(Day 5) General Debate - General Assembly: Plenary meeting, 81st session

The 13th Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will continue its consideration of agenda item 8, entitled General Debate. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Han Zheng, the Vice President of the People's Republic of China. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, colleagues, the world is witnessing intertwined changes and turbulence, protracted geopolitical conflicts, widening development gaps, and a growing number of global challenges. Five years ago, At the 76th session of the UN General Assembly, President Xi Jinping put forward the Global Development Initiative. Since then, he has proposed the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative. These initiatives provide strategic guidance for the building of a community with a shared future for humanity. At a time when countries of the world find their futures so closely linked, More and more of them want to join hands to shoulder the historic mission of addressing difficulties and challenges and advancing the well-being of all humanity. With this in mind, I propose that we take the following four steps. First, we should safeguard the post-war international order and foster lasting peace based on common security. The world wants peace, not war. The international system centered on the UN and the international order underpinned by international law that emerged after World War II must be upheld. We should turn into action the vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security and reject the Cold War mindset and bloc confrontation. We should settle differences and disputes through dialogue and consultation, and oppose unilateral military actions that violate the UN Charter and circumvent Security Council authorization. Major countries shoulder special responsibilities for safeguarding international peace and security, and they should take the lead in complying with the rules, upholding rule of law, and doing what's right. China holds that the sovereignty and security of countries in the Middle East, including the Gulf, should be respected. International industrial and supply chains should be kept stable and unimpeded, and global trade should be safeguarded. China calls for advancing the governance of the West Bank and the post-conflict reconstruction of Gaza in accordance with the principle of the Palestinians governing Palestine. It also calls for bringing the Palestinian question back onto the right track of the two-state solution at an early date. On Ukraine, President Xi Jinping has put forward four points on what must be done, which are the fundamental guidance for China in playing a continued constructive role in its own way for achieving a political settlement of the crisis. China urges the relevant country to immediately stop using threat of force against Cuba and immediately and completely lift the blockade and sanctions against Cuba. Second, we should address the global development predicament and promote prosperity for all through openness and cooperation. We should keep development at the center of the international agenda and jointly forge a global development partnership based on unity and equality, and that is balanced and inclusive. It is important to give priority to key areas, including poverty reduction, food security, and energy transition, step up resource input, and increase support for countries in the Global South. Developed countries should honor their commitment to development financing and climate financing. The international community should also build consensus and pool strength to formulate the post-2030 global development agenda. Facing a new scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, especially the dynamic development of artificial intelligence, we should take a people-centered approach and develop AI for the positive and for good. narrow the digital divide, and promote development that is universally beneficial. Both history and reality prove that countries can hardly achieve development without an open and cooperative international environment. Protectionism produces no winners. Building walls, erecting barriers, decoupling, and cutting off supply chains disrupt global industrial and supply chains and harm the interests of all parties. We must firmly safeguard the WTO-centered, rules-based, multilateral trading system, build an open world economy, jointly foster and strengthen new growth drivers, and see that economic globalization is inclusive and delivers benefits to all. Third, We should advance exchanges and mutual learning among civilizations and rebuild unity and mutual trust through communication and dialogue. Diversity has created splendor in the world. Condescension and the self-centered mindset have no place in the interactions among different cultures. Promoting mutual trust, mutual respect, solidarity, and harmonious coexistence is the right approach to take. We need to use the UN platform to boost international people-to-people exchanges and take the celebration of the International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations as an occasion to promote mutual understanding and amity among all peoples and the common development of diverse civilizations. We should reject ideological prejudice and respect the development path and social systems decided on independently by the people of all countries. We should deepen the sharing of governance practices and jointly explore ways to tackle challenges facing our times. Fourth, we should stay committed to multilateralism and take steps to safeguard fairness and justice. Multilateralism is a choice made by humanity after going through scourges, and fairness and justice are the joint pursuit of the people of all countries. China holds that all countries, big or small, are equal members of the international community, and that world affairs should be handled by all through consultation, and rule of law, fairness, and justice in international affairs should be jointly upheld. Countries should join forces and act together to safeguard the UN and make it stronger. China supports the UN in reforming and improving itself. It should advance the UN80 initiative and enhance the performance of its bodies, rather than merely cut its budgets and mandates. It should effectively address global challenges, including climate change and public health security, improve and increase the representation and voice of the Global South. China pays high tribute to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who will complete his term soon. China supports the election in accordance with the UN Charter of a new Secretary-General who honors the UN Charter, has exceptional capability, upholds integrity and fairness, and demonstrates courage and dedication. Mr. President, colleagues, On October 25, 1971, right here in this August Hall, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority, by which UNGA decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far-reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long-term social stability. and over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three-fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high-quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion US dollars and carried out more than 2,000 projects under the Global Development Initiative, and it has granted zero-tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs having diplomatic relations with it to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization China has been a progressive force in an era of change China has always spoken up for the Global South stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New Area. You are welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. President, colleagues, no matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development, in its dedication to safeguarding fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the People's Republic of China. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Aaron Palik, Vice President of the Federated States of Micronesia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it is a distinct honor to stand in this historic hall where so many great leaders have stood before. to deliver my country's statement to the world. On behalf of Micronesia, I extend my warmest national greetings of Kamorale. Let me begin by congratulating you, Mr. President, on your election as President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. I also extend Micronesia's appreciation to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for your dedicated and steadfast service, principled leadership, and personal commitment to the values of the United Nations. As you conclude your tenure, we honor your advocacy for the most vulnerable and your tireless efforts in strengthening multilateralism. Micronesia stands in solidarity with all nations that have endured the recent waves of natural disasters around the world. The loss of lives, displacements, and destructions remind us of our common vulnerability. We extend our deepest condolences to the governments and peoples affected, and we honor the courage of those who chose to help in the face of tragedy. Mr. President and Excellencies, the theme of this session, and I quote, "Restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all." It speaks directly to our realities of our small islands in Micronesia. We need the benefits of digital innovation, artificial intelligence, energy transition, and institutional reforms. At the same time, we recognize the continuing and growing challenges of climate change, ocean degradation, pollution, and growing inequality. Mr. President and Excellencies, today's security landscape is not only by conflict, but by climate-driven fragility. Extreme weather events, sea level rise, and resource degradation are eroding stability across vulnerable regions, especially the Pacific. These pressures intensify humanitarian needs, disrupt food and water systems, and strain governments' capacities. For Micronesia, climate impact are a national concern. We underscore the importance of safeguarding maritime security across the Blue Pacific. Illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing activities, transnational crimes, and environmental degradation threaten not only our economies, but the health of our marine environment as well. We urge the international community to enhance cooperation, share technology, and support capacity building to ensure that the ocean remains a zone of peace governed by international law. Mr. President and Excellencies, The challenges that impede our sustainable development are increasing. We must respond by implementing science-based emission reductions, scale up national climate commitments, and accelerate transition to renewable energy. We demand accessible and predictable adaptation grant financing to support investments in resilient infrastructure. We must operationalize the loss and damage fund. And further, we must keep the 1.5 degrees Celsius goal and sustain methane reduction. This is not a substitute for long-term decarbonization, but can slow near-term warming, protect vulnerability, vulnerable communities and oceans, and preserve critical time for those on the front lines of the climate crisis. Micronesia endorses the proposed fossil fuel nonproliferation treaty. A just and orderly transition away from fossil fuel is now inseparable from the wider geopolitical and economic realities shaping global energy markets. Instability in the Middle East and volatile fuel prices are the vulnerability of small island developing states to expensive fuel, unstable supply, a widespread economic fragility. Shift to renewable energy is an economic necessity. Solar, wind, and ocean-based technologies can reduce dependence on external fuel markets, strengthen energy security, and lower emission in line with science. The world must accelerate the transition to resilient, affordable, and community-centered renewable energy system. Mr. President, our people are the most important and most valuable national resource. We remain committed to delivering effective public services and advancing Micronesia priorities for our citizens, wherever they reside. I am pleased to announce the adoption of Micronesia's National Migration Policy with the technical support of the International Organization for Migration. Micronesia will strengthen the protection, engagement, and well-being of its citizens, including members of diaspora. Micronesia also aligns itself with the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration and welcomes its comprehensive framework for promoting humane, orderly, and well-managed international migration. Mr. President and Excellencies, our people's health has been increasingly affected by more frequent tropical storms, heat waves, and changing tidal patterns. We are seeing a rise in illnesses linked to marine life and vector-borne diseases, in particular dengue and Zika. Already, the burden of non-communicable disease strains our health system, reduces workforce productivity, and diverts limited resources. We are strengthening our national health capacity, increasing investment in diagnostic and life-saving medicine, expanding the use of telehealth to access specialist care, and medical education, and partnering with neighboring countries to support regular medical exchange programs that augment our treatment capability in country. These efforts are essential to safeguard our communities as climate impacts intensify. Mr. President, the ocean is the heart of Micronesian identity. livelihood, and future prosperity. It faces mounting pressure from climate change, sea level rise, pollution, and unsustainable exploitation. Micronesia calls for a collective effort to fortify ocean governance, sustainable fishing management, and effective conservation of marine biodiversity. Being the first country to sign the BBNJ agreement, we are among the first movers comprising six nations to implement the BBNJ. Micronesia is partnering with GIZ and five co-leading states to develop sea-based management tools and marine protected area proposals under the BBNJ framework, translating our commitment to conserve 30% of our ocean into concrete, durable protection for areas beyond national jurisdiction. Mr. President, on deep sea mining in the international seabed area, Micronesia employs a precautionary approach. We stress the need to consolidate comprehensive knowledge, data, and science about the marine environment before any decision is taken on proceeding with exploitation. Additionally, it is crucial that all stakeholders, including Acheson coastal states, indigenous people and local communities in the Pacific are meaningfully consulted prior to such a decision. Mr. President, We must address the growing threat of plastic pollution that degrades the Pacific ecosystem and communities. Marine debris, microplastics, and associated toxic substances are accumulating on our shores. Our lagoons, for example, in the state of Chuuk, where oil leaks from World War II remnants led to the emergency declaration last year, continue to threaten our livelihood. This impact imposed disproportionate cleanup and economic burdens on small island governments whose waste management infrastructure is inadequate. Our national efforts must be matched by strengthened international cooperation, including technical assistance, predictable finance, and collective actions across the plastic life cycle to prevent pollution at its source and protect the blue Pacific for present and future generations. Micronesia calls on the international community to match local action with global responsibility through sustained funding, meaningful technology transfer, stricter upstream control on plastic production, and an end to waste exporting. Critically, the international community must complete its work on a new treaty to end plastic pollution, including the marine environment. Mr. President and Excellencies, with less than five years to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, The international community must respond with renewed political resolve, scaled up financing, and accelerated implementation. The Pacific's experience underscores this imperative. Climate impacts are steadily eroding development gains and placing progress across the goals further at risks. The recent typhoon and severe flooding in our states and more frequent king tides affecting our low-lying islands demonstrate that these are no longer isolated events but recurring pressures that test the recipients of our communities on the frontline of climate crisis. For us, achieving the SDGs require accelerated action. Mister President and excellencies, Our actions on gender equality continues to address barriers to women's leadership, economic participation, and access to justice, digital safety, and protection from violence, particularly for women and girls in remote and outer island communities. We are mainstreaming gender across state and national planning, strengthening survivor centered services, expanding women's economic empowerment, and decision making and engaging in preventing gender-based violence and advancing equality. Mr. President, on youth, I'd like to say that our youth are taking active roles in community advocacy, climate stewardship, adaptation and mitigation activities, and services across our nation. Building on these achievements, our priorities are clear. Strengthening youth voices in decision making, expanding skills training and pathways to decent work, supporting youth-led climate and community action, addressing substance abuse and mental health, and ensuring that young people have the opportunity to lead to serve, and to build a future for themselves and their nation. Mr. President, we must implement the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, MVI, into a modern, coherent, and responsive system that moves decisively from concept to practice. Doing so would unlock fair access to concessional financing that reflect structural vulnerabilities faced by small, fragile, and highly exposed economies, such as the small island states. Micronesia reaffirms its strong commitment to the progress of UNAD reform initiatives. In addressing the UN country team reconfiguration, we firmly believe that both the multi-country office and the resident coordinator system must remain securely in place. Our distinct geographical landscape features incredibly remote communities. This reality is precisely why the UN aid reform initiatives matter so deeply to Micronesia. For countries defined by distance, dispersion, and vulnerability, Reform cannot be an abstract exercise. It must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where the needs are greatest. Our priority is to create a UN architecture that preserves what works, fixes what does not work, and ensure that no community, no matter how remote and how small, is left behind. Mr. President, in its reform programs, Micronesia supports an expanded council that includes Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan as permanent members, alongside permanent representatives for Africa and a dedicated non-permanent seat for small island developing states. SIDS. This ensures that the most affected by global decisions are finally present at the table. Mr. President, digital transformation and artificial intelligence offer significant opportunities to improve public service delivery, diversify economies, expand markets, access, and advance climate-resilient development. As we are advancing digital connectivity, private sector development, and trade opportunities, without adequate investment, capacity building, and appropriate governance, these technologies may increase inequalities and further heighten exposure to cybersecurity threats, information, misinformation, and risk to data privacy. We therefore call upon international community to strengthen resilience, resilient technical and digital infrastructure with ethical and effective cart rails and governance framework. Mr. President and excellencies, in closing, the priorities before us mentioned earlier are interconnected tests or whether the United Nations can deliver for all. For Micronesia, success must be measured not by declarations, but by tangible improvements in our people's lives, security, and dignity. We call for equitable partnership with small island developing states through accessible finance, technology transfer, strong capacity, and a meaningful voice in global decision. In the spirit of camaraderie, let us choose cooperation over division and build a peaceful, just, and sustainable future in which every nation can thrive. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Federated States of Micronesia. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency, John Brizeno, Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, Investment and Economic Transformation, Civil Aviation and E-Governance of Belize. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, allow me first to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the 81st session and to assure you of Belize's full support. For more than 80 years, this organization has done what no single nation could. It has held back conflict where it could and named it where it could not. It has given the powerless a language of rights. It has built one instrument at a time, the body of international law on which every state in this hall, large or small, now depends. It has survived a Cold War, as it has division and doubt, because each generation that comes through its doors understood the same simple truth. No nation, however powerful, can secure peace, prosperity, or a habitable nation on its own. That was true in 1945. It is true today. The chapter is hope. It speaks to our common humanity. It speaks to the rule of law, to the dignity of every person, to the sovereign equality of states, and to our duty to keep the peace. These are not the words of one region or one era. They belong to all of us. They bind all of us. Few in this hall would question that mission. But let us be honest with one another. Not one of us could fault the people we represent for questioning its delivery. The world is on course to exceed the 1.5 degree threshold. Rising seas threaten coastlines, communities, and for some members, the very territory of the state. The loss of biodiversity weakens the forest, reefs and mangroves on which our economies depend. These pressures unfold alongside armed conflict, disrupted supply chains, declining official development assistance, and rising debt. Households face higher food and energy bills. Governments face higher borrowing costs. Countries striving to finance the sustainable development goals must absorb shocks they did not create and cannot fairly insure against. Artificial intelligence adds a further layer. Well-governed, it can widen access to knowledge and improve public services. Poorly governed, it can deepen inequality, expose critical systems, displace workers, and leave developing countries dependent on technologies and rules designed elsewhere. National legislation alone cannot govern a technology that crosses every border. These dangers are real. But danger is not a destiny. We are not without answers. Indeed, Mr. President, The United Nations has already placed them in our hands. We have the Paris Agreement. We have the 2030 Agenda and the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS. We have the Law of the Sea Regime and the Declaration on Sea Level Rise. And we have a global dialogue under this organization on the governance of artificial intelligence. the United Nations is doing its part. The question before us is whether we will use these tools, whether we have the will to deliver. Mr. President, Belize is determined to do so. We are committed to the Sustainable Development Goals, and we are making measurable progress. Multidimensional poverty stands at 19.1% and unemployment at 1.9%. Public debt has been brought down to 66.6% of GDP and for the first time in a generation, it is on a path of sustainable development. These figures are not abstractions. They are beliefs that work, families with greater purchasing power, and a government with room to invest in the future. Vamos bien. We are doing well, but we have further to go. That is the purpose of the next phase of our national strategy, to create jobs, reduce vulnerability, reduce exposure to imported energy, protect the ecosystems, and equip Belizeans to compete in a changing economy. Implementation of Plan Belize 2.0 is underway. Alongside it, my government has launched the Belize Compact, a landmark grant partnership

with the United States that will strengthen our energy security and build the skills of our young people for the workforce of tomorrow. But the risks are growing. Hurricanes are more intense. Weather patterns are less predictable, which makes anticipatory action more complex. New stressors such as the unprecedented influx of sargassum along our coasts have already made responses. Managing them requires innovation, capable institutions and strategies that are properly financed. Yet even the best national effort will fail short without coordinated international cooperation. Mr. President, We are less than four years from 2030. It is time to consider what follows the Sustainable Development Goals. The next framework must carry forward what remains undelivered, and it must rest on a fairer foundation. The demand for reparatory justice is no longer a marginal whisper in this Assembly. It is here, at the center, and it is not going away. This Assembly has rightly and finally declared slavery as the gravest crime against humanity. But this recognition is only the beginning of an obligation, and the obligation is that we must not build the next chapter of development on the foundation of the last. If we are to be honest about that foundation, then we would acknowledge that the wealth of the industrial age largely came from the labor of enslaved and colonized peoples, and its rewards flowed almost entirely away from them. When independence came, the flags changed. The structures did not. The terms of trade did not change. The cost of capital did not change. Who sits at the table when the rules are written did not change. The imbalance was not undone. It was inherited. Now we stand at the threshold of yet another transformation. Technology is moving faster than any framework we have yet devised to govern it. Will we do it differently this time? Or will we do it again? Because the question before us is not whether any new inequalities may arise. It is whether the old ones will be written into the code, into who owns the data, who sets the standards, who captures the value and who, once more, is left to carry the cost. We do not have to accept that outcome. A development framework is a choice. It can be designed to serve the common good and measured against what our people actually need, dignity, opportunity, and a fair share in what they have to create. Or it can be left to reproduce what came before and call it progress. We have the knowledge to choose the first path. What is needed now is the will. This, Mr. President, is where the trust in multilateralism is won or lost. Beliefs have shown that debt can be reduced. that conservation can be financed innovatively, and that national reform can succeed. Yet we still borrow in a system that prices our vulnerability as risk, rather than treating resilience as an investment. Belize does not seek special treatment, we seek accurate treatment. Income per capita does not reveal how much of an economy sits in a hurricane's path, what it cost to serve dispersed communities, or how quickly a climate shock can reverse fiscal gains. The multidimensional vulnerability index must become a working instrument across the international financial system in eligibility for concessional finance, in debt sustainability analysis, and in the decisions of the institutions that allocate capital. Vulnerability should be legible in financial decision-making without small states being required to prosecute their own case again and again. Mr. President, the current erosion of international peace and security carries an uncomfortable echo. of the League of Nations final years. The League did not collapse for want of noble principles, but because member states abandoned those principles the moment they became inconvenient or constrained their power. I therefore cannot speak candidly about multilateralism while looking away from where it is tested most severely. I begin close to home. Haiti's crisis is our crisis. Haiti is the Caribbean. While there are grounds for hope in elections now scheduled for December. There's also grave concern over a spike in violence threatening that process. Belize echoes the call of the CARICOM eminent persons group. The gang suppression force must be urgently and fully deployed. A Haitian led, Haitian own political transition deserves a security environment in which it can actually succeed. Belize stands with the people of Haiti and with CARICOM in asking for nothing less. Belize also stands with Cuba. The economic blockade against our sister nation compounded by restrictions on fuel has severely damaged the Cuban economy. This crisis is unnecessary and unjustified. Belize renews its call for the lifting of the blockade and for Cuba's removal from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. In Palestine, the legal and moral test is unambiguous. It is an affront to this Assembly and to humanity to be forced to listen to a man justify apartheid and genocide when he is wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Our complicity lies in decades of failing to ensure Palestinian self-determination and in refusing to treat Israel for what it is, a settler colonial state. The genocide must end. The apartheid must stop. End the occupation and decolonize Palestine. Our charter summons us to act. Our actions must extend to every conflict and to every person displaced, destitute, or in despair. It extends to threats against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of any member state, as we witnessed in Ukraine. If borders can be redrawn by force, then every border is provisional. We are concerned, too, for the safety and security of the 23 million people of Taiwan, who have no seat and no voice in this hall. Taiwan is a friend of Belize. For more than three decades, she has walked with us on our development journey, not as a donor at a distance, but as a partner in the field. Today, that partnership is helping Belize close real gaps in climate resilience and in the technical capacity of our agricultural and public infrastructure sector. But Taiwan's contribution does not stop at the borders of our small and steadfast allies. She sits at the heart of global supply chains. She produced the most advanced semiconductors in the world. She's a serious presence in artificial intelligence and the other technologies that will shape this century, and she has said plainly, that she is ready to share that expertise and those resources with the wider international community. Belize calls once more for Taiwan's meaningful participation in the United Nations system. We hold no illusion that a small state can resolve these crises. But smallness does not relieve us of the duty to speak. Our voice joins every call for the protection of civilians, for accountability, and for the diplomacy that alone can secure durable peace. Mr. President, for 55 years after independence, Belize continues to pursue the peaceful settlement of its territorial disputes with Guatemala and with Honduras. Belize has chosen and will always choose law over force. Belize informs this assembly of a serious breach of international law committed on the night of 23rd September 2026 when a Guatemalan military aircraft entered Belize's sovereign airspace and intentionally disabled its transponder. This act violates the Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation, customary norms governing state aircraft, and the inviolability of territorial sovereignty protected under Article 2.4 of the United Nations. This incursion is not an isolated one. It forms a part of a continuing pattern in which Guatemalan state vessels and personnel operate unlawfully in Belizean territorial waters of the Sarstoon River, which forms part of Belize's border with Guatemala, in defiance of obligations binding on both parties to refrain from any action capable of aggravating or extending the dispute presently before the International Court of Justice. The case is scheduled for hearing in February 2027. Guatemala's conduct risk prejudicing the court's authority and undermines the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes enshrined in Article 33 of the Charter. Belize therefore calls upon Guatemala to immediately cease all incursions by air, land, or sea, to comply fully with its obligations under the UN Charter, the Chicago Convention, and the OAS confidence building measures, and to respect the integrity of the ICJ process. Belize further requests heightened monitoring by the United Nations and the OAS to ensure that no member state uses military force or intimidation to influence judicial proceedings. We await the court's judgment with confidence, and we look forward to borders that are respected by all. Mr. President, this is a new dawn for my country and a moment of renewal for this organization. This year, the United Nations will select its 10th Secretary-General. Belize proudly supports the candidacy of her excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Brickett of Guyana. a distinguished daughter of the Caribbean. A Caribbean woman at the helm of the United Nations would be historic. What history alone is not the argument. Her record is. The next Secretary-General will inherit an institution under strain and a world impatient for results. Small and vulnerable states must be placed at the center of the organization's work, not at the margins of decisions that determine our survival. The United Nations must become more agile, more representative, and better equipped to deliver. A leaner United Nations is not automatically a better one. Peace and security cannot be an afterthought to a budget exercise. Human rights cannot be separated from development, nor development sustained without peace. Reform must honor all three pillars of the Charter, peace and security, development, and human rights, as one indivisible promise. Mr. President, trust will be restored when commitments are kept and law is applied evenly without fear or favor. Transformation will be fair when small states help to design the future rather than learning of it afterwards. Delivery will be real when it reaches beyond conference rooms into the life of a child the livelihood of a farmer, and the resilience of a nation. Belize will do its part. We will invest in our people, protect our natural capital, modernize our economy, and choose dialogue over division and law over force. As we ask this assembly and its next leadership to meet the same standard, let the smallest voice be heard as clearly as the largest. Let agreements become action. Let this United Nations prove that cooperation is not weakness, but the highest expression of our common strength. Long live Belize. Long live the United Nations. I thank you, Mr. President.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, Investment and Economic Transformation, Civil Aviation and E-Governance of Belize. This Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Francisco Avelino Vieira de Carvalho, Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of the Republic of Cabo Verde. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. It is a pleasure to be here representing Cabo Verde in this forum where the world comes together to discuss the challenges we share and the future we want to build. I come from a country made-up of 10 islands in the mid-Atlantic, a country aware of its vulnerabilities but one that has learned that the size of a territory must never determine the size of our dreams. The history of Cabo Verde is also a history of learning. We have learned to confront drought and scarcity, to transform sea from a barrier into a bridge. But above all, we have learned that a nation's greatest wealth lies in its people. We even have a word for this wealth, which is. a term that defines the cordiality, determination, and kindness of our people, which the world was able to witness a little during this year's football World Cup. Amilcar Cabral, one of the greatest figures of our history, left us a lesson that continues to resonate across generations. Learn in life, learn from our people, learn from the books, and learn from the experiences of others. Learn always. Perhaps this is an ability that the world must rediscover, the ability to learn from history, to learn from one another, and to understand that there can be no less in development without peace, just as there can be no less in peace where poverty, exclusion, and lack of opportunity persists. In this spirit, Cabo Verde reaffirms its faith in the United States in dialogue among nations. in cooperation among peoples and in the primacy of law over the use of force. In the face of wars, inequalities, and crisis confronting our world, we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, to the protection of civilian populations, and to the peaceful resolution of conflicts. International law and international humanitarian law cannot be applied in a selective manner. They will only be truly and fulfill their role when they are respected and upheld by all. In our region, terrorism, violent extremism, and national crimes also remind us that peace requires prevention, strong institutions, and cooperation, and requires opportunities. Africa is the continent with the youngest population in the world. Therefore, investing in our young people, in education, in knowledge, and in the possibility of building a dignified life means also investing in peace. Excellencies, learning also means embracing change. The world of today is not the world of 1945. The institutions were created to respond to the challenges of that time, need to learn in the world that has changed. Cabo Verde therefore supports a United Nations that is more effective, more transparent, and more representative. The UN80 initiative presents an opportunity to modernize this organization and strengthen its response capacity. In this spirit, we also support the reform of the Security Council. Africa is home to nearly one quarter of the member states of this organization and represents approximately one fifth of the world's population. And yet, it still lacks the representation it deserves on this council. Therefore, we support a more equitable African representation in accordance with the Ezewini consensus and the CIRT declaration. A fairer international order also requires fairer and more inclusive institutions. The election of the next Secretary-General should reflect the same principles, transparency, inclusion, merit, and equal opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, but United Nations is not just a place where we discuss crisis. It is also a space where we build common paths. The 2030 agenda, the African Union's Agenda 2063, and the Pact for the Future point us in one clear direction, sustainable development centered on the people capable of transforming global commitments into concrete changes in the lives of populations. This is also the mission of the new government of Cabo Verde to concretely improve the lives of its people. And we have placed education at the heart of this mission. because school is where society begins to shape its future and education is a powerful development strategy. We seek to transform knowledge into innovation, decent employment and opportunities to strengthen our education and health systems and to advance progresses in digital transformation, gender equality, energy transition, water security, and also in blue economy. We want to create more opportunities for our young people and build an economy capable of transforming people's talent into development. Development means transforming knowledge into opportunity and opportunity into dignity. Excellencies, for Cabo Verde and other small island states, The climate crisis is not a distant threat, it is a present reality. Climate crisis is here. The droughts, the desertification, water scarcity, ocean acidification, and the rising sea levels. Just look at what is happening currently on the island of Sal, where only two days ago, rising sea waters flooded the avenue in front of the hotels. It is also a question of justice, because those who have contributed the least to this crisis cannot continue to bear some of its most serious consequences. Science has shown us the way forward. we must translate this valuable knowledge into decisions and actions. And Cabo Verde has tried to do its part. In September 2024, Cabo Verde launched a call for a global compact for climate mobility. And in June, in Berlin, 57 countries endorsed the global consensus on the principles to address climate mobility. And at the United Nations, Cabo Verde co-facilitated negotiations on the political declaration of the third conference on the oceans and the declaration on sea level rise. Because a country made-up of islands, protecting the ocean is not just an environmental policy. It's a question of protecting national territory, the economy, the culture, and the future. In January 2027, Cabo Verde will take over the presidency of the Alliance of Small Island States, AOSIS. We will take on this responsibility by working for the unity of small island states, the implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda agenda for fairer financing, for climate adaptation, and for ensuring that the oceans remain at the heart of the global agenda. In 2034, we will host the fifth International Conference on Small Island Developing States. This is an opportunity to share experiences, build common responses, and transform vulnerabilities into opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, there is also pedagogy in the relations between nations. And it begins with the ability to listen, to listen to each other. It entails the humility to recognize that no country alone has all the answers. And it only makes sense when what we learn together is translated into action, because this is, after all, the true essence of multilateralism. In a time of fragmentation, we need to regain trust. In a time of confrontation, we need to strengthen cooperation. In a time when force so often prevails, we need to reaffirm the law. Cabo Verde is a small country, but our history has taught us to engage in dialogue, to build bridges, and to seek consensus. Our history also taught us that no country is too small to have a voice and no challenge is too big to tackle when we work together. The United Nations must continue to be the space for this collective endeavor. And I will recall what Amilcar Cabral taught us, learn always. Learning today also means Understanding that educating a child, providing opportunities for young people, protecting our planet, fighting poverty, promoting development, and building peace are not separate missions. They are indeed different ways of us caring for the future. And perhaps this is the greatest lesson that our times require of us. The future is not simply what we receive. Rather, it is what we are able to teach, to learn, and build together. I thank you very much for your attention.

The Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Cape Verde,

I will now speak in Creole, the language of Cape Verde.

I'd like to thank the representative from Cabovadhi for delivering that statement in Cabovadhi Creole.

