance by nuclear and non-nuclear weapon states, and the imbalanced application of the IAEA safeguards regime to states parties and non-states parties. Israel's, for example, Israel's non-accession to the NPT as a non-nuclear weapons state deprives the international community through the IAEA of any mechanisms to verify the peaceful nature of its nuclear program and obstructs the universalization of the treaty. In this context, the Arab Group unequivocally condemns the irresponsible nuclear threats by Israel and its leadership. Most recently, in the context of the genocide perpetrated by Israel against the Palestinian people, we condemn its widescale violations and attacks against states and violations of the UN Charter, international law, and relevant UN resolutions. These threats, most recently in October 2023, were previously condemned in absolute terms by the Arab Group. They were documented as well in letters addressed to the President of the Security Council, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and the IAEA Director General. The Group expressed its dismay at this show of irresponsible behavior and impunity. This highlights the urgent and dire need to establish a zone free of nuclear weapons in the Middle East. The Arab Group calls on the international community to compel Israel to fulfill its legal obligations under and the provisional measures and the advisory opinion of the ICJ, including ending its occupation of Arab territories. Compliance with international law is an obligation, not a choice. Normalizing impunity is a serious threat to international peace and security. Mr. President, The following elements must be included in the outcomes of the Review Conference: 1. Ensure that States Parties, mainly nuclear-weapon States, make genuine and sincere efforts to uphold their obligations under the NPT and previous Review Conference outcomes. The Review Conference must also expressly ban the transfer of all nuclear materials and related technologies to non-States Parties until their accession to the NPT as non-nuclear-weapon States. The Conference must reject any attempt to legitimize the nuclear status of non-States Parties. 2. cease any technical cooperation with non-state parties, namely Israel, the only state in the Middle East that has not acceded to the treaty, until such time as they join the treaty as non-nuclear weapon states and place their nuclear facilities under full scope IAEA safeguards. 3. Reaffirm that policies authorizing the use of nuclear weapons, as well as nuclear sharing and extended nuclear deterrence, are incompatible with the objectives and purposes of the NPT. 4. Ensure that nuclear-weapon States comply with their nuclear disarmament obligations through a clear timeline for the elimination of nuclear weapons based on measurable quantitative targets. Missile material no longer used for nuclear armament purposes must be placed under IAEA safeguards. 5. Ensure full human control over nuclear arsenals until their total elimination. Concern must be also expressed over efforts to integrate AI in this world. 6. reaffirm that the peaceful uses of nuclear energy are an inherent, inalienable right of States Parties to the NPT. Attempts to restrict this right or impose unduly conditions beyond the scope of the treaty obligations must be rejected. 7. Strengthen the IAEA's nuclear verification role in a professional and impartial manner and in line with the IAEA Statute. Countries must be invited to cooperate fully with the IAEA to ensure the peaceful nature of their nuclear programs consistent with their legal obligations. 8. Underline the importance of the TTBT. and stressed the special responsibility of nuclear weapons states and states with nuclear capability that are yet to join the NPT to strengthen its entry into force and facilitate its entry into force. Nuclear weapons states must continue to uphold their voluntary commitment to refrain from conducting nuclear tests or taking actions contradicting that commitment. 9. Support efforts to advance the implementation of the 1995 Middle East resolution and related commitments adopted by subsequent review conferences. Clear outcomes must be reached, including practical and concrete steps, and support for the UN Conference on the Establishment of the Zone. Assert the validity of the 1995 Middle East resolution until its full implementation, alongside the outcomes of relevant review conferences. Mr. President, the Arab Group reiterates that A Middle East free of weapons of mass destruction is a collective international responsibility. The Arab group has honored its share of this responsibility. It remains for other parties to follow suit. Otherwise, the NPT's credibility will be at stake. After all, the 1995 resolution on the Middle East is an integral part of the package that led to the NPT's indefinite extension. We once again regret the failure to convene the 2012 conference called for in the Middle East Action Plan as part of the outcome document of the 2010 Review Conference. The Arab Group categorically rejects any claims that multilateral fora, including the Review Conference of the UN, are not appropriate venues to implement the 1995 resolution on the Middle East. We also reject attempts to impose preconditions beyond the scope of the treaty for commencing negotiations on the implementation of this binding resolution. Such claims are an unacceptable departure from previously agreed positions at successive review conferences. They also depart from relevant international resolution. In this context, we welcome once again the successful convening of six sessions of the UN Conference for the Establishment of a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction. The recent six session presided over by Morocco adopted a substantive final document. The conference is held in accordance with GA decision 73/546. The decision requires the conference to adopt its decisions by consensus and states of the region to reach relevant, freely arrived at arrangements, with the 1995 Middle East resolution serving as a main frame of reference. The Arabs group underscored the special responsibility of the five nuclear-weapon States, particularly the three depositary States, to support the UN Conference without prejudice to their responsibilities Under the review conference process, we urge all invited parties, particularly Israel, the only absent member, and the United States, the only absent observer, to participate in good faith and constructively in the conference. Mr. President, on the third pillar, We reiterate that the peaceful nuclear energy is an inalienable right of States Parties. Arab States have long aspired to develop peaceful nuclear energy programs to achieve sustainable development by enacting national legislation and laying scientific and research foundations as a step towards promoting regional Arab cooperation. We reiterate that the IAEA is the sole international body responsible for verification. We underscore its centrality in supporting the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We stress the importance of its technical cooperation program, adequate Sustainable and predictable financing must be provided for the IAEA's technical cooperation program. We commend the IAEA General Conference Resolution GC69/RES/10 on expanding the technical cooperation program with the State of Palestine to include the Gaza Strip. We call on the IAEA to endorse an out-of-cycle technical program for Gaza in line with the State of Palestine's priorities, and to enhance its support for the State of Palestine through the technical cooperation program in the West Bank. We underscore the importance of transparency and adherence to nuclear security and safety guidelines. of the IAEA, which remain the exclusive responsibility of States. We underscore the importance of women's empowerment in the field of disarmament. In addition to the proposed elements for inclusion in the conference outcomes, we would like to propose the following recommendations: 1. Establish a mechanism to assess progress towards nuclear disarmament through a clear, phased, and defined timeline with verifiable phases. 2. Combat nuclear threats. with states and international organizations, unequivocally condemning, particularly, Israeli statements. Three, adopt legal instruments that criminalize the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons, pending their total elimination. Four, ensure balance among the three pillars of the NPT to enhance its credibility and ensure the implementation of the 1995 Middle East resolution. Mr. President, We are keen to make a success of the review conference. Its failure for the third time could have serious consequences for the NPT regime and consequently for international peace and security at this critical juncture. Thank you for your kind attention.


President [44:15]:

I thank the distinguished permanent representative of Egypt for his statement. May I once again remind all delegations that group statements should not exceed eight minutes and national statements should not exceed five minutes. I hope for your cooperation. I now have the honor to invite the distinguished representative of Nigeria, speaking on behalf of the African group.


Nigeria · Africa Group [44:45]:

