Renewing Multilateral Commitment for the Saharawi

Yeah. Testing, testing. No. Testing, testing. Is it working now? Oh, yeah, I hear you. Oh, okay. All right, good afternoon. Welcome to this panel of 50 Years, 50 Faces. My name is Bill Fletcher. I'm from the U.S. Campaign for Western Sahara. I want to welcome you to this panel where we will be looking at the question of 50 years. This panel is co-sponsored by the permanent missions of Namibia, Timor-Leste, Algeria, South Africa, Belize, Uganda, Algeria, I think I mentioned, Oxfam, the U.S. Campaign for Western Sahara, and we also have my colleague here, pardon me. We'll leave it at that. The panel which includes the following: His Excellency Mr. Amar Benjama, Permanent Representative of Algeria; His Excellency Ambassador Sidi Omar, Representative of Frente Polisario; Ambassador Luemba, Deputy Permanent Representative of Angola to the UN; Ms. Brenda Maffia, from Oxfam International, representative to the UN and head of the New York office. Ms. Agela Abba Peterson, speaking on Sorare women and youth perspectives. My colleague, Tariq Sheriff, co-founder of Rolling Loud, and also with the US campaign. And I'm going to open with a few remarks and then turn it to the panelists. On the train this morning, I was thinking about this program, and I found myself engaged in a battle on Twitter, or X, with someone who took a very different position on the question of Western Sahara than I did. I had posted something about this program and about the exhibit, and this person went on to say that the question had been settled, that the territory was that of Morocco's, and that that was it. I responded, I was enraged, and I responded to the argument by saying to this writer that his position was the equivalent of European settlers who robbed the land of Native Americans in the United States and then claimed it as their land and altered the history so that it would be led to believe that it had been God-given. In 1975, in violation of international law, the Moroccans began what has been infamously known as the Green March, and quite ironically, the tactic that they used was a tactic that the Spanish forces under Francisco Franco used in the Spanish Civil War of putting civilians forward to march, and behind them were military forces. In violation of international law, they moved in settlers, which international law says is prohibited, and they seized the land. And the conflict ensued. In 1991, a truce was arranged between Frente Polisario and the Moroccans, Moroccan government, and there was supposed to be a referendum to decide on the question of independence. Instead, when the Moroccans, Moroccan government decided that they were going to lose the referendum, they dismissed the entire option of independence. And today, in alliance with various nefarious forces, the Moroccan government seeks UN approval to settle the deal and end any discussion of self-determination. There's a particular dignity in the unapologetic demand for self-determination and human rights. It is a demand that needs no apology, and oppressed, occupied, and/or colonized people have been told by the world that they have the principled and just right to decide their future. The occupier or colonizer or any great power, has no human right to make that determination. They have no right to set boundaries on that decision. They can certainly present their case, but at the end of the day, it is up to the occupied or the colonized to decide their own future without fear of reprisal, repression, or endless war. Today's panel will examine the context, which is captured by that slogan, 50 years, 50 faces, and the exhibit that was unveiled yesterday. This discussion will be uncomfortable for some and liberating for others. At the end of the day, however, it will present to you the question of who decides on the future of the Serari people, and what is the price for the demands for freedom and dignity? With that, let me turn this over to our first speaker, His Excellency Mr. Ammar Ben Jama, Permanent Representative of Algeria. He's not here. I'm sorry. Oh, okay. I'm sorry. Okay, my apologies. Then we'll go to His Excellency Ambassador Sidi Omar. Thank you.