His Excellency Vasile Dofan, Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Vice President, Deputy Secretary General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this summer the Republic of Moldova turned 35. For much of that time, the world described us as a country caught between East and West, a place where others decided. I stand here as a new Prime Minister of a country that has decided. Small countries do not choose their geography or their size. But small does not mean powerless. Nations, like people, are shaped by the choices they make, whom they trust, whom they elect, whom they call friends, and how they respond when things turn against them. For a long time, others made many of those choices for us. Soviet authorities deported our families to Siberia. forced our Romanian language into another alphabet and told us it had another name. After independence, Moscow used gas and trade restrictions as leverage over our country. Step by step, we began choosing for ourselves. Romanian is again written in Latin and spoken freely. Governments change peacefully at the ballot box. And when our democracy was threatened, Moldovans have defended it through elections and civic action. We also reduced Russia's economic leverage on us. We diversified our gas purchases. In just five years, renewables grew from nothing to around 30% of our energy supply. Our electricity system is increasingly integrated with Romania and the European grid. And our companies sell on some of the most demanding markets in Europe and the world. But the Kremlin kept trying. Moldova faced illicit financing, disinformation, cyber attacks, and vote buying. Russia spent the equivalent of nearly 2% of our GDP trying to influence last year's elections. Moldovans answered that their home is not for sale. Each of these choices carried a cost, but each taught us the same lesson. We cannot control everything around us, but what we do still matters. That is the source of our optimism, our future, remains in our hands. And nowhere is that choice clearer today than in our European path. European integration has become our national project. Moldova has been a candidate country since 2022. Accession negotiations are underway and we are moving quickly. Our ambition is clear, to anchor Moldova firmly in the European family. For us, joining the European Union is not about replacing one sphere of influence with another. It is the opposite. It is our citizens exercising their right to choose. Choose democracy, choose prosperity, choose peace. The European choice goes hand in hand with a strong transatlantic partnership. For Moldova, these are not competing directions. The United States has been an important partner in strengthening our security, energy independence, and resilience. We want the next chapter of that relationship to be increasingly about trade, investment, technology and building things together. But membership is not only about what Europe can give Moldova. It is also about what Moldova can bring. A democracy that has learned to resist interference, an emerging economy a country contributing to stability on Europe's eastern frontier, and a small state willing to experiment, reform, and move quickly. Being small imposes constraints, but it can also be an advantage. Moldova is not a huge domestic market. We cannot outspend the largest economies, so we have to compete differently, with permitting days rather than months, clear regulation, digital public services, and rules that change when they no longer make sense. Technology is moving faster than regulation almost everywhere, and artificial intelligence is widening that gap. Small countries can have a natural edge here. We want Moldova to become a place where emerging technologies can be tested responsibly through regulatory sandboxes, where regulators learn alongside companies, Rules adjust with evidence, and good ideas do not wait years to reach the real economy. When an entrepreneur arrives with a technology for which the law has not caught up yet, the answer should not simply be, there is no rule for this. It should be, let us find a safe way to test it. We may never have the deepest pools of capital or the largest GPU clusters, but we can build better rules and be more agile. Smallness does not have to mean weakness. Sometimes it means turning faster and delivering when larger countries cannot. And that leads to a broader point about small nations. Power has never been equal. It never will be. But inequality of power must never become inequality of sovereignty. Countries are not buffers. Nations are not bargaining chips. Safety is not abstract to me. Kiev was home for nearly 15 years, including on that fateful morning of 24th of February, 2022. That morning, as parents, we struggled to explain to our three boys at the time, 1, 10, and 12, what war actually meant. Perhaps nothing captures the normalization of this war better than the arithmetic children have learned. Think of a typical night. A jet-powered Shahed drone is reported towards Kyiv. A 12-year-old checks the map, knows roughly how fast it is traveling, and does the math in his head. Perhaps 40 more minutes. 40 more minutes of sleep before approaching drone sends him to the bomb shelter. Children have become frighteningly good at this, the nightly arithmetic of war. In Moldova, we cannot begin to compare our suffering with Ukraine's, yet Russian drones have repeatedly violated our airspace and fallen in our territory. The danger is that the unacceptable starts to feel normal. For us too, this is about the safety of our families. We must not grow accustomed to it. Repetition does not make violation acceptable. And because these are not abstract questions for Moldovans, watching at home, allow me to speak to them directly for a moment.

My fellow Moldovans, I know many of you are anxiously following the news about the war next door and the growing threat from Russian drones and are already thinking about the winter ahead. Yes, a difficult winter awaits us. Our duty as a government is to prepare and to help those who need it most. That is what we are working on, and that is what we are discussing with our partners here. But I want to ask something important of you. Let us stick together. In difficult times, this is what has always helped us through, being there for one another, helping our neighbors, our parents, and those struggling the most. We may hold different views, we may vote differently. That is natural in a country where people think freely. But caring for those around us must unite us. We are a small country that makes it all the more important to know that we are not alone and that we can count on one another.

That solidarity at home must go hand in hand with clarity about the danger around us. This is not a tragedy without an author. Russia launched a war of aggression against a sovereign neighbor. It occupied territory and continued to attack Ukrainian cities. Ukraine did not choose this war. Russia did. We often speak about war fatigue. The phrase is understandable. Governments have other crises. Families have their own worries. Attention moves on. But being tired of a war you can switch off is different from being tired because of an air raid wakes your children at night, and different still from the exhaustion of Ukrainian soldiers spending another cold night in the mud. Moldova could not choose that this war began next to us, but we could choose our response. We welcomed people fleeing the war. We kept transport routes open. We reduced the cost of rail transit for Ukrainian cargo with grain. These decisions were not always cost free or politically easy at home. We made them because the way this war ends matters to us far beyond our region. If aggression is rewarded, it becomes a precedent for the aggressor and for everyone watching. Peace must protect sovereignty and create the conditions for lasting security. The same principle applies within our own borders. Russian military forces remain illegally and without our consent in the Transnistrian region of Moldova. We will continue to seek their unconditional withdrawal and the peaceful reintegration of our country, with full respect for Moldova's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We want people on both banks of the Dniester to live together in a peaceful, democratic, and prosperous Moldova. And because we believe small states should help shape the international system, not simply depend on it, Moldova is honored to present its candidacy for the presidency of the 82nd session of the United Nations General Assembly. We want to contribute to a UN that is more effective, more inclusive, and focused on results. We live in a world with plenty of reasons for pessimism. Moldova chooses something else, not naive optimism, Not the belief that problems disappear if we refuse to see them. The optimism that comes from knowing that our future is still in our hands. For too long, Moldovans were told that our country was too small, too exposed, too divided to choose its own future. We have spent enough time believing that. We know our problems, but we should also know our strength. We are a free country. Our people are humble, work hard, and put family first. Our diaspora is spread across the world, but stays close to one another and deeply cares about what happens at home. Only when it comes to vineyards does modesty become a little harder for us. We quietly suspect our wines might just be the best in the world. We have friends across Europe, across the Atlantic, and far beyond. And we finally have a realistic path to build a country our children should not need to leave in search of opportunity. Moldova may never be a great power, but we have everything it takes to be a great country. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova. The Assembly will hear an address by His Eminence Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Secretary of State of the Holy See. I request protocol to escort His Eminence and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, I am honored to extend to you and to the distinguished representatives of the nations assembled here, the warm greetings of His Holiness Pope Leo XIV, while also congratulating Your Excellency on your election as President of this esteemed assembly. As the Secretary General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres approaches the end of his term of office. I wish also to thank him for his service to the United Nations and wish him well. Mr. President, in a world marked by rapid technological change, environmental threats, renewed conflicts, and deepening fractures in the international order, This year's theme, restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, is not merely aspirational. It is an urgent moral and political imperative. Every international institution beyond its legal framework requires mutual trust among its members to be effective. Moreover, trust is an ongoing process. Pope Leo identifies the three essential words that must guide diplomacy, peace, justice, and truth. He warns against the return of a diplomacy of force and reaffirms the indispensable role of multilateral institutions. Mr. President, The human person remains the measure of all progress. At the heart of this conviction, start the acknowledgement of the inviolable, God-given dignity of every human person. From this flows the sacredness of life, from conception to natural death, as well as the imperative to safeguard the human person and that every society that aspires to be regarded as civilized has a duty to protect. Pope Leo addressed in his first encyclical letter the new technological challenge, which he does not reject, but calls for its ethical ordering. The control of these powerful tools must not remain in the hands of a select few, They must serve humanity, not the other way around. In particular, the development of lethal autonomous weapons system raises profound moral questions. In this critical domain, Pope Leo provides clear criteria for discernment. The first concerns personal responsibility. The second pertains to the moral time frame for making judgments. The third is the protection of civilians. These criteria give rise to certain non-negotiable requirements. First of all, systems used in war setting must guarantee the possibility of retracing and reconstructing decision-making processes. so that accountability and blame are not collapsed into the machine. Second, the decision to use a little force cannot be delegated to opaque or automated processes, but must remain under effective, self-aware and responsible human control. Finally, it is imperative to establish a shared framework also at the international level, in order to curb the technological arms race and ensure robust protection for civilians and the infrastructures necessary for their survival. For some years now, the world has spiraled into violence that has progressively spread and intensified, continually opening up new theaters of war. The Holy See strongly emphasized the urgent need for an immediate and total cessation of hostility as a prerequisite for any serious engagement in restoring and building the future. At the same time, it is necessary to consider that peace is not a negative word, that is, the mere absence of war. Peace is first a gift, the gift of the risen Christ, yet an active and demanding gift. It is built in the heart of every person and is an integral part of the collective memory of every community as well as humanity's heritage. In the effort to restoring trust and peace, disarmament is therefore not an optional ideal, but a necessary vehicle. No true peace is possible without genuine common resolve for disarmament. Mr. President, the dignity of the person finds concrete expression in the fundamental human rights and freedoms, which are inviolable since they are inherent in the human person and in human dignity. Particular attention must to be paid to those categories of persons most at risk, those in the womb, the elderly, the disabled, the sick, refugees and migrants, the unemployed, the marginalized, the lonely, and those living under condition of extreme poverty, violence, or conflict. Among these fundamental rights, religious freedom occupies a privileged place. It is not a secondary liberty, but an essential dimension of the human person. Tragically, Christians in many parts of the world continue to suffer discrimination, violence, and outright persecution. And while condemning all forms of religious discrimination, The Holy See raises its voice on behalf of these brothers and sisters, not in a spirit of exclusive advocacy, but because the defense of any one community's freedom strengthens the freedom of all. Mr. President, the passing of time does not make a war any less intolerable. Rather, it makes the responsibility of those who can end or help bring it to an end all the more grave. After more than four years of war in Ukraine, the death toll continues to rise. Faced with this tragedy, the Holy See, while calling for strict observance of the international humanitarian law, highlights the urgent necessity to bring hostilities to an end and paving way for diplomacy. The Holy See encourages every initiative aimed at achieving an immediate, complete and effective ceasefire. The Holy See reiterates its call for an end to the ongoing violence against the Palestinian civilian population in the West Bank, particularly the escalation of hostilities, home demolition and movement restriction, driving the displacement of Palestinian communities. On the situation in Gaza, the Holy See remains concerned about the dire humanitarian crisis, the widespread destruction, mass displacement, and the severe persisting shortages. In this regard, urges the international community to work towards advancing the two-state solution with a view to bringing about a just and lasting peace. The Holy See welcomes the signing of the trilateral framework agreement between the United States, Israel, and Lebanon, aimed at stabilizing the southern borders of the Republic of Lebanon and achieving a just and lasting peace. This agreement in itself represents a significant development. However, the Holy See expresses serious concern regarding the difficulties encountered in its implementation and calls on the parties involved to respect fully and enforce the terms of the agreement through concrete actions. respect for sovereignty and borders form the essential foundation for the implementation of the peace plan. Furthermore, the presence of Christians in Lebanon and throughout the Middle East must not only be safeguarded as the legitimate continuation of a historic presence, but must also be encouraged by international community since Christians aspire to be an active force for peace, spirituality, and culture within the mosaic of people that make up the Levant, where the Christian faith originated. The Holy See is following with deep concern the situation in the Gulf region, where the conflict has gradually spread and the violence shows no signs of abating. In particular, the Holy See cannot remain silent about the dramatic impact that this conflict is having on vulnerable civilian populations, who are being driven into hunger and forced displacement, and who are living in barely sustainable conditions. This conflict has also affected vital infrastructure, maritime transport routes and energy resources that are of strategic importance to the entire global economy, which has an impact on the livelihood of persons all around the world. The Holy See strongly reiterates its appeal for the parties involved to find the courage to engage in dialogue. Only a renewed commitment to negotiation, supported by the international community, can restore the prospect of stable peace and shared development to the Gulf region. The international community must not forget the tragic plight of the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya, who for more than nine years now, suffer not only from the tragedy of statelessness, but also have been subjected to inhumane and deadly circumstances. These individuals are deprived of their inherent rights, in flagrant disrespect of their human dignity. Their suffering must end. The conditions must be created within their homeland to allow the safe, legal, voluntary, and unhindered return. The Holy See renews its heartfelt appeal for an immediate end to the conflict in Sudan, a land that has for too long been ravaged by indiscriminate violence affecting the most defenseless, starting with children and women. Faced with an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe, all parties are urged to initiate without delay a sincere, constructive dialogue with the support of the international community, to facilitate assistance to the population and ensure stability and peace. The Holy See appeals to all key figures in South Sudanese politics to prioritize the well-being of the nation over any partisan interests. Everyone, based on their own responsibility, is called upon to promote action and words that contribute to reconciliation, peace and harmony amongst all South Sudanese. The Holy See is following with deep concern the humanitarian crisis currently unfolding in certain areas of Somalia. where outbreaks of violence and extreme weather events are exacerbating the populations' already precarious living conditions. The Holy See urges the international community to generously commit to meeting the immediate needs of the most at risk, especially women and children. The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo is of concern to the Holy See, particularly the protracted crisis in the east of the country and the Ebola epidemic. The Holy See, while expressing full support for the peace processes in the country, encourages a national dialogue and calls for the urgent protection of health and humanitarian workers, unimpeded access to aid, and the strengthening of regional cooperation to address these challenges in an integrated manner. Particular importance must be attached to reconciliation among communities, as it is an indispensable condition for a truly lasting peace. Furthermore, the Holy See is preoccupied by the terrorist attacks, especially in North Kivu and Ituri, which repeatedly target the civilian population including Christian communities, involving killings, abduction, and the destruction of villages and church structures. The Holy See notes with concern the advance of jihadist groups from the Sahel towards the coastal countries of the Gulf of Guinea. The response cannot be exclusively military. It must include the prevention of radicalization the development of border areas, the education of young people, social cohesion, and inter-religious dialogue, fully valuing the role of religious communities in preventing extremism. The province of Cabo Delgado in Mozambique remains destabilized after almost nine years of armed conflict. The Holy See, while calling for the end of the conflict, remains concerned about the sporadic episodes of violence which prevent internally displaced persons from returning to their place of origin and force them to continue living in a situation of suffering and food insecurity, with no prospects of a better future. In Venezuela, The Holy See encourages every effort aimed at the full restoration of democratic order through peaceful, inclusive means that respect national sovereignty, as well as the launch of a process of national reconciliation based on dialogue, the pursuit of the common good, and full respect for human rights and civil liberties. In this context, the sometimes difficult situation faced by detainees in Venezuela, as well as the suffering endured by their families, continue to give rise to humanitarian concern and should not be overlooked. The same consideration applies to the pressing need for a swift recovery of the national economy for the benefit of the entire population, the majority of which continues to endure extremely difficult living conditions. The Holy See continues to follow the situation in Haiti with great attention. The country is currently experiencing a period of serious political, institutional and social instability, as well as a dramatic humanitarian emergency. The Holy See encourages all Haitians to prioritize dialogue in the pursuit of the common good, and renews its appeal to the international community to accompany the country with determination and generosity on its arduous journey towards peace, democracy, and a renewed confidence in the future. The Holy See is closely monitoring the situation between Cuba and the United States, and calls upon those responsible to foster a sincere and effective dialogue so as to avoid any action that might increase the suffering of the beloved Cuban people. The Holy See is following the situation in Nicaragua with particular concern and reiterates its constant appeal to pursue a path of a respectable and constructive dialogue with the country's authorities.

for the good of the people and the church in the country. The OLC encourages Azerbaijan and Armenia to consolidate the process of achieving a stable and lasting peace in the South Caucasus. Mr. President, the transformation the world is facing, technological, geopolitical, social, will not wait for the activity or inactivity of the United Nations. Whether it becomes a transformation that elevates the human person or one that diminishes it depends on the choices made together in these rooms. It is imperative to disarm not only weapons, but the logic of domination, to protect the most in need, to speak the truth in charity, and to rebuild through dialogue and solidarity, a multilateral order that truly delivers for all. May the international community, as the family of nations, have the courage to restore trust, the wisdom to manage a transformation justly, and the perseverance to build peace. In this regard, the Holy See strongly urges all parties to engage in sincere negotiation to put an end to all wars and conflicts. War brings only death and destruction, whereas peace brings development and prosperity. The Holy See will continue to play its part in building a better future for all. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Secretary of State of the Holy See. I now give the floor to His Excellency Thongxavanh Phomvitha, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic.

Mr. President, at the outset, allow me to express my warmest congratulations to His Excellency Dr. Khalilulrahman on his election as the President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. My delegation assure you of our full support and cooperation throughout your presidency, and I also express our deep appreciation to Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for her dedicated leadership during the 80th session. The theme for this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, United Nations that delivers for all, arise at the pivotal junction. For developing and vulnerable countries, when resources and responsive United Nations is an indispensable anchor. Restoring trust in our international system required us to uphold predictable support, honor commitments, and reaffirm our fidelity to the UN Charter. For the Lao PDR, restoring and deepening trust begins with renewed commitment to inclusive multilateralism, with the United Nations at the core. When dialogue is guided by mutual respect, transparency, and genuine cooperation, multilateralism yields tangible benefits for all people. Mr. President, our world continues to confront severe multifaceted tensions. geopolitical crisis and tension, microeconomic instability, supply chain disruption, and accelerating climate emergencies. These headwinds place immense strain on the most vulnerable economies, where rising energy and food prices jeopardize the livelihood of millions of people in countries in special situation. The ongoing conflicts in the Middle East demonstrate how rapidly confrontation can destabilize global stability. Sustainable peace cannot be fought through force or unilateral action. It requires diplomacy, respect, for sovereign equality and territorial integrity and strict adherence to international law. The question of Palestine remains an enduring test of multilateral credibility. We remain deeply concerned by humanitarian catastrophe and reconstruction requirement in Gaza, as well as the mounting challenges in the West Bank. To prevent the two-state solution from slipping beyond the reach, the international community must secure a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace on and one that fulfills the legitimate rights to the Palestinian people to self-determination through an independent state of Palestine with full membership in the United Nations. In the same vein, the Lao PDR reiterates its principle position against unilateral, coercive measures. The prolonged economic, commercial and financial embargo against the Republic of Cuba continue to inflict hardship on its people. We call for the immediate and unconditional lifting of these sanctions, including logistic and energy blockades and removal of Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. Such steps are essential first humanitarian measures toward restoring trust and reaffirming the primacy of international law. Mr. President, the gap between commitment and delivery on climate change equally tests the credibility of multilateralism. Although the Lao PDR has contributed only a small share of global greenhouse gas emissions, our people are increasingly affected by floods, droughts, and extreme weather conditions. The Lao PDR remains fully committed to the Paris Agreement and its nationally determined contributions. However, Climate ambitions must be matched by adequate, predictable, and accessible climate finance, technology transfer, and capacity building to enable vulnerable developing states to adapt, build long-term resilience, and pursue low carbon growth pathways. Mr. President, the Lao PDR welcome the UN's 80th initiative to enhance the coherence, transparency, and effectiveness of the UN system. Systematic reform must ensure a balanced approach across the three pillars of organizations: peace and security, sustainable development, and human rights. The implementation of the Pact of the Future and the Global Digital Compact must focus on narrowing the digital divide. Artificial intelligence and digital technologies must serve human development, strengthen local technical capacities, and respect national development priorities. Mr. President, as an active member of Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the Lao PDR reaffirm that a united, integrated ASEAN serve as a cornerstone of regional peace and multilateral stability. We remain steadfast in supporting ASEAN centrality within the evolving regional architecture, where ASEAN-led mechanisms foster trust and practical cooperation. This year carries special significance as we begin implementing the ASEAN Community Vision 2045, alongside its strategic plans across the three community pillars: It also marks the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia. A foundational framework whose core principles of peace, coexistence and mutual respect remain fully relevant today. ASEAN remains the bedrock of the Lao PDR's regional engagement. Mr. President, despite severe external economic shocks and natural disaster, the Lao economy continues its steady recovery through strong national ownership and strategic international partnership. Guided by our sovereign and self-reliance economic policy, The Lao PDR has adopted its 10th National Socio-Economic Development Plan for a period of 2026 and 2030. The 10th National Socio-Economic Development Plan focused on six core national outcomes. First, executing a sovereign and self-reliant economic policy aiming for steady annual GDP growth of 6% or higher. The second, developing high quality human resources capable of driving technology transition. Third, improving living standard, ensuring balanced urban rural development and alleviating poverty. Fourth, protecting natural resources, building climate resilience and mitigating disaster risk. Fifth, enhancing regional and global economic integration and connectivity. And sixth, strengthening the efficiency and transparency of public administration and governance. Central to this strategy is transforming the Lao PDR from the landlocked countries into land-linked region. gateway. Strategic infrastructure including the Lao-China railway, the Laos-Vietnam railway project, expanded transit corridors and access to the sea via Vung Ang International Port are actively driving regional trade and integration. Our long-term vision towards 2055 aims to firmly establish The Lao PDR as an upper middle income nation with a sustainable, inclusive growth and its goal. Mr. President, this year marked a landmark milestone in our national development. The Lao PDR remain fully committed to its formal graduation from least developed country status in accordance with relevant General Assembly resolution. As the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, rightly stated, LDC graduation must be a reward, never a punishment. To safeguard our hard-won development gains and prevent structural setbacks, we are executing a robust, smooth transition strategy for the period 2026 to 2029. We call on our international partners to provide predictable transition support, extend smoothly adjustment regarding international support measures. I expand concessional financing to build enduring economic resilience. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development remains fully embedded within our national planning. As we prepare to present our fourth voluntary national review at the 2027 High Level Political Forum, we remain dedicated to an open, transparent assessment of our progress. For the Lao PDR, The nexus between peace and development is a life experience. As a country heavily impacted by wartime cluster munitions for over five decades, we have placed unexploded ordnance clearance at the heart of our development agenda through the national SDG 18, lives saved from UXO. Removing UXO is not merely a technical task. It's about restoring fundamental safety and securing agricultural land and reclaiming development opportunity for our communities. Building on this commitment, the Lao PDR proudly hosted the third review conference of the Convention on Cluster Munitions early this month. in Vientiane under the theme, accelerating progress towards a world free from the threat of cluster munitions. Our presidency demonstrated that mine action is an indispensable foundation for poverty reduction, human dignity and sustainable development. Mr. President, as a Secretary General, Antonio Guterres prepared to complete his distinguished tenure at the help of our organization, the government and the people of the Lao PDR wish to express our profound appreciation and heartfelt gratitude for his principled leadership, moral clarity and unwavering dedication to the United Nations. A true and trusted friend of the Lao PDR and fellow peace-loving developing nations across the global South. Secretary-General Guterres will be warmly remembered for his tireless advocacy for international financial architecture reform, climate justice, sustainable development financing, and the digital and dignity of the countries in special situation. His legacy of solidarity and bold championing of equity would continue to inspire our collective multilateral effort for years to come. Mr. President, in conclusion, the Lao PDR firmly believes that the United Nations remain the essential home of global cooperation. No single nation can overcome today's complex global challenges alone. Let us unite our collective strength, renew our trust in multilateralism, and work together to build a peaceful, resilient, and prosperous world where no nation and people is left behind. I thank you.

I thank the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic. I now give the floor to His Excellency Sokhon Prak, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia. I You have the floor, sir.

Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates. First, I wish to extend my warmest congratulations to Your Excellency, Dr. Khalilur Rahman, on your election as President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Cambodia assure you of its full support as you guide our work under the timely theme, restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nation that delivers for all. I express Cambodia's appreciation to Her Excellency, Madam Annalena Baerbock, for her active leadership of the ADF session. It is my great honor to pay tribute to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his steadfast leadership and dedicated service to the United Nations throughout his two mandates. and for his unwavering commitment to multilateralism, peace and security, sustainable development, and the principle and purposes of the UN Charter during a decade marked by profound turbulence and transformation. Mr. President, 81 year ago, In the aftermath of the devastation of the Second World War, the nation that founded our organization made a solemn pledge to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That commitment remains as vital today as it was in 1945. While the world has thus far been spared another global war, Armed conflicts continue to inflict immense human suffering across many regions. Concurrently, geopolitical rivalries, climate change, widening inequalities, rapid technological transformation, and transnational threat are placing growing strain on international peace, stability. and cooperation. At a time when international cooperation is more necessary than ever, trust among nations is being tested, while confidence in multilateral institutions and their capacity to respond effectively to common challenges is under increasing pressure. Our response cannot be retreat. The world needs the United Nations not less, but more. But it also needs a United Nations that commands trust because it is principled, representative, effective, and capable of delivering the purpose and principle of its charter. Trust is not restored by declaration alone. It is earned through consistency. When commitments are honored, international law is respected, disputes are settled by peaceful means, sovereign equality must remain a principle fundamental principle of international relation. The Charter does not prescribe one standard for the powerful and another for the less powerful. All member states, large or small, are equal before the Charter and are bound by the obligation it establishes. Mr. President, Cambodia understands the value of trust from its own history. Our country endured decades of conflict, genocide, division, and immense human suffering. Cambodia rebuilt peace through dialogue, trust, and confidence building, and the political courage and wisdom embodied in our former prime minister, win-win policy, which brought national reconciliation and unity. That experience continues to shape Cambodia's approach to international relations and its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes, including those concerning our shared border with Thailand. In this period, Cambodia expresses its sincere appreciation to the international community for its continued attention, contribution and support for effort to achieve a peaceful and lasting resolution of the dispute. Recent tension and conflict have seriously eroded trust and confidence between Cambodia and Thailand. Beyond putting a strain on relations, this conflict has left deeper and more enduring scars, including damage to cultural heritage and lingering threat posed by unexploded ordnance, among others. Yet, geography binds us together. As permanent neighbors, our two countries will always live side by side. And peace, stability, and prosperity of our peoples are closely interconnected. Rebuilding trust is therefore not merely desirable. It is essential to the future of our bilateral relation and to a shared interest in lasting peace and good neighborly relations. For Cambodia, restoring trust must be grounded in concrete commitment. It requires the full and effective implementation in good faith of the agreements reached between our two countries. These include the Kuala Lumpur Joint Declaration, the first young consensus and in particular the joint statement of 27 December 2025 under which both sides committed to the renunciation of the threat or use of force respect for international boundary and to concrete measure to de-escalate tension rebuild trust and advance the normalization of bilateral relation. Among those measures, the prompt resumption of the survey and demarcation work of the Joint Boundary Commission would contribute significantly to addressing outstanding boundary-related claims and establishing a clear and mutually recognized boundary. in accordance with international law and the existing treaty and agreement between the two countries. Equally important and with direct humanitarian implication is enabling the more than 20,000 Cambodian civilians who remain unable to return to their home due to the continued military occupation and obstruction. In the words of the UN Special Rapporteur, who visited the border last July, they need and deserve to go home. Likewise, the cessation of activities in occupied territories that could create or consolidate a fair company would provide a tangible demonstration of goodwill and respect for international law. This same commitment to the peaceful settlement of dispute is reflected in our approach to the maritime dispute between Cambodia and Thailand. Last May, Thailand decided to unilaterally terminate the MOU 2001. the only existing legal framework between our two countries, specifically established to address our maritime dispute, despite our repeated call not to do so. Cambodia was thus forced to place its trust in institutions that uphold the principle of international law by initiating compulsory conciliation proceeding under UNCLOS. As our Prime Minister, Samdech Mabahavathabodei Hun Manet, stated in his special address last June, we have taken this step to protect Cambodia's sovereignty and maritime rights in accordance with international law. Cambodia has always sought to resolve disputes with our neighbor peacefully. We continue to seek a relation with Thailand based on peace, cooperation, and mutual respect. Both Cambodia and Thailand stands to gain from a fair and lasting settlement agreed with the guidance of international expert conciliator and in accordance with international law. In this connection, Cambodia is grateful to the Conciliation Commission for demonstrating its strong willingness to assist the parties in resolving this dispute peacefully during the first meeting in Singapore earlier this month. The value of conciliation should be approached as a meaningful opportunity to bridging differences rebuild trust, and lay a stronger foundation for peaceful and constructive relations between our two countries. Mr. President, the question is no longer whether our world is changing, but whether we can shape that change together and turn transformation into opportunities rather than division and insecurity. Technology illustrate both the promise and the risk. Artificial intelligence and digital innovation can accelerate development and expand opportunities, but their misuse can also deepen inequality, insecurity, and transnational crime. Combating online scam has become one of our highest national priority. Cambodia has strengthened its legal and institutional framework and intensified law enforcement operation against scam centers and the criminal network behind them with undeniable result. But no country can succeed alone. Criminal networks operate across borders and require stronger international cooperation. This week, Cambodia has successfully hosted an international conference on combating online scam, co-sponsored by UNDOC and Interpol, among others. The conference called for a collective and coordinated action at national, regional, and global levels to disrupt and eradicate this crime.

Mr. President, Cambodia is pleased and honored to host in Phnom Penh on the 15th and 16th of November next, the 20th Summit of La Francophonie. Nearly 30 years after the historic Hanoi Summit, this new gathering of the French-speaking community in Asia carries particular significance. It demonstrates the vitality of a Francophonie that transcends borders, continents and cultural differences. The theme of the summit, "Reinvesting in peace for shared and sustainable prosperity", together with that of this year's session, reflects a common imperative. Restoring trust and reinvesting in peace reinforce one another. Beyond celebrating the French language, Cambodia wishes to make this summit a moment of bringing together peoples from all continents around shared values, peace, respect for diversity, dialogue among cultures, solidarity, mutual understanding and cooperation. The presence of heads of state and government will give this summit its full political and symbolic significance and will make Phnom Penh a major venue for dialogue among nations. The Kingdom of the Angkor Temples looks forward to welcoming everyone with the hospitality for which it is known, Mr. President. We cannot restore the world of yesterday, nor should that be our ambition. Our responsibility is to strengthen our confidence in our collective ability to navigate the world of tomorrow. To restore trust, we must uphold the same principles for all. To manage transformation, we must ensure that progress serves everyone. And for the United Nations to deliver results for all, Every Member State, whether large or small, developed or developing, must see its dignity, its voice and its future reflected in this Organization. Cambodia will continue to work with all Member States towards this goal, as it has done by contributing more than 10,000 of its peacekeepers to United Nations peacekeeping operations over the past 20 years. Thank you very much for your attention.

I thank the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Maria Teresa Lazaro, Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines.