Thank you, Mr. President. African Group align itself with the statement delivered on behalf of non-aligned movement yesterday, and we wish to extend our sincere congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your assumption of office as the President of the Review Conference, and assure you of our full support and cooperation as we deliberate on critical issues before us. The African Group also acknowledges the important Some preparatory work accomplished under the leadership of the chairmanship of the three section of the preparatory committee, namely the Republic of Finland, the Republic of Kazakhstan, and of course, the sisterly Republic of Ghana. We further commend the composition of the Bureau of the Review Conference, including the main committee and the subsidiary bodies, and stand ready to engage constructively and in good faith under their able guidance. The African Group deeply regrets the failure of the two preceding review conferences to adopt a consensus final document, a pattern that has gravely impacted the confidence in the treaty review mechanism and must not be repeated at this conference. Against a backdrop of deteriorating global security condition, heightened nuclear risk and growing geopolitical tension, the group called upon all state parties, and in particular the nuclear weapons states, to muster the requisite political will to ensure that this review conference deliver a substantive, balanced and forward-looking outcome. The threat posed to humanity by the continued reliance on nuclear weapons is not abstract, it is real. present and growing. The African Group supports the principle of the total elimination of nuclear weapons as the utmost and essential prerequisite for maintaining international peace and security. The Group stresses that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the global regime of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. The Group remains consistent in its position in calling for the balanced implementation of all the three pillars of the NPT. However, the African Group remains cognizant of the lack of progress in the implementation of obligations and commitments under the pillar on nuclear disarmament. The Group therefore wishes to urge all States, especially nuclear weapons States, to fully and effectively implement their respective obligations and commitments pursuant to the NPT, especially as it relates to Article VI of the NPT and the outcome of its Review Conferences, without any further delay. It is hoped that all members of the international community, particularly nuclear weapons states, will seize this opportunity to pursue the goal of a nuclear-free world. The continued existence and possession of nuclear weapon under the outdated and fallible concept of deterrence and strategic stability do not guarantee security, but serve as an affirmation of the risk of their potential danger. Our world, including outer space, must be free of nuclear weapon and other weapons of mass destruction. It is in this context that the group stresses the need for the nuclear weapons state to halt their further modernization, upgrading, refurbishment, or extending the life of their nuclear weapon and related facility, while reducing the role and status of nuclear weapon in the military and security doctrines and policy of nuclear weapon states. The Group reiterates its deep concern with the continued and evolving nuclear weapon sharing arrangement and extended deterrence. The Group strongly calls for an immediate end to this trend, which is a clear violation of the Treaty. In the same way, it is essential that all non-nuclear weapon States must be provided with universal, unconditional, irrevocable, non-discriminatory and legally binding negative security assurances, by all nuclear weapons states against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. The Group therefore welcomes and underscores the importance of resolution 80/49 as an integral part of multilateral disarmament efforts. Mr. President, eight decades after humanity had crossed a new threshold of horror and the world witnessed the first-ever use of atomic bomb in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, we ask ourselves whether the world has learned from the past. In this context, the African group expresses its deep concern on the emergence of nuclear threat and the possibility of the actual use of testing of nuclear weapon, bearing in mind the unprecedented rising international tension and growing polarization and geopolitical rivalry. We expect all states to continue to speak with to speak with your unanimity toward ensuring a world free of nuclear weapon and all other weapon of mass destruction, as I've said in the very first resolution adopted by UN General Assembly in 1946, as well as with its outcome of SSOD-1 that assign effective measures on nuclear disarmament and the prevention of nuclear war as the highest priority. The group therefore reiterates the need for all member states at all time to comply with applicable international law, including international humanitarian law. Any use of nuclear weapon is a violation of international law, including under the UN Charter, international humanitarian law, and a crime against humanity. The total elimination of nuclear weapon and the assurance that they will never be possessed or produced again is the only solid and reliable assurance against the catastrophic humanitarian, environmental, health and climatic consequences arising from the use of such weapons. It is in this period that the African group welcomed the historic adoption of the landmark treaty on the prohibition of nuclear weapon on July 7, 2017. The African group stresses that TPNW does not undermine the NPT, but rather complement and strengthen the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. The group calls upon all states, especially nuclear weapons States and the States that have not yet acceded to the TPNW to join by signing and ratifying the Treaty at an earlier date. It is also the moment to raise our voices against the lack of good faith, commitment and progress by nuclear weapons States to dismantle these weapons in a transparent, verifiable and irreversible manner. and ensure that they are never produced, possessed, or used again. In this regard, the Group calls on nuclear weapons states to adhere to the principle of no first use of nuclear weapon under any circumstance, pending the total and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapon. The Group highlights the urgencies of achieving meaningful and ambitious progress during the current review cycle on the matter related to transparency and accountability of nuclear weapons states, particularly to periodic structural standard and detailed reporting by nuclear weapons states to be considered and interactively discussed under first pillar of the treaty. The group is extremely concerned over assertion to resume nuclear weapon testing and affirming that testing of nuclear weapon undermined the NPT and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. The African group stresses the importance of achieving universal adherence to the CTBT. Bearing in mind the special responsibility of nuclear weapons states in this regard and pursuant to action 10 of the 2020 action plan, including towards states that are not party to the NPT, the group's view is that the CTBT offer of the framework for halting the further development, qualitative improvement, and the proliferation of nuclear weapons, thereby contributing to the goal of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. The African Group reiterates its position that confidence-building and non-nuclear risk reduction measures are not substitutes for nuclear disarmament. The African Group expresses its serious concern with any attempt to integrate artificial intelligence applications to managing nuclear weapons and explosive devices. Pending the total elimination of nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons states must maintain full and effective human control over nuclear weapons and their delivery systems. Mr. President, the Group reaffirmed the central role of nuclear-weapon-free zones in contributing to addressing nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation across all regions of the world, pursuant to Article VII of the Treaty. The Group therefore welcomes the significant contribution made by the Treaty of Pelendaba and others and other nuclear weapon free zone status, enhancing global and regional peace and security, strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime toward realizing the objective of nuclear disarmament. In this context, the African group remain committed to the Treaty of Pelindaba, among other things. The treaty reaffirmed the status of Africa as a nuclear weapon free zone and provide a shield for the African territory, including by preventing the stationing of nuclear explosive devices on the continent and prohibiting testing of those weapons on the entire space that constitute the African continent. The African group states its deep concern at the lack of progress toward the implementation of the 1995 resolution on the Middle East, which remain the integral and essential part of the package of decision and the basis upon which the consensus was reached on the indefinite extension of the MPT without a vote. We also restate our concern over the failure to implement the action plan of 2010 NPT Review Conference regarding the establishment of a Middle East zone free from nuclear weapon and other weapon of mass destruction. The group wishes to reiterate the continued validity of this commitment and obligation until their full implementation, as well as the respective responsibility of the three co-sponsors of the 1995 resolution. In this context, the group recognizes the positive and constructive development at the conference on the establishment of Middle East free zone including the successful convening of its sixth section pursuant to UNGA decision 73/546 and welcome their valuable outcome. Moreover, the group called upon all member states of the conference and invited observers to actively participate in this conference and to constructively support its objective. In this regard, the African Group called for the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons, another weapon of mass destruction in the Middle East, pursuant to the 1995 Nuclear Resolution on the Middle East. Mr. President, the group reaffirmed its position on the inalienable right of all NPT State Parties to deploy nuclear energy for peaceful uses in line with a balanced approach in implementing the Treaty and its three pillars, as well as the commitments adopted at the Review Conference in 1995, 2000 and 2010. At the same time, the African Group called on all States Parties to prohibit the transfer of all nuclear-related equipment, information, material, facility and know-how of nuclear technology to States that have not acceded to the Treaty and that do not implement a comprehensive safeguard agreement with the IAEA. The African Group underscored the importance of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and stresses the central role of International Atomic Energy Agency in this regard by continuing to verify the implementation of safeguarding agreement by state party with a view to preventing the diversion of nuclear material and technology for peaceful uses to nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices while facilitating the provision of technical assistance and international cooperation through maximizing the use of nuclear science and for social economic development. The group stresses the importance of achieving universality of the comprehensive single agreement being the universal standard of verification and legal prerequisite under the NPT. In conclusion, Mr. President, the African group reaffirmed its unwavering commitment to the NPT as a cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation regime. We think We take note of the program of work adopted for this conference, including the sequences of the main committee and the constitution of three subsidiary bodies, and stand ready to engage substantively in the spirit of compromise across all three pillars of the treaty. The African group reaffirmed the importance of the Conference on Disarmament as the sole multilateral disarmament negotiating forum, and call for the resumption of substantive work there We reiterate that multilateral disarmament negotiation will only yield tangible results when all state party, and in particular the nuclear weapons state, demonstrate genuine political will, flexibility, and good faith. The international community cannot afford another missed opportunity. The time for meaningful and durable progress is now. I thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Perez.


President [58:40]:

thank the distinguished representative of Nigeria for his statement on behalf of the African group. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Belarus, speaking on behalf of the member states of the Treaty on the Creation of the Union State of Belarus and Russia. You have the floor,

sir.


Belarus · Union State of Belarus and Russia [59:04]:

Thank you very much, Mr. President. We, participating states of the Treaty on the Creation of the Union State of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, reiterate our commitment to the NPT, as well as to the implementation of its principles and objectives, that is, the prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons across the world, and our ultimate objective, nuclear disarmament within the framework of general and complete disarmament, ensuring access to the benefits of nuclear energy. Throughout its existence, the Treaty has demonstrated just how viable and necessary it is, one of the load-bearing pillars of the international security infrastructure. Further strengthening the NPT, ensuring its holistic nature based on the equal importance of all its pillars, the three fundamental pillars, that is, disarmament, nuclear nonproliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, this should be a priority objective for all participating States. We are in favor of a nuclear-free and safer world for all as the ultimate goal of our nuclear disarmament efforts. And this solely on the basis of a holistic interpretation of Article VI of the NPT, in accordance with which such efforts must be seen as a key component of a comprehensive process of general and complete disarmament. We shall advance down this path on the basis of consensus, gradually, and in such a fashion so as to help strengthening international peace and stability, as well as to enhance the level of security for all without undermining said security. We stand convinced that there is an inextricable link between international security and this state of affairs in the sphere of disarmament. We are compelled to note that the current international security and strategic stability situation continues to deteriorate due to a whole host of factors, which directly impact the security of Russia and Belarus, as well as the Union State as a whole. The most acute ones are the following: NATO's expansion to the borders of the Union State at odds with the principle of equal and indivisible security. This is accompanied by accelerated militarization of Alliance member states and their hostile actions, which violate the core interests of our states and pose risks of a direct military confrontation between nuclear states. Next, the North Atlantic bloc's self-proclamation as a nuclear alliance. Developing mechanisms and means for nuclear sharing with broad participation of non-nuclear states relying on U.S. weapons deployed on a growing number of sites in Europe. Radical deepening of coordination between European nuclear states on military nuclear policy issues, including planning of nuclear weapons use and the joint conduct of such operations against the backdrop of them growing, building up their national nuclear arsenals, and crafting destabilizing mechanisms of forward nuclear deterrence, which entail the active involvement of allied non-nuclear states, all of which is intended to buttress the U.S. nuclear umbrella. And taken together, all of the above means greater multi-level developments of pan-NATO military nuclear capabilities. The US also endeavors, with the support of its allies, to achieve overwhelming military supremacy. This is pursued against the backdrop of the US rejecting the constructive Russian initiative to keep the legacy of the New START treaty through voluntary self-restrictions, which could help to support predictability and restraint in strategic arms. Plus, the US has also said that it may resume nuclear tests. The US has also crafting its anti-missile defense system in parallel to an expansion of counter-force capabilities geared towards a disarming first strike. There's the forward deployment of ground-based short and intermediate-range missiles in various regions of the world, once produced by the US and other Western allies. The US and its allies also plan to deploy weapons in outer space and to turn outer space into a theater of war. There's also the deliberate dismantlement by the US of the arms control treaty system. Now, this is far from an exhaustive list of negative factors which are significantly complicating the international situation, hampering constructive cooperation aimed at agreeing measures to lower strategic risks and ensure arms control. This also results in hard-to-supplant obstacles to disarmament, including further cuts to nuclear arsenals. Such destabilizing actions exacerbate the overall level of tension, compelling us to take steps in response to restore the balance of power and to sustain reliable deterrence. Specifically, Russia and Belarus were compelled to take offset measures in the military and nuclear sphere. Russo-Belarusian cooperation in this sphere undertaken within the limits of our common defense space in the Union State. This cooperation is being undertaken in strict compliance with international law and our international obligations, including under the NPT. This has no destabilizing effect within the framework of strategic equalization. To revert to disarmament, first of all, all states must reject the position of nuclear states, renounce their policy of deliberately undermining the core interests of other states, as well as the principle uphold the principle of equal and indivisible security. They must also stand ready to ensure they work on an equal footing and comprehensively to lower the confrontational potential and emphasize addressing the root causes of fundamental contradictions with due regard for key factors and links between them. Furthermore, in order to achieve practical results on nuclear arms restrictions, we need to ensure other states join this process, including ones with military nuclear capabilities, first and foremost all nuclear possessor states within NATO. We decisively condemn the unprovoked, unjustified, and illegal armed aggression waged by Israel and the U.S. against Iran, a good faith participating state in the NPT, veiled by their nonproliferation rhetoric. The escalation of the situation in the Middle East poses a threat to humanitarian, ecological, disaster and could have unpredictable consequences to the international security system, including the international nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. As the regime's holistic and reliable instrument for verification of nonproliferation obligations by states, we believe that's the IAEA safeguards system. We reaffirm our commitment to further work to maintain and enhance the agency's verification. We believe that the presumption of innocence and respect for the sovereignty of states should form the basis for the IAEA's activities. on safeguards. Any reforms to verification should be objectively politicized and technically justified with due regard for safeguard agreement provisions. We believe that international efforts on nuclear nonproliferation, including those linked to enhancing export controls, should not result in restrictions that are unjustified. Restrictions to lawful state, to lawful trade, and dual use goods and technologies, as well as civilian scientific and technological cooperation. We're in favor of broad access to the peaceful uses of the atom and development of international cooperation in this sphere. We believe that every NPT State should have the right to unfetteredly pursue its national nuclear energy policy, as well as to cooperate in this area without discrimination. We hope that the 11th RevCon will take place in a mutually respectful and constructive atmosphere, which would allow us to come up with consensus-based decisions and to ensure we strengthen the treaty regime and its fundamental pillars. I thank you very much, Mr. President.


