Protect Democracy, Defend Gender Equality (CSW70 Side Event)

All right. Welcome, Excellencies, friends and colleagues, to this Wednesday afternoon event organized by the Permanent Mission of Latvia and the Nordic Council of Ministers. My name is Karen Ellemann, and I'm the Secretary General of the Nordic Council of Ministers. And the Nordic Council of Ministers is the official intergovernmental cooperation body for all the Nordic governments. And this year, we are actually celebrating 35 years of the former Nordic-Baltic cooperation, so I can assure you it's stronger than ever and more important than ever. So we are very, very happy that we are co-hosting this event with the Latvian Mission. It's also, of course, a great pleasure for me to chair what I'm sure will be a very exciting panel conversation on how do we protect democracy by defending gender equality? Because, needless to say, but important to say, that gender equality is a cornerstone in a democratic society. Any democracy must defend gender equality and human rights to ensure democratic resilience, social cohesion, trust in institutions, and equal participation. However, what we are seeing globally is a coordinated counter movement that use disinformation about issues related to gender equality to actually polarize our societies and undermine our democratic institutions and our international commitments to gender equality and women's rights. We've heard it A lot, we've seen it a lot, that many countries are reporting that backlash against gender equality has undermined development nationally and actually slowing the progress that could unlock equality, that could unlock the rights and the protection of all women and girls. So we are here today, and hopefully all of you here today, present to discuss this, and also to discuss how regional and international cooperation can strengthen democratic resilience, can counter disinformation, and uphold gender equality and human rights. And for this, I have with me you know, great, great speakers here in the panel who has willingly said, of course, yes, we would like to discuss this. So let me just very quickly introduce the speakers. First, we have Finland's Minister for Social Security, Sonni Gran-Lassonen. Sonni? And then, yes, please. Then we have Latvia's Vice Minister for Justice, Loma Beyglak. Loma? Then we have with us the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Monsieur Alain Berset. We have the Executive Director and Founder of European Parliamentary Forum on Sexual and Reproductive Rights, Mr. Neil Dutta. And then we have with us Executive Director of Pro Familia, that are actually working with sexual and reproductive health services in Latin America, Mrs. Martha Rojo. And last but not least, the director and founder of Marta Center in Latvia, and they work with preventing violence against women and also supporting victims of human trafficking and sexual violence. Iluta Leis, welcome. Thank you for this warm welcome to all of you, and I would just like to start by asking three of you to help us set the scene, because I would like to start off by giving the floor to the Finnish Minister for Social Security, Sanni Gran-Lassonen. Please, Sanni, set the stage.

Thank you so much, and thank you, Karen. And ladies and gentlemen, great pleasure to be here today. It's the most important topic, protecting democracy, defending gender equality. That's why we are all here. And I told Karen that I would start by using the example of, or the classic Greek story about the Trojan horse. The point of the story is that after 10 years of war, the city of Troy was finally defeated, and it did not fall by force, it fell by deception. A huge wooden horse was given to Troy as a gift, but inside there were soldiers hiding. What first appeared harmless destroyed the city from within. And that story is relevant today. Because today, fundamental values like gender equality, human rights, and democracy are under pressure. And often the attack comes like a Trojan horse, hiding under the radar. By manipulation of public debate and the spread of false narratives, misinformation and disinformation work like a modern Trojan horse. disguised as traditional values, common sense, or even as protection for women and children. But in reality, we see coordinated anti-gender movements, movements that distort facts, movements that spread false stories. This aim is to divide us and to weaken trust in democracy and our institutions. The movement targets several areas, and gender equality is one of their main targets. Across globe, we hear stories like abortion leads to cancer and it's more dangerous than childbirth. Gender equality is anti-family, leading to divorce and falling birth rates, sexuality education sexualizes small children, women cannot be leaders because of their biology. None of this is true. Yet across the world, we see growing opposition to gender equality driven by these false narratives. These narratives undermine our work and the hard-won gains for women and girls. Everyday mis and disinformation is used to divide communities and to push women's rights backwards. Repetition is powerful. When myth and lies are repeated often enough, they begin to shape public debate and, in the end, public policy. The lesson of the Trojan horse is clear. The greatest threat is not always the one we see. It is the one We fail to challenge. And let me be very clear, women's rights are human rights. Gender equality is not optional. It is fundamental. And if rights are suddenly up for negotiation, democracy is in danger for all. And we must act. We cannot let history repeat itself. We must challenge misinformation, defend facts, and stand up for the rights of women and girls every day. And this panel is vital space for that work, and I look forward to our discussion. Thank you very much.

Thank you very much, Minister. And I now turn to you, Vice Minister Paiklins. You are the Vice Minister of Justice in Latvia, so I'm also very curious to hear your perspective on the topic.