Thank you very much, dear friend Bill, and good afternoon to all of you. Let me, excellencies, dear friends, ladies and gentlemen, start by giving our enormous thanks to all of those who have contributed to organizing this very important panel at this very symbolic place, which definitely will give more visibility to the issue of Western Sahara. And as we speak today, the Sahrawi people in the refugee camps in Algeria, in the occupied territories of Western Sahara, and the diaspora, have been demonstrating to tell the entire world that they are firmly determined to defend their inalienable right to self-determination and independence, and to reject Morocco's continued occupation of their country. As you all know, the international legal framework governing Western Sahara stems from its recognition by this very organization in 1963 as a decolonization issue. This significant move institutionalized the international status of Western Sahara and the inalienable rights of the Saharawi people to self-determination and independence, in line with General Assembly Resolution 1514 and other relevant resolutions. Despite the clear international status of Western Sahara, the Saharawi people have been prevented from exercising their legitimate rights for over six decades. What makes things more complicated is the critical transition that we are witnessing these days from a rule-based international order defined by the power of law towards a system increasingly governed by the law of power. What makes things even more complicated in this case is that countries within the Security Council, such as the United States of America and France, have been trying to refrain the peace process by displacing the decolonization framework in favor of pragmatic realpolitik, and in this way declare their support for Morocco's expansionist proposal. And in this context, the United States of America has once again introduced a draft resolution concerning MINURSO, which is currently being reviewed by delegations within the Security Council. However, the draft resolution which fully reflects the national position of the United States of America and Morocco, the Ikhapine State, represents another very dangerous and unprecedented departure from the commonly agreed basis upon which the Security Council has been addressing the issue of Western Sahara. Certain elements of these drafts simply seek to legitimize Morocco's illegal occupation of our country and undermine the inalienable right of the Saharawi people to self-determination and independence. For this reason, we, as Frente Polisario, have stressed in a recent letter to the Security Council that these draft resolution cannot constitute any basis for deliberation at MINURSO or the peace process. And moreover, we have made it very clear that if these U.S. draft resolution were to pass without introducing any substantive and meaningful changes, the Frente Polisario would have no other option but to disengage from the peace process. At the same time, we have reaffirmed our commitment to work for a just, lasting, and definitive peace, and we have urged all stakeholders within the Security Council and beyond to utilize their influence positively to salvage the peace process, which remains essential for regional peace and security. Consequently, the United Nations peace process in Western Sahara and the future of MINURSO are at a critical juncture with profound implications for regional peace and security. Let's recall that in resolution 2797, adopted last year by the Security Council, The Security Council, while recalling all its previous resolutions on Western Sahara, made it clear that the solution to the issue of Western Sahara must be based on three fundamental principles: First, it must be consistent with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter; second, it must be acceptable to both parties to the conflict, Frente Polisario and Morocco; and third, it must provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. So, on this basis, It was possible for both the United Nations and the United States of America to initiate a process of direct talks between the two parties, Frente Polisario and Morocco, in the presence of the two neighboring and observer countries, Algeria and Mauritania. The talks marked the beginning of a process and generated some momentum, but it is too early to assess the course and the outcome of this process. due to the enormous challenges that still persist, namely the position of Morocco that has not shown any political will to move towards a lasting and definitive solution. In reality, Morocco's strategic objective lies simply in maintaining the status quo rather than pursuing a comprehensive resolution. As Frente Polisario, we believe firmly that a peaceful, just, A lasting solution based on the relevant principles of international law is not only urgent, but it's also possible if there is a genuine political will to move away from state school-based and unilaterally imposed solutions that have proven to have disastrous consequences for the entire region. Both parties have mutually and formally accepted the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity settlement plan. of 1991, which was adopted unanimously by the Security Council and the General Assembly as, and I quote, "a compromise and practicable and reasonable basis," end of quote, for bringing about the decolonization of Western Sahara, the last colony in Africa. The core issue, therefore, is not the lack of a mutually agreed political solution, but rather the lack of genuine political will to implement it. In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that over five decades have shown beyond any doubt that the Sahrawi people are firmly committed to their inalienable right to self-determination and independence, and to living in peace, freedom, and dignity in our homeland. Therefore, the only way forward is to allow the people of Western Sahara a genuine and credible process whereby they can exercise freely and democratically our inalienable right to self-determination and independence. After all, the right to self-determination, in essence, is about the people concerned making a free choice, not for anybody else to make that choice in their stead. And I thank you for your attention.

Thank you very much. Ambassador Luwemba. Deputy Permanent Representative of Angola to the United Nations.