Mr. President, Excellencies, We meet at a perilous precipice, a tumultuous time marked by profound upheaval, relentless uncertainty, and deep unpredictability. More than 50 active conflicts tear at the fabric of nations. Geopolitical competition strains our multilateral institutions, and global trust is fading precisely when we need it most. 81 years ago, our forebears forged this organization to save humanity from the scourge of war and reaffirm our shared dignity. Today, we must ask, have we honored that sacred compact? When more than 645 million people face hunger, When our climate remains in a state of calamity, and when our collective conscience is stained by humanitarian catastrophes, reflection must give way to urgent, united resolve. We cannot continue down fragmented paths. In an interconnected world, the disruption of maritime traffic in the Middle East can trigger an energy emergency in the Philippines, more than 3,600 nautical miles away. The war in Ukraine compounds a global food crisis and economic shocks unseen since the Second World War. Peace, therefore, is not merely the absence of war. It is our shared and indivisible responsibility. Reiterate our call for an immediate and sustained ceasefire in Gaza. the protection of civilians, the release of all hostages, and full compliance by all parties with international law, including international humanitarian law. We urge all relevant parties to de-escalate, exercise restraint, and return to the path of dialogue. The Philippines reaffirms its consistent and principled support for the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. We firmly believe that the two-state solution remains the only viable path to lasting and durable peace, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security, and all others respecting their peaceful coexistence. Peace is a daily choice. It requires diplomacy, justice, respect for international law, confidence building, and sustained investment in conflict prevention and peace building. with the United Nations at the heart of this effort. Mr. President, Excellencies, numbers and statistics can obscure the true magnitude of our trials. Behind every metric is a human story. Put a face to the climate emergency. A single disaster can erase decades of hard-won progress. Look at Nepal, bearing the heavy cost of rising temperatures, despite contributing less than 0.1% of global emissions. Look to the Philippines, one of the world's most climate-vulnerable nations. Since August alone, ferocious monsoons and storms have battered our islands, affecting more than 2.7 million families, destroying homes and shattering livelihoods. We share these vulnerabilities with many developing countries, particularly small islands and coastal states. Those who have contributed least to the climate crisis must now bear its heaviest cost. We call for the effective implementation of the Paris Agreement, the full operationalization of the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage, and strengthened implementation of the Sendai Framework. Put a face to the pursuit of sustainable development With the 2030 agenda less than four years away, only 36% of accessible SDG targets are on track. Achieving these goals requires renewed political will, stronger partnerships with the private sector, reform of the international financial architecture, and a United Nations development system responsive to the evolving needs and priorities of developing countries. Consistent with the Compromiso de Sevilla, we call for stronger international cooperation to mobilize development financing, facilitate technology transfer, and strengthen capacity building. As a country that has newly attained upper middle income status, the Philippines knows that income classification is not the end of the journey. Our metrics must evolve to capture the structural vulnerabilities, debt burdens, and inequalities that continue to affect middle-income countries. But the face to the digital revolution and to the rise of artificial intelligence, we stand at the dawn of an unprecedented technological era. Harnessed responsibly, Frontier technologies and AI can accelerate sustainable development, optimize resources, and bridge deep global divides. But AI also presents profound and systemic risks. Without robust governance, enforceable ethical standards, and strong legal guardrails, it could deepen inequalities and become an existential challenge. We echo the growing call across industries that we need robust AI governance with enforceable standards, and we need it now. Advanced capabilities must never be allowed to pose unacceptable risks to human lives, human rights, or democratic integrity. Effective governance must also address deep developmental asymmetries. We are not entering the AI era from the same starting point. Managing this revolution requires closing critical gaps in digital infrastructure, computing resources, and technical expertise so that developing countries are not left behind. We need AI systems that uplift the vulnerable, strengthen national resilience, promote gender equality, and foster human-centered partnerships, not exclusion and fragmentation. put a face to the tireless migrant workers and seafarers who keep the global community afloat. Millions of migrant workers leave their homes to search for a better life, contributing immeasurably to the sustainable development of countries of origin, transit and destination. They are committed to full human rights, and fundamental freedoms regardless of status and deserve steadfast protection from trafficking and exploitation along perilous migration routes. Among them, our seafarers form an indispensable lifeline of global commerce. Nearly 90% of world trade moves by sea, supported by close to 2 million seafarers, more than 25% of whom are Filipinos. They are essential workers, yet increasingly vulnerable to conflict and attacks at sea. Just recently, an incident in the Strait of Hormuz claimed the lives of Filipino seafarers and injured many others. Their tragedy reminds us that maritime security is human security. Put a face to our identities as an archipelagic and maritime nation, where open and secure seas are our lifeblood. For the Philippines, The safety of ships and seafarers cannot be separated from supply chains and global commerce. Open and secure seas, free from interference and coercion, are vital to our security, our economy, and our people. International law must remain our guiding lighthouse, with UNCLOS, the Convention on the Law of the Sea, standing firmly as the constitution of the oceans. Next year marks the 45th anniversary of UNCLOS and the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes. This year also marks a decade since the 2016 South China Sea Arbitral Award, an award that is final and legally binding, and that demonstrates how international law provides states with peaceful means to clarify rights and resolve differences. The Philippines stands firm in its conviction that disputes must be resolved through diplomacy and law, not violence and might. International cooperation to protect maritime security must also extend to critical maritime infrastructure, the physical and digital nervous system of our shared prosperity. From undersea cables carrying 90% of global data to strategic sea lanes and ports sustaining trade, to offshore facilities fueling economies, disruption of critical maritime infrastructure can send shockwaves across borders. Rather than waiting for threats and asking who should respond, states must explore a framework anchored on UNCLOS that sets out clear rules, rights, and obligations governing critical maritime infrastructure. Mr. President, Excellencies, all our advancements will falter if they are not anchored in universal human rights and safeguarded from the shadow of modern threats. Since joining the United Nations as a founding member, the Philippines has proudly stood with the vanguards of human rights. We advocated decolonization and the elimination of discrimination against women. We advanced the rights of children, persons with disabilities, older persons, indigenous peoples, and migrants. And we called firmly for an end to apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination. We will continue to champion these timeless principles. At the same time, we must secure our future by ensuring responsible behavior in outer space, reducing space threats, and preventing an arms race in outer space. We also urge a renewed and rigorous commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. Restoring trust in the NPT is imperative if we are to achieve our shared vision of a world free from the existential threat of nuclear weapons. Closer to home, the Philippines' own journey toward lasting peace, exemplified by the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, has taught us an invaluable lesson. Lasting peace requires addressing the root causes of conflict, empowering local communities, and ensuring that women are at the center of peacebuilding. Mr. President, Excellencies, our world is evolving. So must the United Nations. To remain effective, we must reform the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, and accountable, expanding the voices of developing regions across Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. As we look to the future, we are reminded that everything we strive for ultimately depends on how we choose to navigate these trials together. we are we need to reflect deeply on the promises of our charter and on the state of our fractured world. We must actively seek collective pathways that transcend borders and bridge divides. And above all, we must always put a face to what we do, remembering that every policy, every treaty, and every institutional reform is ultimately about real human lives. It is in the spirit that We voice a historic aspiration, the hope for a woman Secretary-General, a leader who can rally nations back to true multilateralism and deliver for all. Thank you very much.

I thank the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines. I now give the floor to His Excellency Bruno Eduardo Rodriguez Parilla. Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cuba.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Deputy Secretary-General, in about three hours' time, it will be exactly 66 years since Fidel Castro Ruz in a memorable speech spoke at this event, the philosophy of the spoils is disappearing and we will see disappear the philosophy of war. We will see colonies disappear, the exploitation of peoples by monopolies disappear and humanity will then have achieved a genuine stage of progress. However, It is alarming to see the advance of expansionism, usurpation, plunder, conquest, as well as military and economic aggressions. The US government aspiration to impose peace through force is unrealizable. The fundamental pillars of international law and the United Nations Organization, such as the sovereign equality among states, under permanent attack. The genocidal crime of Zionism against the Palestinian people, the pirate attacks against vessels, and the extrajudicial executions in the Caribbean Sea and some areas in the Pacific, the military aggression against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and the war against the Islamic Republic of Iran are new expressions of this atrocity. They are also a reflection of the crisis of identity and relevance imposed on the United Nations Organization and even on this General Assembly, the most universal, democratic and representative body of the international community. We are convinced of the need to preserve and strengthen the United Nations. This is indispensable as we make it more democratic and effective and closer to its peoples. As is well known, in Cuba we are facing a multidimensional aggression from the United States government, a permanent, abusive and ruthless hostility that has lasted for almost seven decades. Since January 2026, this aggression has strengthened and become more cruel and more dangerous, with the imposition of an energy blockade that, by resorting to intimidation and coercion, prevents any country from exporting fuel to Cuba, an equivalent to a naval blockade, which is classified under international law as an act of war. Through the adoption of successive measures, the government of the United States has been applying new prohibitions on all countries with regard to products and services that cannot be exported or transported to Cuba. More than 7,000 containers remain stranded in different ports, many of them loaded with foodstuffs, medicines and medical devices, and some of them have even been paid for by private Cuban companies. It is an unusual and unprecedented action. A superpower unilaterally deprives all states of their right to export the commodities that they wish to the country that they wish to export them to, and continuously and comprehensively violates freedom of trade and navigation. Added to this is the intimidation of entrepreneurs of different countries so that they abandon against their will their investments and businesses in Cuba. The obstacles and tricks to prevent the arrival in Cuba of absolutely legitimate commercial shipments, the pressures to prevent the entry of visitors and tourists, and the efforts aimed at restricting as much as possible Cuba's legitimate access to financing, technology, and markets. It's even gone as far as the United States exerting unseen pressure on sovereign governments so that they renounce the medical services they requested from us for the benefit of their respective populations, and which are offered by Cuban professionals altruistically because the US government is opposed to such cooperation. regardless of the impact and harm that this may cause to those populations if they are deprived of free, quality medical care, that is to say, deprived of an elemental human right. Last Thursday, the State Department convened within this General Assembly, a humiliating meeting specifically with the states that are the recipients of this cooperation in order to apply pressure and make threats. According to the US Secretary of State, the official policy of the United States is to shut down every relief valve from Cuba, to block every possible way out and eliminate any form of survival for Cuba. The impact of such an ironclad and ruthless siege has a human face. The economic warfare is aimed against the people. It harms the Cuban people as a whole. It takes a toll on human lives. It causes individual and collective pain. It causes anguish. It is not collateral damage. It is a policy deliberately designed to wound the deepest sensibilities of Cuban families, disturb their well-being, and hurt the dignity of the people. It is an act of collective punishment, a crime also proscribed by international humanitarian law. The obvious short-term immediate goal pursued by such a policy is to induce a humanitarian crisis in Cuba, which is also a crime. The government of the United States and the US State Department have been forced to recognize the suffering inflicted on the Cuban people, but they have the impudence and cynicism to insist in putting the blame on the government of Cuba. The executioner is blaming the victim. They are following the formula recommended by the State Department since 1960 in the infamous "Mallory Memorandum," which established as an official policy, and it's in force up until today, the overthrowing of the Cuban government through the economic suffocation and the extreme suffering of the Cuban people out of material shortages, hunger, and desperation. The President of the United States declared in this room a few days ago that Cuba is a failed state. Well, if that were the case, why did they have to impose a fuel blockade? Why did they impose secondary sanctions? Why do they have to threaten, persecute and exert pressures on all other states on the planet? The President of the United States also recognized that his government is putting on Cuba the biggest pressure ever applied. And a few months before, he said, and I quote, "All that is left is to go in and destroy everything." The threat of the use of military force against Cuba persists. This behavior is a violation of international law. and a serious infringement of the San Francisco Charter. Should it materialize, it would be

a major crime. It would cause the death of Cuban and American youths, as well as huge destruction. Let's hope that this never happens. Cuba will exercise with full resolve and energy its legitimate right to defend itself. This aggression is being accompanied by a brutal media and cognitive warfare aimed not just against the Cuban people, but also against the citizens of the United States and international public opinion. It is characterized by its gross and brazen attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of Cuba, which is also another international crime. We are often asked, well, what is the US pursuing with such aggressive behavior? And the question usually surprises us because the representatives of this government have outrightly declared their purpose to take Cuba, to control the country, and to dominate its economy. In other words, to nullify through aggression or economic suffocation the national sovereignty which several generations of Cubans have struggled for since the 19th century, first to achieve it and, later on, after conquering full freedom in 1959, to tenaciously defend it against the biggest risks, including that of a holocaust. The US behaviour relies on the fallacy proclaimed early on this year that Cuba is an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and the foreign policy of the United States. A nonsense shamelessly repeated by that government. In a futile attempt to substantiate such an assertion, the US government then inundates its huge communication platforms with false claims using the spokespersons and publications it hires, taking advantage of the increasing control exercised by its governments over them. The US president himself repeated this lie a few days ago in this chamber. Any minimally informed observer would understand the unrealistic and barbarous intention to portray a relatively small and developing nation such as Cuba with a modest economic performance as a threat to the biggest nuclear, military, technological and economic power on the planet. This organization and its member states have abundant evidence of the fact that we are a peace-loving country, of the efforts of Cuba in favor of international cooperation, understanding, and the peaceful settlement of disputes, as well as the active role that we have always played in support of the United Nations. Cuba is not a threat. What is, is the blockade. Cuba is not a threat. The blockade, yes, is a threat. We have always been and will always be prepared for dialogue with the government of the United States in order to try to find solutions to the various bilateral differences that we have on the basis of seriousness, respect, sovereign equality, and respect for international law without any interference in domestic affairs and without preconditions. We are prepared for trade, commercial relations with US corporations as we would be with any other country. We are aware of the immense challenge that our country faces in terms of its security, survival, the well-being of its people, and the destiny of the nation. We are not facing this challenge passively. We are doing it firmly and with dignity. And on this basis, we are moving forward on a process of changes that would lead to profound transformations of the economic and social model of the country based on our historical experience. Last 30th of July, during the closing ceremony of the seventh session of the National People's Power Assembly, President Miguel Diaz-Canel, given the complex situation I've described, referred to how we can continue to grow socialism. How can we find the financial and material resources needed to preserve the social achievements attained by the revolution? And as on former occasions when we were faced with particularly complex situations, such as under the guidance of the first commander in chief and later of the army, General Raul Castro, the economic model was transformed to adapt it to the challenging foreign circumstances demanded by the times. And in the current situation, we promise to take the changes that are needed for the moment under the leadership of the party in a collective and democratic way, in consultation with the people, without compromising the independence, national sovereignty, or the social achievements of the revolution." End of quotation. The National People's Power Assembly at that meeting adopted a new program. with new practices, actors and economic concepts. All of that is being done in accordance with the Constitution in force, which was adopted through a free and universal referendum, and the conception of our socialist state of law and social justice. As was pointed out by the leader of the Cuban Revolution, General Raul Castro Ruz, the most important thing will be, and I quote, "the appropriate and timely implementation process with well-defined priorities and the conscious participation of the people." End of quotation. This process relies on the strengths that we have been able to build. the potential of our human resources and the determination to respond to the needs of the people with the greatest possible social justice, without ceasing in our efforts to defend with the utmost rigor and resolve the sovereignty and the right to self-determination. We know that we can count on the support of the international community and the solidarity of millions of people, amongst them increasingly United States citizens. They have repeatedly shown in various demonstrations their support for Cuba and their rejection of this aggression and have provided solidarity and aid to our peoples to try to mitigate the enormous damage that is being made to Cuban society and its economy. This spirit of empathy and solidarity is also expressed particularly strongly amongst the Cubans who live permanently or temporarily outside of Cuba's borders and their descendants, particularly those living here in the United States. Mr. President, we reject the Monroe Doctrine as we repudiate any attempt for military intervention or domination in Latin America and the Caribbean, proclaimed as a zone of peace in 2014, where in Havana. As a small island developing state, we stand in solidarity with our brothers and sisters who share similar circumstances. and we warn against the worrying and inexorable advance of climate change. What we need to do is to promote governance that is more inclusive in the use of the new ICTs and telecommunications, particularly the disruptive technologies such as artificial intelligence. We reject the implementation of unilateral coercive measures. We express our support to and solidarity with each and every nation that is a victim of them. We once again state our solidarity with the Government of National Reconciliation and Unity of Nicaragua. We reiterate our support for the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence. The sister nations of Africa and the Caribbean deserve a fair and differentiated treatment, as well as reparations for the horrors of colonialism and the transatlantic slave trade. We reaffirm our solidarity with the Saharan people and their right to self-determination. We once again state our support of the One China principle. We strongly believe that the current trend of international relations, of disrespect for international law and of the United Nations, and the imposition of the unilateral will of the mightiest over other countries by means of intimidation and coercion, we believe that this is dangerous and it is unsustainable. The law of the jungle cannot be the future of humanity. To prevent these practices, in addition to promoting peace and justice, the preceding generations founded the United Nations, and for decades they developed and enriched its activity. Let us recover its role today, when we are perhaps still in time to do so, before the organization goes down in history as an unrealized dream of great promises. In the year of his centennial, we believe, as Fidel Castro Ruz, the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution, said, that let us be confident that if we struggle with resolve, a better world is possible. Homeland or death, we shall overcome.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cuba. I now give the floor to His Excellency Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.

Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, over the last few days, Over the last week, from the rostrum and in the corridors of the General Assembly, the following idea was heard many times: There are tectonic shifts underway in global politics. A fairer, multipolar world order is emerging before our very eyes. The countries of the global South and East are asserting themselves as sovereign centers of development. They're taking responsibility for ensuring security in their own regions. They're demonstrating a commitment to international law. They're refuting external pressure. They're showing interest in the prosperity of all states, not just a select few. Such a constructive philosophy is also the basis for Russia's foreign policy. and it is supported by our countless friends. It is the bedrock of cooperation at the CIS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS, and in other global majority fora. Yet this is not to everyone's liking. The Western minority, which dominated for 500 years thanks to others' resources, continues to try to maintain its privileges and to impose its own rules on everyone else. The West continues to use brute force, to act unpredictably, to engage in all sorts of ventures, putting at risk the life and prosperity of millions, if not billions, of people on our planet. As President Putin said, the dictatorship of one hegemon is spiraling out of control. It's dangerous for everyone else. At the start of this year, in contravention of all norms, including moral norms, the US invaded Venezuela, resulting in the abduction of President Maduro and his spouse, held in an American prison without trial. And this despite the fact that international law clearly states that the highest ranking public officials of any state should enjoy immunities. We insist that the Venezuelan leader and his spouse be liberated immediately and that such excesses do not come to be repeated. It is unacceptable the fact that force was used to kill the Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and members of his family, members of the military and political leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We're particularly disquieted by the fact that the US and Israeli aggression, which began in June of last year also seeks to target the civilian infrastructure in Iran and civilian nuclear infrastructure under IAEA safeguards. This dealt an irreversible blow to the authority of the agency and the entire nuclear non-proliferation system. Repeated armed confrontations in the Persian Gulf and the Hormuz Strait are ongoing, despite the fact that this is dealing a blow to global navigation and trade. We need the prerequisite for the settlement of this crisis. We need trust in the relationships between the Gulf states, the Arab states and Iran. We need stable regional architecture. This is what drives our concept for collective security in the Persian Gulf. Russia, together with other responsible states, stands ready to constructively contribute to stabilizing this strategically important region. We stand convinced that it's time to resolve the main issue in the Middle East, ensuring Palestinian statehood on the basis of countless UN decisions. Almost a year ago, the Security Council approved the peace plan for the Gaza Strip, but peace does not reign there. Older persons, women and children continue to perish. The humanitarian situation is critical. The situation in the West Bank continues to deteriorate, where Israel is stepping up its settlement activities. If the situation continues, it won't be possible to set up a Palestinian state. There won't be any room. But if that were to be the case, Israel's security would also be constantly under threat. Experts understand this full well. The UN and all its member states absolutely need to think outside the box so as to buck these unfavorable trends in the Middle East and nearby areas. I'm not just referring to Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, South Sudan, and other countries in Africa where conflict rage. We need urgent measures to be taken to address the terrible humanitarian situation in Cuba, which is under extreme, unprecedented pressure on the part of its northern neighbor. We stand in solidarity with the Cuban people and its government. We insist that the U.S. lift its siege on the island of freedom and lift all restrictions on trade with Cuba, striking it off the list of that vile list, list of state sponsors of terrorism. This is a stark example which requires the attention of the international community, but there are many other issues as well. The use of force and double standards espoused by the West are destabilizing the situation all over the map. In the Balkans, the EU is flagrantly ignoring UN Security Council Resolution 1244, compelling Serbia to accept the fact that it has lost Kosovo, part of its history. And Belgrade is basically being forced to impose sanctions against Russia in exchange for nebulous prospects of Euro integration. There are attempts for Bosnia and Herzegovina to be unitarized, the Serbs to be unitarized and forced to give up their constitutional powers, which were guaranteed by the Dayton Agreement, together with the Security Council. In this spirit of running Russia out of international law and security, there are reckless actions being taken in Ukraine. In order to supposedly constrain Russia, the US has destroyed the European security system and created a Russophobic regime in Kyiv. Understanding how vain this is, Europe is doing everything it can to thwart peace talks in which the Trump administration is interested. The West is pumping the Ukrainian regime full of weapons, helping Kyiv to target drones and missiles to target them at civilians and civilian infrastructure. The West aspires to inflict strategic defeat on Russia, but these aspirations will result in the warmongers being led into a strategic dead end, colleagues. A year ago, we marked the 80th anniversary of the victory over German Nazism and Japanese militarism. Next week, on 1 October, we will be marking the 80th anniversary of the completion of the work of the Nuremberg Tribunal. This was a historical trial which unequivocally shamed Nazi criminals. proclaiming what they did was illegal and immoral, that the Nazi ideology was inhumane. And yet, 80 years ago, the lessons of Nuremberg were not learned by everybody. The EU's leadership, according to their statements, are contaminated with the virus of racial superiority. They espouse Russophobic, extremist ideas. One of the manifestations of this is the fact that they support the Ukrainian regime In fact, they support them even when Kyiv glorifies Nazi collaborators and criminals up to the elbows in the blood of Russians, Belarusians, Jews, Ukrainians, and others. And at the same time, here, the West, here at the UN, they're voting against Russian resolutions, including the resolution condemning the glorification of Nazism. Germany, Japan, and all NATO countries are voting against it. This comes as no No surprise. We wish to underscore the outcome of the Second World War is the basis for the post-war world order. It's enshrined in the UN Charter. The former Axis powers ratified this document, and thus they recognized their responsibility for these countless atrocities, a result of Nazi ideology and practices. And today, when they turn a blind eye to Ukrainian Nazism, well, they are undermining the basis of the UN-centric world order. consigning to oblivion the responsibility of Nazi Germany, including responsibility for the genocide of the Soviet people. And in fact, in doing so, Germany is also Kyiv's main sponsor. Thus, Chancellor Merz is stating that Germany must once again be a leading military power in Europe. Does Berlin understand what this could lead to? Didn't they not learn the lessons of World War II? The Ukrainian regime is undermining a cornerstone of the UN Charter, not respecting human rights nor fundamental freedoms irrespective of race, sex, language or religion. Is there any other country apart from Ukraine where they banned a language? You can end up in prison for speaking Russian in Ukraine. In the EU, where they say that they espouse European values, they are staying silent. They're not condemning this practice on Ukraine's part. This leads us to conclude that Nazism and flagrant violations the Ukrainian regime of the freedom of expression, information and worship that this is, in fact, the bedrock of European values. In 2022, we began a special military operation to protect people in Donbas and Novorossiya, to protect them from elimination by the Kyiv regime. Russia continues to fight for their security and their rights, fully in keeping with the letter and the spirit of the UN Charter. Our fight for truth and justice will be seen through to the end. The objectives of our special military operation will be achieved and threats to our security will be eliminated. Peace will reign again. This will happen despite anything that might happen, including the inability of the current leadership of the UN to espouse the only correct position in this situation surrounding Ukraine, a position of defending the principles enshrined in the UN Charter as a whole, in full, in their interrelated nature. We believe that the new Secretary-General who we will elect before the end of the year, will meticulously uphold its mandate, as well as the principles of impartiality and equidistance enshrined in the Charter; that the new SG will represent the entire international community instead of serving the interests of some States; that the new SG will not undermine the intergovernmental nature of the UN system, nor dilute the prerogatives of the Security Council and its permanent members. Our principled approach is the following: UN Security Council reform cannot involve any additional seats being allocated to Western countries, especially to Germany and Japan, who are now on the path to militarism and revanchism. We are in favor of broadening the representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America. We support Brazil's and India's candidatures for a permanent seat. And at the same time, I wish to emphasize this, we must satisfy the interests of the African continent in keeping with the Asylwini Consensus and the SET Declaration. Ladies and gentlemen, through its foreign policy, Russia is trying to fix the situation in the world, working together with our allies and strategic partners, the BRICS, the SCO, the Eurasian Economic Union, the CIS, and the CSTO. We are promoting an agenda which we can all get behind, a unifying agenda, concrete ideas and projects. Today, what's coming to the fore is the topic of international information security. Clearly, the UN should play a central role in these discussions, not other narrow fora. In October of last year in Hanoi, at Russia's behest, the UN Convention against Cybercrime was open for signature. We welcome the establishment of the first standing global UN mechanism which seeks to help implement the Convention. The UN shoulders a special responsibility given the fast-paced development of AI technologies. Generally recognized rules for the use of AI should be underpinned on an equal foundation with the participation of all countries. The start of the work of the Global Dialogue on AI Governance and the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, we believe these are steps in the right direction. Russia supports China's initiative, that is the establishment of a global organization on AI cooperation. In the middle of the previous century, the USSR helped peoples in Africa, Asia, and Latin America to free themselves from colonial dependence. Further democratization in international affairs is impossible unless we eradicate neocolonial practices which remain evident. A key milestone on this path was the adoption by the General Assembly of a resolution proclaiming the 14th of December an International Day against colonialism in all of its forms and manifestations. We would be delighted to see supporters of this fight against neocolonialism, to partake in an international inter-party movement. The first assembly of the For Freedom of Nations Summit will take place in Russia in the coming months. Colleagues, ensuring lasting peace is only possible if the main players in the global stage stop competing. This is only possible if we meticulously uphold the charter and the principle of equal and indivisible security. This principle, I'd like to remind you, means not to further the security of one state at the expense of the security of others. Also, no countries nor any groups of countries should try to dominate the security sphere. This applies first and foremost to NATO, which is trying to broaden its destructive influence far beyond its geographical realm, for instance, in Asia. The values of broad-based cooperation on an equal footing formed the foundation of President Putin's initiative on the establishment of a great Eurasian partnership and an architecture of security on the entire Eurasian continent. Yesterday here in York, Russia, Belarus, and like-minded countries adopted a declaration on our intent to develop a Eurasian charter of diversity and multipolarity for the 21st century. We call on all of those who wish to be part of this pan- continental architecture of peace and development to contribute to making this initiative a success, which aims to complement and harmonize work on existing mechanisms in the spirit of the geopolitical realities in this nascent multipolar world. I thank you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to His Royal Highness Prince Abdul Mateen, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brunei Darussalam.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Assalamu alaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. I wish to begin by conveying the warm greetings of His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah, Wa'alaikumussalam, Sultan and Yang di-Pertuan, or to this esteemed assembly. I also congratulate His Excellency Dr. Khalil Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly, and thank Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for outstanding leadership during the 80th session. My appreciation also extends to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his continued service to this organization. Mr. President, the theme of this session speaks directly to something the world is losing far too quickly: trust. It is difficult to build, easy to fracture, and once lost, very hard to restore. Without it, treaties risk becoming little more than words. Institutions become arenas for accusation, and countries increasingly feel compelled to rely only on themselves. At a time of profound transformation, rebuilding confidence among nations lets us confront change and uncertainty together. Today, we not only see declining confidence between countries, but also a growing crisis of faith in the rules meant to bind us together. When nations begin to believe that rules are applied differently depending on power or circumstance, the instinct is to turn inward and act alone. That weakens us all. Dialogue becomes harder, multilateral institutions lose authority, the international order becomes more fragile, leaving smaller and more vulnerable states particularly exposed. For Brunei Darussalam, multilateralism is not an intellectual concept. It is the assurance that sovereignty and territorial integrity will be respected, that every nation, irrespective of size, has a voice, and that international law protects the weak as surely as it restrains the strong. The Charter of the United Nations must therefore remain our common foundation. It cannot mean one thing in one crisis and something different in another. Its principles must be upheld consistently if this organization is to retain its legitimacy and credibility. Few issues demonstrate this more painfully than the question of Palestine. For generations, The Palestinian people have waited for justice, statehood, and dignity. They cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for rights that are already theirs. In Gaza, the scale of human suffering and destruction is intolerable. Civilians, including far too many children, continue to bear the heaviest costs. Medics, journalists, humanitarian workers, and United Nations personnel have also lost their lives while carrying out their duties. This suffering cannot become normal. In the West Bank, Palestinians continue to endure occupation, expanding illegal settlements, settler violence, and displacement from their homes and land. Whether in Gaza or the West Bank, these are not merely numbers; they are human lives. And their suffering exposes a fundamental truth: international law and the principles of the Charter must apply equally to everyone. There cannot be one standard for some and another for others. A just and lasting peace therefore requires more than managing the consequences of conflict. It requires addressing its root cause and realizing the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and an independent state of Palestine based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Without justice for the Palestinian people, there can be no lasting peace. This remains a defining test of the credibility of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council. And the conflict is no longer confined to Palestine. Its consequences are now spreading across the region. In neighboring Lebanon, United Nations peacekeepers have also lost their lives while serving the cause of peace. It is in this wider context that Brunei Darussalam co-sponsored Security Council Resolution 2823, strengthening accountability for crimes against United Nations peacekeepers. Those who serve under the United Nations flag must be protected. But accountability cannot be episodic. The protection of those who serve peace and the protection of innocent lives, especially children, must remain at the heart of this organization. Mr. President, rebuilding confidence does not mean returning to a world that no longer exists. It means equipping ourselves to face the world that is emerging, from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and emerging technologies. The challenges before us are increasingly complex and interconnected. Transformation is already taking place. We must ensure it strengthens cooperation rather than deepens division. In Southeast Asia, ASEAN offers a practical example of how these principles can be applied at the regional level. Despite our differences, ASEAN has chosen dialogue, restraint, and continued engagement. This year marks the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, or the TAC. The TAC gives regional expression to the same fundamental principles found in the United Nations Charter: respect for sovereignty, peaceful settlements of disputes, non-interference, and cooperation among states. In this sense, the TAC does not stand apart from the multilateral system; it reinforces it. ASEAN's experience shows that institutions remain relevant when rules are respected, dialogue stays open, and differences are managed peacefully. The same must be true for the United Nations. Reform must not become an exercise in rearranging structures, or confidence outside this hall continues to erode. Transformation must strengthen the United Nations' ability to prevent crises, respond effectively to member states, and deliver outcomes that make a meaningful difference to people's lives. Brunei Darussalam therefore supports initiatives such as the Pact of the Future and the UN80 initiative. Ultimately, reform must achieve more than efficiency. It must strengthen this organization's credibility and its capacity to deliver. Mr. President, a United Nations that delivers for all must ultimately deliver for the people. That is the spirit of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. At its heart is a simple promise that progress today should not come at the expense of tomorrow. For Brunei Darussalam, preparing for the future begins with our people. This lies at the core of Brunei Vision 2035, built upon three mutually reinforcing goals. and accomplished people, a high quality of life, and a dynamic and sustainable economy. Together, these goals reflect our conviction that national progress cannot be measured by economic growth alone. A country is strong when its people are strong. That means equipping our people with the knowledge and skills to adapt to change. It also means ensuring They have the security and stability to build their lives with confidence, supported by strong communities, quality health care and essential services, social protection, and a cohesive, resilient society. For Brunei Darussalam, stability and development go hand in hand. Stability gives people the confidence to plan for tomorrow, and development gives them the opportunity to build that tomorrow. Both must be sustained by a dynamic, diversified, and resilient economy that creates meaningful opportunities and quality employment. Together, they create the conditions in which people can realize their full potential. Our ambition is therefore not merely to build a more prosperous country, but a society in which people feel secure in the present, confident about the future, and equipped to shape that future for themselves. But progress loses its meaning when people feel less secure, less included, or less hopeful about what lies ahead. That is why no one left behind must be more than a phrase. It must be reflected in the choices we make and in the outcomes we deliver. Mr. President, the realities before us are complex, but the principles that should guide us remain clear. Confidence in the international system is strengthened when promises are kept, when international law is applied equally, when dialogue is chosen over force, when sovereignty is respected, and when every nation, large or small, knows that its voice matters. Therefore, to build a United Nations that delivers for all, we must always remember who all means. Not institutions, not statistics. It is the people. The United Nations we build today will shape the world the next generation inherits. We owe them a world in which cooperation remains stronger than conflict, where dialogue remains preferable to confrontation, where international law does not bend according to size or strength, and where justice is not determined by power. The world does not need another promise that we fail to keep. It needs us to honor the promises we have already made. That is how credibility is restored. That is how multilateralism and international law remain relevant. And that is how we build a United Nations that truly delivers for all. Brunei Darussalam is ready to play its part. Thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brunei Darussalam. I now give the floor to His Highness Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saudi Arabia.