Thank you, Madam Chair, Excellencies, distinguished colleagues. It is a great honor. to open this discussion together with our close partners from Nordic Council of Ministers. Our title today is the call to action, protect democracy, defend gender equality. These two goals are inseparable. Gender equality is not a women's issue. or sectoral policy choice. It is a core democratic principle and the foundation for resilient, inclusive, and secure societies. Yet, we must be honest about the reality we actually face. We are witnessing coordinated moments that use not only disinformation, but gender disinformation to polarize our societies and undermine our international commitments. Very often, gender equality is the first target, a testing ground for broader assaults on democratic institutions, the rule of law, and fundamental rights. Our goal today is to share the practical strategies and existing tools we employ in order to ensure that our values and achievements are protected for years to come. Latvia has faced this stress test directly. This information has been used as a weapon to divide our society, to undermine trust in institutions, and to question our international human rights commitments, particularly those related to women's rights and protection from violence. However, Latvia has proven its resilience. Our democracy remains stable and strong. We have maintained high rankings in global democracy and media freedom indices, not by chance, but through the strength of our institutions and actually an active civil society as well. The shield of democracy has allowed us to stand firm, even when tested by aggressive gendered disinformation campaigns, such as the recent attempt to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. Despite these pressures, our commitment to gender equality and human rights has stood its ground. This was possible because We trust in the rule of law. When in doubt, we look for answers in courtrooms, not on social media. In Latvia, our constitutional court has been our anchor. Our system of checks and balances ensures that no major decision is made without a second look. For instance, when our international commitments were challenged, our president intervened to ensure a thoughtful review. We also sought an objective assessment from the Venice Commission and continued to cooperate with international human rights monitoring mechanisms. By replacing disinformation noise with legal facts, independent expertise, and advice, we ensure that targeted manipulation cannot breach our democratic defenses. Second, we empower our citizens through digital democracy. Latvia has developed impactful digital platforms for direct democratic participation. These tools allow our citizens to shape the political agenda. We saw this power in action when a move was made to weaken women's rights. Over 67,000 citizens mobilized and signed a petition within just a few days to defend our values. The noise of disinformation is best silenced by the clear voice of an informed majority. Third, we protect the right to disagree. Democracy is not about the silence, it is about respectful dialogue. We have seen peaceful protests in the streets of Riga and sharp debates in our parliament, where actually I took the part as well. We respect these freedoms. Disinformation seeks to silence, intimidate, and polarize, often by portraying gender equality as dangerous or divisive. We must keep the doors of democracy open. Distinguished colleagues, we must be honest. These attacks on gender equality are often driven from the outside to weaken our region. It is a political strategy. Our partnership with the Nordic countries is essential not only for sharing the best practices, but for standing united in defense of democracy, gender equality, and human rights. Latvia's message is clear. Women's rights and gender equality are safeguarded where democracy works, through independent courts, free media, and active, engaged society. We will not retreat. Human rights are not foreign ideologies. They are the foundation of our freedom and our security. I thank you. Thank you.

Thank you very much to both of you, ministers, and I know that you're trying to stay as long as you can until you have other commitments, but as long as you stay, of course, feel free to join the conversation at any point. Just try and wave your arms so I can see you. Now, i would like to turn to you, Monsieur Alain Berset, you are the Secretary General of the Council of Europe. You are the bastion of human rights in in Europe, and I know this topic is of great concern to you, so please, the floor is yours.

Thank you very much. And first of all, thank you very much for inviting the Council of Europe to this very, very important side event, Nordic-Baltic side event. I just want also to continue where you start, because I wanted to thank Latvia and the EU government for the strong collaboration we had defending the Istanbul Convention, this very important convention of the Council of Europe, at the moment where it was under strong, strong pressure. We know it's not over. Let us continue to collaborate on this and to have a good result. And by the way, for all people in the room here, it was one of, maybe the only time in my life where I saw huge protests in the streets supporting the government. You know. Usually, when you have huge protests, it is against the government, and here it was supporting the position of the government. It says a lot about the support that you have also from the population doing this. If you allow me, I just want to add another point in this introduction, speaking about security. Security is the language of power in our time. From military security to cyber security, it defines the terms of the emerging world order. But the question is, who is actually shaping it? How many women lead defense ministries across the world's largest democracies? In the G7, the answer is one, just one. How many design the systems that protect our digital infrastructure? About one in five. And how many sit in the parliaments that oversee these decisions, one in three. And then when wars end, what's happened? In nine peace processes out of ten, there is not a single woman at the table, not one. And as Europe invests right now hundreds of billions of euros in defence, women remain largely absent from the decisions about our security. And this is both dangerous and short-sighted, because as we know, real security today is above all democratic security. It is all about democratic security, and without it, the so-called hard security begins to crack, even when it looks strong. Well, meaning by democratic security, I mean by that a security architecture that protects institutions, strong institutions, that protects rights, that protects freedoms, and one that addresses cyber attacks, terrorism, disinformation, climate risks, and the many pressures confronting our democracies. And as we know, without gender equality, there cannot be democratic security. and for too long we have dismissed gender equality as a kind of soft security. In reality, it is part of the very fabric that keeps democratic societies resilient, legitimate, and secure. But time is not on our side. It will be my last point. At the current pace, I mean, what does it mean exactly? I mean, it will take several generations to to achieve full gender parity globally, even if it is going in the right direction, and it is less the case today as it was maybe the case before, and it is exactly all the discussion we need to have in not in a static perspective, in a dynamic perspective, to have developments in the right and a positive direction. And what does it mean? It means that a girl born today will not live to see equality. And it means that the daughter of this girl neither will. That's what it means concretely today. And when the international order, as we see every day, is tested, I mean, waiting more than a century or who knows exactly how long to correct this imbalance is not only unjust, it is a strategic mistake. And so in that sense, I look forward to our discussion and thank you for your attention.

Thank you very much, Secretary General. I will now turn to you, Neil Data, because you and your organization documented in a huge report published last year called The Next Wave, how the funding for anti-rights and for anti-gender equality movements in Europe has increased over several years. and how these actors have become very well coordinated. So please, could you elaborate on the most significant findings from this research and also what they actually reveal about how these networks are evolving and also how they are operating across Europe today? Please, Neil.