Mr. Moderator, thank you very much for the floor. Excellencies, distinguished colleagues, Angola expresses its appreciation to the Permanent Mission of Namibia and all co-sponsors for organizing this high-level panel discussion. We also thank the members of the panel discussion for information that they will be sharing with us today. The 50 years illegal occupation of Western Sahara is a reminder that the colonization remains an unfinished business at the United Nations. We remain guided by the principle position rooted in the Charter of the United Nations, international law, and the right to self-determination. The question of Western Sahara must remain under the United Nations decolonization framework to ensure that its people have the right to freely express their will and determine its future political status without external pressure and any preconditions. The Charter of the United Nations, the General Assembly and Security Council relevant resolution must be fully respected by all Member States, with no exception. Western Sahara remains the only territory on the African continent included on the United Nations list of non-self-governing territories, and its final status is yet to be resolved. Distinguished colleagues, as the Security Council approach the renewal of MINUSO's mandates, Angola expresses its deep concern over the text under consideration and call upon Security Council members to avoid any decision that may undermine and or alter the legal status of the Western Sahara territory. From our diplomatic perspective, there are four fundamental principles that should continue to inform our collective resolve. First, the outcome should not be imposed. The political process should remain under the United Nations auspices in accordance with the UN Charter. Second, the referend must remain at the center of our discussion. Any other decision is unacceptable. MINUSO's operational capacity to implement its core mandate must be preserved, including providing objective information on the developments on the ground. Third, the final settlement must be consistent with the purposes and the principle of the charter and provide for the exercise of self-determination for the people of Western Sahara. And in addition, The door for future constructive engagements by the parties must remain open. Dear colleagues, regional actors, including the African Union, must not be ignored. They should continue to support the United Nations-led process in a manner that reinforces dialogue, regional stability, and peaceful settlement. We call for renewed political commitment. We must preserve the institutional responsibility of the United Nations, a war the people of Western Sahara, maintain engagement of the General Assembly Special Committee on Decolonization. The action will provide, this kind of action will provide continuity, accountability, and preserve the institutional memory until a definitive political settlement is achieved. The approach we maintain to decolonization is based on dialogue, accountability, measurable benchmark, strengthening assistance, and sustained political engagement. In this regards, We reaffirm that any final solution must be just, lasting, mutually acceptable, and consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. Our collective objective must be moving to outstanding must be to remove, to move the outstanding question from recurring considerations toward concrete progress. while ensuring that the voices and freely expressed choices of the people of Western Sahara remain at the center of this process. I thank you.

Thank you very much, Ambassador. Next joining us is Ms. Brenda Maffia from Oxfam International, representative to the United Nations and head of the New York office.

Thank you, Bill. Excellences and friends, let me begin by thanking the missions and partners that have accompanied us today, as they did yesterday when we launched the exhibition. For those that do not know Oxfam, Oxfam is a global organization that is established and working in more than 79 countries. working with partners to fight inequality in order to end poverty and injustice. I'm sure you're wondering why we are talking about the Sahrawi today. Oxfam has worked alongside Sahrawi refugees near Tindouf since 1975, the first year of displacement. We support water infrastructure, food security, livelihoods, and community protection, including through partnerships with National Union of Sahrawi Women. Sahrawi communities for us are partners. Their knowledge, institutions, and daily efforts sustain life in the camps. Us as international partners, we only provide support to those efforts. Therefore, for Oxfam, international assistance must strengthen that capacity of the Sarawis and remain accountable to them. Today, I will share with you some evidence and some statistics on our interventions. I will bore you with a few statistics, simply because our intervention has mainly been in humanitarian work. These 50 years of experience belong to the Tahrir people. Their voices must guide decisions about what comes next. Approximately 173,600 refugees live in five camps where we work, where extreme heat, water, Scarcity and limited livelihood opportunities constrain daily life. Preliminary findings from the May 2025 nutrition survey recorded acute malnutrition among young children at 13.6%. Almost one in three children experienced stunting. Anemia affected approximately 65% of young children and 69% of women of reproductive age. These figures