In the name of God, the most gracious and most merciful, Your Majesties, Excellencies, and Highnesses, Mr. President of the United Nations General Assembly, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished guests, peace, mercy, and blessings of God be upon you. At the outset, we wish to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Khalil al-Rahman on his election as President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. We wish him every success in guiding the work of this session. We also wish to express our thanks to Mrs. Annalena Baerbock for her efforts during her presidency of the 81st session of the GA. We further express our profound thanks and appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his continued effort in furthering the purposes of the UN. Mr. President, the work of this session is taking place at a time when the world and the multilateral system are facing rapidly evolving and unprecedented challenges. While crises and conflicts continue in many parts of the world, there is an increasing need to uphold the principles of the UN Charter, respect international law, and strengthen the effectiveness of international institutions in maintaining international peace and security and advancing sustainable development. Crises arise not so much from an absence of resources and opportunities, but rather from a lack of commitment to the principles agreed upon by the international community. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the countries of the region have been subjected to flagrant Iranian attacks targeting their security resources and civilian and economic facilities. The Kingdom reiterates its full right to protect its security and sovereignty, its citizens and residents, and its national resources. We call upon the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in confronting all threats to international peace and security. The security of the Gulf region is part and parcel of the security of the region and the world at large. The stability of this vital region is directly linked to global energy security, the steadiness of international trade, and the resilience of global supply chains. Mr. President, safeguarding international navigation and the resilience of global supply chains is a shared responsibility that requires serious international cooperation to prevent risks that could affect the global economy. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the importance of ensuring freedom of navigation in all international waterways, foremost among them the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden. We must restore the situation in the Strait of Hormuz to its pre-28th of February status without the imposition of any fees or restrictions. The Kingdom rejects the use by any party of these vital waterways as an instrument of pressure, threat, or harm to the interests of states in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. Mr. President, efforts to restore security and stability in the region and to build sustainable relations among its countries cannot be based on domination, influence or exploitation of crises. Rather, they must be founded on mutual respect, common interests, good neighborliness, respect for the sovereignty of states and full compliance with international law and international humanitarian law. In this vein, the Kingdom supports efforts and initiatives that contribute to de-escalation, foremost among them the efforts of Qatar Pakistan and other sisterly and friendly countries. This would contribute to restoring stability to the region and creating conditions conducive to dialogue and diplomacy. We stress the importance of ensuring that any arrangements on the regional security must be comprehensive, effective and sustainable. They must clearly address the root causes of threat and instability. We stress the need to ensure that the entire region is free of weapons of mass destruction and that peaceful nuclear programs are subject to international oversight, verification, and safeguards. As such, we would enhance confidence and safeguard regional and international security. The continued suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank and the targeting of civilians by Israeli occupation, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, attempts at forced displacement, and the continued expansion of illegal settlements all constitute serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Kingdom rejects any attempts at forced displacement or changing the status quo of the Palestinian territories. We stress that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through the implementation of the two-state solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Kingdom stresses the need to support effort aimed at reaching a comprehensive political solution that will ensure the stability of Yemen and alleviate the the suffering of those brotherly people. We have provided humanitarian and development assistance to the Republic of Yemen amounting to more than 29 billion US dollars. We were the first among humanitarian donors to the Republic of Yemen in twenty twenty-five. The kingdom in this regard welcomes the statement issued by the members of the Security Council including the condemnation of the missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthi terrorist militia against the kingdom and against commercial unity to reject and condemn all the Houthi terrorist militias aggressions and criminal acts that threaten the security of navigation in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab Strait. With regard to Sudan, the Kingdom stresses the importance of Sudan's stability and unity while maintaining its national resources and institutions. The solution to the crisis must be an intra-Sudanese political solution that respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan. It must be based on supporting Sudanese state institutions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of the Sudanese people, alleviating their humanitarian suffering, and enhancing their security and stability. The Kingdom supports all efforts aimed at strengthening Syria's security and stability and preserving its territorial integrity. The Kingdom welcomes the USA's announcement of removing Syria from the list of states sponsoring of terrorism in view of its contribution to strengthening stability and reconstruction and development. And we have to condemn and reject any effort at the undermining effort to restore security and stability within Syria. In Lebanon, the Kingdom reiterated support for the Lebanese state and its legitimate institutions, the implementation of the Taif Agreement, the restriction of arms to the state, and preservation of its sovereignty, security, and stability. We also attach importance to Iraq's role in promoting cooperation and stability in the region and support all effort to contribute to achieving security and stability and prosperity. And we have to ensure that weapons will only be restricted to the state to ensure security and stability in Iraq. We have to ensure that the Iraqi territory will not become a source of attack against other neighboring countries. Mr. President, the achievements made through Saudi Vision 2030, 10 years after its launch, represent a model of comprehensive national transformation. The latter is based on economic diversification, investment in human capital, promotion of innovation, empowerment of youth and women, development of the private sector, and consolidation of sustainability. The vision has contributed to strengthening the Kingdom's position as a regional and international hub for business investment, tourism, industry, technology, and logistics. Thus, non-oil activities accounted for 55% of non-oil GDP. The level of unemployment among Saudis has declined, reaching 6.4% in 2026, compared with 12.3% in 2016. Mr. President, energy security rests on the strength and resilience of the energy system and its capacity to withstand and adapt to disruptions. Ensuring the stability of energy supplies, protecting critical infrastructure, diversifying supply routes, and safeguarding freedom of navigation are all a shared responsibility that require sustained international cooperation. The Kingdom demonstrated this commitment in practice during the disruptions affecting maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, maintaining the continuity of energy supplies through its long-term investments in infrastructure. The East-West pipeline, together with its petroleum reserves outside the region, also contributed to mitigating the effects of those disruptions and enhancing the reliability of supplies to global markets. The Kingdom affirms that energy security and climate action are mutually reinforcing objectives. In this context, we stress the importance of not excluding any source of energy and of pursuing realistic and comprehensive transition pathways that achieve energy security, protect the climate, and support economic development. This approach has contributed to making the Kingdom one of the countries with the lowest carbon and methane emissions globally from hydrocarbon resource production operations. The Kingdom continues to develop a more efficient and sustainable energy system through the deployment of emissions reduction technologies, including carbon capture, utilization and storage, and carbon dioxide removal. We have also expanded the use of renewable energy, the application of innovation, and the production of sustainable fuels, including clean hydrogen. These efforts support energy security, enhance resource efficiency, and contribute to achieving sustainability. Mr. President, the In light of the rapid developments the world is witnessing in the field of regional and international trade, there is need for ensuring continuous trade influx, especially from the east to the west. This will not only be in the support of the Kingdom, but the world at large. We have provided logistic support to the neighboring countries during the current crisis by opening up our ports for the transport of goods and people. This reflects our responsibility towards the region and the world. In light of the rapid developments the world is witnessing in the field of artificial intelligence, the Kingdom stresses the importance of harnessing these technologies in the service of humanity and development and enhancing international cooperation to ensure their responsible use. The Kingdom has taken a leading role in establishing the International Network of Artificial Intelligence Capacity Building Centres, one of the recommendations emanating from the Pact for the Future. The Kingdom also hosts the International Centre for Research and Ethics in AI in Riyadh under the auspices of UNESCO, thereby strengthening international cooperation in this field and contributing to the consolidation of ethical principles governing the development and use of AI applications. In conclusion, our world today is in need of the greatest possible measure of wisdom, responsibility and cooperation. The challenges confronting us cannot be addressed by any state on its own. Security can only be consolidated and sustained through adherence to the principles upon which the UN Charter is founded, as well as through a respect for international law. The Kingdom will continue to work with its partners in the international community to advance sustainable development, peaceful solutions to crises, and every pathway that reinforces stability and builds confidence based on mutual respect with a view to building a safer and more prosperous future for the region and the world. Peace, mercy and blessings of God be upon you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saudi Arabia. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Torgerdur Katrin Gunnarsdottir, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iceland.

Madam President, Excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned a terrible cost that while states can choose their actions, they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us and also to remember the hard-earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam President, This year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered, and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The Convention on the Law of the Sea became the constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNDJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and also prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralyzed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action, rather than a tool for preserving peace. So, yes, the United Nations needs reform. And Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. A United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam President, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested. Not because we no longer know them. We do. But because, increasingly, governments apply them selectively. Meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient. That court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated. And for small states, this is existential, not simply a matter of principle, not at all. Russia's brutal war against Ukraine is a clear example. Russia invaded a sovereign neighbor, seeking to change borders by force, and deny another nation to freedom, to determine its future. Ukrainians have paid an unimaginable price. Behind every destroyed home is a family. Behind every casualty is someone who was loved. Iceland's position remains clear, very clear. Ukraine has the right to defend itself, to sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to a just and lasting peace on the basis of international law. Our support for Ukraine defends a principle on which all our country's security depends, that no nation, no nation gets to decide the future of another. This principle must apply everywhere, including in the Middle East. In Gaza, we continue to witness repeated violations of the ceasefire and continued suffering among civilians, despite the adoption of the 20-point comprehensive peace plan and Security Council Resolution 2803. The suffering of Palestinian civilians cannot become a background noise. Children are still being killed. Families are still losing their homes. And parents are still trying to keep their children alive. Again and again and again. We cannot accept Gaza being repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt while the underlying course remains unresolved. And in the West Bank, illegal settlement activity continues to expand. Palestinian civilians face settler violence too often, enabled by impunity, inflammatory rhetoric, and permissive policies. Earlier this month, Iceland joined 11 other states in addressing restriction on trade in goods from settlements that are illegal under international law. Our objective remains clear. A viable Palestinian state alongside Israel with both peoples,

...peoples able to live in security, dignity and peace. We have heard the words "moral cowards" from this podium. To me, moral cowards are those who refuse to sit down, those leaders of the world who refuse to sit down and negotiate just and lasting peace. Those leaders who deny access to humanitarian aid for people in desperate need, and moral cowards, are those leaders of the world who repeatedly go against and disrespect international law. Madam President, we must not allow the horrors in Ukraine and the Middle East to make other crises invisible. In Sudan, years of civil war have brought atrocities, mass displacement, and grave violation of international humanitarian law. As humanitarian leaders have reminded us, Sudan does not suffer from a lack of analysis. it suffers from a lack of action. Acts that may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity cannot be met with indifference. We created the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. So does accountability matters. We have to bear that in mind. And so does adherence to international law beyond the battlefield. To be clear, Iceland stands with the ICC. Obstruction of lawful international transit through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb threatens not only countries in the region, but global energy markets and food security. Disruption falls hardest on the most vulnerable. The freedoms codified in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea are not optional, not at all. And for an island nation dependent on open maritime routes, freedom of navigation is fundamental. Madam President, 75 years after the 1951 Refugee Convention, we should have hoped that the need for it would be diminishing. Instead, humanitarian needs and forced displacement have reached staggering levels. Conflicts, poverty, Poverty, drought, natural disasters, and the growing effects of climate change are pushing millions of people from their homes. And just as needs are increasing, funding is falling. With development, cooperation, and humanitarian assistance, we are investing in stability. We are investing in resilience and peace. It is not charity offered when times are good. Cutting ODA is shortsighted and risks making instability, displacement and conflict worse. The cost will eventually reach us all. We must not allow today's crisis to push the Sustainable Development Goals aside. Iceland will not. We also must not forget how much progress has been driven by the economic freedom, perhaps humanity's greatest gifts, is our capacity to create, to imagine something that doesn't exist and then bring it into being. Creativity is universal. What differs is whether societies give it room to flourish. Open, free markets have given people the opportunity, namely to create, exchange ideas, take risks, and build better lives for themselves and for others. Madam President, another battle is taking place over what kind of societies we want to be. Across the world, authoritarianism and political extremism are gaining ground. We see attacks on democratic institutions, independent media, science, and facts in public debate. Too often, these movements target groups whose rights supposedly matter less. Women, LGBTQI+ people, minorities, migrants, people who look different, love differently, or live differently. These are not abstract groups. They are our daughters. They are our sons, our friends, our neighbors, our colleagues. I am deeply concerned by the growing backlash against gender equality and LGBTQI+ rights, including within my own region, Europe. We hear that equality has gone too far, that diversity has gone too far, that some people demanding the freedom simply to be themselves somehow threaten the freedom of others. I reject that completely. Human rights are not a zero-sum game. Giving a woman equal rights does not take away rights from a man. Allowing an LGBTQI+ person to live freely does not make anyone else less free, quite the opposite. We should be very careful when governments begin telling us that some people's existence threatens society. History has taught us where that can lead. And let me be clear, Iceland will not allow others to define our values or dictate the language we use to defend human rights. Free societies are strongest when people are allowed to be themselves. But freedom that belongs only to people who fit someone else's definition of normal is not freedom. A society that strips people of their dignity will eventually undermine its own democracy. And nowhere is the backlash more extreme than in Afghanistan, where women and girls have been systematically erased from public life. Girls are denied education. Women are denied basic freedoms. For me, this can only be described as gender apartheid. On the Human Rights Council, Iceland, we have sought to match words with deeds, from Iran and Afghanistan to accountability for violations in Sudan. Throughout our Council term, Iceland will emphasize gender equality, LGBTQI+ rights, the rights of children and young people, and the relationship between human rights and the environment. Human rights are not for some, as we know, they are for all. Madam President, the same commitment to facts and responsibility must guide us on climate change. Leaders who deny or distort science should explain themselves to island communities watching the sea rise around them, to families losing land and livelihoods to drought and erosion, like in the Sahel. In Iceland, we can see the changes taking place in our own region, in the Arctic. Rising temperatures and receding ice are already changing ecosystems and the lives of communities across the region. Climate change is not an ideology. Millions already live with its consequences. We need to address it, not ignore it. Nor can we ignore another transformation already affecting our societies, artificial intelligence. This revolution is changing how we work, communicate, and receive information. It is also making it easier to produce convincing falsehoods and manipulate public debate. Freedom of speech is a fundamental right we must defend. But that does not require passivity when foreign states or other actors spread falsehoods, manipulate democratic processes, or use AI to deceive citizens at unprecedented speed and scale. Governments, scientists, businesses must cooperate internationally to harness the benefits of AI while confronting its risks, and we need to move faster. much faster. Madam President, in difficult times, nostalgia tempts us to imagine that the world used to be simpler and safer. It was not. The decades after the Cold War saw genocide in Rwanda, horrific wars in the former Yugoslavia and the Congo, the rise of international terrorism, and devastating civil wars. 25 years ago this month, terrorist attacks in the United States changed our world profoundly. 30 years ago, the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty was established. Yet, the threat of nuclear proliferation remains with us. What distinguished some of the past's best moments was our response. Countries came together, built institutions and negotiated treaties. They created Human Rights Council, OCHA, ICC, UN Women and the UNFCCC. They placed women and security on the agenda of the Security Council and recognized sexual violence as a weapon and tactic of war. They adopted the Millennium Development Goals and later the Sustainable Development Goals. To put it simply, none of this happened by itself. It happened because political leaders consciously chose cooperation over retreat. That choice is before us again. Madam President, the United Nations' next Secretary-General must continue reforming this organization, make difficult choices, and direct resources where they make the greatest difference. That will require courage from her. And so will the choices made by... Yes. Iceland's stance on this is very clear. And so will the choices made by every Member State represented in this hall. We must choose whether to uphold the law when it's inconvenient, whether to defend the rights of people who are not our citizens, and whether to protect and respect a system even when that system does not deliver the outcome we want. That is the real test of our commitment to multilateralism. Not what we say when the rules favour us, but what we do when they do not. For Iceland, the choice is clear. We choose international law over selective obedience, accountability over impunity, cooperation over isolation, human dignity over division. The generation that founded the United Nations had seen firsthand what could happen when restraints on power collapsed. The chapter The Charter, international law and the institutions that followed were their answer. In that sense, the United Nations is a gift from a generation that learned that lesson at an extraordinary cost. And now we need the courage to remember it. Thank you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iceland. I now give the floor to His Excellency Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Singapore.

Madam President, Excellencies, our world is undergoing a profound disruption, characterised by great power contestation, the wars in Ukraine, the Middle East, Africa, We're witnessing the rise of trade barriers, supply chain disruptions, worsening climate change, and a new industrial revolution driven by digital technologies, biotechnology, and renewable energy. This means we face both great peril and great promise. Yet, we are in a more polarized and fractured world. And one that may be unable to protect the global commons at precisely the moment that we need that protection. Our interstate relations are increasingly dictated by raw power, where the outcomes are determined on the basis of size, leverage and coercion. And this poses, obviously, a clear and present danger for smaller states like Singapore. But point I wanted to make is that even the more powerful states would ultimately pay a price, because hard power on its own cannot secure supply chains, protect populations from pandemics, or stabilise a warming planet. Even big powers need partners to secure their long-term national interests. The bilateral and regional arrangements can complement global frameworks, but on their own, they cannot replace shared rules that apply universally. A system built on individual coercive bargains would inherently be more volatile and more unstable. And therefore, our thesis today is that multilateralism offers a different bargain, one that is in every state's enlightened national interests. These shared rules and norms provide predictability, they constrain the capricious exercise of power, and they maximize autonomy, even when power is unequally distributed. Actually, the multilateral system today still works more often than the headlines would suggest. A few examples. The World Food Programme feeds over 100 million people a year. The common ICAO standards enable 100,000 flights to operate safely every day. With the ITU, our telecommunications networks and the internet continues to operate safely, smoothly on a planetary scale. The question is therefore not whether we need multilateralism, but how to make it fit for purpose. And I suggest three priorities. First, we all have to consistently comply with international law and the norms of multilateralism. Second, we need to reform existing institutions where needed. And third, we need to collectively formulate new rules and create new institutions for new technologies. Let me deal with the first point, the consistent compliance with international law. Consider UNCLOS, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. In fact, UNCLOS is one of the great achievements of multilateral lawmaking. It was concluded under the presidency of Professor Tommy Koh of Singapore, who called it the Constitution for the Oceans. For over four decades, it has set out the legal framework for activities in all our oceans and seas. But the current war in the Persian Gulf has put UNCLOS to a severe stress test. The Strait of Hormuz is closed. We have to collectively reject this. Transit passage through straits used for international navigation is a right for all of us. It's not a privilege subject to fees and tolls. And this is customary international law, which means it is binding on all states, whether or not they consider themselves parties to UNCLOS. How we deal with the Strait of Hormuz will have implications for navigational rights and freedom around the world. At stake is the legal architecture for freedom of navigation and overflight. And we cannot allow any single country to exercise a veto on these navigational rights and freedoms. Beyond the legal and political implications, the economic impact is also very stark. The Strait of Hormuz carried around a fifth of the world's oil supplies, as well as critical supplies for other industries everywhere. Its disruption has meant higher energy prices for all of us, broken, disrupted supply chains, and stranded seafarers. And this is why shared rules like UNCLOS matter. Defending them is not just a matter of principle or debate. It is in our collective interest. The largest economies depend on the open sea lanes as much as the smallest. And we in Singapore hold ourselves to the same standard. The Strait of Singapore is less than two nautical miles at its narrowest. And yet, nearly a quarter of the world's seaborne trade passes through. the Straits of Singapore. Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia, the three littoral states of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, have worked with other users of these Straits to keep the Straits open, secure and accessible to everyone for decades, including through the cooperative mechanism on the safety of navigation and environmental protection in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. Madam President, Excellencies, the second point is that we should and must reform existing institutions and processes where necessary. In fact, free trade is another success story of the post-war multilateralism. Lower trade costs in these decades have boosted global real GDP by an estimated 6.8% and, in the case of low-income countries, by around 33%. Under the GATT and subsequently the WTO, disputes, even between unequal powers, could be settled by adjudication rather than the exercise of unilateral coercion. But we all know the multilateral trading system has frayed. This year's WTO conference in Yaounde could not even reach consensus on several key issues, including the moratorium on the customs duties for electronic transmissions, which lapsed. Tariffs and supply chain restrictions have also returned as instruments of coercion. The consequences of all this cannot be overstated. For Singapore, trade is three times our GDP. For many in this hall, access to markets and technology are absolutely essential for our development. When the rules governing trade are eroded, all of us will pay the price. I know that consensus amongst 193 states is difficult, but it remains the gold standard. And I would ask all of you to recollect the BBNJ Agreement, which entered into force this year. This is clear evidence that even in this time, we can still build common rules for shared challenges. And Singapore is proud that our Ambassador Rena Lee presided over the negotiations that concluded this agreement by consensus. Having said that, even when consensus is elusive, we cannot allow collective action to be held hostage or to be paralyzed. We need more flexible coalition of states and partners who are willing and able to move forward whilst remaining open to others to join when they are ready. Such coalitions already serve large and small economies alike. The RCEP, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, is the largest trade agreement in the world. The CPTPP, the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership, now stretches from Asia to Latin America to the United Kingdom. And in July, 19 small and medium-sized trading nations of the future of investment and trade partnership met in Auckland, not to negotiate a grand bargain, but to systematically reduce trade frictions and to strengthen supply chain resilience. Excellencies, this is not a retreat from multilateralism. It is a pragmatic and flexible effort to sustain cooperation when broader agreement is not yet possible, while remaining open for those who are ready to join later on. The objective remains the same, to preserve the benefits of cooperation, widen participation over time, and ultimately bring these arrangements into the multilateral global architecture. Third, we must collectively formulate new rules and be prepared to create new institutions if necessary for new technologies. Artificial intelligence, which we've heard so many times from the podium this week, is arguably the most urgent frontier. AI offers extraordinary potential, but its capability is advancing faster than our appreciation of its risks. There are fundamentally three categories of risk. First, the loss of control of autonomous systems. Second, that rogue actors could use AI to create bio weapons or other weapons of mass destruction or mass disruption. Third, the economic, the social, the political, domestic disruptions are only just emerging. But excellencies, the genie is already out of the bottle. It is too late to call for a halt. especially given the superpower rivalry and the huge financial incentives for companies who already have frontier models. But let me offer a metaphor of driving a high performance car. To drive a high performance car quickly and safely, you need a powerful engine, but equally you need good brakes. And especially if you are going to go beyond your neighborhood or cross boundaries, you need effective shared rules, traffic lights, insurance, norms of behavior, seatbelts. The engine is innovation. Every one of us has to continue to invest in science, the talent, and the infrastructure that will drive AI forward. For small states, this entails especially developing our people equipping them with the skills necessary to master and deploy AI quickly, widely, at scale and safely. The real productivity gains from AI comes not from the IT department, but from our businesses and workers having the skills, the tools and the wherewithal to engineer their work processes, workflow by workflow. It is that's where the cutting edge of value creation arises. But having said that, every powerful engine needs good brakes, safeguards. As the capabilities of AI advance, our safeguards must keep pace. We need rigorous testing and evaluation before deployment. We need clear limits on what autonomous systems can do. and mechanisms to intervene when they behave in ways we do not intend. And since the risks from AI do not remain confined behind borders, it means we also need rules of the road that will form a shared global understanding of how we will collectively confront this challenge. Just as all of us instinctively understand traffic lights the same way, whether we're here in New York or in Beijing, Moscow, or Singapore. Most importantly, human beings must ultimately remain in control and accountable. Let me give you an extreme thought experiment. Do you want the nuclear button to be in the hands of a human being or an AI? Think about that. The scarce resource today is not legal architecture or technology. It is trust. Trust that the risks will be disclosed, that testing will be comprehensive and credible, and that cooperation will be inclusive and not be used to secure unilateral advantage. The technology has already become an arena for strategic competition, precisely when international cooperation is most needed. Any durable international approach must give all states a meaningful stake, not only those who already have the most advanced models or the deepest pockets or the largest set of armaments. So the question is, how do we build trust? We begin with the science. Even where states have differences on governance, I believe it is possible for us to work together to collectively understand the capabilities and risk of AI models, to develop comparable methods for testing and evaluation, and to report serious incidents quickly across borders. We are not starting from zero. If you carefully go through what we already have today, the UN's independent international scientific panel on AI, already helps to establish a common understanding based on evidence. The global dialogue on AI governance can help to translate that common understanding into common objectives. And the ITU's AI for Good Global Commission brings together leaders from government, industry, and international institutions to discuss challenges and to come up with practical solutions. We must urgently establish common rules and safeguards for AI. And we should build on the many ongoing discussions in different formats and groupings. And here I want to make a point. The UN, the United Nations, has a critical role to play in building convergence because this is the only apex international institution with universal membership. We must explore all options, including the idea of a UN framework convention on AI safeguards. We may also need an international institution that can perform for AI. Some of the functions that currently exist for institutions that perform this function of setting common technical standards, and the examples are the International Telecommunications Union, which provides all the International Atomic Energy Agency, which provides verification. Ultimately, the global commons are best protected by collective action, agreed through an inclusive process. And Singapore commits to contribute where we can. This week, we joined a call for greater safety and security of frontier AI models, and I'm glad that this was led by Finland and Norway. We will continue to contribute through platforms such as the digital pillar for the Forum of Small States and by making our governance frameworks and testing tools available to all. But the work of building trust and laying the ground for global cooperation must begin now. Ultimately, powerful engines and good brakes and common rules do not stop us or slow us down. They give us the assurance and the confidence so that we can move faster and more effectively for the benefit of all our peoples. Madam President, Excellencies, effective multilateralism requires institutions that can deliver, and that begins with a reform of the UN itself. I welcome the progress of the UN80 initiative, but reform must be strategic, not merely fiscal. Reform must strengthen the equal standing of all members. The goal is not a smaller UN for its own sake, but one that delivers better and more equitably. In this session, we will appoint the 10th Secretary-General of the UN. No one today under the age of 80 has lived in a world without the United Nations. But the UN has to earn the confidence of successive generations, and it does this through what it delivers. not what it declares on paper. The next Secretary-General must lead a UN that turns multilateral cooperation into practical results and communicates these results in an effective way to all our people. Let me at this point also pay tribute to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. He's a good man with the courage of his convictions, and he has ably steered this organization through some very difficult years of global division. He has been a consistent voice for the Charter, for our climate and oceans, and for the rules that hold the global commons together. Finally, Madam President, effective multilateralism requires all countries to be prepared to contribute to the institutions that sustain it. For Singapore, this begins with international law. The rule of law requires institutions to give it effect. Currently, the International Court of Justice has its fullest docket in its history. At precisely the moment when the relevance and effectiveness of international law is being questioned, states continue to bring their most serious disputes before the world's principal judicial organ. That's actually a good sign. That demonstrates trust in the peaceful settlement of disputes, and we must safeguard that trust. Singapore has nominated our ambassador for international law, Rina Lee, for election as a judge of the ICJ. And as a tiny, small state, Singapore has been a beneficiary, has been an active practitioner, and a builder, a contributor to international law. We now ask for the chance to serve the cause of the rule of law. Madam President, this is the case for multilateralism. It's not some pie in the sky idealism, but a hard-headed recognition that cooperation ultimately serves all of us. For every state, large or small, a world governed by rules is infinitely better than one governed simply by the exercise of hard, crude power. In 1945, the founders of the UN hoped that the rules could restrain power. If we want to keep that hope alive, we must defend those very same rules that continue to serve us consistently everywhere across the globe. We have to adapt to a changing world, and we have to build new rules, new institutions, and new processes where the challenges demand. Thank you all very much.

I thank the foreign minister of Singapore for his presentation. I now invite the foreign minister his excellency Mister Valger Ludwig Hinchka, foreign minister of Nicaragua to take.

President, Nicaragua is addressing the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly with the strength of the peace that we think is possible in our country and throughout the world, where the human family can opt for the urgent need to live in harmony. in all possible ways. This is critical to address poverty and to live in dignity, freedom and fraternity. We bring to this forum of all peoples and states of the world the legitimate aspiration of families from the entire world, and in particular in Nicaragua, to live peacefully and safely, to strengthen the work that will allow all of us to establish better societies, to defeat extreme poverty, to live in harmony and in complementarity, which is so critical to allow all societies to progress, and so that also we can care for and increase our resources and natural riches, which will be of benefit to everyone. The conflicts assailing the world are, as we know, the enemy of the well-being to which we are all entitled. In the words of Ruben Dario, we are in favor of peace, peace, peace, to make headway on the goals laid out and, in particular, by this organization which gathers us together. We need to defeat extreme poverty. And we also need to achieve well-being for all to bring about a better world, which is so urgent a task. The scourges of our time are the greatest threat and greatest danger to our societies because they deprive us of our heritage. and we see major crimes linked to drug trafficking and organized crime, which are forms of terrorism, which assail us and make us sick. Against this intimidating backdrop, our purpose, our vote, our commitment has been and remains clear, and we aspire to gather with more peoples around the urgent need to curb these afflictions and to bring about safety and to provide education, food, health, peace and development for all. We would like warmly to greet all delegations who are present here, and we hope that you will join our commitment to address these challenges and to alleviate the suffering that we have mentioned. There are many proposals that we have mentioned, and we wish to stress the strength that the BRICS countries, for instance, have shown in striving for better living conditions for their people and the right of all to achieve sustainable development in a complementary way. We would like to recognize and pay tribute to all brothers and sisters throughout the world who believe in ideals, principles and values that are valuable to us all as humanity, to continue moving towards achieving the most important significant battle, which is to achieve peace so that we can defeat poverty once and for all. It is in this battle that we all have to wage to achieve peace. In this context, we wish to express our unwavering solidarity with the heroic people of Cuba And we also recognize the principles and values expressed by the people and government of the People's Republic of China, in particular the one China principle, which is non-negotiable. We also fully share the struggle against fascism and the right to peace waged by the Russian Federation. Distinguished delegates, I wish to express to you all in this forum The commitment for us all to live together in a fraternal and solidarity-based way to achieve dignity and shared responsibility for all. Thank you very much.