Thank you. Thank you very much, Karin. First of all, it's a pleasure to be here, and I'd like to thank the Nordic Council, the government of Latvia for hosting this event. And within the short amount of time that I have, I'd like to share with you some of the basic things about the report that we published last year called The Next Wave, which you can find online. First, the first point to remember is that contestation around gender issues and sexual reproductive health and rights is a normal part of democracy. Okay? It will, it has been there forever and it will be there forever. Even in countries which have made advances such as France and enshrining abortion in the constitution, there will be democratic debate about it. But with this, this democratic debate, which is normal and healthy, it is being used as a cover for an anti-democratic project. And I think that's one of the main things we need to understand about this. Okay? And we're often confused by the normal democratic debate. and the underlying anti-democratic project. Some of the key numbers of what we found in terms of the anti-gender movement, and by this I mean the movement which contests sexual reproductive health and rights, LGBT issues, gender equality, some aspects of children's rights, and elevates freedom of religion and freedom of speech above other rights. Some of the numbers that we have found speak for themselves. We have data going back all the way to 2009. In 2009, in the European region, so that's the Council of Europe region, we found that there was conservatively $20 million circulating within this anti-gender movement. That's a very conservative number. By 2018, this had risen to $80 million. By 2022, $270 million. So something is happening here, so that with the same movement, it has increased by a factor of 12 in approximately a decade. So we're not dealing with the same democratic contestation that we had thought we knew from the early '90s and 2000s. That's one thing. Another aspect that we see is that the feminists, sexual reproductive health and rights organizations, such as Marta Iluta that we'll be hearing from afterwards, They have done their job in defending human rights for women, sexual minorities, sexual reproductive health and rights. So they have done a great job. What is happening now is that the anti-gender movement facing defeats, such as the defeat they faced in Spain in trying to reform the abortion law in 2013 and 14, or in conservative Catholic Poland, they could not get an abortion restriction through in 2016 through a normal legislative process. are attacking the very foundations of liberal democracy. And I'd like to provide three examples here. One, they are trying to shape and model the courts and the judicial system so that these courts can produce decisions that are friendly to them. The two biggest events undermining abortion rights in recent history have not come from laws, they have come from courts which had been shaped by illiberal forces. A second point is that that this issue is being used as a tool for geopolitical re-engineering. One example here, and I'll take the liberty of using the example of our co-host, Latvia, the debate on the Istanbul Convention on violence against women has nothing to do with actual legislative protections about violence against women. It's not a debate about this is better, that is better. The real stake is extracting Latvia from the legal framework of the Council of Europe so that it creates tension with the human rights institutions of the Council of Europe and other European multilateral bodies. With this tension, then, it can allow forces to bring the country closer to an illiberal sphere of influence, namely that of the Russian Federation in this case. We see the same thing happening across the world in, for example, African countries where it's not the Istanbul Convention, but it's anti-LGBT laws that are being used as a proxy to achieve the same thing. A third point is social media regulation. We see that there is a concerted effort to undermine social media regulation in the European Union, the Digital Services Act, or in the UK, the Online Safety Act. Why is this happening? We see a concertation of forces from the Christian right, the tech oligarchs, and illiberal governments, and the proxies of these illiberal governments. Why are they doing this? Because it allows for radicalization of boys, socialization of young girls into tradwives. Polarization of society, disinformation, misinformation about health, and a number of misinformation, disinformation can target female politicians. For example, think of the recent Moldovan elections. And all of this to help the tech oligarchs monetize our personal data. This is why we see the convergence of these interests. So I would say, i'll end here. So I would say that we need to see that anti-gender contestation is part of democracy, but we need to see the underlying agenda behind it and that it is trying to undermine the very foundations of our democracy. Thank you very much.

Thank you, Neil. Thank you, Neil. And and looking at at the crowd here, I guess at least for a majority of you, I can see in your faces that you also find these facts here very staggering and and this. amount of money actually going into anti-rights and anti-gender equality initiatives, and all the whole level of coordination. It is really concerning to hear how it's actually shaping this whole public discourse and even influencing our democratic institutions. I would like to turn to you, Marta, now from Pro Familia. From your vantage point, how are these trends that we just talked about in Europe, but how are they playing out across Latin America? And do you see, I guess I know the answer already, but how do you see misinformation affecting access to SRHR services, to safety, and in general, public trust? Please, the floor is yours.

Thank you, Madam Secretary, and to the Nordic Council of Ministers, to the Government of Latvia, and to the distinguished guests. As you presented me, I manage an organization in Colombia where we provide health services. And sometimes it's overwhelming to be in these spaces because you think that what we're talking here is so broad and so theoretical, maybe, but what happens actually is the current state of affairs really have an impact on an indigenous girl in Colombia, you know, in the Chocó. So what we are seeing is that that strategic erosion of rights, you know, that what is implied is that in many countries, rights are not always rolled back through dramatic legal reforms, but through quieter mechanisms, and we as providers feel it all the time. budget cuts, regulatory delays, strategic litigation, targeting specifically providers. And those measures at the end gradually weaken implementation and make equality appear negotiable even before political crisis emerge. The coordinated disinformation campaigns, this is a common topic for all of us, and what we've seen is that very well-organized transactional networks are reframing gender equality and sexual rights as opposed gender ideology. So, these narratives is concretely designed to polarize societies and undermine trust in democratic institutions, globalization of anti-right movements. So now, anti-rights actors operate through international networks that share the same strategies, messaging, and funding. Their campaigns target both policies and the people implementing them, providers, advocates, and civil society organizations like ours. Democratic backsliding. Gender equality is often one of the first areas where democratic erosion becomes visible. When rights become bargaining chips in political negotiations, it signals deeper institutional fragility. The need to renew the narrative. We know this is also extremely important, you know, but we are always under fund that now more than ever. We know that we as advocates, we have to evolve. We need to communicate gender equality in ways that resonate with new generations. So showing that it's not a niche issue or a popular topic. But a foundation for inclusive and resilient democracies is absolutely necessary. In Colombia, we are on the brink of elections. In the next two months, we are having elections, and it's amazing that to see how one of the main topics for polarization, for creating, for polarizing the country is around gender equality, sexual reproductive rights. How can that be so when at the same time you have more than 4 million women who have suffered from violence permanently, displacement, and that's still trying to find their voice and their rights? So how can what we do and what we're talking about and discussing in this amazing space still become a suffering tool for the people and the women in my country. Thank you.