describe children whose development is at risk and families struggling to secure an adequate diet. Interruptions in nutrition assistance can cause lasting harm. Children's development cannot wait for the next appeal or a political agreement. This year, at the UN, there has been several conversations around the right to water. The UN has recognized that access to safe drinking water and sanitation is a fundamental right. And yet, in Boru, Three years of piped network construction increased average water consumption from 9 to 49 liters per person per day. Households reporting shortages fell from 96% to at least 29%. The network that was put in place has also saved an estimated 50,000, between 50,000 and 70,000 million euros annually, compared to a situation where we are tracking water. Sustained investment in delivery has delivered something, but not sufficiently. Connections alone are insufficient. In Asad, 86% of households have piped connections, yet only about 14% report constantly sufficient water. Our evidence also exposes needs that planning figures are missing. The response plan records persons with disabilities access to about 0.97% of the population through self-reporting, while acknowledging that a standard-based methodology would identify around 15%. Oxfam's survey found that 40% of households including at least one member living with a disability. I'll repeat that. Oxfam's survey found that 40% of households included at least one member living with disability. Households and individual figures are not directly comparable, but the finding reveals substantial support needs. Both specialized disability actors have now been withdrawn, leaving families with fewer services. As political discussions intensify, humanitarian responsibilities must remain clear. Deprivation, declining assistance, or the prospect of aid withdrawal must never be used to influence political choices. Food, water, healthcare, protection must remain available according to need. without depending on acceptance of a proposed settlement or agreement to leave the camps. Durable solutions are required. Freedom from coercion and a genuine ability to choice is needed. Oxfam does not prescribe the final political outcome in the negotiations that are ongoing in the UN Security Council. However, we support a just, lasting, and mutually accepted solution that provides for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara in accordance with international law. Sahrawi participation must begin while options remain open. Communities in the territory where we work, in the refugee camp and diaspora must be able to be included in the negotiations and implementations of the outcome. Women, young people, and people with disabilities need accessible channels to decision makers. Consultation cannot simply endorse decisions already made. Changes to the UN mission must be assessed against their consequences for ceasefire monitoring, humanitarian access, and civilian safety. For us, we have four priorities for action to request to member states and anyone in this room that has the ability and power to make change. The first request for us is, we would like the international community, as well as the different actors, to ensure that there is sufficient support for humanitarian intervention. Predictable, multi-year humanitarian funding with nutrition protection from further reduction is not needed. Secondly, restored specialized protection capacity is also needed. That includes disability, rehabilitation, and legal protection. Legal protection presented just 9% of our mapped interventions. Registration, repeatedly requested by the council, required legal protection capacity, accessible procedures, confidentiality, and safeguards against exclusion from assistance. Third, Investment in permanent water infrastructure and maintenance extended the improvements that are currently, we also request for extended improvements in Badu provided for the what we provided as information. Fourth, formal and meaningful Sarahawi participation throughout the political process. particularly for women and young people. The Council's recognition of insufficient humanitarian funding must translate into resources and action. On a more personal note, 10 years ago, Oxfam presented 40 Years, 40 Faces exhibition at the African Union and various other capitals. My daughter Nandi was only five years old, and she took part and witnessed this exhibition. Yesterday, my daughter, who's now 15 years old, joined the launch, the reception of this exhibition, which has since been removed. As a mother, I have watched those years of my daughter unfolding through her learning, opportunities, and growing hopes. Over those same years, I cannot forget that Saharawi children have continued growing up in displacement, their opportunities constrained, and their future unresolved. 40 Years, 40 Faces has become 50 Years, 50 Faces now. Another decade must not simply bring another exhibition. We do not want to show up here and have another exhibition for 60 Years, 60 Faces, documenting the same needs, the same unfulfilled rights, the same unfulfilled promises. The Saharawi people are some of the most resilient that any one of us has ever met. Their resilience, unfortunately, must never be an excuse for international inaction. Their future must not be decided without them. I thank you.

Thank you very much, Brenda. Next, His Excellency Ambassador Mr. Ammar Ben Jama, Permanent Representative of Algeria to the United Nations.