President [1:06:27]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Belarus for his statement on behalf of the member states of the Treaty on the Creation of the Union State of Belarus and Russia. I now would like to give the floor to Mr. Andrei Belousov, head of delegation of the Russian Federation, speaking on behalf of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, CSTO. You have the floor, sir.


Russian Federation · CSTO · Head of Delegation [1:06:58]:

Thank you, Mr. President. As a representative of a state that holds the chairmanship of the CSTO, I have the honour of reading out a statement on behalf of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Here at this review conference of the parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons 2026, we, member states of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the CSTO, reaffirm our unconditional commitment to maintaining and strengthening the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Since it entered into force, The NPT has remained one of the load-bearing pillars of the international security architecture. The treaty is now universal, and this nature of the treaty attests not only to its singular character, but also to the fact that it's sorely needed under today's very difficult international circumstances. Having proven its effectiveness, the NPT continues to play a crucial role in preventing nuclear weapons proliferation. The equal significance of the three fundamental pillars of the NPT, that is disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, are the bedrock for the NPT being able not only to withstand current challenges and threats, but also the fact that the NPT remains the basis for inter-governmental cooperation in the aforementioned areas, and this for many years to come, amid growing turbulence, which goes hand-in-hand with the erosion of agreements and treaties in the areas of arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation. And amid growing risks of the arms race ratcheting up, of conflicts escalating, the tasks of maintaining and strengthening the NPT takes on particular importance. Now, the implementation of this task requires significant efforts by participating states so as to support the holistic nature and the effectiveness of the treaty in keeping with their obligations. As was stated by heads of CSTO member states in a CSTO declaration dated November 2023, our states believe in the immutable tenet that is that a nuclear war should never be waged. We call on all nuclear states to meticulously uphold the principles and understandings enshrined in the Joint Declaration of the Leaders of the Five Nuclear Weapons States, which cover the prevention of nuclear war and the avoidance of an arms race. This declaration is dated 3 January 2022. We also call on them to undertake concrete steps to lower risks of nuclear conflicts and hence of any military confrontation between nuclear weapons states. We are compelled to note that of late the NPT review process has come up against serious trials and disagreements, including on a range of politicized issues. This, together with ongoing destabilizing trends within the framework of the NPT, as well as external factors which are negatively impacting the Treaty, all of the above are hampering the achievement of consensus-based decisions and undermining the process of implementing all of the fundamental purposes of the Treaty. This is evidenced by the fact that no final documents were adopted at the past two RevCons. We call on participating States here at the 11th conference, the review conference of the NPT, to engage in constructive, concrete and inclusive dialogue, rooted in due regard for the interests of all parties. We believe that there's a need to focus our efforts on crafting consensus-based decisions, as well as on ensuring we strengthen the treaty regime and its three pillars. Member States stand ready to participate and engage with all delegations in the interests of a balanced and comprehensive consideration of all of the three fundamental pillars of the NPT. We reiterate our unswerving commitment to our treaty obligations, as well as our intent to continue coordinating our efforts so as to maintain and strengthen the treaty for the benefit of the maintenance of international peace and security. We are counting on all conference participating States endeavoring to craft agreed approaches and compromise decisions. This is the only way through such joint efforts that we'll be able to lay the groundwork for achieving positive results at the 11th RevCon, results that would be agreeable to all participating states. This will make a significant contribution to our common goal, strengthening the NPT. I thank you.


President [1:11:55]:

I thank the distinguished head of delegation of the Russian Federation for his statement on behalf of the CSTO. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Norway, speaking on behalf of the Stockholm Initiative.


Norway · Stockholm Initiative [1:12:12]:

Mr. Chair, the following statement is delivered on behalf of the members of the Stockholm Initiative for Nuclear Disarmament: Argentina, Canada, Ethiopia, Finland, Germany, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, the Netherlands, the Republic of Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and my own country, Norway. The Stockholm Initiative is a diverse, cross-regional coalition of engaged non-nuclear weapon states. We share an unwavering commitment to the NPT and the ultimate goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. The Stockholm Initiative remains steadfast in its ambition to making this NPT Review Conference successful. We underline that existing NPT commitments remain valid. NPT commitments must be implemented and obligations must be met. While our initiative focuses on disarmament, we reaffirm the mutually reinforcing nature of all three pillars of the NPT: disarmament, non-proliferation and peaceful uses of nuclear energy and technology. Despite national specificities and differences, in security policies and priorities, the members of the Stockholm Initiative have joined forces to find ways to advance nuclear disarmament with an ambitious but realistic approach. We remain dedicated to promoting broad dialogue, building bridges, and mitigating polarization with the aim to strengthen the nonproliferation and disarmament regime. Mr. Chair, since its establishment in 2019, the Stockholm Initiative has presented proposals to help reduce international tension, improve global security, foster confidence among states, and strengthen the NPT. Allow me to recall our working papers during the previous review cycle, Stepping Stones for Advancing Nuclear Disarmament and a Nuclear Risk Reduction Package. The proposals contained therein remain valid and essential. During the current review cycle, the Stockholm Initiative has presented its proposals in three different working papers, stepping up efforts towards a successful review cycle in 2024 and steps to strengthen negative security assurances, as well as navigating the potential impact of emerging technologies in 2025. In the first of these working papers, Stepping Up Efforts Towards a Successful Review Cycle, the Stockholm Initiative highlighted several crucial issues for the implementation of the NPT. They include starting negotiations on an FMCT, the urgent need to ratify and bring into force the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, engaging in dialogue on humanitarian consequences of nuclear war, as well as the need for increased transparency and accountability by the nuclear weapon states. In the working paper, Steps to Strengthen Negative Security Assurances, we provided practical recommendations to reaffirm and strengthen security assurances from nuclear weapon states, including exploring effective international arrangements, as well as to reinforce overall confidence in the global nonproliferation regime. The working paper, Navigating the Potential Impact of Emerging Technologies, stresses the importance of a better understanding of the impact of emerging technologies and of taking meaningful steps to reduce associated risks. as well as harnessing the opportunities for more effective and efficient non-proliferation and disarmament regime. Mr. Chair, the Stockholm Initiative is convinced that the engagement of the younger generations is vital to the success of disarmament efforts. Moreover, we reiterate our commitment to promoting the meaningful and effective participation and leadership of women in nuclear disarmament. Finally, we invite all NPT States Parties to study our working papers and the proposals therein, and we welcome further discussions on how to achieve further progress on nuclear disarmament. I thank you, Mr. Chair.


President [1:17:09]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Norway, speaking on behalf of the Stockholm Initiative. now invite the distinguished representative of the Solomon Islands, speaking on behalf of the member states of the South Pacific Nuclear Weapon Free Zone.


Solomon Islands · South Pacific Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone [1:17:30]:

Mr. President, I am honored to deliver this statement at this 11th Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference on behalf of the parties of the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty, known as the Treaty of Rarotonga, today representing the following parties: Australia, Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu, and my own country, Solomon Islands. It is now 40 years since the entry into force of our nuclear-free zone treaty, the Rarotonga Treaty. This was a proud moment, but one that was born out of devastation of decades of nuclear testing across our blue Pacific and growing concerns about increasing nuclear weapons stockpiles. In 1985, Forum leaders were joined in their collective conviction that the bounty and the beauty of Pacific's land and sea must be safeguarded for all in peace. The tragedies of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 80 years ago demonstrated catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons used to the world. Every effort must be made to ensure that these weapons are never used again. Although nuclear testing has ceased, our people and environments continue to bear the health, cultural, and ecological scars across generations. We acknowledge the enduring legacy faced by Pacific communities most directly affected by nuclear testing, and the continuing need for recognition, assistance, and remediation. We welcome and encourage continued and elevated international cooperation to ensure that affected peoples and environments receive full and lasting attention. In this context, we restate our total opposition to any nuclear testing and reiterate our calls for the remaining countries to sign and ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Ban Treaty, CTBT. For four decades, the Treaty of Rarotonga contributed to global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation and inspiring other nuclear weapon-free zones around the world. This reflecting on our Pacific spirit and in choosing the path of peace and showing moral leadership. At the 2025 Leaders Meeting, forum leaders committed to a peaceful Pacific free of nuclear weapons and nuclear testing, aligned with the 2050 strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent and the 2025 Blue Pacific Ocean of Peace Declaration. They recommitted to working with the global community to realize the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons and the existential threat that nuclear weapons pose to humanity. Through the 2050 strategy for the the blue Pacific continent, we continue to urge the global community to address nuclear legacy issues in the Pacific. We have committed to develop a regional approach for addressing removal of hazardous waste, including nuclear contamination such as the Rongelap Dome. Furthermore, we affirm the importance of and action needed to address hazards exposed by unexploded ordinances and remnants of war through coordinated efforts towards remediation, capacity building, and reparations for affected communities. Mr. President, the Rarotonga Treaty reaffirms the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, consistent with Article VI of the NPT, this regional treaty ensures the total absence of nuclear weapons in the South Pacific through prohibitions of nuclear weapon devices, testing and stationing, requirements for full International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards on peaceful nuclear activities, and bans on radioactive waste dumping at sea. The treaty respects port access decisions and freedom of navigation under international law, and provides robust verification and inspection mechanisms to ensure compliance. The consultative committee convened by the PIF by the Pacific Islands Forum Secretary General serves as a key executive body for consultation and cooperation on any matter arising under the treaty and to support operationalizing of the treaty as required. The first meeting of state parties was convened on the 16th of December 2020 and we hope to come together this year for the second meeting of state parties. Mr. President, the threat caused by nuclear weapons continues to this day. This has been made all too clear by recent events, and we condemn unequivocally threats to use nuclear weapons. The slow pace of disarmament is of deep concern to our Pacific community. We reaffirm the importance of NPT to our shared objective of nuclear elimination of weapons. Now more than ever, in a deteriorating global nuclear security environment, it is incumbent upon all States, particularly nuclear weapons States, to fulfil their obligations under the NPT, strengthen compliance and work towards a world free of nuclear weapons. We call for all remaining States to sign and ratify the NPT. Moreover, we encourage the establishment of nuclear-free zones in other regions on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at among the states of the regions concerned. We are particularly concerned by increases in nuclear weapons stockpiles and capabilities and the waning of arms control agreements and dialogue. Article V remains the bedrock for disarmament in NPT. We strongly call on all nuclear weapons states to implement the nuclear disarmament obligations under Article V of the NPT and honour commitments they have made, including those emanating from the NPT review conferences. The state parties of the Rarotonga Treaty urge NPT members to come together to make pragmatic, incremental steps forward to maintain the credibility and the integrity of the NPT framework. It is our shared responsibility to make this conference count for the peace-loving people we represent. I thank you.