Thank you so much. Thank you so much, Marta. I think that the picture that you draw from is very important for this discussion because just specifically hearing how disinformation really directly affects the access to essential services to safety and to the trust. I mean, it really underscores the human dimension of these issues. Iluta, I'll turn to you now, because the Maja Center works daily with rights of women and girls who are directly affected by this democratic backsliding. And from your frontline experience, what are the clearest signs that attacks on gender equality from a Latvian and Baltic perspective is happening. Please.

Thank you. You're right. We are more than 25 years working to support women that have been victims of gender discrimination, gender-based violence, prostitution, *********** trafficking in human beings, and we have worked to amend policies, laws. develop services. And what we have seen that this, how to say, democratic backsliding really seldom begins with dramatic constitutional changes, as it was mentioned here. But what we have seen and what we see, it is like three warning signs. First, politicization of gender equality, violence against women, sexual reproductive rights. Second, shrinking civic space, including questioning funding for women's rights organizations, services for victims of violence, access to safe abortion. And third, also, belittling victims' experiences, erosion of trust in victims and survivors' experiences. And just from Marta's perspective, I also would like to highlight how we saw this attack on Istanbul Convention, because we learned about this last September that such issue is placed on parliament agenda, that there is a bill to withdraw from this very significant human rights treaties that we have worked so hard for to be ratified. And why Latvia stood with government in this fight, because this government, in leadership of our female prime minister, was a key And the government that actually worked to ratify this convention in 2023. So it's clear why we stood with government, because we have worked together with government, you know, to have first national action plan against violence against women. Finally, many things that we have worked so hard for many years, we got these amendments in laws and policies, like in very good speed, you know, we have finally emotional violence criminalized, sexual Harassment is not hooliganic action, but you can get fines for this. There are crisis services, crisis flats accessible for victims of violence in life-dangerous situations. So many good changes that happened. And now, in last September, there were idea to withdraw from Istanbul Convention. Of course, we reacted. What we did, because there was lots of lies, lots of myths about this, we had prepared communication and very good communication from Marta Center's side. like showing what are lies and what is truth. And we have one of the loudest voices here in the room, Berta Joneit, that was doing amazing job on social media and in media. And we had, we have prepared this material so that also other organizations would have tools to explain. And we really encourage citizens, we encourage civil society organizations to go to every parliamentary meeting where this issue is discussed, to write letters to parliamentarians. And so they did it. It was like a snow You know, people just reacted and took action because they understood it is an issue about violence against women, but also whether we would like to stay within Europe with democratic values, or we would like to be a colony of Russia, you know? And for many people in Latvia, it was clear that we would like to be in Europe. So there was even a special vote in parliament to deny me personally, Iluta Lot, not to allow to speak about this issue. I think it was also a precedent that made our civil society angry. And for example, when we started these protests, first it was 200, 300, 400, then it was Suddenly 5,000 that came, and of course, we are NGO, we don't have proper equipment and everything to organize such huge protest. Next day I received calls from businesses, from other organizations, what do you need? How much do you need for stage? How much do you need for lights? How much do you need for this and that? It was amazing solidarity. And in the last protest, after president already listened to us and vetoed the decision of the parliament, encouraged this parliament not to on withdrawal from Istanbul Convention, there were already 10,000 people gathering in Riga for our protest, but it was not only in Riga, it was also in other cities of Latvia, it was also abroad that showed a huge solidarity on this issue and showed that our voices are really strong and heard. And if you look at in the region, we see that similar tendencies take place also in other countries in the region. Also in Lithuania, you saw there was attacks on freedom of media. Also, we saw that there were attacks in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan. They took as they established these foreign agent laws and that civil society organizations don't have access already to funding that limits their activities. Many organizations in our neighboring countries are, like Russia, Belarus, they are active underground, and they have their partisan movements to support each other. So this is what is happening, and this also is a clear sign that in these countries, like women rights are limited to motherhood, and all other rights are just swiped away. And of course, survivors' experiences are belittled and just disrupted. So this is what's happening. That's why it's really, we feel, and right now also we feel we cannot just relax. We really need to work very hard to promote our women human rights and so to sustain them and not to take them as self-evident.

Thank you. Thank you, indeed, Lotta. Very, very strong messages to all of us. Neil, let me turn back to you because I would like just to hear from your perspective. Any ideas, any recommendations that you, from your insights, would like to highlight for governments and for democratic institutions? And how do we respond to this development? Please.

Thank you very much, Karen. I think I provided some hints, but I think we need to see through the fog of war of what's happening. The contestations around the Istanbul Convention, around sexual reproductive health and rights are very real. And we need to deal with this. But we need to ask ourselves, what is the underlying project behind this? And we need to make sure that we are dealing with that as well. So already on the near horizon, we need to take a look at the courts. There is an attempt to influence and shape the courts. They were successful in Germany last year. There was a female candidate to the German Supreme Court, to the Bundesverfassungsgericht. She had some positions on abortion, which were highly problematized and echoed through disinformation, through this Christian right echo chamber. The German political class was completely unprepared, so was German media, and she withdrew her candidacy. This happened last year in Germany's, in Europe's largest democracy. So that's a big thing. This concerns the courts and online disinformation. Another thing we need to take a look at, we heard from Iluta about what's happening in Latvia. But again, the real stake is a geopolitical one. We're not discussing how to improve or not, you know, different visions of legal protections and whatever for victims of violence. That is irrelevant here. It is the geopolitical game that's important. And I think we need to be clear that this is what's happening, and it is coming from foreign sources working together with domestic sources in Latvia and in every one of our countries. So we need to have a clear analysis of what's happening.