Thank you, moderator. Excellencies, dear colleagues and friends. Algeria proudly joins Belize, Namibia, South Africa, Timor-Leste, Uganda, the Frente Polisario and Oxfam in organizing this important and timely event. We want to affirm and to reaffirm a fundamental truth. Yes, multilateralism must remain faithful to the people of Western Sahara. The same multilateralism that was once founded on a promise that justice, that international law, that equal rights of peoples would prevail over might, over power, and double standards. Yet, when we look around the world, in Western Sahara, in Palestine, to name only few, do we see the multilateralism delivering on that promise? Of course not. And there is no need to look that far. We all have seen the exhibition yesterday, and one can only be moved by the dignity of the Sahrawi people. It is truly undeniable that the Sahrawi people have shown extraordinary resilience in defense of their rights, in defiance of injustice, and in sustaining the aspiration for a simple word: self-determination. When Sahrawi families fled their homeland following the invasion of their land by Morocco in 1975. They reached a desertic area in Algeria, near the town of Tindouf. It is a very harsh and difficult environment. They arrived there with little, except courage and an unwavering determination not to surrender, not to surrender their identity and their rights. And since then, And for more than five decades, Sahrawi refugees have enduring separation, scarcities, uncertainty, and the painful wait for a promise to be fulfilled, a promise for the exercise of their right to self-determination, right, which remains to be fulfilled. Colleagues, the rights and dignity of a people cannot be negotiation away or bargained in exchange for little improvement in living conditions. The prolonged displacement of the Sahrawi refugees is an enduring consequence of the unsolved decolonization process. Some may think that time plays in their favor, and that political maneuvers are, let us be clear, indecent transactions can make an unfinished decolonization process disappear. But this is an illusion, a dangerous illusion. And history teaches us that the memory of people, their attachment to their homeland, and their legitimate aspiration for dignity and freedom cannot, cannot be extinguished. Colleagues, Western Sahara is one of, if not the most consequential test facing international legality, facing the United Nations today. It tests whether the United Nations will uphold the principles and purposes of its own Charter. It tests whether the international law applies when a question is protracted and politically difficult. It is a decisive test for the Security Council credibility and authority. It tests whether the Council and its members will act as real guardians of peace, or, unfortunately, become an accomplice of the perpetuation of injustice, fait accompli, illegality, and foreign occupation. The 50 faces we have seen yesterday are only a glimpse of the Sahrawi people enduring dignity, resilience, and hope. The Sahrawi people have waited long enough. Their rights are not negotiable, and their sacrifices cannot be forgotten. We must therefore, from our side, renew our solidarity with the Sahrawi people, with the people of Western Sahara, and strengthen our commitment to meaningful and fair political process that provides for the self-determination for the Sahrawi people. I thank you.

Thank you, Ambassador. Next speaker will be Ms. Aguela Abba-Petersen.

Good afternoon, everybody. Thank you very much for the opportunities. I had a speech prepared, but I think it would be worth it to just speak from experience as a Sahari woman born in refugee camps and name a few names that are worth no numbering because that's what make us to be who we are as people and as a future nation. As mentioned, my name is Agaila Abba. I was born in the refugee camp. When I was nine year old, I moved to Spain, and then I grew up in Wisconsin, and then I'm basically the first, one of the first Saharawi women, American Saharawi women, and I'm very proud of it, and has Basically, I have the luxury to travel anywhere I wanna right now, and I do travel a few times a year. It's something, it has been my dream when I was in refugee camp, and never managing it. But I mention this because my birthday was in August, and I was in DC by the swimming pool celebrating my birthday, and I had an awakening moment. I was in Chicago airport with my American passport that says when I enter, American government think of me as an Algerian, because it says I'm Algerian. I was born in Algeria, but it's always, it's been a double life for me. I'm proud to say that I'm Algerian. It's an honor for me, but deep down in me, in my soul, I'm Sahrawi, and I wish the world to know who we are as people and as a Sahrawi woman. And it's extremely important. When I was in DC by the swimming pool, it clicked to me why Sahrawi women fight, the fight for 50 years, why Sahrawi men gave their life. My dad gave his life for Western Sahara and the war. It really clicked to me in a way that I have never clicked. Western Sahara has been occupied by Morocco for 50 years, and their point and their aim was to kill our identity as Sahrawi. But the Sahrawi women and men made sure to educate us And to make sure we learn Hassaniya, our dialect, and we don't forget it. We make sure that every year, those Sahrawi songs and anthems and poems are in the night, and we sleep with them. Our grandma sing it. Make sure that they made it their stand that we know the difference between Sahrawi identity and who the Moroccan are and their aim. And I understood that Saharan identity is not political question, it's not a land, it's how we feel here and the ability for us to know and to tell you who we are, because we're our life, we're here in front of you. And Western Sahara and Sahrawin is in the soul, and is in the heart, and is in the blood. You may take our land. You may force us to learn the dialect Darija, Morocco, we may learn Algeria dialect, we speak it, we speak Spanish because we're colony, but you can't really kill the Saharan identity and us. You can kill our father and take all that belong to us, and fishes, our phosphate, everything, and sell it to Europe, but we standing