I thank the Foreign Minister of Nicaragua for his address. I give the floor to His Excellency Subrahmanya Jaishankar, Minister of External Affairs of India.

Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, namaskar from 1.4 billion people of Bharat. We are gathered at this General Assembly when the United Nations enters its ninth decade. It was founded to maintain international peace and security and take effective collective action to that end. Members committed to develop friendly relations and to strengthen universal peace. Yet, Even as we meet, conflicts and confrontations remain our primary preoccupation. The inability to maintain peace is not just undermining security, but threatening progress and retarding development. In a globalized world, the effects of war are felt worldwide. Countries far from conflicts are being penalized for no fault of theirs. Those most impacted often have the least say. This Assembly must face up to the true state of affairs. This year, we are witnessing a conflict in the Gulf, one that is exacerbating an already difficult situation. We remain deeply concerned over continuing hostilities. The targeting of commercial shipping and seafarers transiting international waterways is simply unacceptable. India calls upon all parties to exercise restraint, de-escalate tensions, ensure protection of civilians, and uninterrupted flow of energy and commerce. Mr. President, The conflict in Ukraine, now in its fifth year, is equally concerning. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated, endless war must give way now to an end to war. India supports ongoing initiatives to bring peace. Even as this is underway, there is an urgent need to address the security of seafarers and supply of food grains and energy. India is prepared to do everything possible to ameliorate this situation, especially with regard to food and energy security. Tensions and violence also regrettably continue in West Asia or the Middle East. We strongly believe that a durable and lasting peace requires a two-state solution. In the meanwhile, India is contributing to humanitarian assistance and relief efforts for the Palestinian people. Mr. President, let us recognize that peace is not just the absence of war. If the world is subjected to continuous threats and pressures, then we are really living on the edge of an abyss. all it takes is one more step to push us over. Therefore, it is imperative to strengthen stability, security, and predictability. These are crucial elements of the enabling environment for peace. If any of them are undermined, peace will inevitably be weakened. After eight decades of the UN, This should have become our second nature. Instead, what we are actually seeing is a weaponization of everything. A mindset of extreme competition has set in, undermining institutions and establishing choke points. It extends from the world of finance to constricting market access, disrupting supply chains, and withholding technology. Resources and connectivity have become particularly subject to leveraging. As a result, nations are now more focused on de-risking and diversifying. Now, while this may secure their interest to varying degrees, the overall atmosphere is no longer that of trust or goodwill. Mr. President, the predicament of the global South is particularly acute. It faces a 4F crisis of the security of food, fuel, fertilizer, and finance. The combined impact of a super El Nino, compounding fertilizer shortages, and now impediments to grain movements, all these are cause for alarm. Moreover, SDG progress is under increasing pressure. The global South's right to industrialize is also undermined by non-market practices and market denial. The march of technology that was meant to instill hope has now become a source of anxiety. Misuse of AI is sharpening bias and diluting mutual respect. These directions bode ill for the aims and objectives of the United Nations. A persistent threat to peace has been the scourge of terrorism. That this could be state-sponsored with cross-border purpose makes it a direct affront to the global order. Governments indulging in such practices must be held accountable. There must be no dilution in our zero-tolerance approach towards terrorism. Its financial aspects, in particular, should be exposed and should be countered. Mr. President, yesterday, a serial practitioner of terrorism misrepresented facts before this Assembly. Arguments were invoked to normalise terrorism and claim immunity from its consequences. That will not stand. Our right to defend ourselves against terrorism will be exercised. Mr. President, friendship and goodwill cannot coexist with terrorism. And understandings premised on that will naturally be called into question. It is for the perpetrator of terrorism to mend its ways. Mr. President, given the state of the world, each member of the UN must ask themselves what they can do. Insofar as India is concerned, its inclusive growth and all-round progress has advanced the prospects of one-sixth of humanity. When health, nutrition, and education are effectively delivered, when drinking water, electricity, roads, and housing are ensured, This veritably lifts the global SDG outcomes. But today, India has much more than that to offer. Our digital public infrastructure is not only ensuring better governance, but is the backbone of delivering socio-economic benefits. Rapid growth of infrastructure is visible across all its dimensions. A continuously improving ease of doing business, ease of living, start-up and innovation culture, and focused sectoral missions have all contributed to our economic story. Even as India progresses, we are conscious of our global responsibilities. We know that many of our experiences and achievements are replicable elsewhere. The deep solidarity of the Global South has always encouraged us to share what we have. Therefore, we respond more actively to the requirements of our partners. 600 major Indian development projects in 78 nations testify to our commitment, a commitment that ranges from infrastructure, manufacturing, and agriculture to IT and to capacity building. Climate action projects and initiatives have been an important part of these endeavors. Whether it is clean energy and clean water projects, sustainable agriculture, or the dissemination of best practices and technology, our capabilities and experiences have been reflected abroad. African nations and small island developing states have been our preferred partners in this journey. Initiatives like the International Solar Alliance, the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure, or the Global Biofuels Alliance are all making steady progress. Mr. President, the turbulence of our times also demands more from each of us. India has sent medical shipments to conflict zones, epidemic locations, and after natural disasters. As a first responder, we were there early, be it the Nepal flash floods or the Venezuela earthquake. Our limb fitment camps have given a new hope to many across the world. Whether to meet food and medicine shortages, energy or fertilizer needs, or indeed creating livelihoods, India has contributed continuously and will do so. Our capacity building and experience sharing programs have made a real difference across the global South, especially in Africa. The same international spirit also inspires our contribution to safeguarding peace. India has always been at the forefront of UN peacekeeping operations. Right now, our contingents are present in nine out of 11 mandates. Our troops have stood their ground firmly and professionally, even under pressure. We take pride that an Indian woman combat helicopter pilot was awarded the UN 2025 Military Gender Advocate of the Year. Mr. President, new challenges in the maritime domain have added to long-standing ones on land. There have been attacks on commercial shipping and seafarers in the Gulf and from the Red Sea to the Black Sea. Indian seafarers have lost their lives, as indeed have others from other nations. This is completely unacceptable. India has joined Liberia and 23 other partners in an initiative to rally global public opinion against such unwarranted targeting. We must ensure that the safety and security of shipping and seafarers is never compromised. Scrupulously observing international law is an integral element of that endeavour. An issue central to current global conversations is that of AI. India hosted the AI Impact Summit this February, gathering together the best minds on that subject. We view AI as a transformational driver for human empowerment, economic prosperity, and population-scale problem solving. We believe in the right of each nation to shape its ecosystem with the development of its own models and deployment strategies consistent with its national goals and priorities. AI will be very much part of a partnership agenda with the global South. As technology is democratized, this process is greatly facilitated, Mr. President, by an ethos of mutual respect. Indeed, care and consideration for the interests and viewpoints of others reinforces even the prospects of peace. And that attitude is best fostered by an appreciation of each other's culture, heritage, and traditions. In a globalized world, we must continuously and vigorously promote international understanding. Economic rebalancing is well underway. The political one is also visible. And the third facet, cultural rebalancing, must now be taken forward. Mr. President, we are now well on our way towards a multipolar world. The post-1945 order is giving way to new realities. This process of adjustment, accommodation and acceptance will not be easy. Much of the turbulence that we witness today emanates from those very difficulties. Yet, the march of an intrinsically diverse world towards a more democratic future cannot be halted. Peace in a pluralistic order requires civil conversations. It requires broad-based consultations. It requires transparent decision-making. Large sections of humanity cannot be excluded from that process. The case for reformed multilateralism only gets stronger day after day. Mr. President, after a decade of service, and dedication to the cause of multilateralism. We will soon bid farewell to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. India deeply values his many contributions, in particular his personal support for mission life. Mr. President, at the conclusion of this General Debate, we hope that all participating delegations leave with a greater commitment to peace, to development and to prosperity. This cannot be an imposition or even a negotiation. It must be a mindset. It must be an outlook. It must be a belief. In the lawns outside this building are recorded the powerful words of Mahatma Gandhi, and that should serve as an inspiration for these times. And those words are that there is no way to peace. Peace is the way. I thank you.

I thank the Minister of External Affairs of India for his contribution. give the floor to her excellency Johan Waidful the The Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany.

Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, imagine if nuclear weapons were developed by private companies, if stockpiles were located on company grounds, and launch codes locked away in a safe in a CEO's office. It's a disturbing thought. When a technology has the power to fundamentally change the world, possibly even determine the fate of humanity, we need to ask who controls it, who sets the rules, who is accountable. Today, humankind faces another technological revolution that raises exactly these questions. Engineers have developed a technology that does not need to be launched from a rocket or a submarine to change the course of history. I am, of course, talking about artificial intelligence.

A technology with seemingly unlimited power. In the wrong hands, it can upend our economies and threaten our livelihoods. It has the potential to erode trust within our societies by spreading information that appears real but is, in fact, fake. AI can endanger the infrastructure that keeps our societies running. And ultimately, It can influence decisions that determine global peace and security. At the same time, artificial intelligence holds extraordinary promise. It can accelerate scientific discovery, improve healthcare and education all over the world, provide opportunities for economic development, overcome inequalities, and help us address challenges that no country can solve alone. Just imagine a world where, with the help of AI, we can prevent famine and cure cancer. This is precisely what makes AI so powerful, for better or for worse. But there's a critical tension. Only two major countries are home to the companies holding the vast majority of all global AI patents. That puts an enormous amount of influence in the hands of a very few. Such power carries responsibility not only towards customers, shareholders, or governments, but also to humanity. And wherever power becomes global, responsibility must become global too. The United Nations was created precisely for a moment such as this. when a challenge is too large for any one nation to address alone, when risks need to be managed to protect people all over the world, and when opportunities need to be exploited in a way that benefits the largest and the smallest, the richest and the poorest member state. But today, the United Nations itself is under pressure. There are great powers that believe that they fare better if they ignore the rules enshrined in the UN Charter. The erosion of international law jeopardizes the enormous civilizational progress that the United Nations stand for. The commitment to peace, the principle of sovereign equality of all states, the belief in norms and rules, the conviction of the dignity inherent in every human being. The erosion of these principles may serve the interest of a few who believe themselves powerful enough to survive in a world without norms or to write their own rules. For us, for the overwhelming majority of the 193 States represented in this General Assembly, this is harmful. We know that the people of this world will pay the price if the respect for the international law erodes and if its institutions are under attack. If this erosion continues, we all stand to lose. But this pressure on the international order does not come from political actors alone. It also comes from the forces of technological revolution. This poses a crucial question. How do we enable our international institutions to keep pace with the technologies that are reshaping our world? Faced with this question, it will not be enough to invoke what we still have or once had in the United Nations. Nor will it help if we ignore its weaknesses. What we need is honesty, realism, and cooperation. Honesty in our analysis, realism in our ambition, and cooperation as our method. We must acknowledge that many of the beams of this common house cannot carry the burden we put on them. We must decide which parts of the house do we preserve and which do we rebuild. For this endeavor to succeed, we need the new Secretary-General to lead a profound process of reform. Above all, we must close the gap between what we expect from the United Nations and the capabilities we give to the organization. First, we need a functioning UN that plays an active role in resolving conflicts, rather than merely managing them. In times when the Security Council as the central decision-making body is paralyzed, this is more difficult than ever. We need to keep its reform high on our agenda. Germany stands up for peace and security. Today, more people than ever are affected by violent conflicts. At the same time, for every member state, resources are limited. Thus, we have to join forces to bring conflicts to an end. Today, Germany is the largest supporter of Ukraine in its defense against Russian aggression. This aggression has been condemned consistently by an overwhelming majority here in the General Assembly. Russia's war targets the lives of millions of innocent people, the existence of the Ukrainian state and culture, and the European peace order. It puts vital grain deliveries for millions of people at risk, particularly in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. It shows contempt for the Charter and for the common order on which we stand. This is why we will continue to urge Russia to finally come to the negotiation table. I call on every Member State to join us in convincing Russia that the future is built at the negotiation table, not on dead bodies in cities and villages. The day when negotiations finally begin will be a good day for the United Nations. Germany is also taking on responsibility for peace and security beyond Europe, for example in Haiti. where we have significantly increased our contribution to the international mission to combat gang crime. Also, we shall not forget Sudan. At the Sudan conference in Berlin in April, together with our partners, we mobilized more than $1.7 billion to alleviate the biggest humanitarian catastrophe of our time. Second, We stand for international cooperation that is peaceful, fair, and based on equality. A new nationalism would be a misguided path. Whatever its prophets may preach, the truth is that it would make our lives narrower, poorer, and less secure. Instead, global trade relations need to be diversified and deepened and the framework of a fair trading order. No country should have to accept raw materials being used to force obedience or supply chains becoming instruments of pressure. None of us is powerless in face of this. Where we cooperate, we free ourselves from one-sided dependencies and open up new spaces of freedom. With our partners in the European Union, we have begun this work through new trade accords, cooperation agreements, and partnerships. These partnerships are built on mutual respect, on common rules, and a shared respect of international law. They also take into account the fortunate fact that many countries of the global south are developing with extraordinary success. The same principle for partnership and cooperation also applies for technology. Access to computing power, data, expertise, and infrastructure will increasingly shape who can innovate and who merely has to accept the rules set by others. Cooperation must therefore create capabilities, not new dependencies. Third, we want to answer the great global questions of our time together. No one here, not even the largest among us, can do this alone. Together with all those who are willing to do so, we will continue our work to address human-made climate change and its devastating effects swiftly and effectively. We are forced to chart new courses, and we must do it with speed. But nowhere is the need more pressing than in the area of artificial intelligence. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that this technology serves human dignity. This is particularly urgent because technologies are already changing the foundations of our societies. AI is not waiting for our institutions to catch up. Our institutions have to catch up with AI. At the beginning of my remarks, I asked three questions: Who controls new technologies? Who sets the rules? And who is accountable? We cannot answer them by simply trusting that those with the greatest capabilities will always act in the interest of everyone else. We need to ensure that technological progress is guided by a framework that we all have a say in shaping. That means building the capacity to understand and assess increasingly capable AI systems. It means making sure that all regions can participate in shaping the rules. And it means moving from voluntary commitments towards increasing transparency as well as developing common standards. That is why Germany calls on UN member states to work towards common safety requirements for the most capable AI models. Providers should be required to test these models before release and report serious safety failures. These requirements should be supported by effective national and regional oversight. The industry will have to play its role in this and continue to bear a responsibility in shaping the trajectory of this technology. At the same time, we need to ensure accountability, in particular when global peace and security are potentially affected. In the course of this week, we have intensified our conversation about these questions. How we address AI together is one of the clearest tests whether we have the strength and the will to build a United Nations for today's world. The next Secretary-General can count on Germany along this path. Our history, our geography and our constitution bind us to the UN Charter and to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is at the very core of our statehood. The technologies may change, but one principle will remain. Power must be bound by responsibility and progress must serve human dignity. The world has long been in a mode of permanent escalation and with it, the UN is navigating stormy waters. We must decide. Are we truly willing to let the boat we all share drift toward capsizing, or will we pool our strengths and steer it back on course? The tools are in our hands. Together, we can push for renewal and build a peaceful future for generations to come. I thank you.

I thank the Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany for his presentation. I now give the floor to His Excellency Maxim Rezanikoff, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belarus.

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, let us begin with the theme of today's debate, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that Delivers for All. It is an interesting theme that allows us for a very substantive discussion, which we have been witnessing for a week now. Indeed, trust among states today is at its lowest point since the Cold War. The necessary reforms are stalling. More and more voices are saying that the UN is not working in the interests of all and is incapable of managing change. This is largely because we, the member states, have in large part become mired in endless debates, but have failed to give the organization a real opportunity to act. That is precisely why the theme of this session sounds today like a verdict on our collective indecision and at the same time as a diagnosis calling for urgent treatment. We are surrounded by a systemic crisis in international relations. We see this everywhere. The air is thick with anxiety from Europe to the Middle East, from Asia to Africa and Latin America. Wars and conflicts are engulfing the world. They are claiming lives, tearing families apart, turning thriving cities into ruins and giving rise to ever more waves of mass forced migration. Global supply chains are being disrupted, the energy crisis is entwined with the food crisis, and all of this hits the most vulnerable segments of the population the hardest. An even more alarming sign is the collapse of the system of strategic stability. For the first time since the 1970s, there are no longer any legally binding limits on strategic arms between the major nuclear powers. There are no treaties, no verification mechanisms, and no predictability. Humanity is once again teetering on the brink of existence, and that is a brink that we had hoped we had left for good in the last century. How did we reach this point? Well, it is no mere coincidence. It is the inevitable result of actions by certain states aimed at deliberately undermining the system of international relations, so that the world would develop not according to the laws of peaceful coexistence, but rather the principle of might makes right and political selfishness. If we truly want to restore trust, we must not hide behind diplomatic niceties, but honestly identify the causes of crises. In 1945 in San Francisco at the UN founding conference, US President Harry Truman spoke words that today sound like a prophecy. No matter how great our strength, we must deny ourselves the license to do always as we please. If all those with great power had acted as Truman said, we would have avoided many wars and conflicts. Unfortunately, however, the desire to live at the expense of others has remained the dominant narrative in the collective West's development. During the Cold War, the balance of power was maintained by a system of checks and balances between the two opposing political systems. But since the 1990s, when that balance collapsed, the policy of unrestrained superiority has begun to grow rapidly. And in recent years, this policy has reached its peak. Western countries have effectively trampled on international law and started to force everyone to act according to so-called "rules", destroying unwelcome countries and suppressing unbowed peoples. And these rules are like traffic signs in a city that they themselves have designed. They always have a green light, while everyone else faces strict restrictions. But this isn't about metaphors, it is about facts that everyone knows. Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba, Iran, Palestine. This is by no means an exhaustive list of the countries that have been or remain the focus of greedy Western interest. Now let's add to that unfair global trade, where the rules are written to serve the interests of transnational corporations, and also illegal unilateral sanctions that are suffocating entire nations. And those efforts are intensifying, but what is the UN doing? The organization has not been able to resolve a single serious conflict. Its role has instead boiled down to managing concerns, making appeals to those who have already suffered. and that is of course leading to further escalation. The leadership of the European Union is particularly worrying. They have an unbridled desire to preserve their slipping hegemony and they are attempting to undermine global stability and the maintenance of peace. And to achieve this, they are prepared to sacrifice even the well-being of their own citizens. Do the peoples of the United Europe really crave some sort of revenge against Russia, especially at the cost of their own impoverishment? Of course they don't. Do they want to be cannon fodder in a war that allegedly European politicians are preparing for by 2030? Of course not. And we know this, but in Brussels, someone is very eager to play toy soldiers and to cement their greatness in history. This has happened before, more than once, and we know how it ended. Nevertheless, in the West, they are already beginning to ask questions about their many, they're now being held to account for centuries of colonial plunder for the destruction of cultures, traditions and identifies of enslaved peoples and for the slave trade, which claimed millions of lives. And in line with this, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in March of this year declaring the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Belarus supported this resolution without hesitation. This is not just a diplomatic gesture. It is the voice of a country that has itself endured a similar hellish chapter in history. We know what genocide is. A third of our population during the war was murdered in cold blood and tortured by civilised Europeans, united by Hitler 85 years ago. Now their descendants are telling us that they have nothing to do with this, and nor did their grandfathers, supposedly. But that village house filled with Belarusian children, the elderly and women was not burned down by the Fuhrer himself, and there were thousands of such houses. We know what the plundering of cultural heritage means. Our wealth, resources, works of art were all taken to the West. Young people were forcibly taken into slavery there as well in Europe. And today, facing unprecedented sanctions, we have once again felt what it means to be a target. That is why we wholeheartedly and with fraternal feeling support those who demand historical justice, including on the issue of reparations raised by the African Union. But reparations are not just about money. They are also about respectful memory. They are about returning people's own history to them. How many names remain on the world map that have erased millennia-old memory? Here's a simple example. The great waterfall that the peoples of Zimbabwe have for centuries called Mosi-oa-Tunya, the smoke that thunders, the colonisers "discovered" it 150 years ago and named it after their queen, who had never even set foot in Africa. What is that if not identity theft? Western elites do not like the new multipolar world in which their voice is no longer decisive, but instead of adapting to positive changes, they continue to exploit instability. In Belarus, we see this most clearly in the example of Ukraine. Is the West really striving to achieve peace there? No. Its goal, as they say, is to inflict a civilizational defeat on Russia, to weaken, humiliate and break it, and to continue living off Russian resources, but not at the cost of its own citizens' lives, rather at the cost of ordinary Ukrainians. Such a war is profitable for them. It allows them to create an image of the enemy, mobilize their own population under the pretext of a collective threat, blame economic failures that we see on this conflict, justify militarization and, of course, to enrich themselves. That is why they need the conflict, a controlled, frozen and eternal conflict. But if the West wants to take its rightful place in the emerging multipolar world, it must change. It must understand that the future of our planet lies in cooperation and not confrontation. Yes, it will have to make room on the global bench of international relations, and do so in a meaningful way. It will abandoning the policies of neo-colonialism and putting aside the self-imposed isolation to which the EU is condemning itself by creating a new iron curtain along its borders with Belarus and Russia. Now on the UN, is our organization keeping pace with the times? No, it does not correspond to today's realities, it cannot keep up with change and it is not reforming significantly. Criticism of our organization is growing every year and It is fairly justified. The very fact that new international global initiatives are emerging outside the system, for example, Trump's Board of Peace or the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, China's project, this confirms that the UN is failing to recognize new trends. That is why new formats of cooperation are emerging, the BRICS, the SCO, and regional economic and political alliances, and they are gaining momentum. But we in Belarus do not see them as competitors to the UN, but rather as catalysts for necessary reform. We have a recipe for restoring the UN to its intended purpose, and it's very simple. Individual countries must stop using the organization, our shared organization, for their own selfish ends, and they must begin to think about the fate of our planet, our shared planet, as a whole. Only then will the theme of this session cease to be a romantic wish and instead become a real program of action. Concrete structural steps are also necessary. First, Reform of the UN Security Council. This body cannot remain in a form that was appropriate for the mid-20th century. The Council must be strengthened by expanding the category of permanent members to include the countries of the South, which today play an ever-increasing role in world affairs. The voice of the global majority must be heard loud and clear in the Security Council. Second, restoring respect for international law and the UN Charter, and specifically respect for the law, not the rules-based order. The UN Charter has been and remains the only universal document that recognizes the sovereign equality of all states. Third, reform of specialized UN agencies, first and foremost the international financial institutions, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the International Finance Corporation, the World Trade Organization. They must become fair, transparent, accountable and focused on their mandates. Voting quotas in financial institutions must reflect the demographic and economic realities of the 21st century, rather than the post-war balance of power. The use of these organizations for political purposes must be nipped in the bud. This also applies to the International Labour Organization. One might think its mission is to promote social dialogue. However, today, the ILO, in the finest traditions of the Communist International, is attempting to cultivate revolutionary forces in some countries out of labor unions, and not to protect workers' rights, but to destabilize the situation in countries that are pursuing independent policies at the behest of certain other countries. Most importantly, with each new crisis, ordinary people around the world are asking themselves, why isn't the UN working to establish peace? People aren't interested in the UN's constraints. They want to see action and results, and there are none. It is therefore no surprise that many equate the work of our organization with its secretariat, which is dominated by representatives of Western countries. And just like in Brussels, this is a world of comfortable offices, of sky high salaries and a lifestyle that is very far removed from the concerns of those in need of assistance in various corners of our planet. Many of those officials have never even been to the conflict zones, and they are much further away from them than any volunteer on the front lines. And this is, of course, not so much a criticism of the Secretariat, rather it is a criticism of us, the Member States, who have allowed this to become the norm, who have allowed this to happen. The Republic of Belarus is a founding member of the United Nations. We were there at the very beginning of the organisation in 1945, and so it pains us to see the weakening of the UN. Therefore, we offer constructive criticism of the organisation, hoping that it can recover and take on a new lease on life. We are convinced that the UN must remain the primary universal forum for addressing common challenges. In these circumstances, Belarus is making its contribution to creating a new world. First of all, on food security, we are developing successfully and making a significant contribution to global food security. Belarus remains a reliable supplier of fertilizers, high quality food, meat, dairy products, and grain to countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. And we are doing this despite the logistical barriers, financial restrictions, and transport blockades imposed by the European Union. Second, our role in peace. Belarus has always been and remains a country of peace. We've proven our ability to serve as a reliable platform for negotiations, and we're ready to continue doing everything possible to achieve peace in Ukraine as soon as possible. But let's be frank, any lasting peace in that country is not possible without addressing the root causes which have been ignored for years. These include plans to bring Ukraine into NATO, contrary to all security realities, the failure to implement the Minsk agreements, which were the only legitimate path to peace, And let me remind you that the implementation of these agreements was sabotaged in order to buy time and allow Ukraine to rearm. And that has been acknowledged by Western politicians very recently. The endless supply of weapons to Ukraine will only lead to the destruction of Ukraine itself and its people. We call for the prompt beginning of genuine negotiations that will lead to a lasting peace. Third, the Eurasian security architecture. this is our particular priority ensuring Eurasian security in since 2023 we have successfully been holding an international conference on this in our capital where experts from across Eurasia discuss ways to solve our continent's problems we are successfully promoting the idea of drafting a Eurasian Charter on diversity and multipolarity in the 21st century this initiative is part of an effort to create a new architecture of equal and indivisible security on our vast continent, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Finally, our openness to dialogue. We are ready to cooperate with all interested countries. We also are leaving the door open to those Western politicians who are genuinely ready for a dialogue of equals. But there are things that are unacceptable for us: pressure, dictates, ultimatums, and illegal sanctions. Mr. President, the unipolar world, as we can see, is sinking. Western elites are accustomed to dominance and they are trying to keep it afloat. But in their futile efforts, they are only sowing chaos. We've spoken about this alarming trend last year as well, calling for action, but we see that nothing is changing and it's only getting worse. Therefore, Belarus and the countries of the global majority do not wish to go down with the wreckage of this ship, and we are choosing a different path. we are building a multi-polar and just world of equal states in the interests of all of our peoples we have no other choice thank you for your attention.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belarus I now give the floor to his Excellency Sir Rodigin Morodadin Minister of Foreign Affairs of to Jesus down.

Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman, President of the United Nations General Assembly. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, at the outset, allow me to congratulate His Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. We meet at a time when tensions are growing, conflicts are multiplying, trust is eroding, and uncertainty is becoming part of our daily reality. Over the past several days, from this very rostrum, we have heard many delegations speak about the importance of peace. peace remains our most fundamental responsibility. But peace cannot be taken for granted. It must be diligently built, and it must be steadfastly protected, and it must be passed on to future generations. It is precisely in this spirit that Tajikistan initiated the proclamation of 2027 2036 at the International Decade of Strengthening Peace for Future Generations, which was adopted by the General Assembly resolution on 25 June 2026. We are grateful to Member States, partners and the United Nations system for supporting this initiative of the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, His Excellency Mr. Emomali Rahmon. The idea behind the decade is simple. Our responsibility for peace does not end with our generation. We must work to resolve the conflicts of today, but we must also prevent the conflicts of tomorrow. Building on this vision, Tajikistan will convene a high-level international conference on peace in Dushanbe in June 2027, in cooperation with the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations, the United Nations Youth Office and other partners. The conference will help launch the decade and turn our shared commitment to peace into practical cooperation. Mr. President, our position on conflicts and disputes is clear. They must be resolved peacefully. through dialogue, diplomacy, negotiations, and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. In this context, the situation in Palestine remains a matter of deep concern to Tajikistan. The continuing suffering of civilians must end. We reiterate our call for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza and unhindered access to humanitarian assistance. Our position remains principled and consistent. A just and lasting peace can only be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy in accordance with international law and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. Tajikistan reaffirms its support for the establishment of an independent and sovereign state of Palestine based on the 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. But peace cannot endure in isolation. It needs development, opportunity, inclusion, and hope. Excellencies, lasting peace requires sustainable development. Yet, development remains deeply uneven. Climate change is accelerating. Inequality persists, and too many countries continue to face structural barriers to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. For developing countries, particularly mountainous and landlocked developing countries, these pressures are even greater. We therefore need stronger international solidarity and development financing that is more accessible, predictable and adequate. For Tajikistan, sustainable development begins at home. Our National Development Strategy 2030 remains a key framework for economic growth, reducing vulnerabilities, and improving the well-being of our people. But development is not only about economic growth. It is about people, opportunity, and inclusion. That is why Tajikistan continues to advance the empowerment of women and their meaningful participation in political, economic, and social life. It is also why we place growing emphasis on legal literacy. In 2025, the General Assembly proclaimed 2027 as the International Year of Legal Literacy, following an initiative of Tajikistan. Respect to the law strengthens peaceful and inclusive societies. But development also depends on something even more fundamental. something that connects people, economies, ecosystems, and nations, water. Mr. President, the world remains far from achieving universal access to safe water and sanitation. Progress is being made, but not fast enough. For Tajikistan, this challenges both global and deeply national. We are a mountainous country, home to thousands of glaciers and the source of major rivers that sustain communities far beyond our borders. We know the value of water, and we know its vulnerability. For more than two decades, under the leadership of President of Tajikistan, His Excellency Mr. Emomali Rahmon, water has remained at the heart of our international engagement. From the Global Water Action Decades to the Dushanbe Water Process, from the 2023 United Nations Water Conference to the Global Agenda on Glaciers Preservation. our message has remained consistent. Water requires cooperation, and cooperation must lead to action. The next two years will be decisive. Later this year, the international community will gather for the United Nations Water Conference in Abu Dhabi. In 2027, A high level preparatory meeting will take place here at United Nations headquarters. And in 2028, we will gather in Dushanbe for the United Nations Water Conference and the final comprehensive review of the Water Action Decade. Member states will negotiate and adopt by consensus an outcome, the Dushanbe Water Framework. This gives us an opportunity to assess what we have achieved, confront what remains unfinished, and decide how global water cooperation should move forward. Because 2028 must not be an end point. The conclusion of the Water Action Decade should mark the beginning of the next chapter of global water action. The Dushanbe Water Framework can help us write that chapter, a chapter focused on implementation, on financing, on technology and capacity, on stronger partnerships, and on protecting the sources of our water water, including the world's rapidly changing glaciers. Our objective is continuity, follow up and implementation. In this regard, the Dushanbe Water Process can help sustain that momentum beyond 2028, connecting global commitments with national and regional action. Our success will measured by the commitments we deliver. Excellencies, we must also prepare for a world that is changing before our eyes. Artificial intelligence is transforming our economies, our societies, and the way we approach development. As the Secretary-General recently reminded us, used well and shared widely, AI could compress decades of development into years. This is the opportunity before us. AI should not become another source of division. It should become a force for development, opportunity, and reducing inequality. Last year, at the initiative of Tajikistan, the General Assembly adopted the resolution on the role of artificial intelligence in creating new opportunities for sustainable development in Central Asia. This year, we look another step forward. On August 31st, the General Assembly proclaimed the International Day of Safe, Secure and Trustworthy Artificial Intelligence, also at the initiative of Tajikistan. Our message is simple. Innovation must serve humanity. Technological transformation is only one dimension of a rapidly changing world. Old threats are also evolving, and new ones are crossing borders faster than ever. Mr. President, terrorism and extremism, cybercrime, illicit trafficking in arms and narcotic drugs, organized crime -- these threats know no borders. Our response must be equally united. Therefore, the Dushanbe process on countering terrorism and its financing has become an important platform for international and regional cooperation. We will continue this engagement, including by convening the next high-level counterterrorism conference in Dushanbe in 2027. Mr. President, for our region, Lasting security and sustainable development are also closely linked to Afghanistan. Afghanistan needs peace, stability, and economic opportunity. Tajikistan will continue to support the Afghan people and constructive regional cooperation for a peaceful and stable Afghanistan. When Tajikistan speaks about peace, we also speak from experience. Next year, we will mark the 30th anniversary of the general agreement on the establishment of peace and national accord in Tajikistan. That agreement ended a devastating imposed civil war. It was achieved through dialogue, through compromise, and through the determination to put the future of the country above division. The United Nations was an important partner in that process. Three decades later, the same belief in dialogue continues to guide our relations with our neighbors. Recent agreements with Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have helped resolved longstanding border issue and opened a new chapter of cooperation in Central Asia. Borders that once divided us can now connect us. Our experience has strengthened our convictions. Even the most difficult disagreements can be resolved when there is political will, dialogue, and mutual respect. Excellencies, There is a wider lesson here. Peace requires effective institutions, and international cooperation requires an effective United Nations. This is why Tajikistan supports the ongoing UN reform process. Reform is not an end in itself. It must make the United Nations more effective, agile, coherent and better able to deliver. We support reducing duplication, improving efficiency and strengthening accountability while preserving the organization's ability to fulfill its mandates. Member states must remain at the center of this process. Excellencies, a stronger UN also requires Member States willing to assume greater responsibility. Tajikistan is ready to do so. For the first time in its history, Tajikistan is seeking election to the United Nations Security Council for the 2028-2029 term. We approach this responsibility with humility and determination. We congratulate proudly Kyrgyzstan on its election to the Security Council for 2027-2028 and look forward to its contribution to the work of the Council. Tajikistan would bring the experience of a country that has known conflict and built peace, that has faced difficult borders and chosen dialogue and compromise, a country that shares a long border with Afghanistan and understands firsthand the importance of prevention, stability, and regional cooperation, and a country that has consistently advanced practical multilateral initiatives on water, glaciers, counter-terrorism, sustainable development and peace. For us, membership in the Security Council would not be about status. It would be about responsibility to uphold the Charter, to listen to all voices, large and small, to seek common ground where divisions persist, and to contribute constructively to the maintenance of international peace and security. Mr. President, we began with peace. Let me end with peace. The challenges before us are great, but they are not greater than our capacity to overcome them if we choose cooperation over confrontation, dialogue over division, and hope over fear. The choices we make today will shape the world we leave behind tomorrow. That is our responsibility to our peoples, to one another, and above all, to future generations. Tajikistan stands ready to do its part. I thank you for your attention.

I I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Tajikistan for his presentation. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mohamed Ali Nafti, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Migration and Tunisians Abroad of Tunisia.

In the name of God, most merciful, most compassionate. May the peace of God be upon you. Mr. President, your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. At the outset, I would like to extend my sincere congratulations to his excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman, on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish him every success in leading the work of this session. I would also like to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, at the end of his term of office. for his wise leadership in the service of peace, security, development, and justice, and for his tireless efforts to preserve the standing of the Organization and restore confidence in multilateral action at a time of extraordinary international complexity, when maintaining the effectiveness of the United Nations has become a demanding responsibility. and an almost daily challenge. Mr. Guterres faced with courage and dedication unprecedented global crises. He leaves behind a significant legacy of committed diplomacy and principled positions that we shall continue to remember. At this critical historical juncture, for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection, through the process of electing the new Secretary-General, of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the Organization with a bold strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. President, we meet during this 81st session under the theme, "Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All." This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions. A genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreements and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples and the organization's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations. And the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity, and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build. rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries or to humanitarian missions and development programs supervised by the Organization and its specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. President, Trust in the international system is measured by the extent to which its members adhere to the principles of the Charter and its resolutions, and by the organization's ability to ensure respect for international law without selectivity or double standards, and to protect the oppressed peoples who have no refuge except international legitimacy. How can we restore this trust while the Palestinian people are subjected daily to the most horrific crimes and violations and denied their most basic rights to life, security, freedom, and self-determination, while the international community remains unable to put an end to their ongoing humanitarian suffering or to enforce respect for international law and international humanitarian law? My country, Tunisia, condemns the continuing settlement policies of the occupying entity in the West Bank and the policies of persecution, starvation, and isolation in the Gaza Strip, and the crimes of genocide that claim more lives each day, in the absence of any accountability or any punishment. Tunisia calls upon the international community to shoulder its legal, moral and humanitarian responsibilities and to end this long-standing historical injustice. Tunisia recalls that the International Court of Justice in its advisory opinion of the 19th of July 2024 affirmed that the occupying entity is compelled to end its unlawful presence in the occupied Palestinian territory and that all UN member states are likewise compelled not to recognize as lawful the situation resulting from that unlawful presence. and that the United Nations, through its principal organs, should consider the means and measures required to bring that presence to an end as rapidly as possible. We further recall that the International Court of Justice, in the same advisory opinion, determined that the policies pursued by the occupying entity in Jerusalem form part of the process of annexation. and affirmed that the domestic law of the occupying power does not alter Jerusalem's international legal status. In this context, Tunisia reiterates its categorical rejection of all unilateral measures aimed at altering the historical, legal, and demographic character of Holy Jerusalem, including forced displacement, house demolitions, and repeated attacks on Islamic and Christian holy sites. The catastrophic humanitarian conditions endured by the Palestinian people, particularly in the Gaza Strip, as a result of continued casualties, displacement, the destruction of homes and infrastructure, and the collapse of the health care system, require safe, urgent, and sustained humanitarian access. It also requires allowing the UN and its specialized agencies to carry out their missions, especially the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA. Tunisia considers that any attempt to dismantle this long-standing UN agency or to undermine its mandate prior to a just and lasting solution to the Palestinian refugee issue

constitutes a desperate attempt to eliminate the right of return and to liquidate the Palestinian cause as a whole. The logic of force may be able to impose a bitter and inhumane reality for a period of time, but it can never break the will of peoples, nor halt the course of history. The will of peoples always finds its way and ultimately prevails. Such is the law of the universe and the course of history. Tunisia will remain steadfast in its support for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, which are not subject to prescription, foremost among them their right to establish an independent and fully sovereign state on the entirety of Palestine, with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. Mr. President, Tunisia follows with deep concern the continuing escalation in the Middle East and its dangerous repercussions at the security, political and economic levels. Tunisia believes that the continuation of this situation will further complicate matters and could lead to catastrophic consequences for all countries of the region and the world. Tunisia renews its call for an immediate cessation of military operations. for wisdom and reason to prevail, and for a return to dialogue and negotiations, giving absolute priority to political and peaceful and diplomatic solutions as the only means of resolving existing disputes in a manner that strengthens the foundations of security and stability in the region and prevents further escalation. Tunisia also reaffirms its commitment to freedom of navigation and maritime security in accordance with the principles and provisions of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and customary international law, while preserving global energy security, international supply chains, and the economic rights of states. Mr. President, given the bonds of brotherhood and good neighborliness that unite the Tunisian and Libyan peoples, as well as their shared interests and common destiny, Tunisia supports every sincere Libyan effort and every serious UN initiative aimed at ending the crisis on the basis of a Libyan-led and Libyan-owned solution founded on dialogue and consensus among all parties, preserving Libya's unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the aspirations of the brotherly Libyan people for security, stability, and a unified state. Tunisia reiterates its full solidarity with the Lebanese Republic and stands by the Lebanese people. We are committed to Lebanon's sovereignty and independence, and we condemn the repeated violations of the ceasefire agreement in this brotherly country and a flagrant violation of UN resolutions. Tunisia calls for the United Nations to be enabled to fully discharge its mandate in the brotherly country of Lebanon. Tunisia also condemns the repeated Zionist attacks targeting the Syrian territory and the resources of the brotherly Syrian people. We express our hope that the Syrian people will succeed in preserving the unity, independence, and sovereignty of Syria over all its territory. Likewise, Tunisia follows with grave concern the continuing war in Sudan, and we renew our solidarity with the Sudanese people. Tunisia calls upon the United Nations to support all efforts aimed at achieving an immediate and permanent cessation of hostilities in the hope that Sudan may restore stability and security, turn the page on conflict, and focus on reconstruction and recovery. Tunisia also hopes that the Yemeni brothers will reach a comprehensive and lasting political settlement that restores security and stability to the Yemeni people and preserve the country's territorial integrity. Tunisia renews its support for regional and international efforts to find a solution to the crisis in Yemen. Mr. President, the abundant human resources, natural wealth, and the promising potential of Africa make Africa an essential partner in advancing development at the international level. Yet, the Africa we want continues to face intertwined security and economic challenges that require a comprehensive approach. In this regard, Tunisia reaffirms its commitment to the principle of African solutions to African problems, thereby strengthening the ownership of African countries and peoples over the resolution of their crises and reinforcing the role of African mechanisms and institutions in maintaining peace and security. Tunisia renews its support for the reform of the African Union so that it may better fulfill its responsibilities and respond effectively to current challenges. Tunisia also stresses the importance of strengthening the partnership between the United Nations and the African Union in conflict prevention, mediation, peacekeeping, peacebuilding, and sustainable development. In this context, Tunisia emphasizes its determination to continue contributing to peacekeeping efforts in Africa, a commitment it has maintained since the first years of its independence. Tunisia also reiterates its commitment to strengthen economic integration across the continent, particularly within the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, COMESA, and the African Continental Free Trade Area. Mr. President, Tunisia believes that peace, security, and comprehensive development are inseparable. The essence of this session, a United Nations that delivers for all, lies in the organization's ability to serve all states and peoples according to their needs and commensurate to the challenges they face. Equality does not mean identical responses. Rather, it means ensuring that everyone benefits from the UN system while directing greater support and attention to those in greatest need and to the peoples and countries facing war, poverty, marginalization, and the effects of global crisis. The United Nations we seek is one that leaves no one behind, does not define need according to selective political criteria, and places justice, equity, and solidarity at the core of its services to all. Guided by its firm belief in the importance of investing in people, Tunisia once again calls for a comprehensive and balanced approach to migration that takes into account its human and historical dimensions and moves beyond a narrow security perspective while addressing its root causes, foremost among them conflict, poverty, economic and social disparities. lack of employment opportunities and development, and the proliferation of human trafficking networks. Such an approach would embody shared responsibility, solidarity, and cooperation among countries of origin, transit, and destination. In this context, the Tunisian authorities continue their efforts to save the lives of irregular migrants on land and at sea, provide them with care and create suitable conditions for their voluntary return to their countries of origin in coordination with the International Organization for Migration, while safeguarding their dignity and rights and combating human trafficking and migrant smuggling, and also supporting them once they are back in their countries of origin. Tunisia once again firmly rejects becoming either a transit country or a destination for irregular migrants who are victims of human trafficking networks. Believing that climate change is a major factor affecting development, security, and stability, Tunisia emphasizes that addressing this challenge requires a genuine climate justice particularly since developing countries bear severe consequences despite their limited historical responsibility for emissions. Accordingly, countries with the greatest responsibility must fulfill their commitments regarding climate finance while maintaining a clear distinction between climate financing and development financing. Tunisia believes that achieving climate justice Comprehensive development and pandemic preparedness and response requires reform of the international financial architecture to make it more equitable, inclusive, and fair, thus ensuring developing countries have easier and fairer access to financing and enabling them to invest in scientific research, technology, innovation, and digital transformation, thereby reducing their debt burdens, strengthening their resilience, and empowering them to rely on their own capacities in shaping their future. My country stresses that the rapid development of artificial intelligence offers great opportunities to accelerate development goals. provided that it is accompanied by comprehensive and equitable global governance that ensure that responsible use and prevents the widening of the digital divide between North and South through capacity building, technology transfer, and adequate financing. Mr. President, under the leadership of President Kais Saied, Tunisia reaffirms its unwavering determination to continue its reform process, launched on the 25th of July 2021, with the aim of consolidating a democracy that guarantees rights and freedoms for all citizens and responds to the aspirations of the Tunisian people for development and prosperity. My country relies primarily on its own resources and human potential. and remains committed to attracting investment, strengthening and diversifying economic partnerships based on mutual benefit, equality, and mutual respect in a manner that serves its interests and preserves the independence of its decision making. In this context, Tunisia reaffirms its steadfast commitment to human rights and public and individual freedoms in accordance with the constitution of the 25th of July, 2022, its international obligations and the choices of its people. We stress the importance of promoting the comprehensive and interconnected nature of human rights, including economic, climate-related, social, scientific, cultural, and educational rights, foremost among them, the fundamental right to development. We believe that the success of reform and development depends on the participation of women and youth. Therefore, Tunisia emphasizes its commitment to strengthening the role of women in public life and in decision-making positions, and to continuing efforts to combat all forms of violence and discrimination against women, recognizing that women's empowerment is a key driver of development and stability. Likewise, Tunisia places youth at the heart of its national priorities and works to empower them politically, economically, and socially, while encouraging their initiatives and their participation in public affairs and decision-making. I also take this opportunity to commend all members of the Tunisian diaspora, wherever they may be, in recognition of their role in enhancing Tunisia's image abroad and supporting development efforts in their homeland. We reaffirm the President's continuous commitment to strengthening support programs for the diaspora and further consolidating ties with them so that our diaspora may continue to serve as a living example of successful integration in their countries of residence. Mr. President, Tunisia firmly believes that peace operations cannot be limited to crisis management and conflict containment. Rather, they must contribute to creating conditions conducive to sustainable peace through supporting state institutions, the rule of law, the empowerment of local communities, and enhancing development. Tunisia reaffirms its readiness to continue contributing to the development of the peacekeeping system in ways that enhance its effectiveness and credibility. Drawing on our long-standing and active participation in UN peacekeeping operations, Tunisia believes that advancing these operations requires investment in human and institutional capacities and a greater protection of civilians as a collective responsibility and humanitarian imperative. In this regard, Tunisia calls for building upon the outcomes of the international conference hosted by Tunisia in July 2025 in cooperation with the UN Department of Peace Operations on the role of armed forces and the protection of civilians. including through the establishment of an international platform for exchanging expertise and information, the development of a unified operational manual, and the strengthening of training, capacity building, and civil-military coordination, which should include both men and women. Mr. President, in conclusion, I wish to reaffirm that the United Nations remains for Tunisia, the home of international legitimacy, the house that carries the hopes and aspirations of future generations for a more just and equitable international order, and a unique forum for finding practical solutions to achieve the balance of peace, security, and comprehensive and sustainable development in accordance with the UN 2030 agenda. I thank you for your kind attention. May the peace and mercy of God be upon you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Migration, and Tunisians Abroad for his presentation. Excellencies, we have heard the last speaker in the general debate for this meeting. They Sorry, the the meeting the meeting will resume to continue with the general debate at three o'clock. The meeting is now adjourned.

The 14th plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will continue its consideration of agenda item 8, entitled General Debate. I now give the floor to His Excellency Lukura Bakari, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Political Affairs, International Economic Cooperation and Digital Transition of San Marino.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, San Marino is the world's oldest republic. For more than 17 centuries, we have survived not through military power, territorial expansion, economic might, but through dialogue, respect for the law, neutrality, and the conviction that sovereignty of a small state is no less valuable than that of a great power. Our history has taught a simple lesson. When power is not enough to protect you, rule matter. When you cannot impose your will, dialogue matter. And when the world is divided, institutions that bring states together matter. This is why multilateralism is not an abstract concept for San Marino. It's a fundamental principle of our foreign policy and, in many ways, a lesson drawn from our own history. Our commitment to cooperation and shared rule is also reflected in our relationship with the European Union. The forthcoming signing of the association agreement with the European Union on 19 October will mark a milestone for our country. It represents an historical step toward closer cooperation, shared rule, and greater integration within the European Union, while fully preserving our sovereignty, identity, and institutional specificity. For San Marino, this is not simply an agreement about economic relation. It's a long-term choice to deepen our engagement with Europe while preserving the distinctive character of our republic. It is a choice that reflect a principle at the heart of our history. Cooperation does not diminish sovereignty. For a small state, cooperation, rule, and dialogue are precisely what allow sovereignty to be exercised and protected. Today, that principle is under extraordinary pressure. 81 years ago, the United Nations was created to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Yet today, conflicts are multiplying, inequalities are deepening, climate disruption is accelerating, food and water are increasingly being used as an instrument of pressure, and the rules that have governed international relations for decades are being challenged. We are witnessing the use of force against a sovereign state. We are witnessing violation of international law, humanitarian and human rights law. At such a moment, the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more. And it must be a multilateral that works, that protects the weak as well the strong, on that apply the law equality, and one that give every state, large or small, a meaningful voice. Before turning to the challenge before us, allow me to congratulate His Excellency, Dr. Kalyu Raman, on his election as a president of the 81st section of the General Assembly. San Marino support the priority of your program and stand ready to cooperate fully with you and with all member states in the year ahead. I also wish to express our appreciation to Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his leadership at a time of profound international unsustainability and for his continuing effort to strain the United Nations multilateral system. Mr. President, there can be no world in which might make right. Sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence, and self-determination matter. These principles are not optional, and they cannot depend on the size of a country or the power of a government. There can be no impunity for violation of international law. The law must apply to all. For San Marino, this is not an abstract principle. For small state, international law is our protection. It is the ultimate equalizer. A rule-based international order allow every state, large or small, to have an equal voice and equal legal standing. This is why San Marino strongly support the Secretary General UN initiative. The United Nation must become more effective more efficient and more responsive. And reform must include the Security Council. The Council must better reflect today's world. It must be more representative, transparent and accountable. San Marino is also a member of the Uniting for Consensus group and supports its effort to promote a comprehensive and balanced reform of the Security Council. based on a greater regional representation, equitable geographical distribution, and wider access to elected seat. Reform must train the voice of all member states, including the small state, and it must be achieved through broad consensus. We support effort to restrain the use of the veto, including the French-Mexican initiative and the ACT code of conduct in a situation involving mass atrocity alongside the General Assembly veto initiative. We also reaffirm our full support for the International Court of Justice. Its order and judgment are legally binding. Mr. President, the next Secretary-General will carry a vital responsibility. The United Nations must remain relevant and credible. Above all, it must remain capable of protecting people and upholding the Charter. San Marino stands ready to contribute. I now turn to one of the most painful crises of our time. The situation in the Middle East demands clarity. San Marino unequivocally condemns terrorism, including the horrific attack of 7 October 2023. But we must be equally clear on another point. The Palestinian people have an annihilable right to self-determination and to their own state. Statehood is not a reward for terrorism. It's a right. At the same time, nothing can justify the collective punishment of civilians. The suffering in Gaza cannot become new normal. We call for a permanent ceasefire and for full, safe, and and the read humanitarian access. Humanitarian assistance must reach those who need it. Civilian live must be protected. UNRWA and other humanitarian organizations must be able to operate. We call for the permanent disarmament of Hamas and other non-state armed group and for the withdrawal of Israeli force from the Gaza Strip. We support the Palestinian Authority and its reform efforts, including democratic election. We urge Israel to release withheld clearance revenue and to facilitate correspondent banking service for the Palestinian Authority. In the West Bank and the East Jerusalem settlement expansion, settled violence, land appropriation, demolition and eviction must stop. The situation is rapidly deteriorating. I mean, the presidential level of settled violence and settlement expansion included in an unacceptable decision to punish tender for the E1 settlement project. This development undermined the possibility of a viable Palestinian state. The status quo of Jerusalem holy site must be respected. All community, including Christian community, must be protected. Last year, San Marino endorsed the New York Declaration for a two-state solution. Following an unanimous mandate from our Parliament, the Great and General Council of San Marino recognized Palestine as a sovereign and independent state within secure and internationally recognized borders and in accordance with relevant United Nations resolutions. We stand by that decision. There is no alternative to the two-state living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition. The window for that solution is narrowing. We must act now. Mr. President, the consequences of the conflict extended far beyond Gaza and the West Bank. Escalation across the region, threatening international peace and security. We are deeply concerned by hostility involving Iran and by threat to maritime security in the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz. Freedom of navigation is essential to global stability. International law, including the UN close, must be respected in Lebanon. We call for full respect for sovereignty and for the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701. Civilian infrastructure must be protected. In Syria, we support an inclusive and peaceful political transition that respects sovereignty, protects civilians, and strengthens institutions. Peace cannot be imposed by force. It requires diplomacy and dialogue. And it requires international role. Mr. President, Europe is also facing a war that continues to cause immense humanitarian suffering. San Marino condemns Russia's ongoing aggression against Ukraine, the bombardment of cities, the killing of civilians, attacks on humanitarian workers, the unlawful deportation of children. These are not simply tragedies; they are violations of international law. No state can be allowed to redraw borders by force. San Marino, therefore, reiterates its call for a full, immediate and unconditional cease-fire, leading to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Any peace must respect Ukrainian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Mr. President. From Ukraine to Gaza, from Sudan to Syria, from the Sahel to Afghanistan, civilians continue to pay the highest price. Women, children, older people, families forced from their homes, hospitals and schools destroyed, food, water and medicine denied. International humanitarian law was created precisely for these circumstances. It does not disappear in time of war. It is not suspended by political convenience. It must be respected. San Marino strongly condemns the use of explosive weapons in populated areas and calls for all states to implement the Political Declaration on Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas. Those who deliver humanitarian assistance must also be protected. aid workers and journalists are not legitimate targets. San Marino also reaffirmed its commitment to the Australia-led declaration for the protection of humanitarian personnel and called on all parties to armed conflict to respect and protect humanitarian personnel and to ensure that assistance can reach those in need. Impunity cannot become normal. San Marino, therefore, reaffirms its commitment to the Geneva Convention, the Genocide Convention, and the Roman Statute. And we reiterate our unwavering support for the International Criminal Court. The court exists because the gravest crime cannot go unanswerable. Genocide, war crime, and crime against humanity. Accountability is not an obstacle to peace. It is a part of a lasting peace. The fight against impunity is also an essential element of the responsibility to protect, which must remain a shared responsibility of the international community. Recent political pressure and coercive measures against the Court, its officials and those who cooperate with it are deeply concerning. state parties to the Rome Statute must defend the independence and integrity of the Kurds. San Marino also reaffirmed its historic commitment to the abolition of the death penalty, which it abolished in 1865. This reflects our enduring conviction that human dignity must be protected even in the face of the gravest crime. Justice cannot depend on political power. Mr. President, five years ago, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan. Five years is too long for half of our population to be denied its right. Afghan women and girls continue to face a systematic restriction on education, employment, movement, public participation, and access to justice. Girls remain excluded from secondary and higher education, women are increasingly excluded from public life. This cannot become normal. San Marino called for the full restoration of the right of Afghan women and girls. Education is a right, work is a right, participation in public life is a right, dignity is a right. These rights do not disappear because a government choose to deny them. The international community must continue to stand with Afghan women and girls. Humanitarian access must also remain underrated. Afghanistan must not be forgotten. Mr. President, children everywhere deserve protection. Children are being killed, maimed, abducted, and recruited. They are losing their home, their school, and their future. San Marino remain firmly committed to the children and harm the conflict agenda and support the work of the UN Special Representative for children in harm and conflict. School must remain safe place. We have endorsed the safe school declaration, the Paris principle and the Vancouver principle. We call on all state to strain the protection of children in armed conflict and the ratify the optional protocol of the convention of the right of the child. Mr. President, the return of nuclear threat is another source of grave concern. There can be no acceptable nuclear threat or acceptable use of nuclear weapon. The modernization and expansion of nuclear arsenal, together with growing military expenditure and the rapid development of artificial intelligences and cyber capabilities, increase the risk of escalation. The consequences of nuclear use will be catastrophic. San Marino remain committed to a world free of nuclear weapons. We support the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We also proudly uphold the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which San Marino has signed and ratified. Diplomacy must prevail over deterrence through fear. Peace and security cannot be separated from development. Nor can development be separated from human right. Conflict destroyed development gain. Poverty, food, instability. Climate change increased pressure on food, water, and community. We must also not overlook the devastating humanitarian and social and economic situation in Cuba. where prolonged hardship is placing an immense burden on the daily life of the Cuban people. We must therefore treat peace, security, human rights, and sustainable development as part of the same agenda. The SDG remain our common commitment. The Pact for the Future provide an opportunity to strain multilateralism and accelerate implementation of the 2030 agenda. But commitments are not enough. We need implementation, financing, and accountability. We also need a fair and more inclusive international financial architecture supported by adequate resources and greater financial stability for the UN itself. The triple planetary crisis, climate change, biodiversity, loss and pollution is already affecting peace and security. Environmental degradation, food insecurity, water scarcity and displacement. The Paris Agreement must be fully implemented. The 1.5 degree goal must remain within reach. The transition must be just and no country should be left behind. Food security must also remain at the heart of our collective effort. Conflict and climate shock are driving hunger and malnutrition. San Marino believes that reducing food loss and waste is one practical contribution of a more secure and sustainable food system. We are also entering a new technological era. Artificial intelligence and emerging technology offer enormous opportunity, but they also create new risks. Technology must serve humanity. It must not be used to undermine human rights. international peace or international humanitarian law. The rule must keep peace with innovation. And where new technology creates new risks, our responsibility is not to look away, but to govern them. This is why multilateralism matters. Multilateralism is not an out-of-date idea. It is not only a framework capable of managing an independent world. No country can address today's challenge alone, protect itself from climate change alone, prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons alone, or regulate global technology alone. And no country can build a lasting peace alone. We need cooperation and institutions that work. And we need the political courage to uphold the rule we have created together. Mr. President, for more than 17 centuries, San Marino has showed that a small state can preserve its independence through dialogue, respect for the law, and engagement with the international community. This is why San Marino will continue to defend the United Nations Charter, international law, human rights, and multilateralism. At a time when the world is tempted by division, we must choose cooperation. When force challenge law, we must stand firmly by the law. And when the spirits grow, we must choose peace. San Marino will do its part. Together, we must ensure that the United Nations remain what it was created to be, a shield for the vulnerable, a forum of dialogue, and a guardian of peace, dignity, and international law. Thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Political Affairs, International Economic Cooperation and Digital Transition of San Marino. I now give the floor to His Excellency Abdelkader Hussein Omar, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Government Spokesperson of Djibouti.