Thank you very much for those reflections, and I really think that your insight here really adds, I guess, for all of us, an important clarity to a very complex landscape. So we really appreciate the depth and the analysis that you actually bring into this discussion, because it is important for all of us to take these notes, because we all should work on strengthening our democratic resilience and safeguard gender equality. Alain, I would like to turn to you again, please, if I may, because from the Council of Europe's perspective, What is at stake here for the democratic institutions and the social cohesion across Europe?

Thank you for the question. I think just following what Nidhi just said now, I think it's much more than, you know, isolated events and much more than targeting only, if I may say so, women's rights. It is targeting institutions, democratic institutions, and in a pattern that we see renewed since many years now. I don't want to compare what was happening in Latvia or in other countries against the Istanbul Convention of the Council of Europe with all the elements, but just remember what we saw as a pattern in migration issues five or six years ago, this migration pact. It was more or less the same methods, I would say, also targeting democratic institutions. And that's why we need to, I think, to accept that it's a reality, it's not isolated events, but really something much bigger. And being not naive, we need to address this exactly at this level. That's the first element I wanted to mention here. What does it mean? I mean, for the Istanbul Convention, I mean, it was against We have seen campaigns portraying gender equality as gender ideology imposed by foreign actors, and then it is also the next discussion about the so-called social media and regulation, and also about foreign interferences and disinformation. And that's why we are also working at this under Council of Europe on the New Democratic Pact for Europe. Just if I may add just one element, it's about Gender disinformation also used to push women out of public life. And one strong example, really a bad example that we saw recently, is about Maia Sandu, president of Moldova. A very strong leader from Moldova, and she was portrayed as a puppet of Brussels, falsely claiming Moldova would be dragged into the war in Ukraine. And all those elements, we need also to be clear on this, it is concerning much more women than men. in a very bad way, bad move. And also here, we must be not really not naive about this and to address this as a general pattern and in a comprehensive way, what we try to do by the Council of Europe.

Thank you so much for being so clear about this, its systemic challenges. And also, I would say very encouraging, of course, to hear that it is really such a high priority within your organization. Marta, I would turn to you again because Pro Familia has been a champion in advancing women's rights in challenging contexts, fair to say. And then I would like to know, I mean, in your view, what role does civil society play in strengthening democratic resilience and countering disinformation? I mean, do you have any specific examples on how narratives and how language can actually be a tool in this work, please.

Thank you. Well, you know, I, the way we see our role as civil society organizations is not as a supporting part of democracy, but as a crucial component of democratic infrastructure. And I will say that we do many things, but there are three of them that I think are crucial for advancing democracy. One has to do that. We are kind, we are very good at as a warm, as dangerous, you know, when there is danger or when the narratives, there are narratives, shifts in the narratives, we are really good to detect those even before government does. because we are always there on the field. The second crucial thing that we do really well and that distinguishes us is that, and when I say we, it's in general civil society organizations, has to do with the fact that usually communities trust us more than when we come to see governments and public institutions. political leaders, because usually we are there for a longer, longer time. And most of the times also they're part of who we are. We have a lot of counselors that come from the field. And the third thing that distinguishes us has to do with the fact that we are, as we call it, norm protectors. We protect the laws. And why? Because for us, language really matters. Language transforms realities, so it's not a minor thing, and this is not just a communications issue, but the fact that through language you are able to connect with people, and that's something that, especially in the last decade, we have seen politicians use it very freely and not really being fair and being honest with communities. So I would say that those three characteristics really distinguish the role of us as civil society organizations, and that's why we are a crucial part of democracy. It's not that, and it's sometimes very disappointing because we are not that, we know that sometimes we're invited to some meetings just as a check the box. They were here. We write down what they say, but then when you see the laws or when you see the regulations that come up, they have nothing to do. And at the end, what we bring to the meetings, what we bring to the floor, is what happens in the field, is what happens in the communities. It is their needs, it is their sufferings, it is their pains, you know? So that's why we should never be just a check on the bus. We are an essential part of any democratic infrastructure that we want to protect.

I think that needs an applause because inevitable to say that civil society really plays an invaluable role in democratic resilience, right? So turning to you again, Iltepe, because many women, especially those who are exposed to violence or discrimination, misinformation online and so on, When they get this misinformation, it can really deepen the stigma and maybe even prevent them for seeking help. So how do you think that government and also civil society actually can make sure that information that is reaching vulnerable groups, how do we make sure that it remains accessible and reliable and safe?