here and telling you people that we exist, and we have the right to decide In November, in a month, I have the right as an American to vote which party I wanted to win in the election, next election, and I will probably vote. But deep down, honestly, I cannot wait. to take my passport into Western Sahara and vote for the self-determination for my people. That's because that's my dream. That's the dream. That's a right I have as a Sahari. That's a right that my grandfather fought for, my mom fought for, my dad gave his life in the Polisario presentation, give their time to tell you who we are as people. And that is a call like God-given, higher power, whatever, but that is something nobody can take us. That's my story. That's the first point I want to make. The second point is, i want to name my grandma who died three years ago. And they called me and I had to fly to Algeria in emergency call, and she was dying in her bed. And her name is Fatma Saleh, and that woman, I have never Met a woman so strong, so resilient, so pro-Western Sahara, so pro-Polysary, so pro-Algeria. And it was for an aim, so her granddaughter and her grandchildren can have an identity called Sahrawi. And I was taking my flight to Spain before I left, and she said, don't ever forget where you came from. You're Sahrawi, you'll always be Sahrawi. And that is something that reason, and I'm so proud, and I wanna honor her and tell her that I'm seeking from and tell her, and make she rest in being told that she is a Sahrawi, and she died Sahrawi, and she loved everything from Western Sahara, and she never forgot her identity, and she ingrained that in me and all the generation of my family. Second person I want to name is my mother. She's one of the most wonderful person, the most empathetic person that you will meet. One time she was walking and the refugee came and saw a goat giving birth. She sit down next to her and help her, and she was crying. And then we said, why are you crying? She's because, because I saw a goat giving birth and I helped her give her birth. And that ingrained in me that we are the most good-hearted people, the most hospitable people, that we are the most empathetic that you will see. I graduate from one of the top universities in the United States and probably, and I lead a billing department, 2 million, 3 million billing department for autistic. children that receive therapy, and I believe in that call, and I believe in them, and I believe that disabled people should have their own place on earth. That's how we are, who we are as Sahrawi people, and it's very important that each one of you know who we are, and we are very empathetic people. And if we become a nation, I think we can greatly contribute to the international community in so many ways. The third people are Two of my favorite people, my colleague Sahraoui, that's his dad, and my grandmother, rest in peace. These three people, I grow up with them, and they are best friend. And every day, they will come and traditionally play seek and pray. No, seek, that's women, in the sand with foot. And they'll be telling stories of the war, and they'll be telling how they lived in Western Sahara. And they would teach us Hassania, they teach us the way if the value. And one thing these three people, and I call them my dads, my grandfathers, these three people. One of the desire, the main desire, I was to go back to their country and see it again, and the children to see it. And always they looked at me one time and they say, "One day you will see Western Sahara, and one day you will see how beautiful is our land." And these three men are the most honorable man has. Brenda said, Sahrawi people are the most dignified, most resilient, and these three men. are an example of that. And I'm so honored to be able to have met them and to basically been raised by these three men. Two of them are no longer with us, one of them is, and every time I'm in the camp, i make sure to say hi to him, and he treat me like a daughter. It's very important to know that we Sahrawi have nothing to do with Morocco. and we are under their occupation, and that our dream is to just have that moment, that decision to vote and to meet, to be basically who we are, and we can cover identity behind another nationality, and we can able to have that freedom to say, hey, we Sahari in the world can. can hear us and can know who we are, and can know how wonderful we are, because we actually, we are really wonderful people. And it's absolutely an honor to be representing every, not only myself here, because I worry, as I decide that the USA is my home, I believe Saharawi people need to decide to know what their home is. Even I may travel the world with an American passport, Spanish passport, but I can't go to Western Sahara to see where my grandfather was born, because I'm afraid that Morocco will take me prison or do something to me, and I have to come back to my daughter here. So it's always, we Sahrawi has long, we are under the The Moroccan occupation, we're not free, even though we have a different nationality that give us freedom. We, at the end of the day, we're not free to see our land, to see the beach, to eat the fish, to experience the life that these three men, Ould Bouzaid, Ould Salama, El Khalloud El Habib, always tell us. And it's one of my greatest dream, and it's one of the only dream that I can. accomplish, and I want to accomplish it to see it. So, it's very important to know that we Sahrawi desire, we desire to participate and have a choice and freedom to vote and decide who, where we want to belong. And I can guarantee you that we do want to belong in the street of Western Sahara. And I just wanted to thank you for giving me the chance to present my people, my wonderful people, to represent and give a voice to the Sahrawi women and children, because I feel like they deserve it, and to the people who die and who dream to see Western Sahara free. And they were not able to see it, and they are buried in the land of Algeria. And I want to thank to Algeria for just their protection and their giving us the land and making a home for us. And I cannot wait for all of you to see Western Sahara free because it will happen. So thank you so much.

Thank you very much. Last but not least. So, Tarek Sharif.