At the outset, I should like to convey to this august assembly the greetings of His Excellency Ismael Omar Guelleh, President of the Republic of Djibouti. Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the Republic of Djibouti, to extend my warm congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Khalilur Rahman of Bangladesh on his election as President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, and to wish him every success in carrying out his mandate. I would also like to pay tribute to Her Excellency Madam Annalena Baerbock for her leadership during the last session, which marked the 80th anniversary of our organization. The Republic of Djibouti welcomes the choice of the theme for this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that Delivers for All. This theme is particularly relevant in the current international context. We're living through a critical juncture exacerbated by the proliferation of conflicts, deepening existing crises and the emergence of conflicts and the emergence of new crises with devastating political, economic, humanitarian and security consequences. In the face of these challenges, we must reaffirm the essential mission of the United Nations and strengthen a renewed, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism that takes full account of the interests of all States, large and small. The region that is home to my country also continues to face crises, the consequences of which extend beyond our national borders. Djibouti is following the situation in Yemen with grave concern. We are indeed directly experiencing its effects with the recent arrival in our territory of several thousand people fleeing the violence. This situation is already placing considerable pressure on host communities in the Obock region, as well as on the reception capacity of the Markazai site. Djibouti alone cannot meet the growing needs for shelter, food and essential services. Therefore, we reiterate our appeal to the international community to step up its support so that we can respond adequately to this influx, which, according to UN estimates, could reach up to 10,000 people. In order to prevent this humanitarian crisis from becoming protracted, we renew our call for de-escalation and for a lasting political solution in Yemen to preserve human life. Turning now to Somalia, we remain fully committed to the Somali people and government in their quest to consolidate peace and stability. The international community must preserve the security gains that have been made and continue to support the Somali authorities in fully shouldering their responsibilities and protecting their institutions. In this regard, we recognize the crucial role played by AUSOM in stabilizing the country, as well as the crucial support provided by the United Nations, particularly through UNSOS. We hope that the international community will stand mobilized so as to enable Somalis to assume lasting responsibility for their security, sovereignty, and the preservation of the integrity of their national territory. Turning now to Sudan, Djibouti, in its capacity as current chair of IGAD, welcomes the return of that kindred country to full participation in our regional organization, which is a founding member. We call for de-escalation and the resumption of talks to be prioritized. Only an inclusive political solution that places the Sudanese people at the heart of every initiative will make it possible to restore lasting peace and stability. We also call on foreign actors to refrain from fueling this war through harmful interference. Once again, we extend a hand to our Eritrean neighbor. Djibouti remains convinced that dialogue and negotiation in full respect for international law represent the only path towards a peaceful and definitive settlement of our border dispute and the return of our prisoners of war, who have been held incommunicado for more than 18 years. The Republic of Djibouti further reaffirms its unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people and its full support for their legitimate rights, in particular their inalienable right to the establishment of an independent and sovereign State. We reaffirm our commitment to a two-State solution based on the 1967 borders. with East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine, as the path towards a just and lasting peace. We roundly condemn illegal settlement activity, violence committed against civilians, including by Israeli settlers in the West Bank, forced displacement, and any policy aimed at altering the demographic and territorial reality of the occupied Palestinian territory. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains a tragedy requiring an immediate response from the international community. The protection of civilians must be guaranteed, humanitarian assistance must reach those in need without hindrance, and violations of international humanitarian law must cease and be condemned. Djibouti will continue to support efforts to bring an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people and to ensure that justice, peace and international law prevail. Preserving freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, and more particularly through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, is a major geopolitical and economic issue for regional and global stability. This strategic maritime passage is a vital artery for international trade, and any obstruction to free movement of shipping could seriously affect supply chains and energy security. Although Djibouti has observed no disruption to passage through the strait to date, my country's authorities remain particularly watchful with regard to the current tensions affecting the region. Mr. President, the climate emergency is one of the most pressing challenges facing our international community. For Djibouti, as an African coastal country, this emergency is indivisible from development. Rising sea levels pose a direct and growing threat to our populations and ecosystems. Djibouti, like many developing countries, makes only a marginal contribution to global emissions, yet remains particularly exposed to the consequences of climate disruption. This situation highlights a profound injustice. Those countries that have contributed least to climate change are often those that suffer its most severe consequences. We must therefore accelerate the implementation of the Paris Agreement and strengthen our adaptation and resilience efforts, including through resilient coastal infrastructure, better protection for marine and coastal ecosystems, early warning systems, and simplified, predictable, and equitable access to climate finance. For Djibouti, climate action must not be separated from development. On the contrary, it must help to transform our economies. develop renewable energy, create jobs, and open up new opportunities for investment and innovation. And it's in this spirit that the government is working to operationalize the mechanisms provided for under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement through a robust, transparent, and credible national framework for carbon markets, with a view to mobilizing new resources, attracting investment, promoting technology transfer and strengthening national capacities. This transformation, however, requires resources. Developing countries continue to face high financing costs, external vulnerabilities and limited fiscal space. Access to climate finance and reform of the international financial architecture therefore remain essential. In this regard, the CBI commitment represents an important step forward whose commitments must now be translated into tangible results, including through improved access to concessional financing, enhanced debt sustainability, and increased mobilization of public and private capital for development. We must also strengthen South-South and triangular cooperation in order to share technologies, knowledge, and solutions tailored to the realities of our countries. Africa must not be viewed solely as a region vulnerable to climate change. It should be recognized as an actor that is capable of innovating, proposing solutions, and contributing to the transformation of the global economy. Beyond climate action, the 2030 agenda remains at the heart of our development vision. Djibouti's economy is demonstrating resilience, driven in particular by port and logistics activities. trade, telecommunications, energy and investment. Djibouti intends to consolidate its role as a regional hub while accelerating the diversification of our economy. This ambition can be seen just as recently as this week with the launch of construction work on modern petroleum product storage facilities and transport infrastructure, including oil and gas pipelines in Djibouti, linking Djibouti and Ethiopia. These projects illustrate our ambition to achieve energy sovereignty and security, regional integration and economic transformation. But above all, growth should translate into jobs, social progress and opportunities, particularly for women and young people. We are continuing to invest in education, health, and to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and implement the African Union's Agenda 2063. Both require a collective surge of action. The climate emergency demands action, development demands investment, and peace and humanitarian crises demand solidarity. The digital transition and artificial intelligence also offer new opportunities to accelerate development and improve the capacities of our states. Their potential, however, will only be fully realized if we are able to bridge the digital divide, facilitate technology sharing, and build the capacities of developing countries. And with that in mind, Djibouti supports the beyond GDP intergovernmental process. This seeks to complement traditional economic indicators with measures that better take into account people's well-being, social inclusion and environmental sustainability. Djibouti supports efforts to adapt the UN to contemporary challenges and enhance its effectiveness. But we must make it clear that our organization does not exist merely to balance the books. Rather, it is here to serve our peoples and to give effect to the decisions that we take together. Any reform should continue to be guided by the mandate established by Member States and should preserve the balance between the three pillars: peace and security, development and human rights. As the mandate of the outgoing Secretary-General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, draws to a close, I should like on behalf of my president, His Excellency Ismael Omar Guelleh, to express our profound gratitude for his years of service to the UN. We wish him every success and we sincerely thank him for his invaluable contribution to global peace and justice. Finally, we are following very closely the process to identify the most qualified person to serve as the next Secretary-General of the UN. That selection must be guided by competence, professional integrity and unequivocal commitment to respect for international law and the ability rigorously to implement the reforms on which Member States have collectively agreed. Thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Government's spokesperson of Djibouti. I now give the floor to his excellency Muhammad Haji Hassan, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Malaysia.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Assalamu alaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, I join others in congratulating my friend, His Excellency

to Khalilurrahman on his election as President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Dr. Khalilurrahman, you have Malaysia's full support as you lead this Assembly through a period of profound global uncertainty. Mr. President, indeed, we are meeting at the most challenging time for the UN in many years. The world has become accustomed to crisis. War is escalating. Major power rivalry is sharpening. The international arm control architecture is under strain. New technologies are transforming societies faster than our institution can adapt. But perhaps the greatest danger is not any one crisis. It is the growing belief that an international system cannot solve them. This is the trust deficit confronting the UN today. And Malaysia, Mr. President, believes that we must confront it openly and honestly. Trust can only be restored through concrete action. When international law means what it says, and when the people of the world can look to this hall and believe that their voices still matter. Mr. President, we must remember that the UN is not merely here for the aftermath of war, but to prevent war from taking place. Yet too often, we respond only after disaster has arrived. We count the dead, we deliver supplies, we rebuild what has been destroyed, and then we wait for the next crisis. This cannot be a future of multilateralism. We must move from reaction to prevention. And nowhere is that task more urgent than in Gaza. Mr. President, Malaysia will not stand here and research statistics that everyone in this hall already knows. We all know the scale of death in Gaza. We know how many children, families, medics, aid workers and journalists have been slaughtered. We also know that Gaza represents the highest number of children made orphans in a single conflict. Malaysia and many other member states have exhausted every effort in pursuit of justice for Gaza. We have consistently called for immediate ceasefire and unrestricted supply of aid. We have supported humanitarian works in Palestine. We have pushed for punitive actions towards Israel. And we have advocated for full Palestinian membership in this hall. And yet, again and again, Mr. President, the collective will of this assembly has accounted the silencing effect of the veto. Malaysia will speak plainly, Mr. President. We are sick of it. Mr. President, nowhere is the need for reform more critical than in the Security Council. Nowhere are the shortcomings of the United Nations more glaring than in the Security Council. The exercise of veto must be questioned and strongly challenged by every single member of this General Assembly, particularly in cases of crimes against humanity. Resolution 76/262 has already created an accountability channel between the Council and this Assembly. We must make full use of this resolution as a launchpad for greater accountability regarding the use of veto. Expanding the Council's membership alone will not be enough to resolve its failure. It is the veto that must be challenged, and it is the veto that must be abolished. We must begin the work now. There is still time to save the global order. The paralysis of the Security Council will not be the paralysis of the United Nations. Mr. President, it is fair to say that global trust in the United Nations' ability to deliver is at an all-time low. This in turn demolishes trust in the very idea of the multilateral order. The citizens we serve and represent are afraid, Excellencies. They are watching the world order fragment. They are witnessing the reemergence of armed race. They have heard overt threat over use nuclear weapons, and they are seeing their government choose not to regulate AI and the many ways it is being abused, but instead give it more power. In such chaotic times, the only way to course correct is to rebuild trust in the power of proactive governance and multilateralism. Mr. President, trust comes from the way in which we, as the world leaders, can manage transformation forces. For centuries, Global power was concentrated in states. But today, a new source of power have emerged. A handful of private actors now control how billions of people communicate, work, transact, and consume information. Artificial intelligence is changing how economies cooperate, how societies function, and how governments make decisions. The opportunities are enormous. but also are the risks. We must therefore ask simple question, who governs the transformation? Technology must serve humanity, never the reverse. And the answer cannot be that small number of companies or countries decide the rules for everyone else. The United Nations must continue to empower global south countries who are likely to be more greatly affected by an equitable AI development to participate in global discussion on AI. The global South cannot simply become a destination for data centers while decisions about AI are made elsewhere. We must be partners in innovation, not merely customers and market, and not merely destinations for investment. Partners involved in the decisions that will shape our future. Equitable decision making and equitable development. That means managing the enormous demands that tech infrastructure places on water, energy, land, and other resources so that the benefits of AI can be shared more broadly across the borders. Mr. President, in our hyper-connected world today, indeed, very few things stay where they begin. Technologies are rapidly shared, and they can just as rapidly disrupt. Similarly, war can also travel beyond borders. Across West Asia, escalating conflict threatens some of the world's most important routes for energy and trade, including the Strait of Hormuz, and the Bab al-Mandab. The consequences of conflict do not stop at these shores. A family in Southeast Asia has no part in these disputes, yet that family still pays the price when food, fuel, and cost of living rise. Malaysia therefore urges all parties to step back from escalation. Diplomacy has shown that dialogue is possible, that past must not be abandoned. Or we risk sending further shockwaves through global markets and needlessly bringing suffering to innocent families around the world. Mr. President, most nations in this hall are not great powers, yet Decision taken by few can shape the future for all. We are the global majority. As I said earlier, we must not simply live with the consequences of choices made elsewhere. We must help shape those choices. Middle power size of Malaysia can help keep dialogue alive when major powers cannot agree. Regional organization such as ASEAN, can bring the perspectives of their people into global debates. We must have the confidence to speak for our regions, not be spoken for. Mr. President, I began by speaking about trust. Let me close where I began. The question before us may appear simple, but in truth, it is profound. When people are suffering and when the world looks towards this hall, will this organization still answer the call for which it was created? Actions speak louder than words, my esteemed colleagues. We must restore trust, manage transformation, reform institution that no longer serve current realities, and we must ensure that the rules of the global system apply equally to all. Malaysia will not turn away from the UN in its hour of difficulty. We will not abandon multilateralism just because it is imperfect. We will do the whole work to make it worthy of the trust placed in it, because we believe in multilateralism, most of all when the alternative is a world ruled by power alone. Excellencies, 80 years ago, the founders of this organization resolved to save succeeding generations from war. We are those succeeding generation, and that promise now rests in our hand. The world needs a UN that delivers, one that ensures that international law is truly international and guarantees that every region has a voice. And above all, one that ordinary people can look to in their darkest hour and still believe that it will act, that the world has not forgotten them. Excellencies, before concluding, we would like to offer our most heartfelt gratitude to the Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres. As this will the final session of the General Assembly during his tenure, we thank him for leading the UN with unyielding dedication and patience through many unprecedented global upheavals. These are the qualities we will need to face our future as an organization. And if there is anything that humanity has demonstrated throughout our history, it is our capacity to adapt. My esteemed colleague, Mr. President, let us adapt and prove ourselves worthy of the promise entrusted to us. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Malaysia. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Syed Syed Badr bin Hamad bin Hamood Al-Abousaidi, Foreign Minister of Oman.

Your Excellency, President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, heads and members of delegations, Allow me to extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency Dr. Khalil al-Rahman on his election to preside over this session, wishing him every success in carrying out his duties. Ladies and gentlemen, dialogue is the truest expression of what binds us together. It is also the optimal way to overcome differences, build trust and understanding, and resolve crises. The Sultanate of Oman will continue its steadfast approach to finding peaceful, and consensual solutions to disputes. Based on the values and principles that help us achieve our shared goals of achieving security and stability for all and advancing economic development projects and prosperity, shared prosperity for our peoples. refraining from the use of force and interference in the internal affairs of states, and being guided instead by the Charter of the United Nations and international law, and respecting the sovereignty and independence of states, can provide a sound framework that governs international relations and that builds trust and constructive cooperation among states. Distinguished heads and members of delegations, honourable delegates. At the beginning of this year, our region witnessed a war that could have been avoided. Subsequent events have shown that the escalation has extended to threaten the security of the countries of the region and paralyze navigation and trade through the vital Strait of Hormuz, affecting energy security, price stability, and confidence in the current international order. the Sultanate of Oman once again reaffirms its steadfast commitment to continuing its efforts aimed at safeguarding navigation in the Strait of Hormuz in accordance with the principles of international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We also call upon all parties to cooperate with Oman in these efforts aimed at safeguarding the interests of all parties relying on transit through the Strait of Hormuz. The Sultanate of Oman renews its solidarity with all neighboring countries, including the Member States of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the legitimate measures they take to maintain their security and protect their sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, we call upon all parties concerned to settle their outstanding disputes through pursuing a policy of self-restraint and foresight, and through engaging in dialogue to reach consensual political solutions and sustainable understandings for the benefit of all. The Government of the Sultanate of Oman renews its support for reaching a political solution to the crisis in Yemen, one that preserves the unity, stability, and territorial integrity of this great country, one that meets the aspirations of all components of the brotherly Yemeni people, one that puts Yemen on the path of reconstruction, development and prosperity. In this context, we renew our call upon all parties to cooperate with one another, to engage positively with one another, to reach a just settlement to this crisis, one that preserves the rights and dignity of the Yemeni people, one that preserves the independence and territorial integrity of Yemen, and one that ensures stable relations with neighboring states in the region. The Sultanate of Oman reaffirms its firm rejection of the ongoing Israeli attacks against numerous Arab states. We also express our condemnation of the crimes of the Israeli occupation and its increasing violations against the Palestinian people, which have compounded the suffering of the Palestinian people in its struggle to obtain its legitimate rights and liberate its land within the borders of June 4, 1967, based on the two-state solution and relevant United Nations resolutions. Honorable Delegates, the Sultanate of Oman launched the Muscat Plan to counter hate speech, genocide, atrocity crimes, and incitement to atrocity crimes through an initiative inaugurated by His Excellency, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and with broad international participation here at United Nations headquarters in New York on the 11th of June 2026. Building on this approach, the city of Muscat will host next November, God willing, an event marking the International Day of Tolerance. as part of a path we hope will lead to further initiatives and partnerships in cooperation with the international community and the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Sultanate of Oman attaches great importance to sustainable development and sustainable development goals. We believe that development is indeed an inherent right for all. My government continues to implement its development plans and programs within the Oman Vision 2040. We also continue to empower women's active participation and contribution to the development process and decision making. Women are an integral part of the sustainable development process and should not be viewed solely as a goal of development efforts. We therefore allocated 11 permanent and elected seats for women in the Omani Shura Council. In the environmental field, the Sultanate of Oman continues its efforts to implement its national strategy towards transition to a low carbon economy through a broad package of projects and initiatives in renewable energy and initiatives in transport, industry and sustainable cities to support national efforts to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. In conclusion, We once again express our gratitude and appreciation to His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his tireless and courageous efforts to uphold truth and justice in accordance with the United Nations Charter and international law. We affirm once again our support and cooperation with the United Nations to achieve its noble goals and purposes, to establish a world that is more secure, more stable and more prosperous, Thank you, and may the peace, mercy, and blessings of God be upon you.

I thank the foreign minister of Oman. I now give the floor to Her Excellency, Mary Edith Tassila Yana Moubi, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in charge of integration and the diaspora of Gabon.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. United Nations Secretary-General, Excellencies, Heads of Delegation, Ladies and Gentlemen. President of the General Assembly, Allow me to begin by conveying to you the warm congratulations of His Excellency Mr. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, President of the Gabonese Republic, on your outstanding election to preside over this 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish to assure you right now of my delegation's full support and express the hope that your term of office will be marked by a spirit of listening and dialogue and by the tireless pursuit of compromise in the service of international peace and cooperation. As the Secretary-General of the UN, Antonio Guterres, comes to the end of his second term, the President of the Gabonese Republic pays special tribute to him for his steadfast commitment to multilateralism and to upholding the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Ladies and gentlemen, Gabon fully aligns itself with the theme for this session, "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All." This theme comes at a pivotal time in international history. Our world is beset by numerous, profound and interconnected crises. Armed conflicts are becoming more protracted, geopolitical tensions are intensifying, inequalities persist, climate change is accelerating and humanitarian emergencies are multiplying. These challenges are compounded by the economic and social consequences of successive crises, food insecurity, the forced displacement of populations, the risks associated with cybercrime, and the upheavals brought about by emerging technologies. These realities are severely testing the international community's ability to act together. In this uncertain environment, there is one value that can still guide us, trust. For Gabon, restoring trust among nations requires more than ever a return to the fundamental principles of international law in general and of the Charter of the United Nations in particular. In this spirit, my country reaffirms its commitment to the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of States and to the respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Against this backdrop, Gabon once again welcomes the adoption of resolution 2797 of 2025, which has injected fresh impetus into the settlement of the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara, based exclusively on the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty. Mr. President, restoring trust depends above all on concrete action that enables us to address together global challenges relating to peace and security, climate change, sustainable development and pandemics. Accordingly, in the face of human tragedies across the world and particularly in Africa, greater collective engagement is essential. This need for inclusiveness is particularly important in the Gulf of Guinea, a maritime area whose importance to international trade is growing by the day. Consequently, Gabon calls for a substantial strengthening of security in this strategic area, which represents a foundation for shared prosperity. Mr. President, Gabon, in its capacity as member of the African Union's Peace and Security Council, stresses the urgent need to implement UN Security Council Resolution 2719 on the financing of peacekeeping operations. on the continent. Fulfilling this commitment would help consolidate peace in Africa and strengthen cooperation between the UN Security Council and the AU's Peace and Security Council. Trust also depends on honouring commitments made at the regional level. Under the leadership of His Excellency, Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, President of the Republic, Head of State and Head of Government, Gabon has made dialogue, peace and respect for its international commitments, the guiding principles of its diplomatic action. Ladies and gentlemen, managing transformation as the theme of our session calls on us to do, also means knowing how to guide change at the national level. In this regard, under the leadership of the President of the Republic, Gabon is continuing its social, environmental and economic transformation as set out in our National Growth and Development Plan, the PNCD, for 2026-2030. This development plan also stresses improving the living conditions of our people, particularly through new administrative, hospital and educational infrastructure in keeping with the Sustainable Development Goals. In light of all of the above, my country calls for a renewed partnership based on mutual respect, shared responsibility and concrete commitments. Such a partnership must promote the local processing of our natural resources, the diversification of our economy, technology transfer and the strengthening of national capacities. President Restoring trust also involves reforming the international financial architecture, making it more equitable, inclusive and better tailored to today's challenges. Without this reform, it is becoming almost impossible to mobilize development funding, particularly green finance. Gabon, a country with extensive forest cover and a low deforestation rate, as well as being a major carbon sink, therefore calls for greater recognition of its contribution to global climate regulation and the ecosystem services that it provides to humanity. These must be properly valued and give rise to fair, adequate, predictable and sustainable financing. Mr. President. While it's true that digital transformation offers considerable opportunities, it also entails risk, infringements of privacy, disinformation, cyber crime, and the irresponsible use of emerging technologies. The absence of an effective international legal framework leaves the way open for all of these abuses to arise, posing a direct threat to the security of our states and the fundamental rights of our citizens. Having already suffered from these various pernicious effects, Gabon has had to introduce more appropriate and secure regulation of the digital and artificial intelligence sectors through temporary and proportionate measures motivated solely by the imperative of protecting our citizens. Our aim remains to build an open and secure digital ecosystem that respects freedoms and is fully consistent with our international commitments. Mr. President, if the United Nations is to deliver results for all, it cannot ignore historical debts. Gabon therefore welcomes the adoption of UN General Assembly resolution 80/250 on the African slave trade, characterizing it as the gravest crime against humanity. An organization that delivers results must also be able to reform itself from within. The UN must therefore demonstrate its ability to adapt to the international context and effectively address the challenges facing the world. This commitment to institutional transformation must take into account the urgent need to reform the Security Council. Indeed, Africa must take its rightful place within the very restricted circle of permanent members. For Gabon, there can be no legitimate global governance without equitable African participation in decisions concerning international peace and security. Mr. President, Gabon's vision is one of inclusive and reformed multilateralism that takes into account the aspirations of peoples, particularly women and young people. It is within this framework that the fundamental right of every state to chart its own course must be guaranteed. And, pursuant to this principle, Gabon here wishes to reaffirm its support for Cuba. Gabon joins the repeated calls by numerous States for the lifting of the embargo. Mr. President, I wish to conclude by saying that Gabon, faithful to its regional and international commitments and confident in a more peaceful future for all, founded on trust, intends to contribute to building a new global order that is more peaceful, more just, more equitable, and more united. Thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in charge of integration and the diaspora of Gabon. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Anita Anand, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Canada.

Mr. President, Excellencies, colleagues, and friends. Bonjour. I was born in Nova Scotia on Canada's east coast and grew up there, the daughter of immigrants. Nova Scotians all know the same thing. The tide does not wait. You must move with it. The tide has turned in the global order as well. As Canadian historian Margaret MacMillan has observed, we have arrived in a new age of disorder. We are facing a rupture, not a transition. Great powers are walking away from global economic cooperation, dismantling economic integration. Great powers want the rest of us to accept what we are offered. And too often, state sovereignty, the cornerstone of the UN Charter, has been treated with disdain. We are facing serious challenges in the global order. But at their core, Canadians and billions of others around the world want to live peaceful, prosperous and predictable lives. That is why, in the face of this rupture, Canada's goal is to achieve greater strategic autonomy, greater autonomy to make our own choices and to determine our own sovereign future. We can no longer afford to be overly reliant on any one partner. Instead, we are diversifying our ties and building stronger relationships with new and old partners alike, so that our people can enjoy peace and prosperity. We will prioritize decisive, effective action by forging issue-based coalitions of nations that share a sense of urgency on common challenges. We believe that these coalitions are the most flexible, effective, and immediate way to address emerging global challenges. We are already forming these coalitions with small states, middle powers, and great powers alike. Through the Coalition of the Willing, Canada is working with over 30 allies and partners to bolster Ukraine and defend against further Russian aggression. And in regional groupings like the Arctic Seven and the Nordic-Baltic Eight, Canada and our Arctic allies are cooperating to keep our region stable and secure. To this end, I welcome Secretary Rubio's convening of the Arctic Seven earlier this week.

At a time when we are forming new coalitions, we should also strengthen the multilateral system. This is why Canada and our partners throughout the entire world have started a new initiative entitled Partners for Multilateralism. This initiative seeks to support United Nations reform and reform of other institutions to make them more representative, more effective, and more trustworthy.

A policy of values-based realism. Understanding the world as it is, we will make the right choices for Canadians while being guided by our values. We will diversify our ties. We will work with trusted partners to strengthen our strategic capabilities, especially in emerging technologies, critical minerals, defence production, and clean and conventional energy. And we will lead other middle powers to act collectively and decisively, because middle powers are playing a key role in building the framework for the new international order, which is being established as we speak. In the economic realm, Canada is focused on what we can control, building a stronger economy, diversifying our trade, and catalyzing a trillion dollars of investment in Canada over the next five years. We are exploring new opportunities with partners in the Indo-Pacific, the Gulf region, and Latin America. This includes building renewed partnerships with large economies like India and China.

We are strengthening ties between Canada and Europe. Alongside the European Union, we are building an alliance for the future. Thanks to our strategy for Africa, we are boosting our trade links with our African partners. we are making concrete progress. Canadian exports to markets outside of North America have significantly increased.

This year, Canada has secured more than 20 new economic and defence partnerships. And at the first ever Canada Investment Summit, Earlier this month, we secured nearly $500 billion in new financing commitments to investment in Canada. As an energy superpower, we are providing energy supplies to many of our partners around the world while supporting the transition to a more environmentally sustainable future. Because in a rapidly changing world, Canada is a reliable partner, and we are ready to work together. We are also ready to work together on enhancing international security. Canada is stepping up and taking greater responsibility for our own defense. We are making the largest defense investments in generations, allocating over $80 billion in last year's federal budget. We are now spending over 2% of our GDP on defence, and we are building toward NATO's 5% pledge by 2035. These investments are strengthening our ability to protect Canada and to contribute to peace and security around the world. Canada is an Arctic nation, and the Arctic is central to our identity, our security, and our future. The Arctic is a region of growing competition, and for many Canadians, it is simply home.

This is why we are investing in Arctic security in consultation with Indigenous peoples. Their participation is a key element of our commitment to reconciliation.

As we mark the 30th anniversary of the Arctic Council, we continue to strive for a region of cooperation. And to this end, Canada has opened a new consulate in Nuuk, Greenland, and we are strengthening our ties with our Arctic partners. Canada welcomes the recent agreement between Greenland, Denmark, and the United States to strengthen security in Greenland and the High North. This agreement is yet another reminder that North America and Europe are stronger together. And as a founding member of NATO, our commitment to the transatlantic alliance is ironclad. Alongside our NATO allies, Canada remains resolute in our support for Ukraine. We share Ukraine's commitment to restoring a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, one based on respect for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Canada is dedicated to advancing the unconditional return of Ukrainian children, unlawfully detained civilians and prisoners of war. Next week, I will host with Norway and Ukraine a conference on this urgent issue in Toronto. And Canada, with Ukraine, will continue to work together to support safe and secure navigation in the Black Sea by strengthening Ukraine's port infrastructure and disrupting and deterring the illegal activities of Russia's shadow fleet. Canada is also a Pacific nation, and we are absolutely committed to a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. We have increased our naval presence in the Indo-Pacific and are offering the Dark Vessel Detection Program to our partners. We will continue to implement UN Security Council sanctions against North Korea. And by working with our regional partners, we are cracking down on transnational crime, including scam centers. Canada's position on Iran is unequivocal. Iran is the principal threat to peace and security in its region. It must never acquire a nuclear weapon. Its threats to navigation rights in the Strait of Hormuz are a direct affront to international law. We join our Gulf and European partners in strongly condemning Iran's attacks in the region. And Canada is deploying every available tool including targeted sanctions that I announced this week to confront the Iranian regime's abhorrent behavior. Here at the United Nations, Canada will again lead the resolution in this very room, in the General Assembly, on human rights in Iran, because we stand firmly with the Iranian people against repression and for human rights, dignity, and aspirations for a better life.

Near a home, the people of Haiti deserve stability, security, and the opportunity to build a better future. We commend the many countries who proposed their assistance to the gang suppression force, in particular the United States. Even if the population in Haiti is still facing significant challenges, we're encouraged by the measures taken by the government of Haiti to prepare for the elections, a sign of progress and hope. Throughout the world, Canada will remain a voice that can be trusted, to defend maritime security, international law, and the responsible development of artificial intelligence.

We will continue to speak out against the unacceptable rise in hatred, including anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, which are plagues that our countries must fight together. We were tragically reminded of the scourge of anti-Semitism again when a gunman carried out an attack on a synagogue in Belleville, Ontario, on the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. As Canada navigates this global rupture, our response is grounded in our highest principles. Canada is an open, pluralistic society with a public square full of robust and civil debate. Our success is underpinned by this civility, by our democratic institutions, and by respect for our differences. As Prime Minister Carney recently observed, we are a steady partner when predictability is at a premium.

Canada's candidacy for the Human Rights Council for 2028 to 2030 bears witness to our values and to the nations represented here. We would be honored to be able to count on your support. The rule of law is one of the pillars of our society in Canada. and it guides our action abroad. Canada's commitment to human rights and international law is strong. This includes our support for those institutions that defend these principles, such as the International Criminal Court.

Canada remains unequivocally committed to the Charter of the United Nations, which Canada helped to shape. Article 1, sub 2 of the UN Charter underlines a foundational principle of this institution, the self-determination of peoples. And let us be clear, self-determination is a right to which both Israelis and Palestinians are entitled. Canada firmly believes that lasting peace and security can be achieved only through a negotiated two-state solution. That means a Palestinian state living alongside Israel in peace, security, and dignity. Israel's right to exist is not up for debate. And the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination in a state of their own is also not up for debate. The two-state solution remains the guiding principle of our Middle East policy, and our actions are calibrated to support this outcome. Alongside our partners, we will continue to target those who lead, arm, and finance Hamas and other terrorist organizations who threaten the security of Israel and the broader region. Hamas must play no role in the governance of Palestine. Israel's settlements in the West Bank are illegal under international law and an obstacle to peace. That is why Canada announced earlier this month that we intend to restrict trade in goods with illegal Israeli settlements. No.

We will also continue to provide vital humanitarian assistance to civilians in need. In order to respond to the urgent humanitarian crisis in Sudan, we recently announced financing to the tune of $120 million to help the affected people. From Lebanon to Haiti to Gaza and elsewhere, We are supporting efforts to reduce poverty, to strengthen resilience, to promote gender equality, to defend the rights of LGBTQ2I persons and create economic opportunities. The United Nations system plays an essential role in this regard. But the UN is not and must not be a static organization. While the UN is experiencing major changes, we should ensure that it is ready for the future. We would like to thank Mr. Antonio Guterres for his efforts over the past decade. We are very much looking forward to cooperating with the new Secretary-General, be that a man or a woman. Mr. President, distinguished colleagues.

Looks very different today than it did when I was growing up in rural Nova Scotia. The tide has turned. We could spend our time wishing that it had not. But to indulge in nostalgia or to give in to despair would be to let our people down. That's not an option. Instead, Canada chooses to move with confidence and strength. Though some would build higher walls and retreat from international engagement, We believe that long-term partnerships are the way to prosperity and security. Though some are turning away from the principles of the United Nations, we remain committed to them. And though some would rather ignore the rupture that we see before our very eyes, we are willing to see the world as it is. Rather than yearn for days gone by, let us together take this opportunity to do right by our people and build together. This is the path that Canada will take, and we invite you to join us in partnership. Thank you. Merci. Miigwech.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Canada. I now give the floor to Her Excellency, Kamina Johnson-Smith, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Jamaica.