This is really a good question, because last autumn we also were, and still we are attacked by many misogynists, and we face this online harassment and death threats. And the bad that was one of the key persons that got all this, how to say, harm onto herself. What we try to do, we really try to say again what is what, you know, what is what, because we have seen in our work as Marta Centers that just repeatedly, how, for example, also girls and young women, they are groomed, for example, into, for example, prostitution, *********** through exploitation of their vulnerabilities, using authority, you know, emotional relationships, all kind of different benefits, showing some kind of benefits. And they are groomed and they are exploited. And then the narrative usually shifts, who is responsible for this? not the girls and the women, not the perpetrators. They face impunity, they are invisible. And actually, this is what we need to make such kind of shift. We need to make this focus on two perpetrators, on two systems that actually make these things happen. This is what we need to do. And of course, we as NGO, we can try our best, but we want our governments and foundations or organizations that can help us with different funds to help us in this fight, because this secondary victimization, this, how to say, deeply rooted discrimination, we face it everywhere. When we go with every victim hand in hand to support their rights protection, we see secondary victimization, courts, or police, or elsewhere, because these stereotypes and this belittling of suffering of women, it's really so huge. So this is one things that we really need also to back our efforts from government side, and also to current environment where we see that every case of violence, and also we as Marta, as organization, we face cyber attacks, this, how to say, technology facilitated violence, we really need very strong cross-border legislation and protection mechanisms. And this is what we really need.

I will stop here. Thank you so much, because, of course, access to the trustworthy information is, of course, indeed vital. Allow me to turn to you, Secretary General, again, because I know that you are also working with positive narratives as like a strategic, but as a strategic response to this whole anti-gender rhetoric and to, I mean, how do you support then through that, with that kind of, yeah, of of work? How do you see that as a way of actually sustaining the support for gender equality? You said we were naive before, you're so right, but then how do you then specifically organizational work with positive narratives?

I really think that, I do think that the answer, you know, we need to organize goals on different avenues, not just one. And one of those avenues are positive narratives, clearly, i will come back to this. But the other one is also to have an answer, a well-organized answer in the institutional framework. And I think if we want to defend and if we want to make some progress with, for example, the Istanbul Convention, because now it is in general not going in the right direction, we would be happy to see again a positive development. We need, I mean, if we want to do this, we need to, and to come back to the title of this Nordic-Baltic side event, we need to protect democracy, to protect institutions, and we need to be also not naive about the fact that what we are witnessing today with social media, this acceleration of the technological change, is having a huge impact, and we can be in favor or not of this, it is just a reality, and it is not disappearing, we need to adapt to this, And it is what we do at the Council of Europe, developing the new democratic pact for Europe. And I could elaborate more on this. It is an important element, addressing this, i would say, on a strategic and institutional level, adapting, and I think the Council of Europe is probably the best well-positioned to do this with 46 member states and this experience that we have with all member states and with all people supporting us. And then the positive narratives, I think it is Recalling, reminding in this world that it is around the possible. You can be what you see. You can have the possibility to develop. You need to have the solid ground to do this. I mean, also for young girls and women to give this very positive element. And the other point I see on the positive narratives are about, I would say, strong examples. I was mentioning before Maya Sandu. Very, I mean, really interesting what she's doing for Moldova, for the country. Very courageous, not always easy. She needs a strong support also for doing this. I can think also about, you know, the president of North Macedonia. It was interesting to see that she addressed last year all the students at Columbia University during the UNGA here in New York. I mean, very positive elements about experience, about the possibility to reach goals, to engage, to move things in the societies. We are not just here to see what is developing in a bad direction. We can engage. And always, we're recalling with this that to engage collectively, we lost a bit the sense for the collective in our societies for different reasons. And we need to strengthen, I get this sense, for the collective with good and positive examples and positive narratives.

Thank you so much. A clear message. Maybe we should also dig into how some of these networks actually operate. I mean, I'm turning to you again, Neil, because you have done so deep research on this. Maybe you could help us get empowered in actually showing us and unpacking what lies behind all the narratives that we see. Something about how democratic actors can then respond effectively. So if we know a little more about how the networks operate and unpacking the lies, if you can.

Thank you. I think maybe what two parts to there are two parts to my answer. First is that I think we need to understand how the anti-gender, anti-democratic, anti-rights movement operates. It's evolved, the initial starting point was in the world of religion, okay? We're here at CSW, one of the starting points was the Population and Development Conference of 1994, the Beijing Conference in 1995, and then this was displeasing to mainly the Holy See, some religious actors, then from there did contestation. From the world of religion, it's then moved to civil society, then politics. One of the, and now far right political parties are really the epicenter of this movement across most countries, specifically in Europe. From that, we now see that think tanks have developed and are taking a leading role. They are providing ideas and content for politicians to then run with those in their political work. And then we see that there's a geopolitical dimension. So we can't, it's not just a religious thing anymore. It's not just accommodating the church or religious communities. It is religious, civil society, political, knowledge production, and geopolitical, all of them simultaneously. And it will play out differently in Colombia. It will play out differently in Latvia, but there will be ingredients of these same things in all of the different countries. So I think that maybe that's one way of analyzing it. In order for us to get our heads around this, because there's not one easy thing to do. It's not just narratives. Narratives is very important, but that's a bit like, it's a bit just working out and being on a good diet, being ready for a fight. We need to do something more. One way to break it down is because it's taking place in so many different venues and theaters at the same time, one way breaking it down is through a five step process. One of them is to invest in discovery. You need to know who are the anti-gender actors operating in the context that's interesting for you. The ones operating in CSW will be different from the ones operating in the Council of Europe, and they're present in both areas. They will be different from the ones in Colombia or Latvia. So you need to invest in discovery, intellectual resources, with some financial resource into figuring this out. Once you've done this, you are then better able to do the next phase, which is to disarm them. Okay? You will know who they are. Okay? This is a big organization, a little one. This is a really sophisticated one. This is a legal group, et cetera. You will be able to identify them, know who they are and their strength. You won't be able to stop them necessarily from acting, but you will be better prepared for it. The way I describe it is a bit like a magician. If you know how the magician does the trick, where the dove is hidden, then when the magician does the trick, it's no longer magical. Okay? So second phase. Third phase is to dislocate them. They all have crafty names, okay? You need to know who they are because they are seeking proximity to power. They are seeking, a number of them have access, have ECOSOC status. A number of them have applied, but were denied participatory status at the Council of Europe because the Council of Europe recognized who they were. You need to know who they are, block access to them. Fourth point is to demonetize them. By knowing how they are funded, we can come up with strategies to stop the funding flows. There's private funding, that's something separate. Public funding, we can act on this. And I'm very happy to say that the European Commission stopped funding to two of these actors just in November last year. And then finally, we need to defend, okay? Defend at two levels. One is the frontline actors, such as Marta and Iluta. They're facing very difficult times. We have colleagues from Poland in the room. The lady who organizes the black marches of Polish women in Warsaw, she is facing over 100 legal lawsuits, in part by the former government, in part by different actors. This is a specific strategy to drain her of all energy, financial resources, et cetera. And then finally, we need to defend the issues that we think are important. Everything is up for grabs. Okay? And so I think one good example, but it's by far not the only one, but one good example is what France and Luxembourg just did by putting abortion in their respective constitutions. That was a solution for them. It's not necessarily a solution for everyone, but you need to all think, the things that are important, are they well protected in case we have an electoral accident? And just about any democratic country now is one or two election accidents away from having the wrong people in power. Thank you.