Thank you very much for that testimony, Ghaila. That was very touching. Moved me to tears, even. My name is Tarek Sharif. I'm a Sahrawi American. My father was born in Dakhla, Villa Cisneros, in the Western Sahara. Thank you to all the member states who Organize this with us, Algeria, Belize, Namibia, South Africa, Timor-Leste, Uganda. Reminds me of a Bob Marley song called "Africa Unite." I think it's important. You know, you walk into the United Nations, one of the first things you see is a statue of Nelson Mandela. Nelson Mandela fought for the Sahrawi people. He believed in their right to self-determination. You know, I think you got to agree with Nelson Mandela, one of the greatest freedom fighters of all time. If he's on your side, whoever is against you must be mistaken. Now, a question I ask myself is how long can time stand still? How long can a people live and the conditions that they live in the refugee camps. While we're very thankful to Algeria for letting our people be there, it's no place to live. So the question, how long can time stand still? That's effectively what's happening in the camps, is they are locked in a timeless place. Nothing changes in the camps. It remains the same daily life every day. You have the desert surrounding you, and very harsh conditions, and a dream to one day go home. I invite everybody here who's yet to be to the camps to please one day visit the camps so you can see it with your own eyes. Agaila did a good job describing it. She was born there, she lived it. I've only been there a few times. But she spoke about our people and the great hospitality and empathy and just overall demeanor that our people have, the resiliency. My first time in the Western Sahara, my cousins and people with not a dollar to their name, they slaughtered a goat for me. And if you don't know, that's a very big deal. We had a great meal together. When you can share the last thing that you have, it just really shows the character of the people. Time actually does not stand still, is the answer to my question. The whole time, these past 50 years, that time seems like it stands still in the camps. The world keeps moving, and we go on with our lives. And regrettably, we live through moments where we forget. You know, as a member of the Sahrawi diaspora, I'm not thinking about the freedom of my people every waking minute. I have children of my own. I have-- I'm an entrepreneur. I have a business that I run. So time keeps moving. But we are, as an international community, we have robbed the Saharawi people of the right to live in the same timeline that we all live. That is a disservice. That is a humanitarian crime. Plenty of Moroccan people are great people. I have Moroccan friends. I have no issue with the Moroccan people. But the theft of my father's country, of Agayla's country, of the Sahrawi people's land, is a tremendous injustice. And while we live on this timeline with the benefits of an American lifestyle, all of us here in America today, there are hundreds of thousands of people that live a very different reality. And we owe it to them to uphold international law. I'm not a politician. I'm not an excellency. I'm not a delegate. I am merely a man, an American man, and a Sahrawi man. And I'm just here to provide testimony for my people. But to ask the question What is the United Nations for if it cannot uphold its rulings, if it cannot uphold international law? A decision was made that all people have the right to self-determination. And yet, the Western Sahara is Africa's last colony. And for some reason, the United Nations and all nations cannot seem to honor that law. So do we pick and choose in this world which international laws we're going to uphold and when we will uphold them? That's not right, regardless of the people regardless of the place, regardless of the time, this league of nations, this United Nations, must uphold and hold their standards. This is not a prepared speech. I'm here speaking from the heart. And I have no power in this, except for my conviction to try to help the member states, and again, thank you to all the member states that are here with us today, both the sponsors of what we've been doing here and also those that are just here present today hearing testimony. But I implore that you please make strides forward in this issue. The Saharawi people have a right to vote. Now, in this campaign of 50 Years, 50 Faces, the goal and the objective was to humanize the issue. Now, I told you it's hundreds of thousands of us, but we showed 50 faces to help bring a face to the problem, because it's very easy to hear, oh, there's hundreds of thousands of refugees, the Saharawi people, in the refugee camps and scattered abroad, and, oh, that's a travesty, but you don't see it, you don't feel it. So like I encouraged you to go to the camps, I also encourage you to really let those 50 faces burn into your soul, read their testimony, look into their eyes. And remember that there's multitudes more of them, but they are a representation of our people. That was the goal of the 50 Years, 50 Faces project. And I thank you to Oxfam for allowing me to be a part of it and working together with me on it. But clearly we struck a chord, and clearly we inspired fear and anger. Because just attempting to showcase our exhibit of the 50 photographs, which we did through all appropriate channels, and I think, I want to especially thank the Namibian delegation for their work in that. Because while our exhibition was approved, it was then denied. And then approved again after the Namibians fought for us. And maybe other member