President [1:24:38]:

I thank the distinguished representative of the Solomon Islands for her statement on behalf of the State Parties to the South Pacific Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zone. I now give the floor to His Excellency Ihab Awad, Permanent Representative of Egypt. You have the floor, sir.


Egypt · Permanent Representative [1:25:02]:

Excellency, President, at the outset, allow me to congratulate you and Vietnam on your assumption of the presidency of the conference. Egypt, who was pleased to join the Bureau, is confident of your ability to steer this session towards the success that we aspire to, namely an outcome document that is ambitious and that strikes a balance between the three pillars of the treaty. Egypt wishes to align itself with the statement made by NAM, the Arab Group, the African Group, the New Agenda Coalition, as well as the statement made by Oman on behalf of the member states of the Middle East Conference. President, we convene today amid an overly complex international landscape. Geopolitical tensions are unprecedentedly on the rise. The international security environment is deteriorating, and this has had an adverse impact on the multilateral disarmament and nonproliferation regime, stoking ambiguity on the future of this regime. We are cognizant of the threats posed by the current situation. Therefore, we stress the importance of the international regime in reducing nuclear risks. We are well aware of the risks impending the international regime. Therefore, there is a dire need to strengthen the foundation of the grand bargain of the NPT and its three pillars. Your Excellency, President, the universalization of the treaty was always an important part highlighted in the outcome documents of previous review conferences. However, no tangible progress was achieved, and this has caused a strategic imbalance that can no longer be overlooked. Therefore, we stress the need for the conference to call upon all member states that have not acceded to the NPT to do so as non-nuclear weapons states without exception. We attach particular importance to the implementation of the 1995 resolution on the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other WMDs in the Middle East as part and parcel of the indefinite extension of the NPT, which remains valid pending its total implementation. Egypt underlines that the continuous failure in the implementation of the resolution is one of the most significant shortcomings in the nonproliferation regime, which undermines its credibility. Current growing security challenges within the Middle East historically and in the current juncture have demonstrated the need to achieve tangible progress through determined and practical steps that can pave the way to the establishment of this zone. In this regard, We reiterate the importance for nuclear weapons states, especially the three sponsor states, to shoulder their responsibilities in undertaking necessary measures to support the implementation of the 1995 resolution. They must honor the commitments provided for in the outcome documents of former review conferences. We stress that the Arab group had undertaken necessary measures to break the gridlock on the implementation of the 1995 resolution. Decision 73/546 was adopted in 2018, in which kick-started a UN-led track for the countries of the region to negotiate a legally binding instrument to establish the zone free of nuclear weapons based on the free will of regional states. In this regard, the progress made in the past six sessions held so far is a strong basis that can be built upon in the future. This ongoing process, its impartiality, its professionalism, and non-selectivity demonstrate the seriousness of participating states. This should be welcomed and acknowledged in the current conference. In this framework, we underline that this goal requires concerted efforts by regional states and observer states. They need to undertake their part to ensure a collective and genuine commitment. 56 years into the entry into force of the NPT, our Efforts on disarmament have been gridlocked. Commitment on disarmament are still hostage to a lack of political will by nuclear weapons states. these have rejected the establishment of a determined timeframe to ensure the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Some have sought to bypass these commitments, choosing a selective approach, thereby linking them to preconditions such as the concept of deterrence and strategic stability and many more. In this framework, Egypt reiterates the need to implement all provisions of the NPT without any preconditions, including those on nuclear nonproliferation, as well as the outcome documents of review conferences. We acknowledge the importance of risk reduction steps such as no first use, negative security assurances, and the moratorium on tests, as well as human control over nuclear arsenals pending their elimination, these cannot supplant the implementation of obligations borne by nuclear states. The verifiable and irreversible elimination of nuclear weapons remains the sole guardrail against their use or threat of use. and the sole guarantee against their devastating environmental and humanitarian consequences. Our stance in support of nuclear disarmament is principled and non-discriminatory. Our approach is not based on politicized nor subjective standards. we stress that the approach based on reliance on nuclear deterrence and propagation of narratives on the acquisition of nuclear weapons as a security necessity and leniency with the resorting of states to nuclear armament, as well as attempts to distinguish between responsible and irresponsible nuclear states, constitute a deviation from the goals of the NPT, which warns of a potential collapse of the entire regime. As for transparency and accountability measures, these are closely interlinked. And therefore, we call for a clear and effective institutional mechanisms to be established to enable nuclear states to periodically report on their commitments or based on unified and measurable standards. The progress made must be discussed within a formal framework as part and parcel of the review process. President, growing development needs, namely to ensure energy security, have shed light on the unlimited potential of nuclear energy to contribute to well-being within the new energy mix adopted, which includes clean energy. Therefore, we stress the unconditional, inalienable rights for non-nuclear weapon states to use such energy peacefully in accordance with Article IV. This right must be upheld and not limited, while many countries who refuse to join the NPT as non-nuclear weapon states do not face similar restrictions. Therefore, we stress that the balance between rights and obligations must be preserved as a sine qua non to ensure the viability of the NPT. In conclusion, President, the nonproliferation regime today stands before a delicate crossroads. This compels the international community to address daunting challenges with seriousness and responsibility. The current status quo, if it remains unchanged, will lead to further distrust. This will also lead to a degeneration of the situation towards further instability, thereby threatening to erase the progress made in the past decades. Rebuilding trust is therefore contingent upon genuine political will, one that is coupled with a genuine commitment to the implementation of the three pillars of the NPT. I thank you, President.


President [1:35:09]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Egypt for his statement. I now have the honor to invite Her Excellency Sophie De Smet, Permanent Representative of Belgium to the United Nations. You have the floor, ma'am.


Belgium · Permanent Representative [1:35:27]:

Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on your leadership and assuming the presidency of this important conference. The constructive cooperation of my delegation is always there. Belgium fully aligns itself with the statement delivered by the EU. And in my national capacity, I'd like to make the following comments. Our current geopolitical landscape is marked by growing uncertainty and shifting paradigms. The NPT does not operate in a vacuum and also undergoes the tides of change. The bedrock upon which it is built is eroding. Treaties that allowed for the management of strategic risk have been violated. Nuclear threats have multiplied. The basic tenets of the non-proliferation regime, such as safeguards agreements, have been disregarded. The review cycle itself has been stymied by the impossibility to agree on a common platform and a shared course of action. Differences in perspective have always existed within the NPT community, but today, dialogue is increasingly challenged by widening divisions over both focus and principles. Some States call into question the legitimacy of nuclear weapons and the validity of nuclear deterrence. Meanwhile, certain nuclear-weapon States pay lip service to the goal of disarmament while at the same time producing new warheads at unprecedented speed or developing novel and disruptive systems. Mr. President, it is time to return to the fundamentals of the NPT. The Treaty was born from realistic pragmatism. It acknowledged the existence of nuclear weapons while setting a clear aspiration for their eventual elimination. It recognised that these weapons must not spread beyond the nuclear weapons States recognised by the Treaty. It charted a path to spread the benefits of nuclear technology while providing the necessary safeguards against abuse for military means. This conference should recommit to the basics of the Treaty. We need to embrace the goal of a world without nuclear weapons, promote all realistic pathways leading thereto, and reject foul play. In concrete terms, what this means is advancing arms control agreements between the nuclear weapons states. bringing nuclear testing to a definitive end, halting the production of fissile material for nuclear explosive purposes, and developing credible verification measures for future disarmament. It also means working to bring all other States possessing nuclear weapons under effective arms control constraints. Pending progress, measures should be taken to reduce nuclear risk and strengthen confidence-building. Those who do not play by the rules should be exposed. For this to happen, we need to look beyond tired speaking points and entrenched positions, and leave behind zero-sum game thinking. A world without nuclear weapons requires a world without nuclear tests. One cannot lament the lack of progress towards nuclear disarmament while refusing at the same time to join the CTBT. There remains one nuclear-weapon state that has yet to declare a formal moratorium on the production of fissile material, and that same state continues to produce warheads at an exponential rate. There is just one nuclear-weapon state seeking to annex parts of another state and using nuclear threats to deter resistance. The same state shields the DPRK and Iran, the two the most pressing proliferation challenges of our time, these dynamics can and they must change. Mr. President, we should also take a critical look at our own working methods and see where we can be more effective and efficient. Special attention should be given to the improvement of transparency and accountability, which will make this review process more impactful and more resilient. I would also like to address the issue of extended nuclear deterrence and nuclear sharing arrangements, which have been criticised previously. These arrangements predate the NPT and are fully consistent with its provisions. We reject attempts to manufacture an artificial controversy as a way to divert attention from the real threats facing the NPT. The NPT remains the only instrument that enshrines the delicate but essential balance between nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Let us work together to strengthen that balance and carry the Treaty's promise forward. I thank you.


President [1:40:31]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Belgium for her statement. I now invite Her Excellency Maritza Chan Valverde, Permanent Representative of Costa Rica. You have the floor, ma'am.