Time is getting short. catching us right now. We have to be finished by 10 minutes. And I really would like to say to all of you sitting up here, you are really delivering very rich and thoughtful contributions. And I think we have covered a great deal. And now we are coming to an end of this session, but before we close, we do have a short session where we can open for comments and questions. And I would like to start. Oh, yes, of course. Sorry. Just very quickly. I'll give right the floor to Sunny.

Yeah, just very quickly, I want to thank the experts and colleagues. This is an extremely important discussion, and it's obvious, and I want to echo what you've already said, that it's obvious that we need clear analysis how anti-gender movement works, and what are the motives, and who funds this, and what's behind it, especially in times like this, in this geopolitical environment. It's extremely important, and it's also, it's protecting the democracy, and it's protecting the women's rights. So this is not the moment to be naive. So I want to thank you for joining this conversation, and we need to continue this after also. And I think it would be very useful to have all possible information also at national level, because we cannot even in Nordic countries think that we are immune to this. We're not. And the general movement is also in Europe and in Nordic countries. Thank you very much.

Thank you, Sunny. As promised, I will open the floor now for comments or questions, and I have arranged one to start with already, because I would like to give the floor just to start with Jelle Postma, because you are the founder and the CEO of Justice for Prosperity. You're a research institute that specializes in actually protecting democracy and rights of vulnerable groups. So please, I'll just allow you for a bit longer comment, and then I'll look at hands in the meanwhile. Jelle.

Thank you kindly. Yes, we are a research institute, but we are not your regular institute. We were founded by former intelligence officers because we saw that groups, women, migration, indeed as a topic as well. The LGBTQ community is being instrumentalized to raise fear within society, to increase polarization as the business model of certain groups. So we were founded to protect those. And the words of Ms. Royo in Latin America really resonates, and of course Iluta as well. We are trying to help governments by doing research and investigations into the ecosystem that makes a lot of money and power out of the instrumentalization of women and related topics. We also do this to inform the public, to lose naivety, and to teach and explain how the manipulation of society is taking place by, indeed, the instrumentalization of these groups. which in real terms are irrelevant for the goal, the ****** thing is that it's real human beings being destroyed. So what we see is an ecosystem making money, making power. We see four groups real quickly. We see extremists and influencers, both online and offline. We see the political layer, populists. We see not only Russian, I hear a lot of Russia, yes, but I can tell you, we work on disinformation as well, and we've been nominated by some government close by as being a sensory NGO now. So we need to be protected as well by certain governments. So what we see is the third element is the ultra conservative, increasingly Christian nationalist movement and think tanks being the puppet masters behind the scenes, and finally, of course, the industry. It's, yes, big tech aiming to deregulate, but also, of course, fossil fuel industry, agriculture, and such alike. We talked about the Istanbul Convention. There are so many more instruments being used as a geopolitical tool. We see the GCD, the Geneva Consensus Declaration, also being used. We see the new African Charter on Family Sovereignty and Values being used. We see cuts of USAID, but you can reinstate it, but you have to sign here at the dot. So what we need to do, we try to explain it using an example at the request of ABC network. We built a documentary to explain how this was rolled out in Georgia, a topic The topic there wasn't women's rights, it was the LGBTQ community. Of course, we all remember Tbilisi Pride. So it is up to us to explain that it's not organic. This is a systemic manipulation aimed to destabilize. And Alain, I know that you have a very difficult task on that regard because you sit at the crossroads in the spider web. And it is a hell of a job that you have to do, but I think you are doing an amazing job. And then, of course, we need to make sure that the organization, such as, of course, Martha and, of course, of Ms. Royo, that they need to do what they are supposed to do, which is help women and girls and protect them. They shouldn't be forced to become some sort of security agency and protect themselves. This is not their job. Unfortunately, they're forced to do that. So please, governments, and also, of course, the Council, let's make sure that we help them by investigating and protect them. I'll come to a conclusion now by thanking you for having me deliver this intervention. We're here to support both governments and also CSOs that run into difficult waters. So count on us to help you there. Thank you.

Thank you very much, Jelle Postma. Thank you. As promised, I'll open the floor. I saw some hands in the back there. I think we'll have only room for two comments, but please say what organization you are with and short comment, short question.