states fought as well, and I'm sorry if I'm not giving you that acknowledgement, but I was happy last night when we unveiled the exhibition. And yet, even in that moment, the exhibition was almost taken down in front of my eyes, where a senior member of the United Nations administration began grabbing the photos with intention of removing them. Clearly, we have struck fear in the Moroccan delegation and potentially the United States as well. And the fear is this. They don't want to humanize this struggle. They want it to remain faceless. They want it to be something that nobody knows about. If you ask the average American citizen and probably the average person in the world, they will not know where the Western Sahara is. When I tell people I'm from the Western Sahara, they say, Morocco? Or they say, what do you mean, Western Sahara, but what country? No, no, there's a country called the Western Sahara. It's in Northwest Africa, south of Morocco, north of Mauritania, west of Algeria. And I always go like this, and I point where Western Sahara is on the African map. Our exhibition has been removed. I did not know this. It was there last night. It was supposed to be here all week. And I walked in the United Nations today to our exhibition being gone. I want to thank Absalom from Namibia because He is still fighting for the exhibition to be replaced or put back up, but what laws did we violate? What UN charters did we violate by simply showing 50 photographs and the testimonies of these 50 people? I tell you which ones, none. But we struck a chord with the Moroccans. They do not want And I don't mean the Moroccan people, I mean their delegation, their representatives here. They do not want these 50 faces seen. So we'll be taking this digital. You can go to 50years50faces.com. You can sign up to be the first to receive these photos digitally. We'll be rolling them out on a social media campaign. We wanted to do them here in person first at the United Nations to preserve the legacy and uphold the importance of what is the United Nations. This needed to be the first place that these photos were seen, but make no mistake, just because you take down a physical photograph does not kill the project, nor does it erase the photograph. We will be spreading these far and wide, and I encourage everybody in this room and anybody tuning in online to help us spread these photos. Help us bring a face to the conflict. 50 years, 50 faces. Let it not be another year. I pray to God, let my people vote. Minurso mandated a referendum. The Moroccan autonomy plan spits in the face of the United Nations and international law, denying the Sahrawi people the right to self-determination. It cannot happen. Agaila and myself, and any Western Saharan person in this room, we represent What happens when you give a Saharawi a chance? I've gone on to build a large business. I'm the co-founder of arguably the largest music festival in the world, but definitely the largest hip hop festival in the world. We sell hundreds of thousands of tickets every year. And I'm not saying that to brag. I'm saying that to say, look what happens when you give a Saharawi a chance. Let the Saharawi people have their nation back, and imagine what they can do with the phosphates. Imagine what they can do with the fisheries. Imagine what they can do with renewable energy. Currently, those resources and those opportunities are being stolen by the Kingdom of Morocco. They're ****** and pillaging. my father's country, and I will not stand for it. And I thank you all for listening today. Thank you all for being here today. I'm sorry for the long-winded remarks. Let the Sahrawi people vote. Thank you.

Thank you very much. I want to thank everyone for joining us this evening or this afternoon. I want to thank particularly the member states that sponsored this. I want to thank also Oxfam. for really anchoring this, my colleagues in the U.S. Campaign for Western Sahara. I just want to end this, however, with this. One of the great luminaries of the 20th century once said, "Nothing is more important than independence and freedom." And I think that that's something that we really have to hold very, very close. And I want to particularly direct my final note to people of African descent. There's a special obligation that people of African descent, on the continent and in the broader world, have to make the fight of the Sorari people for peace, justice, and self-determination their own fight, a fight to materialize this, to move it away from the shadows. And this is such a critical moment. My colleague here, mentioned almost by accident, and he started to describe the United Nations, and he said, "The League of Nations." And this may actually have been a psychological issue, because I would argue that the future of the United Nations right now is a question of whether it goes down the route of the League of Nations and dissolves, or whether it emerges into something else, and the test, one of the big tests will in fact be the question of Western Sahara, and whether the United Nations can develop the spine that's necessary to basically insist that nothing is more important than independence and freedom. And it is that the United Nations and the people of the world must step forward. No country should be allowed to frustrate the right of national self-determination. And we must leave here committed to bringing this struggle, bringing it away from the shadows, away from the fog, and make it very real, very material for the people of this planet. I want to thank everyone very much for joining us. this afternoon. Thank you.