Costa Rica · Permanent Representative [1:40:46]:

Mr. President, Costa Rica would like to congratulate you on your election. Nearly six decades ago, States Parties undertook reciprocal commitments. Those possessing nuclear weapons would move towards their elimination. Those not possessing them would refrain from acquiring them. These commitments have not been honoured in equal measure. To this we must add that the agreements that gave structure to nuclear containment have lapsed, or they have been abandoned, one after another, without successors, at a moment when nuclear risks have reached levels not seen since the end of the Cold War. The NPT did not create a world free of nuclear weapons; it created the obligation to build one. This Conference exists to demand that that obligation be fulfilled. Allow me to make four observations. First, what was agreed in 1995, in 2000 and in 2010 has not been superseded. The unequivocal commitment to eliminate nuclear arsenals, the principles of irreversibility, verifiability and transparency, and the reduction of the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines remain living law, and this Conference must reaffirm them. Secondly, Article VI imposes an obligation of conduct and of result. The International Court of Justice established in 1996 that nuclear weapons states are obligated not only to negotiate, but also to bring to a conclusion negotiations on nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control. To bring to a conclusion means to conclude. Good faith in discharging this obligation is measured by real progress towards that end. Three consecutive review conferences have failed to produce an agreed outcome document. Arsenals are advancing in a qualitative modernization race that expands capabilities without reducing them, and security doctrines are assigning nuclear weapons an increasingly prominent role. This pattern weakens nonproliferation incentives and threatens the coherence of the regime. Costa Rica calls upon nuclear weapons States to suspend all expansion of their arsenals and to commence disarmament negotiations immediately. We likewise call upon remaining Annex 2 States to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty without delay, and upon all possessor States to maintain their nuclear testing moratoria. Thirdly, a normative dimension is equally at stake. Since 1945, the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons has operated as a taboo, a collective conviction that contains what no treaty has formally prohibited. This taboo does not survive in a vacuum. It is sustained by restraint in doctrines and by progress towards disarmament. When arsenals grow and use thresholds are lowered in political discourse, that conviction erodes, and with it the protection of civilian populations and, with particular severity, of women and girls. Negative security assurances must be unconditional, legally binding and universal. and pending protocols of the nuclear-weapon-free zones require ratification, not another review cycle. Fourthly, the disarmament pillar and the non-proliferation pillar are not independent. They are sustained by the same logic. Non-nuclear weapons States renounced the nuclear option in exchange for a reciprocal disarmament obligation, and when that obligation is systematically unfulfilled, the credibility of the regime is weakened in both directions. Costa Rica urges this Conference to recognize that progress on disarmament is a condition for the sustainability of the non-proliferation regime. Mr. President, the NPT obligates States to negotiate the elimination of the most destructive weapons in history. That was its audacity in 1968, and it remains so today. Pacta sunt servanda. States must honour what they freely undertook, and this Conference must demand it. I thank you.


President [1:45:58]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Costa Rica for her statement. I now invite Her Excellency Zheljana Karadjova, the Permanent Representative of Bulgaria. You have the floor, madam.


Bulgaria · Permanent Representative [1:46:13]:

Thank you, Mr. President. Bulgaria congratulates you warmly on the assuming of the presidency of the 11th Review Conference of the NPT. Please be assured of our delegation's full support. Bulgaria aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union and one to be made by NATO. I would like to make a few national remarks. Bulgaria remains a steadfast supporter of the NPT as the cornerstone of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime, the essential foundation of the pursuit of nuclear disarmament in accordance with its Article VI. and the framework for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. We reiterate our full support for the three pillars of the NPT and call on all states to have not yet done so to join the treaty as non-nuclear weapons states. Any advance in nuclear disarmament is only possible within the NPT framework through a progressive and gradual approach. based on practical steps and with due regards to complex security environment of today. One step is the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty as soon as possible. As an Annex 2 state that has signed the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, sorry, ratified the treaty, Bulgaria calls upon all states, especially the remaining annexed to state, to sign and ratify the CTBT without further delay. The immediate commencement of negotiations of the fissile material cut-off treaty constitutes a top priority as well. Meanwhile, we urge all states possessing nuclear weapons that have not yet done so to declare and maintain moratoria on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons and other nuclear explosive devices. We also call for progress in the area of nuclear disarmament verification. further reduction of nuclear arsenals, improving transparency and accountability, and continued dialogue on nuclear risk reduction as practical measures towards our shared objective of global nuclear disarmament. Mr. President, we meet under extremely challenging global security situation, so evidently manifested by heightened geopolitical tensions, armed conflicts, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Russia's full-scale invasion in Ukraine, the violent, indiscriminate attacks against civilians and critical energy infrastructure, including the illegal occupation of Ukraine, the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, and the very foundations of the global UN double nonproliferation and disarmament architecture. We reiterate our firm condemnation of this aggression and any support by third countries, notably Belarus, Iran, and the DPRK, that enable Russia to continue its war. Bulgaria reaffirms its support for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace that upholds Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity within internationally recognized borders. No decisions of any peace and security arrangements on Ukraine should be taken without Ukraine. The military escalation in the Middle East with Iran's attacks on countries in the region and the ongoing proliferation risk have further fundamentally changed the strategic context in which the 11th Review Conference take place. Iran must never acquire nuclear weapons. Bulgaria supports all diplomatic efforts for a lasting solution to the nuclear Iranian issue. Iran should resume full cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency and fully comply with its obligations under the NPT, the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement concluded with the IAEA, and the restored UN Security Security Council resolutions. Likewise, we call on the DPRK to abandon all its WMD and ballistic missile programs in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner, and resume implementation of the NPT as a non-nuclear-weapon state to comply with its comprehensive safeguards agreements with the IAEA and concludes its additional protocol, and to sign and ratify the CTBT. Nuclear arms control is vital for global security. Bulgaria joins those states supporting enhanced dialogue between nuclear weapons states on strategic stability. increased transparency and confidence-building measures with the ultimate aim of promoting progress in arms control, disarmament, and reduction of nuclear arsenals globally. The IAEA safeguard system is key in addressing the proliferation risk and the NPT implementation as a whole. Bulgaria remains the value reaffirms the value of peaceful international nuclear cooperation and will spare no effort to support the central role of the Agency in promoting the highest nuclear safety and security standards and the benefits of the peaceful use of nuclear science and technologies. Mr. President, Now more than ever, the parties to the NPT must seize the opportunity to defend and uphold the NPT by renewing their commitments to the full and effective implementation of the Treaty, to further reinforce its regime, and to promote its universalization in order to maintain the global peace and security. We hope that the constructive and realistic approach will lead to a successful outcome of the Review Conference. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [1:52:47]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Bulgaria for her statement. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Alia Ahmed Saif Al Thani, Permanent Representative of the State of Qatar. You have the floor, madam.


Qatar · Permanent Representative [1:53:03]:

Thank you, Mr. President. Allow me to congratulate you on assuming the 2026 NPT Review Conference. We will fully cooperate with you and member states to achieve the desired aims of this conference. We align ourselves with the statement by the GCC and the Arab Group and the statement of the non-aligned movement and the statement of the President of the seventh session of the Conference on the establishment of the WMD free zone in the Middle East. Mr. President, the NPT is a cornerstone in the international disarmament and non-proliferation regime. It's an essential tool to achieve collective security. This requires full commitment and balanced commitment, non-selective commitment to the implementation of the three pillars. The Review Conference contributes to enhance efforts to achieve the objectives of this important treaty. Mr. President, regarding the Middle East, the state of Qatar stresses that the 1995 resolution on the Middle East is an integral part of the NPT regime. It is important to implement this resolution through the establishment of the WMD and nuclear weapons-free zone in the Middle East. This is an essential step towards peace and security in the region. We therefore call upon the Review Conference to adopt an outcome that supports the establishment of such a zone in the Middle East. In this context, we express our support to the Sultanate of Oman as President of the current session of the Conference on the Establishment of a WMD-Free Zone in the Middle East. The review conference failed twice in 2015 and 2022 to adopt a consensus-based outcome document. This is why it's important to redouble efforts and to mobilize the necessary political support to reach consensus, to reach an outcome that allows us to achieve our aims to achieve international security. We also stress the importance of the provision by nuclear weapons states of concrete measures in order to fulfill their commitments. The State of Qatar stresses the important role played by the IAEA. This is the competent international authority tasked with verifying that nuclear energy is used exclusively for peaceful purposes. It's important to enhance the Additional Protocol and the Comprehensive Safeguards Regime. It is important to fully cooperate with the IAEA in good faith. We stress the need to develop peaceful nuclear programs in a responsible way that upholds the highest standards of safety and security and reduces the risk of radiation and the risk that this poses to neighboring countries. It's important to verify these activities in order to ensure that they're not used for military purposes. We call upon all countries to accede to agreements related to safety and security of nuclear weapons and the agreements that prohibits the transfer of nuclear material to any countries that might use it for military purposes. Regarding the situation in the Gulf region and the consequences on international peace and security, we reiterate our firm position. We condemn the attacks by the Islamic Republic of Iran against the state of Qatar and the GCC. We condemn all attacks that target the sovereignty of the states of the region, including targeting civilian infrastructure and energy infrastructure. This is a violation of international law and international humanitarian law. In this context, it is important to reach peaceful, durable solutions. We welcome mediation efforts underway led by the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to ensure de-escalation and to prepare the ground for dialogue. This would prevent any further escalation. In conclusion, Mr. President, we stress the importance of the strict fulfillment of obligations arising from international agreements on disarmament and nonproliferation. The State of Qatar continues to work with its partners to ensure that this conference leads to practical, tangible outcomes that enhance collective security and brings us closer to our desired goals. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [1:57:39]:

I thank the distinguished permanent representative of the State of Qatar. I now give the floor to His Excellency Matteo Facchinotti, Permanent Representative of Switzerland to the IAEA and the CTBTO. You have the floor, sir.