My name is Sara Milenkowska and I come from North Macedonia. I'm representing Coalition Margins, which is a CSO working on queer and feminist rights. And my question is going in the direction of saying, first of all, that it's the feminist and the queer activists that are actually doing the defending of democracy when we talk about the front line. And I'm seeing this because we are the ones producing knowledge, strategizing, researching, monitoring, while also survival and service providing to marginalized groups. And to bring the perspective that the current situation, especially in the Western Balkans and in North Macedonia, is devastating in a way that human rights language is being used as a weapon to further on continue the anti-gender politics. We have anti-gender actors that are leading the government. So maybe we have women in power, but that doesn't mean that actually representation is making a certain change. And I'm saying this because gender equality is being completely erased from our law. which unfortunately is something that is happening everywhere, but especially as a multicultural country, we have religious leaders from different religions uniting against gender equality. So of course, being united is something that you can obviously do. And we also unfortunately have UN Women events who invite anti-gender actors to talk about gender equality. So another form of weaponizing that we cannot fully always monitor and try to address as civil society. And why I'm saying all of this, because North Macedonia, but I'm also Bosnian Macedonian, so the post-conflict aspect of our region, sorry, i'm yelling, I'm just too passionate about this, sorry. is the fact that we need to treat also the anti-gender movement as a national security issue. And the whole point is that we're, that's the only time that people listen to me when I advocate for gender equality, but I feel the need to kind of maybe bring the perspective of how we can do that better, because while we try to strategize a lot about this, it's also we're talking about the survival of activists like us. So my question is more about how do we share the responsibility? of strategizing when it comes to international organizations that are also, unfortunately, fragile to the anti-gender movement. And with that, I'm thankful for all the things that you said.

Thank you. Thank you. We have time for one final question. There was also one in the... Yes, exactly. Good, you got my eye contact. The floor is yours, please.

Thank you. My name is Jimena. I'm from a uni at Mexico, UPAEP. And my question is, in the effort to protect democracy and gender equality, how do we make sure that the defense of these values remains compatible with democratic pluralism, allowing space for diverse viewpoints? including more conservative ones, and that may disagree on certain social issues, but still fully support democratic principles.

Thank you. Thank you so much for your question. And now we kind of have to wrap up in about two minutes, but the ones before us used a few extra minutes, so we'll go for that. Because what What I would like to do is, of course, everyone here, all our distinguished guests, give all of you an opportunity to just either choose to comment on the comments, questions you just got there, but also maybe as a final remark, maybe share with all of us, just if you can, one sentence, what do you take with you from today's conversation? if you can, just one sentence, because what happens when you leave this one sentence? We can make sure that the whole room is leaving very inspired and empowered to keep on working. Who would like to start? Good, Alain, the floor's yours.

Well, one sentence, I'll try. I think the both comments are touching the same point. The question is how, what can we do to maximize our impact in a positive way? And we need to, sorry, second sentence. We need to avoid two traps. The first is what I would call sentimentalism. It is just to continue always on the same narrative without to see that we are having less and less and less impact with this. We need to maximize the impact. And the other trap we need to avoid, it what I would call atrophy. It's just to accept that it is backsliding. It is not to accept. And that's why we need to renew the tools. The new Democratic Pact for Europe is one of those elements to adapt to this new world, and with the goal to maximize our positive impact.

Marta.

Well, I'll make it sound like a one sentence.

So did Alain.

If you do it in Spanish, it will be so much easier. Misinformation about gender equality is not an accident. We already, all of us, agree on that. It is a stress test for democratic resilience. The question is not whether misinformation exists. The question is whether our institutions are strong enough and courageous enough to confront it. And I think, again, The answer to both questions will be, we really have to be aware of how do we work with institutions and how do we strengthen them and do not let things like what happened here where we are now, you know, anti-rights judges going into courts, that's just an example, happen. I think that's one very strong way through which we can someday go back to what is fair and just and democracy. Thank you.

Thank you. Iluta.

Yes, cross-border women's solidarity, being very, very practical and protecting stakeholders, protecting women rights organizations that are protecting women in vulnerable situations.

And Neil?

Thank you. Two very short thoughts. One, when looking at this anti-gender movement, I would say, let us not be confused too much by what they are trying to destroy. Instead, let us look at the world that they are trying to create. First thought. Second thought, in terms of the world that they're trying to create, also, let us take a cue from them. They are looking towards the future. Everyone here has talked about disinformation. We've talked about money. We've talked about social media. We need to be taking a look at the things that they are looking at. This is AI, social media regulation, cryptocurrencies. They're talking about what world they want in the future. We need to be looking there as well. Thank you.

Thank you. And finally, the minister, please. One sentence.

Actually, I also wanted to add the AI element because it's very important that there are possible threats to democracy and possible use it as a weapon of disinformation. And I wanted to give some short answer to the question the lady answered. It's not about diverse of opinions or different values, it's about putting on the table arguments which are not actually arguments. It's real, these are real threats to democracy and to institutions using malinformation, disinformation. And that was what we really faced during the last September. And this weakest link or the string, what is possible to pull to create this threat to democracy is possible in every country, and there will be just a different topic to use as an instrument to threaten democracy. So we have to really be very with open eyes and with open ears. Yeah, thank you.

Thank you so much, Minister. So now, It is my time to just wrap up by saying and assuring you that the Nordic governments jointly are fully committed to promoting gender equality and the equal rights of all women and girls, and the ministers, all of them jointly, are calling now on all who are pushing for progress to join them in actually turning ambition into action, and they do that by having a Copenhagen summit this So please reach out. It's a call to action, and there is a Copenhagen summit this fall. Thank you so much, all of you here. Thank you for participating.