Switzerland · Permanent Representative [1:57:58]:

Mr. President, I congratulate you on assuming your duties and assure you of the full support of the Swiss delegation. The NPT is based on a grand bargain, namely a set of commitments compromises. For 50 years, States Parties, whether possessing nuclear weapons or not, have undertaken legally binding obligations to prevent nuclear proliferation, advance disarmament and guarantee the right to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Our collective determination to preserve this commitment is now being put to the test. The most recent substantial achievement of the NPT, the 2010 Action Plan, was adopted 16 years ago. Since then, two successive review conferences have been unable to reach a consensus outcome. The long-term credibility of the Treaty requires that the present conference overcome this situation. Achieving a consensus outcome will be difficult, particularly as the international security context has deteriorated significantly since the last review conference. The multilateral system is under considerable strain. Fundamental international norms are being challenged, notably the Charter of the United Nations and international humanitarian law. Commitments under the Treaty continue to be implemented unevenly, particularly in the area of nuclear disarmament. On the contrary, nuclear arsenals are being modernized and, in some cases, expanded. No arms control agreement is currently in force between the states possessing the largest arsenals, and no negotiations on new agreements are under way. Threats of the use of nuclear weapons have been made in contexts that directly call into question the fundamental commitment that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. Mr. President, The NPT was never intended to legitimize the unlimited possession of nuclear arsenals. In 2000 and again in 2010, nuclear weapons States made an unequivocal undertaking: the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals. This commitment remains fully valid and essential. The present Conference must reaffirm it and advance it in a concrete manner. The deterioration of the international situation also calls for additional measures alongside existing commitments on nuclear disarmament. First, reducing the risk of nuclear conflict. Switzerland is working with a cross-regional group of states on concrete measures to this end. Secondly, strengthening transparency and accountability. This is essential in order to assess progress in the full implementation of the Treaty, particularly in the area of disarmament. Together with Ireland and New Zealand, Switzerland has submitted elements for a decision by the Conference to this effect. A State cannot ignore its non-proliferation obligations, whether they arise from a comprehensive safeguards agreement of the IAEA or from resolutions of the United Nations Security Council. Persistent questions regarding the nuclear programmes of Iran and the DPRK remain a source of serious concern. They must be resolved through full compliance with relevant obligations and in full cooperation with the IAEA. In cases of non-compliance with these obligations, Switzerland's approach is based on the UN Charter. We condemn any use of force in violation of the Charter and international law. To reduce tensions and achieve lasting results, diplomatic engagement, compliance with NPT obligations and verification by the IAEA are essential. Switzerland remains ready to contribute constructively wherever dialogue can be initiated. The right of States Parties to the peaceful use of nuclear energy requires the highest standards of safety, security and safeguards. The conduct of hostilities in the vicinity of nuclear power plants poses serious risks, whether in the context of the war against Ukraine, the war against Iran, or attacks against other States in the Middle East. The safety and security of civilian nuclear facilities must be guaranteed under all circumstances, including during armed conflicts. International law, in particular international humanitarian law, must be respected at all times. Mr. President, Given the international situation, we have to be both pragmatic and ambitious. Switzerland will work with all delegations towards a final document that strengthens the Treaty. While the outcomes of this conference may take different forms, it is essential that any final document preserve the integrity of the Treaty, including the commitments already undertaken by States Parties, and chart a credible path for its future implementation. Such an outcome would demonstrate that the NPT remains capable of delivering results across its three pillars. Mr. President, Even the deepest differences can reveal common ground. if addressed with pragmatism and good faith. Switzerland is committed to this approach and calls on all delegations to approach this Conference in the same spirit. The complete version of my statement will be circulated electronically. I thank you.


President [2:03:38]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Switzerland for his statement. I now invite His Excellency Coly Seck, Permanent Representative of Senegal to the United Nations. You have the floor.


Senegal · Permanent Representative [2:03:54]:

Thank.

You, Mr. President. Mr. President, my delegation would like to congratulate you on your election as President of this Conference. We'd like to express to you our support in your wisdom, transparency and the inclusive way in which you've steered the preparatory work of this conference so far. My delegation aligns itself with the statement delivered by Uganda on behalf of the NAM, as well as by Nigeria on behalf of the Africa Group. We would like to make the following comments in that national capacity. Mr. President, We meet today against a backdrop of strong turbulence, which we cannot ignore any longer. Armed conflicts persist in a number of the world's regions, sowing misery, displacement, and the suffering of millions of innocent civilians. Geopolitical tensions are reaching levels we'd thought consigned to history. Military rhetoric between nuclear powers is intensifying. and with it the risk of an escalation with immeasurable consequences for all of humanity, which used to be theoretical, but today, concrete. It's against this backdrop that our meeting is particularly significant and urgent, because if it's one thing we've learned, it's that nuclear weapons are not an instrument of security, rather they pose an existential threat to human civilization. Mr. President, it is on the basis of this convention, conviction that the NPT was negotiated and opened for signature. It entered into force in 1970 and indefinitely extended in 1995. The NPT has an architecture that is both simple in principle and ambitious in what its ultimate end is. Today, it's the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime, the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and a fundamental indispensable pillar of any credible disarmament stance. Today, more than ever, three pillars, nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy are of crucial importance for international peace and security. For Senegal, the relevance of Article VI of the treaty in particular must be forcefully recalled. It is the only legally binding obligation and one that is also treaty-based, the only one which commits states to continue, in good faith, negotiations on effective nuclear disarmament measures. This obligation is not optional, it's not conditional. It is the beating heart of the treaty. The implementation thereof remains, over 50 years after the NPT entered into force, a moral and legal requirement. which the international community cannot shirk. Non-proliferation, both horizontal and vertical, is of equal importance for Senegal. It's vital that we preserve the JCPOA, as well as the agreements on strategic offensive arms limitations in Europe. Similarly, it's important to continue negotiations on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. Mr. President, The drafters of the NPT were cognizant that in order to be complete and effective, the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons must go hand in hand with the promotion and support for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. For that reason, we invite parties to the treaty to fully comply with their Article V commitments. In other words, to take appropriate measures to ensure that the benefits stemming from the peaceful applications of nuclear energy be accessible on a non-discriminatory basis at the lowest possible cost and without any fees when it comes to R&D. Atoms for peace is not an empty motto. It is the energy driving all the civilian applications of the atom, in particular when it comes to water resource management, energy planning, the improvement of agricultural productivity, food, animal husbandry development, the fight against malnutrition, the treatment of non-communicable diseases, soil conservation and the fight against acridians inter alia. Mr. President, there is a pressing need to strike a balance between non-proliferation, disarmament and the promotion of the peaceful uses of energy and technology, nuclear energy and technology. This is necessary if we want to achieve tangible progress on the path towards the achievement of the lofty objectives enshrined in the NPT. For that reason, it's important not to allow our debates to get bogged down in our traditional differences of opinion, but rather to exhibit the greatest political resolve and a heightened sense of responsibility. What's particularly important is that we reiterate our shared faith in multilateralism and that we place disarmament and non-proliferation back atop our agenda. Senegal harbors the hope that the States Parties will overcome their differences to adopt a final document that's substantive and balanced. This document should reiterate the three pillars of the treaty, which have equal force, pinpoint concrete measures which go hand in hand with deadlines, so as to achieve the implementation of Article VI, reiterate the inalienable right of all States Parties to enjoy the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and to chart a credible course towards the generalization of nuclear weapons-free zones, in particular. the establishment of such a nuclear weapons-free zone in the Middle East as per the 1995 resolution, we also hope that this conference will send a clear message. The message of an international community which has not given up the ideal of a world free from nuclear weapons, as well as that of multilateral institutions still being able to generate concrete results in the service of peace. Working together, let's make this conference a turning point. Together, let's make the NPT vital and credible as it deserves. Working together, let's ensure that we build a world that's safer, fairer and definitively free from nuclear weapons. Mr. President, by way of conclusion, I'd like to reiterate Senegal's commitment to the NPT as well as to all of the relevant arms control agreements, including the Pelendaba Treaty. Senegal stands ready to work with all delegations in the spirit of constructive dialogue, flexibility and compromise to make this conference a resounding success. I thank you.


President [2:10:42]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Senegal for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ireland.


Ireland [2:10:55]:

Thank you, President. Ireland aligns with the statements of the European Union, the New Agenda Coalition and the Vienna Group of Ten, and we wish you well in your important role as President. Ireland has been closely associated with the NPT since its inception. Resolutions initiated by Ireland laid the path to negotiation of the treaty. Since then, we have consistently advocated for its provisions to be honoured and implemented. We maintain our attachment to the Treaty, to its three pillars, and to the promise of a world free of nuclear weapons. It is a core element of our security, and collectively, it represents our shared commitment towards a peaceful world. President, the NPT was born of tension and in the midst of crisis. It provides the agreed global framework to address the threat of nuclear weapons. The treaty rests on a shared understanding that we must confront the devastating power of nuclear weapons. At the heart of its grand bargain is the understanding that greater security is not achieved through the possession of ever greater numbers of nuclear weapons. And yet, even over the course of this review cycle, we have seen the widespread modernization of nuclear arsenals, the rapid and opaque buildup of nuclear weapons, contrary to Article 6, and an absence of progress on disarmament obligations and related commitments, and increased associated risk. Despite the challenges we face, the NPT has had its successes. It has paved the way for arms control agreements, vastly reducing the numbers of strategic weapons, and has been key to limiting the number of States who possess nuclear weapons. Today, those achievements are at risk. We see no progress towards disarmament, while we see proliferation risks multiply. This conference must safeguard, revive and build on those earlier successes. Together, we must use the opportunity to make real progress towards the ultimate promise of the Treaty, a world free of nuclear weapons. President, in the coming weeks, we must demonstrate the necessary political will to advance the implementation of the NPT. to strengthen the international disarmament architecture, to tackle proliferation, to pursue reductions in nuclear arsenals, and to reinforce impartial expert institutions, including the IAEA, on which we all rely. In doing so, we must never lose sight of the unspeakable humanitarian consequences of these weapons, whether used intentionally or unintentionally, and guard closely against their normalization. Instead, we must uphold the taboo against nuclear weapons, including the norm against testing. In a contested security environment, we are witness to increasingly casual discourse about nuclear weapons, and that discourse matters. Threats of the use of nuclear weapons are unacceptable and must stop. Ireland condemns Russia's threats to use nuclear weapons in its illegal war of aggression in Ukraine. We are concerned at the nature and extent of Iran's nuclear program. We are troubled by the erosion of the norm that nuclear facilities should not be targeted in conflict. And we regret the expiry of arms control frameworks and the lack of trust and political will to revive and renew them. We are all collectively less secure as a result. President, our work together will not be easy. It is shaped by the global context in which it takes place, but its outcome should not be determined by it. The challenges we face demand our urgent and ongoing collective action. Ireland will play its part to support you in seeking the flexibility and the collective ambition to assert the NPT as that core element of international peace and security. We should remain ambitious. The reaffirmation of our commitment to the full implementation of the NPT to its three pillars and to success of undertakings on its full and balanced implementation should be the floor of that ambition and not the ceiling. Ireland will focus in particular on the need to enhance transparency and accountability in the review cycle. During the current cycle, States Parties on a cross-regional basis have emphasized the need for progress in this area. It's time to create the mechanisms within the review cycle for a meaningful interactive dialogue based around the promise of Article VI of the Treaty. This is a modest step, but it is long overdue. Agreement would be an important investment in strengthening and restoring trust in the Treaty. President, to conclude, this moment requires political will and courage. Out of tension and in the midst of crisis, we negotiated and agreed the NPT. Today's challenges call us to commit once more to the hard work of diplomacy, to strengthen the NPT and to foster trust. That way, we can make progress towards the core promise of the NPT, general and complete disarmament, which is crucial to the grand bargain which binds us all. Thank you.


President [2:16:05]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Ireland for her statement. I now invite His Excellency Umar Hadi, the Permanent Representative of Indonesia to the United Nations. You have the floor, sir.


Indonesia · Permanent Representative [2:16:20]:

Mr. President, it would be too easy to begin this statement with the gloom and doom surrounding this review conference. Tensions are rising, international law is eroding, restraint in the use of force is fading. Over 12,000 nuclear warheads still exist. They are being modernized, expanded, and increasingly invoked in political rhetoric. Nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards were attacked. But we could, and we should, choose a different path. Indonesia would like to impart a positive attitude. There must be reasons for hope and optimism. Mr. President, the NPT remains indispensable. This conference provides an important opportunity to rebuild its credibility. Learning from the past two review conferences, we must ensure that this time we deliver meaningful results. In this regard, Indonesia would like to highlight three imperatives. First, confront nuclear risks with honesty. These risks are immediate and growing. Emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence in nuclear command, control, and communication, enable autonomous decision-making that increases the risk of miscalculation. In such a context, nuclear-armed states must ensure full human control at all times. This is a minimum safeguard for humanity. In parallel, this Review Conference must catalyse the entry into force of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Pending this, all relevant States must strictly uphold their moratoria and refrain from any further nuclear testing. Second, challenge the assumption that nuclear weapons provide stability. Reliance on nuclear weapons fuels mistrust, deepens insecurity, and normalizes their use. Deterrence may claim to prevent war, but it also sustains the conditions for its escalation. This demands a serious reconsideration of the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines. We must confront this false assumption, ensuring that the full implementation of the NPT obligations serves as mutual security for all. That is why more diplomacy is needed, not less, at bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels especially among nuclear weapon states. Third, pursue balance and integrity of the NPT. While non-proliferation is implemented with rigour, disarmament and peaceful uses of nuclear energy remain insufficiently fulfilled. The NPT was never intended to legitimise indefinite possession of nuclear weapons. Progress on disarmament must be enforced. Equally, the inalienable right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy must be protected, particularly for developing countries striving for urgent energy, health, food security, and other sustainable development needs. Addressing this imbalance is essential to strengthening the treaty's long-term sustainability. Mr. President, It is also timely to address the issue of naval nuclear propulsion, which serves as a test case for the future of safeguards verification regime. We must strive for a transparent safeguards arrangement on NNP in line with the object and purpose of the treaty. In this regard, Indonesia will submit a working paper and invites constructive engagement from all state parties. Mr. President, this conference is not a procedural milestone. Difficult circumstances should not limit our ambition. Rather, they should motivate us to demonstrate that collective action is still possible. Together, we must and we can demonstrate leadership and political courage. Let us move beyond managing divisions. Let us begin rebuilding trust. I thank you.


President [2:21:32]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Indonesia. I now give the floor to His Excellency Rein Tamsar, Permanent Representative of Estonia to the United Nations. You have the floor, sir.


Estonia · Permanent Representative [2:21:48]:

President, allow me at the outset to congratulate you on your election as President of the 11th Review Conference of the NPT. We wish you every success in this very, very important role. And Estonia aligns itself with a statement of the European Union and will highlight a few issues in our national capacity. There is a trend that has intensified since the conclusion of the 10th Review Conference And it is the systematic undermining by Russia of the arms control architecture that has long reinforced the NPT. Russia continues to wage its war of aggression against Ukraine for a fifth consecutive year. This constitutes a clear violation of international law and norms, as well as a grave breach of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Russia's repeated nuclear threats constitute a clear rejection of decades of efforts to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in international politics, contributing to the normalization of coercive nuclear signaling. And its suspension of participation in the New START Treaty and failure to pursue a successor arrangement have effectively dismantled the last remaining pillar of bilateral strategic arms control between the world's two largest nuclear powers. Furthermore, its withdrawal of ratification from the CTBT weakens the global norms against nuclear testing and signals a readiness to abandon longstanding constraints. Russia's military occupation and repeated attacks on civilian nuclear facilities, including the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, violate fundamental principles of nuclear safety and security. Such actions undermine confidence in the peaceful uses of NPT, erode trust in international nuclear safety norms, and place significant strain on the global nuclear safety and security framework. Estonia strongly condemns the continued military support provided by Belarus, Iran, and deprecator Russia, enabling it to sustain its war of aggression against Ukraine. We also call on China to end its role as a decisive enabler of this war. Mr. President, the NPT remains the essential bulwark against the spread of nuclear weapons. NATO's nuclear deterrence posture, including nuclear sharing arrangements, is fully consistent with the NPT and remains a cornerstone of Euro-Atlantic security. NATO's extended deterrence arrangements have long served as a key tool in preventing proliferation and contributing to a more stable security environment. In an increasingly insecure world, NATO's extended deterrence remains critical to deterring aggression, promoting collective security, and preventing conflict. Estonia supports all international efforts towards the entry into force of a CTBT and urges all States, particularly the Annex 2 States, to sign and ratify the Treaty. Estonia also supports the commencement of negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty and calls on all nuclear-weapon States to declare or maintain moratoria on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons and other nuclear explosive devices. Estonia is deeply concerned about China's rapid and opaque expansion of its nuclear arsenal, which raises questions regarding transparency and consistency with its disarmament commitments under the NPT. Concerns about its doctrine and expanding capabilities fuel mistrust, including regarding its declared no first use policy. We call on China to engage constructively in nuclear risk reduction and arms control efforts, including by enhancing transparency, establishing reliable communication channels, and clarifying its strategic intentions. Finally, the International Atomic Energy Agency's safeguards are a fundamental component of a global nuclear nonproliferation regime and essential for enabling peaceful nuclear cooperation. Its independence must be protected, and all States must ensure full cooperation. States that have failed to meet their obligations, such as Iran and DPRK, must return to compliance and urgently resume full cooperation with the Agency. I thank you.


President [2:26:34]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Estonia for his statement. I now invite His Excellency Abdulaziz Al-Wazir, the Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. You have the floor.


Saudi Arabia · Permanent Representative [2:26:50]:

In the name of God, most compassionate, most merciful, President, allow me at the outset to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the 2026 11th Review Conference of the NPT. We wish you every success. We stand ready to cooperate with you and remaining delegations to ensure the success of our conference's deliberations to pave the way for positive outcomes that help us achieve the treaty's objectives. We wish to align ourselves with the statement made by groups which we belong to. Your Excellency, President, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia believes that peaceful cooperation amongst states is the only means to achieve well-being, prosperity, and stability throughout the world. We attach great importance to the international nonproliferation regime underpinned by the NPT. We believe that the full implementation of the treaty's provisions and their universalization will pave the way to the strengthening and consolidation of its pillars globally to achieve our goal of freeing the world of nuclear weapons. We stress the need to concert efforts effectively to achieve the goals of this treaty and ensure its universality. We call states non-parties to the NPT to accede to the treaty swiftly and place all its nuclear facilities under IAEA comprehensive safeguards. We call upon nuclear weapons states to honor their commitments in accordance with Article VI. The only guarantee against the use and threat of use of nuclear weapons remains their and complete elimination. We stress the importance of ensuring integration amongst the three NPT pillars. They must be implemented with equal attention. The credibility of the NPT hinges on a balance struck in the implementation of its three pillars. Therefore, we must avoid focusing on one or the other. Your Excellency, Distinguished delegates, the KSA stresses the important role undertaken by the IAEA and its Director General in the verification of the peaceful nature of nuclear programs of state parties. We stress our constant support to the mission of the IAEA in ensuring the compliance of state parties to the NPT with their obligation. Its role must be undertaken with impartiality. We commend the efforts made by the IAEA to provide technical assistance, capacity building, and vital infrastructure, as well as oversight for member states. We stress the adequacy and sufficiency of the provisions of the NPT, as well as its verification and oversight instruments for commitments of non-nuclear weapons states to the peaceful nature of their nuclear programs. We underline the inalienable right of states to peacefully use nuclear energy as provided for in Article 4. Access to nuclear technology must be ensured to state parties to the NPT without additional conditions imposed as a departure from the provisions of the NPT, thereby limiting their right to leverage nuclear energy peacefully. Our national nuclear energy policy commits to the highest standards of transparency and credibility in the development of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in various domains, including through the National Nuclear Energy Project in cooperation with the IAEA. My country's delegation underlines the importance of economic development, which must not be curtailed. We call upon all member states to work together and collaborate. in all endeavors to leverage nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in accordance with the provisions of the NPT so as to pave the way for the achievement of the interests of all states and all peoples in bolstering development and the global economy. Your Excellencies, distinguished delegates, we stress the need to develop the NPT Review Conference mechanisms which are currently applicable. We call upon Member States to review these mechanisms and rules to preserve the nonproliferation regime and to ensure that future sessions do not deviate from its goals and scope. We must also ensure that all efforts are made to develop and enhance the review mechanisms. President, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was subject to blatant acts of aggression perpetrated by Iran, deliberately targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure in a blatant violation of international law and IHL. This was condemned by the international community in Resolution 2817, which garnered unprecedented support by 136 countries. This reflects the current stance by the international community vis-a-vis these attacks as they constitute a great threat to international peace and security. As for the Iranian nuclear file, we stress the need for Iran to completely and transparently cooperate with the IAEA to guarantee the peaceful nature of its nuclear program and to address pending issues and avert any future conflicts in the region. The Kingdom also stresses the need to strengthen regional security based on the principles of good neighborliness and noninterference in domestic affairs of states, and the supporting of international efforts for de-escalation, the promotion of diplomatic solutions, and ensuring that nuclear and regional issues are not exploited as a means to undermine stability. the responsibility of establishing a zone free from or of nuclear weapons and other WMDs in the Middle East is not merely borne by regional states. It is a collective responsibility equally borne by the states co-sponsors of the 1995 Middle East resolution. We stress that this resolution is an integral part of other resolutions that were adopted to ensure the indefinite extension of the NPT, this resolution remains valid pending its total implementation. The continuous refusal of Israel to join the NPT and place its nuclear facilities under the comprehensive IAEA safeguards constitutes an impediment that cannot be overlooked. This treaty is intended to give non-nuclear weapons states a guarantee that nuclear energy will not be used for armament. And this guarantee is absent in the Middle East as long as Israel does not join the treaty and disregards relevant international resolutions. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, we reiterate the importance of leaving no stone unturned to ensure the success of the conference to achieve the goals and objectives of the NPT. We look forward to the success of our deliberations and to the galvanization of international efforts to ensure successful outcomes and the addressing of challenges that are attributed to a piecemeal commitment to the NPT. We hope that the international community will finally achieve a world rid of nuclear weapons to safeguard international peace and security, and finally realize peace, stability, and well-being everywhere across the world. I thank you, President.


President [2:35:10]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Saudi Arabia for his statement. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Laura Dupuy Lasserre, Permanent Representative of Uruguay.


Uruguay · Permanent Representative [2:35:26]:

Mr. President, allow me to begin by congratulating you on your leadership of this Review Conference. We recognize the transparent and inclusive nature of the preparatory process, as well as your willingness to engage in dialogue with the various States and groups. You have our support. President, we are meeting at this eleventh conference at a moment of unprecedented fragility for international security, where the horrors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki appear as if they could be repeated. Uruguay, faithful to its pacifist vocation and as a non-nuclear-weapon State, reaffirms its unwavering commitment to strengthening the disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Therefore, we consistently maintain that the complete, irreversible, verifiable and transparent elimination of nuclear weapons must remain at the centre of our collective efforts. More than five decades after the entry into force of the Treaty, we reiterate that the NPT continues to be the cornerstone of the international regime. Its balance between disarmament, non-proliferation, and peaceful uses of nuclear energy constitutes the basis of its legitimacy. However, this conference is taking place in a particularly complex situation. The international environment is experiencing sustained deterioration, increasing geopolitical tensions, and changes in security doctrines. In this context, we see that we're moving away from our shared goal, namely the modernization-- the shared goal. We're seeing the modernization and expansion of arsenals, the weakening of arms control frameworks, increasing military spending, and the persistence of explicit or implicit references to the use of nuclear weapons. These dynamics point to a development that we can only view with concern, as it erodes trust and increases systemic risks. Added to this is the growing interaction between nuclear capabilities and emerging technologies, as well as the progressive extension of strategic competition to new domains, including outer space. In this context, the lack of transparency combined with certain doctrinal signals may contribute to scenarios of misinterpretation and increase the risk of escalation. The diversion of resources towards military spending is particularly of concern in a world facing problems of sustainable development, climate change, food security, health and education, where there have been significant drops in funding. President, the most recent review conferences have failed to adopt a final document by consensus. This fact, beyond its immediate causes, highlights the need to rebuild spaces for understanding and to preserve confidence in the process. In this regard, we consider it essential to avoid the politicization of treaty processes and to safeguard their technical and legal nature. Only through a constructive approach will it be possible to move toward consensus decisions that reflect an appropriate balance among the three pillars, disarmament, nonproliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, a condition indispensable for sustainability. We reiterate the importance of legally binding security assurances. Likewise, threatening to use nuclear weapons is incompatible with the fundamental principles of international law. We are concerned about the limited progress of the implementation of Article VI. This is a legal obligation whose fulfilment is central to the credibility of the regime. In this regard, it is necessary to reaffirm that commitments undertaken under the Treaty do not allow for selective interpretations or conditionalities. At the same time, it is necessary to recognise the particular responsibility that rests on the shoulders of nuclear weapons States. Progress towards disarmament requires not only declarations, but concrete, verifiable and irreversible steps. For countries such as ours, which have unequivocally chosen not to possess nuclear weapons, respect for this balance constitutes an essential element of confidence in the Treaty. We can't make progress if we don't have confidence in the system. Our commitment is longstanding. We've been a party to the NPT since 1970, to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons since 2018, and we co-chair its Working Group on Universalization. We understand that this treaty constitutes a complementary instrument that contributes to strengthening the international disarmament architecture. We also participate in the Treaty of Tlatelolco and reaffirm the value of nuclear-weapon-free zones as concrete contributions to the regime. In this context, we reiterate the validity of the commitments adopted in 1995, particularly those relating to the Middle East, whose implementation remains pending. President, the peaceful use of nuclear energy under conditions of safety, transparency and safeguards constitutes an essential component of development. In this regard, we value the role of the IAEA. In conclusion, in a context of increasing polarization, it is essential to avoid confrontational dynamics among nuclear powers. Preserving peace requires strengthening diplomacy, sustaining dialogue and advancing negotiations in good faith. In this regard, we bear a responsibility that transcends the present. Strengthening the Treaty is not only a political priority, but also a condition for ensuring the security of future generations. This Conference offers an opportunity that we should not miss. Thank you very much.


President [2:41:04]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Uruguay for her statement. I now invite His Excellency George Luca, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Moldova. You have the floor.


Republic of Moldova · Permanent Representative [2:41:21]:

Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, allow me at the outset to congratulate you on your appointment as President of the Review Conference and to assure you of our full support of the Republic of Moldova in guiding our work towards a constructive and consensual outcome. The Republic of Moldova aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union and would like to add the following remarks in its national capacity. Mr. President, the Republic of Moldova reaffirms the centrality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime and a key foundation for nuclear disarmament and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We remain firmly committed to the full implementation of all three pillars of the treaty. We stress strict compliance with treaty obligations, including Article VI, and call on all States Parties, particularly nuclear weapons States, to advance concrete and irreversible progress towards nuclear disarmament. Transparency, confidence-building, and risk reduction remain essential. We strongly support the universalization and early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and call all States whose ratification is required to do so without delay or conditions. Mr. President, the international security environment remains deeply alarming. The ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine continues to pose serious risks to regional and global peace and security, including the volatile situation around Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant. In this regard, the Republic of Moldova reiterates its full support for international law, including sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and we do not recognize unlawful attempts to alter the status of control of nuclear facilities. Vitality nuclear installations must never be endangered by military activity, and their safety must be always ensured in line with international norms. Recalling past nuclear disasters, including the Chernobyl catastrophe, we are reminded that any compromise of nuclear safety can have consequences far beyond borders and generations. These lessons underline the need for the highest standards of responsibility. Mr. President, the Republic of Moldova remains equally concerned about tensions in the Middle East, which continue affecting regional and global security. We stress the importance of avoiding further escalation and upholding international humanitarian law and relevant obligations. We underline that sustainable security requires diplomatic engagement and confidence-building measures. We reiterate the importance of implementing the 1995 resolution of the Middle East, including the goal of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction within the NPT framework, and encourage continued regional dialogue. Mr. President, we remain committed to strengthening the global nonproliferation regime and upholding all three pillars of the treaty. We support the efforts to prevent proliferation and ensure nuclear programs remain peaceful and compliant with international obligations. We express concern over tensions related to certain nuclear and ballistic missiles programs and call for restraint, transparency, and renewed diplomatic engagement. Full compliance and confidence building remain essential. We also underline respect for relevant international instruments governing nonproliferation and arms control. At the same time, we encourage international cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy in full compliance with the NPT and safeguards agreements. The Republic of Moldova supports constructive engagement in the nuclear field. Mr. President, in an increasingly complex international environment, preserving the integrity and effectiveness of the NPT is more important than ever. Therefore, strengthening the review process and fostering inclusive dialogue are essential. In conclusion, the Republic of Moldova remains firmly committed to working with all partners to advance nuclear disarmament, prevent proliferation, and promote peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We hope this Review Conference will deliver concrete and forward-looking outcomes. I thank you.


President [2:46:15]:

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of the Republic of Moldova for his statement. I now invite the distinguished representative of Ghana. You have the floor.


Ghana [2:46:29]:

Mr. President, Ghana congratulates you on your assumption of the presidency of the 11th Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. You have our full support and cooperation in guiding our work. Ghana aligns itself with a statement delivered on behalf of the Africa Group and the Non-Aligned Movement and associates itself with calls for balanced and meaningful progress across the three pillars of the Treaty. My delegation wishes to make the following statement in its national capacity. Mr. President, Ghana approaches this conference with a long-standing and principled commitment to nuclear disarmament. The call for a world free of nuclear weapons remains central to our foreign policy and our engagement in multilateral disarmament processes. In this regard, Ghana has reaffirmed its commitment to the total elimination of nuclear weapons and continues to support all efforts aimed at achieving this objective through multilateral cooperation. Mr. President, the conference follows a preparatory process that did not yield consensus recommendations, underscoring the need for renewed political will, flexibility, and compromise among states. This reality should serve not as a constraint, but as a call to action for this review conference to deliver on concrete outcomes. The treaty remains the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation and disarmament regime, yet its credibility is increasingly under strain. The continued lack of progress on nuclear disarmament, as required under Article VI, risks eroding confidence among States Parties. This conference must therefore restore trust and demonstrate that the Treaty can deliver on its promises. Ghana reaffirms that nuclear weapons pose an existential threat to humanity. Their catastrophic humanitarian consequences can never be justified under any circumstances. Ghana remains concerned by the continued modernization and expansion of nuclear arsenals, which run counter to the objectives of the Treaty. Ghana calls on nuclear-weapon States to fulfill their legal obligations and political commitments, including those agreed at previous Review Conferences, and to take concrete steps towards the elimination of their nuclear arsenals. Mr. President, Ghana remains committed to the non-proliferation pillar of the Treaty. The integrity of this pillar depends on full compliance with international obligations and consistent application of safeguards. Ghana underscores the importance of resolving all proliferation concerns through peaceful and diplomatic means, in accordance with international law. Ghana also reaffirms the inalienable rights of all States Parties to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy as enshrined in Article IV of the Treaty. For many developing countries, access to nuclear science and technology is essential for achieving sustainable development, including in the fields of health, agriculture, and energy. Ghana, therefore, calls for strengthened international cooperation and support, particularly through the International Atomic Energy Agency, to ensure equitable and non-discriminatory access to these benefits. Mr. President, this conference takes place at a critical moment. The international security environment is increasingly complex, and divisions among States parties persist. However, these challenges must not become an excuse for inaction. Rather, they should strengthen their resolve to preserve and advance the objectives of the treaty. In closing, Mr. President, my delegation stands ready to engage constructively with all partners in pursuit of a balanced and forward-looking outcome. and reinforces all three pillars of the treaty and advances our shared goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. Let me seize this opportunity to restore confidence in the treaty to demonstrate that multilateralism remains capable of addressing even the most pressing global challenges. I thank you, Mr. President.


President [2:51:40]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Ghana for her statement. And this concludes the list of speakers for this morning. The next plenary meeting will take place this afternoon at 3:00 p.m. sharp. The meeting is adjourned.