Mr. President. On behalf of the government and people of Jamaica, I congratulate you on your election as President of this 81st session of the General Assembly and assure you of Jamaica's full support. I also commend your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, for her stewardship of the Assembly during the historic 80th session. And to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, I convey Jamaica's profound appreciation for your steadfast leadership through a decade of extraordinary global uncertainty. Mr. President, your theme for this session could hardly be more timely, because today, trust is in short supply. Wars and conflicts are devastating communities and displacing millions. Geopolitical tensions are deepening. Climate change is destroying lives, livelihoods, and decades of development in a matter of hours. New technologies, including artificial intelligence, offer extraordinary promise while presenting risks we have not yet fully understood. And at the very moment when collective action is most needed, confidence in multilateralism itself is being tested. Jamaica's position is clear. The shortcomings of multilateralism cannot be solved by abandoning multilateralism. For small states like ours, a rules-based international order is not an abstract diplomatic preference. It is fundamental to our sovereignty, our security, and our development. But neither can we safeguard multilateralism simply by defending it. We must reform it. We must make it more representative, more accountable, more efficient, and more responsive to the needs and realities of the people it was created to serve. That is why Jamaica has chosen not merely to call for reform, but to help lead it. Our Permanent Representative was privileged to co-chair with New Zealand the UN80 Initiative's informal ad hoc working group on mandate implementation review. That work culminated in General Assembly resolution 80/251, an important framework for improving how UN mandates are created, implemented and reviewed. Jamaica now continues that work alongside Norway. Our objective is straightforward. A United Nations that spends less time sustaining process for its own sake and more time fulfilling its purpose. That is the multilateralism Jamaica believes in. Mr. President, the selection of the next Secretary-General will be one of the most consequential decisions before Member States this year. Jamaica proudly joins our CARICOM family in supporting the candidacy of Her Excellency, Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. Her candidacy also speaks to something larger. Small states have long served the international system as bridge builders, consensus makers.

and problem solvers. We learned very early that influence does not depend only on size or power. It can come from credibility, from dialogue, from principle, and the capacity to bring people together. These are the strengths which our multilateral system needs now more than ever. Mr. President, for Jamaica, the consequences of global challenges are not theoretical. On the 28th of October last year, Hurricane Melissa struck our island. In a matter of hours, the most catastrophic hurricane in our modern history inflicted damage and loss estimated at 56.7% of our GDP. Think about that. In a matter of hours, more than half the value of an entire year of national economic output was damaged or lost. A single event. Jamaica had prepared. Years of fiscal discipline had allowed us to build buffers. We had put in place disaster risk financing, including catastrophe insurance, and an independently sponsored catastrophe bond. Those measures gave us immediate liquidity. But no level of prudent national planning can fully insulate a small developing state from a climate event of that magnitude. And therein lies the fundamental inequity faced by small island developing states. We can do everything right. In fact, Jamaica's reforms balanced economic orthodoxy with innovation and expanded support for the most vulnerable. And yet one hurricane could erase decades of progress. We are deeply grateful to our international partners, our CARICOM family, our Jamaican diaspora, and the thousands of individuals and organizations which stood with us during our hour of need. Jamaica has not simply resolved to recover. We have resolved to rebuild better and differently. Our resilience must not be measured by how much suffering we can withstand. It must be measured by how well we prepare, how quickly we recover, how intelligently we adapt, and whether we emerge stronger. That is why the government of Prime Minister Andrew Holness established the National Reconstruction and Resilience Authority, NARA. Its mandate is to drive reconstruction at speed and scale, to coordinate major infrastructure projects, crowd in investment, and critically, to embed resilience in the Jamaica we are rebuilding. We're not simply replacing what Melissa has destroyed. We are building the Jamaica that must withstand the storms of tomorrow. We've also submitted our updated nationally determined contribution, completed our long-term strategy for a low-carbon, climate-resilient future, and advanced our national adaptation plan. But national ambition must be matched by international action. We must revive 1.5. Climate finance must become more accessible, affordable, and predictable. And the international financial architecture must finally recognize what SIDS have so long argued. Income alone does not and cannot measure vulnerability. A country does not become less vulnerable to hurricanes and other natural disasters because its per capita income has crossed an arbitrary threshold. We therefore continue to advocate for the use of measures that go beyond GDP, including multidimensional vulnerability indices, in determining access to concessional and development finance. Mr. President, Jamaica brings this message to the international community from a position not only of vulnerability, but one of responsibility. Over the past decade, we have undertaken difficult reforms and made difficult decisions. Our debt, which once stood at more than 140% of GDP, was brought down to 62% before Melissa, with unemployment then at a historic low of 3.4%. We built macroeconomic stability, strengthened investor confidence, and created the fiscal space that ultimately helped us respond to the greatest natural disaster in our modern history. We are proud and heartened that, notwithstanding Melissa, Jamaica's credit ratings have either been stabilized or upgraded, and unemployment still stands at a relative low of 3.7%. Those gains did not happen by accident. They required discipline, partnership, sacrifice, consistency, and long-term planning. Our experience has taught us that the strongest response to a crisis begins long before the crisis arrives, in the choices we make, the institutions we build, and the buffers we create. Jamaica will continue to take responsibility for the things within our control, but domestic responsibility must be matched by international solidarity and cooperation. Developing countries cannot reasonably be expected to simultaneously finance climate adaptation, modernize infrastructure, strengthen social protection, manage debt, absorb external shocks, and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals without an international financial system responsive to their realities. We do not ask to be relieved of responsibility. We ask for an international system that gives responsible countries the space and support to succeed. Mr. President, that opportunity increasingly depends on technology. Jamaica sees digital transformation and responsible artificial intelligence as powerful tools. They can enhance productivity, innovation, and sustainable development for our people. Indeed, they can be an equalizing force for the world. We must therefore not allow AI to deepen old inequalities and create an entirely new global divide. Developing countries require investment in infrastructure, skills and capacity. And all countries require governance frameworks that safeguard privacy and intellectual property, ensure data integrity, and promote the ethical and responsible use of emerging technologies without stifling innovation. The Pact for the Future, the Global Digital Compact, and the Abbas provide important foundations. Our task now as a global community is to translate commitments into action. Mr. President, development also requires peace and security. For Jamaica and our wider Caribbean region, transnational organized crime remains a serious threat. Last year, from this very podium, Prime Minister Andrew Holness called for a global war on gangs, a coordinated international effort capable of matching the reach, financing, and sophistication of transnational criminal networks. Jamaica reiterates that call today. Illicit firearms do not manufacture themselves in our communities, they cross borders. Criminal money crosses borders. Criminal networks exploit technology and operate across borders. Our response must therefore also cross borders. We call for stronger cooperation in firearms tracing and interdiction, intelligence and information sharing, financial investigations, and law enforcement capacity building. We also urge major arms and forcing in exporting states to strengthen export controls and post the delivery verification. At home, Jamaica has invested heavily in our security forces, strengthened the legislation, enhanced intelligence gathering, oversight, and transformed policing. The results are remarkable by any standard. In 2025, Jamaica recorded its lowest number of homicides in more than three decades. And in 2026, with even further reductions, the Global Peace Index ranked Jamaica the most peaceful country in the Caribbean. We recognize that there remains work to be done, but the direction is clear. And our objective is not merely fewer crimes. It is a durable ecosystem of peace in which every Jamaican can feel safe, raise a family, do business, and fulfill his or her potential, and retire in paradise. Mr. President, nowhere in our region is the challenge of criminal gangs more devastating than in our CARICOM sister nation of Haiti. Jamaica stands firmly with the Haitian people. We urge sustained international support for the Gang Suppression Force, the Haitian National Police, and its armed forces. This support must include the financial, logistical, and operational resources necessary to restore security. We further call for the Security Council to renew the mandate of the GSF at this imperfect but particularly critical juncture. We are at a crossroads. We can either lose gains or we can build on progress made. The international community must send an unequivocal message. Armed gangs cannot be allowed to determine Haiti's future, nor that of the region. Security must create the space for sustained humanitarian relief, developmental and economic progress. But even more foundationally, security must create the space for political stability, democratic governance, and credible elections led and owned by the Haitian people. Mr. President, the suffering of the Cuban people is of deep concern to Jamaica. We encourage domestic reform and greater integration of Cuba into the international economic system. supported by policies that create pathways for progress and eliminating the dire humanitarian crisis, rather than perpetuating isolation under the blockade. We call for continued dialogue and constructive engagement. Mr. President, Jamaica also remains deeply concerned by the terrible human cost of armed conflicts across the world. Wherever conflict occurs, our principles must remain consistent. International humanitarian law must be respected. Civilians must be protected. International law and the Charter of the United Nations must be upheld. And diplomacy must remain our first and most persistent instrument for resolving disputes. Respect for international law, including due regard for the decisions of the International Court of Justice, is indispensable to the peaceful international order on which small states depend. Mr. President, Jamaica believes that reparatory justice is, at its heart, about truth, acknowledgement, justice, repair, compensation, development, and reconciliation. Jamaica not only supported the General Assembly resolution put forward by Ghana on March 25th of this year, but we also delivered to Buckingham Palace a petition framing critical questions on the matter of reparations. The petition has now been referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Mister President, 64 years after Jamaica proudly raised our black, green, and gold flag as politically independent nation. We remain clear eyed about the world around us. We know it's dangerous. But we also believe deeply in its possibilities. The United Nations must change if it is to remain credible. Jamaica supports the revitalization of this General Assembly, meaningful reform of the Security Council, and greater coherence, efficiency, and accountability across the United Nations system. Reform is not an act of disloyalty to this institution. Reform is how we preserve it. Ultimately, however, Mr. President, multilateralism must mean something beyond these walls. For a small state like Jamaica, its value is felt when our people are safer, when opportunity is expanded, when vulnerability does not become a barrier to development, when countries that have acted responsibly are not penalized for shocks they did not create, and when the voice of a small nation carries the same dignity as that of a large one. That is why Jamaica remains committed to this institution, not because it is perfect, but because we are grateful for what it has achieved and we believe in what it can become. Small states can help lead that effort. Our own journey has taught us that vulnerability need not mean helplessness, that discipline creates resilience, that partnership multiplies possibility, and that even in moments of profound crisis, nations can choose to build forward. So let us restore trust through what we do. Let us manage transformation with purpose. Let us bring the same seriousness to preventing crises that we do to responding to them. And let us never lose sight of the simple idea on which this institution was founded, that nations working together can achieve what none of us can achieve alone. That is the United Nations Jamaica believes in. and that is the United Nations we will continue to work towards reforming and renewing. I thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Jamaica. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Elisa Maria dos Santos Amado Vaz, Minister of State.

And for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and Communities of Sao Tome and Principe.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, Heads of State and Government, ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honor for me to take the floor before this Assembly on behalf of the Government and the people of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. Allow me first of all to congratulate his excellency, Mr. Kadi Loul Rahman, on his election as President of the 81st session of the General Assembly and to wish him every success in the discharge of his duties. I would also like to express our appreciation to her excellency, Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for the work accomplished during the previous session of the General Assembly. Allow me to pay tribute to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, for his commitment to peace, sustainable development, human rights, and the strengthening of multilateralism at a time of great challenges. Excellencies, we live in a context marked by conflicts geopolitical rivalries, economic uncertainty, climate change, forced displacement, inequalities, transnational crime, and rapid technological transformation. No state can face challenges of this magnitude alone. For Sao Tome and Principe, this reality underscores the importance of an international order based on the charter of the United Nations, international law, and the sovereign equality of states with principles applied universally and consistently. As a small island nation, we stand as a consolidated democracy and a state governed by the rule of law, grounded in peace, stability, and harmonious coexistence among our citizens. It is on the basis of this experience that we reaffirm our confidence in dialogue, diplomacy, cooperation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. President, for small island developing states, geographic, economic, financial, and social vulnerabilities are compounded by the effects of climate change. In Sao Tome and Principe, these impacts are already affecting our coastal areas, infrastructure, marine resources, and livelihoods, despite our negligible contribution to global emissions. This reality reflects a profound climate injustice. Sao Tome and Principe, therefore, reaffirms its commitments under the Paris Agreement, its nationally determined contribution, and its national adaptation plan, while stressing that their implementation requires adequate, predictable, and accessible resources. We also maintain that the vulnerability of small island states should be assessed beyond per capita income, taking into account their specific characteristics and structural constraints. In this context, we call for the multidimensional vulnerability index to be translated into concrete eligibility criteria for concessional financing. We likewise advocate for the full operationalization of the fund for responding to loss and damage and simpler, more effective access to the Green Climate Fund. The limited institutional capacity of vulnerable countries must not become an obstacle to accessing the very instruments created to support them. In the case of Saint Thomas and Principe, this issue is particularly relevant following our graduation to middle income country status, which was an important milestone and a recognition of the progress achieved in human development. It nonetheless requires appropriate transition measures capable of consolidating these gains and shielding the country from external shocks. It is as part of this effort of consolidation and that the energy transition finds its place. A transition that is for us an economic, financial, social, and environmental necessity. In an island economy dependent on imported fuel, the cost and reliability of electricity affect every sector. The implementation of our energy transition program and the National Energy Compact should contribute to a cleaner, more affordable, secure, and stable system, but it will require investment and international partnerships. Excellencies, food security and the strengthening of productive capacity are urgent priorities. We seek to reduce our dependence on imports, increase national production and ensure better market access for farmers, so that a greater share of the value generated by quality products such as cocoa and coffee remains in the country. If the land is essential to our food security, the sea and our biodiversity represent one of the broadest horizons for our development. The recognition of our territory by UNESCO as a World Biosphere Reserve confirms the exceptional value of our natural heritage, reinforces our responsibility to protect it and make the most of it. We aim to turn this wealth into opportunities for sustainable development through fisheries, the blue economy, research, and nature-based tourism that generates jobs and income for local communities. At the same time, in the face of threats posed by illegal fishing and transnational crime, Sao Tome and Principe will continue to work with the states of the region and international partners to strengthen maritime security and promote a sustainable blue economy, thus preserving our resources for future generations. The preservation of these resources and the building of sustainable development ultimately depend on people and on the opportunities afforded to them. The future of Sao Tome and Principe hinges on our ability to create opportunities for the next generation. Our priority is to ensure that young people have the conditions to study, work, start businesses, innovate, and fulfill their life aspirations in their own country. In a nation of our size, every talent counts, and every young person is an indispensable force for national progress. Likewise, the Santomean diaspora is an essential part of our human wealth and a strategic partner of the country. We will continue to strengthen its ties with Santomean Principi and to create the conditions for an even greater contribution to investment, entrepreneurship, knowledge, transfer, and national life. Mister President, creating opportunities and ensuring truly inclusive development require strong institutions capable of guaranteeing peace, justice, respect for human rights, and the participation of all in the life of the country. There can be no sustainable development without these conditions, nor without the full participation of women and men in political, economic, and social life. It is in this context that 2026 is a year of particular significance for Santomean democracy. On July 19th, our citizens took part in presidential elections, which were conducted peacefully and transparently and led to the re-election of His Excellency Mr. Carlos Villanova as President of the Republic. On September 27, the people of Sao Tome and Principe will return to the polls for the legislative, local, and regional elections and will exercise their right to vote in large numbers. These elections are marked by important innovations, notably automatic voter registration and the first application of the parity law. which is a significant step towards strengthening the inclusion and participation of women. With women accounting for 41.4% of confirmed candidacies above the legal threshold of 40%, they will be able to assert a growing presence in decision-making spaces. Sao Tome and Principe reaffirms its commitment to constitutional order political pluralism, fundamental freedoms, and respect for the sovereign will of its citizens, and will continue to pursue reforms aimed at strengthening justice, security, gender equality, human rights, and trust in institutions. Inclusion and equality must also guide our response to the great transformations of our time. In the face of the rapid advance of artificial intelligence and the digital transition, Sao Tome and Principe calls for international cooperation that enables developing countries to access the technology, knowledge, infrastructure, and financing they need. We advocate responsible technology governance centered on human dignity, transparency, and fundamental rights. so that innovation translates into better opportunities and services for all. Excellencies, the experience of Sao Tome and Principe as a small democracy also shapes the way we view representation at the international level. Africa today occupies a demographic, economic, and political place that is not yet adequately reflected in the institutions where the most far-reaching decisions are taken. It is in this area that reform of the Security Council becomes imperative. This is not a concession to Africa, it is a matter of legitimacy, justice, and effectiveness. An institution responsible for international peace and security cannot remain indefinitely based on a distribution of power inherited from another area. In the pursuit of greater historical justice and representation, Sao Tome and Principe therefore welcomes the recent decisions that recognize the historical gravity of the transatlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans and promoted a more accurate cartographic representation of the size of the continents, correcting distortions that visually diminished Africa. These acts of recognition must translate into an international order in which Africa participates fully in shaping the future, rather than remaining merely in the position of responding to the decisions taken elsewhere. Mr. President, peace remains the very raison d'etre of the multilateral system. Saint Thomas in principle. follows with concern the conflicts in Ukraine, the Sudan, the Sahel, the Great Lakes region, the Horn of Africa, and the Middle East, and calls for stronger diplomacy and the protection of civilians in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law. We likewise call for respect for international humanitarian law, full humanitarian access, and the release of hostages. We reaffirm our support for a two-state solution that allows Israel and Palestine to live side by side in peace and security on the basis of international law and the relevant United Nations resolutions. We also follow with concern the persistence of the economic, commercial, and financial restrictions affecting Cuba. and call for their lifting for the benefit of the development and well-being of the Cuban people, to whom we express our solidarity. Excellencies, Sao Tome and Principe will remain faithful to the Charter of the United Nations, international law, peace, human rights, and multilateralism, standing as a voice of dialogue and moderation, and as a committed partner for stability in the Gulf of Guinea. On the eve of the elections in Sao Tome and Principe, it is important to acknowledge the progress made. In a challenging context, the government has launched reforms and made advances in infrastructure, the energy transition, digitalization, and investment attraction, creating the conditions to mobilize resources needed to meet our population's most pressing needs. particularly in access to health, water, sanitation, justice and security, environmental protection, and the infrastructure essential to development. aligned with the national strategy based on sustainable tourism 2026-2040. We thank all of our bilateral and multilateral partners who are supporting Sao Tome and Principe in this process. However, the challenge before us is to turn these advances into concrete and lasting results. consolidating the foundations for more inclusive, sustainable, and resilient development. For each, ensuring continuity and stability of governance is paramount. Mr. President, our vulnerabilities as a small island developing state do not define our horizon. We therefore reaffirm our determination to turn challenges into opportunities, through strategic partnerships based on shared responsibility and mutual benefit. And we reaffirm our capacity to contribute to peace, uphold the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and participate responsibly in building solutions to the challenges we collectively face. We call on all member states to continue building together a more representative, supportive, and just international order, founded on respect for the sovereignty of states, international law, and equality of opportunity. It is in this spirit of peace, dialogue, and hope that Sao Tome and Principe will continue to shoulder its responsibility within the international community. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank Saint Thomas and Principe.

Thank you. I now give the.

Floor to His Excellency, Mr. Malambo, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Zambia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency.

The President of the General Assembly, the Secretary-General, Excellencies, distinguished heads of state and government, ladies and gentlemen. We congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election as the President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly and pledge our cooperation and support during your tenure. We also commend the Secretary-General for his strong leadership at a challenging time in our multilateral system. Zambia continues to salute his Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger, fairer, and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon, yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honored. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in a world in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet, developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear. We must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. President, Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms that the will, I'll read that again, Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms that the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government expressed through periodic and genuine elections. It is in this spirit that Zambia recently concluded its general elections through which our people exercised their constitutional rights to choose their leaders. and we thank the people of Zambia for their participation in the democratic process and for renewing their confidence in our leadership. We also express our sincere appreciation to the international election observation missions for their invaluable support and contribution to Zambia's democratic process. Zambia remains a peaceful stable and sovereign nation and the peaceful atmosphere that characterized the country before, during and after the elections is a clear reflection of our people's enduring commitment to democracy, national unity and constitutional governance. It is against this backdrop that Zambia has put itself forward as a candidate for the 2027 to 2029 Human Rights Council and we seek your support in that regard. Mr. President, despite the political differences that naturally accompany a democratic election, Zambia has demonstrated that such differences can and must be managed peacefully and through the established constitutional and legal institutions. Our democratic process should never be mistaken for conflict or instability. We therefore reaffirm our unwavering commitment to preserving Zambia's long standing tradition of peace. We will continue to ensure that political differences are addressed through due process of the law and will take all necessary measures within the confines of the constitution and our laws to prevent political disputes from degenerating into violence, armed mobilization, insurgency, or the emergence of militia groups. In this regard, we extend a sincere invitation to cooperating partners, international development institutions, investors, the private sector, and Zambia's friends around the world to continue working with us in advancing our grow Zambia agenda. Zambia needs partnerships. Investments, innovation, technology, skills, and sustained development cooperation in order to unlock its full best potential. We encourage our cooperating partners to view Zambia through the lens of the peace and stability that defines our country and to deepen support programs that promote inclusive economic growth, job creation, infrastructure development, human capital development, agriculture, energy, health, and other priority areas of national development. Our message is clear. Zambia is at peace. Zambia is open for partnership and Zambia is ready to grow. Mister President, peace and stability provide the foundation for economic development. Zambia is positioning itself as an attractive destination for investment and trade with opportunities in mining, critical minerals, agriculture, agro-processing, manufacturing, energy infrastructure, tourism, and digital services. Our ambition is to move beyond the export of raw materials and primary commodities towards value addition, industrialization, job creation, and technology transfer as key enablers of our economic transformation agenda. We welcome investment that creates jobs, develops skills, and builds sustainable value chains. Our message to investors is, come to Zambia, invest with us, produce with us, trade with us, and grow with us. We are open for development. Mr. President, I now turn to climate change and environmental resilience water and sanitation. For Zambia, climate change is not an abstract concept. Our people continue to experience the devastating effects of droughts, floods, and changing weather patterns with significant impact on agriculture, food security, water availability, energy generation, and livelihoods. The effects of activities transcend our borders, and yet our people and the coming generations may pay a heavy price. Zambia recognizes that countries such as ours cannot finance the climate transition alone, nor should they. This is a collective moral responsibility of the international community, especially the highest contributors to carbon emissions. This is to mitigate the effects of climate change and protect lives and livelihoods. Those who have contributed least to climate change must not be left to bear its greatest costs. We therefore call for predictable, accessible and affordable climate finance, technology transfer and greater investment in adaptation and resilience consistent with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. For Africa, adaptation is not optional. Our farmers require climate-resilient agriculture. Our communities and cities need resilient infrastructure. Our energy systems must become more diversified, and our water sources, forests, and ecosystems must be protected. Zambia is ready to contribute to global climate solutions But those that have contributed least to climate change must not bear a disproportionate share of its costs. Water security is integral to climate resilience and sustainable development. Zambia, therefore, attaches great importance to international cooperation on water and has actively participated in the preparatory process of the 2026 United Nations Water Conference together with Finland. Zambia is co-chairing the initiative Dialogue on Water for Cooperation, focusing on transboundary and international water cooperation, scientific cooperation, and inclusive governance. We remain committed to strengthening water security, climate resilience, and sustainable management of water resources while working with the international community to ensure that climate and water action delivers tangible benefits for our people and future generations. Mr. President, Africa's youthful population is one of our greatest assets and represents an enormous opportunity for global prosperity for global prosperity. According to demographic forecasts, one in every four youths on the globe will be African by 2050. We have a wealth of young Africans with potential to become entrepreneurs, scientists, engineers, farmers, innovators, and artists, and indeed, future leaders. Our responsibility is to equip them with quality education, relevant skills, access to technology, entrepreneurship opportunities, and decent employment so that they can become active drivers of economic transformation and sustainable development. We are alive to the fact that we should ensure that we keep this youthful and productive population healthy in order to harness positive dividends. In the health sector, Zambia has increased domestic budgetary allocations from approximately 7% to over 10%, enabling the recruitment of health workers, expansion and modernization of health infrastructure, and improved availability of essential medical supplies. Recognizing continued vulnerability to epidemics, Zambia calls for the expedited conclusion of negotiations on the pathogen access and benefit sharing annex under the World Health Organization pandemic agreement, alongside strengthened access to technology and preparedness capabilities to detect and respond to future health threats. Zambia is further making efforts towards building capacity for local vaccine manufacturing. Mr. President, in Zambia, we have taken decisive steps to expand access to education through the enactment of the Free Education Act and the strengthening of the school feeding program, ensuring that more children can access education and remain in school without the burden of fees or hunger standing in their way of learning. Zambia is equally committed to promoting gender equality and economic empowerment of women and girls. We are expanding opportunities in education, skills development, entrepreneurship, financial inclusion, and leadership. For the first time in our history, Parliament now provides for proportional representation of women, young people, and persons with disabilities, reflecting our conviction that their voices and experiences must be heard in shaping the decisions that affect our nation. We are also strengthening efforts to end child early and forced marriage by keeping girls in school and addressing the social and economic factors that place them at risk. Zambia has demonstrated that progress is possible. reducing child marriage prevalence from 29 to 23.9% in four years through comprehensive legal reforms, free education, school re-entry policy, multi-sectoral support systems like the Keeping Girls in School initiatives, and targeted economic investments such as our expanded Constituency Development Fund. our expanded constitutional development fund. We need to continue building on these successes. We therefore invite member states to unite behind our global and continued commitments to drive domestic action. By inviting our people, particularly women, girls, and young people, we are investing in Zambia's future. When we empower our people, we strengthen our nation. And when we invest in Africa's young people and women, we invest in the prosperity of our continent and the world at large. Our commitment is to build an inclusive society in which every citizen, regardless of gender, age, or disability, has an opportunity to participate fully in our country's economic and social transformation. Mr. President, on sustainable development and the 2030 Agenda, Zambia takes note that the Sustainable Development Goals remain the most comprehensive expression of our shared ambition to eradicate poverty, also to reduce inequality and build a sustainable future. We must acknowledge that progress is uneven. The world cannot continue to adopt ambitious commitments while developing countries struggle to finance their implementation. For Zambia, the SDGs must translate into tangible improvements in the lives of our people. A child receiving quality education, a mother accessing safe healthcare, a farmer having reliable water and markets, a young person finding decent employment, and a family having access to electricity, a community having accessible roads, access to clean water and sanitation, a small business gaining access to finance. That is what development means to us as Zambians. Mr. President, regarding sustainable development finance and reform of the global financial architecture, it is widely accepted that sustainable development cannot be achieved without addressing persistent financing gaps facing developing countries. High borrowing costs, limited fiscal space and heavy debt servicing obligations continue to constrain countries' ability to invest in climate action, health, education, infrastructure and development priorities. Zambia therefore calls for greater access to affordable and long-term development finance, increased climate finance, particularly for adaptation and resilience, and innovative finance mechanisms to mobilize private investment for sustainable development. Mr. President, I turn to multilateralism, geopolitics, and peace and security. The United Nations remains indispensable to international peace, security, and sustainable development. However, its institutions must evolve to reflect today's geopolitical, economic, and demographic realities. Zambia therefore supports meaningful UN reform, particularly of the Security Council, including permanent African representation in line with the Ezulini Consensus and the Certe Declaration. We also support reforms to global economic and financial governance that give developing countries a greater voice in decisions affecting them. Zambia welcomes the UN80 initiative as an opportunity to strengthen multilateralism and build a more effective, efficient, equitable and fit-for-purpose United Nations, and acknowledge the commendable progress achieved so far. In the face of rising geopolitical tensions and protracted conflicts, we reaffirm our commitment to dialogue, diplomacy, and the peaceful resolution of disputes in accordance with the UN Charter and international law. We further support African-led solutions and stronger cooperation between the UN, the African Union and regional organizations to advance conflict prevention, peace building and collective security. Conclusion. Mr. President, Zambia remains committed to peace, democracy, multilateralism and sustainable development. We believe that restoring trust requires delivery. that sustainable development requires genuine international partnership, and that managing transformation requires inclusion. We call for an equitable global system that provides developing countries with affordable financing and policy space to transform their economies. strengthens climate action through adequate finance, expands opportunities for young people, and reforms international institutions to reflect today's realities. Let us together strengthen peace through dialogue, respect for human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, and ensure that the commitments made in this assembly translate into tangible improvement in the lives of our people. Zambia stands ready to work with all nations to restore trust, to manage transformation, and build a more peaceful, prosperous, and equitable world. I thank you all for your kind attention.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Zambia. I now invite His Excellency Soegijono, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, to address the Assembly.

Your Excellency, Halil Rahman, President of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly, Your Excellency, Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Excellencies, Heads of State and Heads of Government, Ministers, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. Assalamu alaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Shalom. Salve. Om swastiastu. Namo buddhaya. Rahayu. May peace be upon all of us. 81 years ago, from the ashes of the Second World War, Indonesia and the United Nations were born. We emerge from a world devastated by war with a shared conviction that never again should humanity leave its future to war and division. And we share a founding promise to build a future of peace. For eight decades, We have worked to turn that promise into progress. Nations freed themselves from colonialism. Globalization connected our economy. Technology transformed our societies. And development improves the lives of billions. But progress has never been linear. We have lived through financial crisis, a global pandemic, climate disasters, geopolitical rivalries and conflicts around the world. With every transformation and every crisis, one lesson remains clear. For peace and prosperity to endure, multilateralism must be resilient. It must be able to adapt, to respond, and most importantly, to deliver. Because multilateralism that cannot deliver will lose people's trust. And without trust, multilateralism will never endure. Building resilient multilateralism begins with resilient nations. It starts at home. And Indonesia has long understood this for decades. In the 1960s, Indonesia developed the concept of national resilience to safeguard our identity, to protect our sovereignty and unity, and to sustain our development in the face of challenges and obstacles. At the heart of our resilience are our people. A nation is resilient when families can provide for their households, when farmers can produce when workers can find decent jobs, and when children can learn, grow, and dream about their future. For Indonesia, this means building greater self-sufficiency in food and strengthening our energy security. Most importantly, this also means investing in the future of our people, ensuring our children receive quality education and ensuring our people have access to essential healthcare. At the same time, we are building an economy that can withstand shocks and create opportunities, more jobs, stronger industries, and greater productive capacity. Central to our resilience is our ability to manage differences and preserve our unity.

As a nation of more than 280 million people, Indonesia has learned that diversity is not something to overcome. It is something to manage, respect, and turn into strength. Through democratic participation, dialogue, and respect for differences, we preserve our unity. From Aceh to Papua, From Yangas to Rote, Indonesia is one people. Indonesia is one nation. We also continue to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights through our national mechanisms and our commitment to international human rights obligations. This goes hand in hand with building our national resilience, because human rights are not only the absence of violence, They are also about ensuring that people have food, education, and healthcare. To our neighbors, friends, and partners, let there be no doubt, Indonesia stands strong today, grounded firmly in democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. And when nations are resilient at home, they have greater capacity to contribute beyond their borders. A food secure Indonesia can contribute more to regional and global food security. A more energy resilient Indonesia can contribute more to the global energy transition. A stronger economy opens greater opportunities for cooperation and shared prosperity. This is how national resilience becomes collective resilience. And this is how resilience helps us advance the SDGs. Mr. President, a resilient nation contributes to a resilient region. Our national resilience will support and complement a region that is stable, peaceful, and predictable. Southeast Asia is home to one of the world's largest productive age populations. It is now the world's fifth largest economy, supported by a large and fast growing digital economy. At the center of this dynamic region is ASEAN. ASEAN brings together nations with different histories, political systems, level of development, and national interest. We do not always agree, but we have made a conscious choice to stay together. And we choose to keep talking, even when agreement is difficult. For almost six decades, ASEAN has managed differences, maintained communication, and continued seeking common ground. This is the strength that comes from ASEAN unity and centrality. It enables us to engage all partners and preserve space for dialogue and cooperation. even as a strategic competition intensifies around us. At the same time, building a resilient region requires the ability to adapt. This is why ASEAN must continue to evolve so that it remains fit for purpose and beneficial for its people and the wider region. Excellencies, resilience at home and at the regional level must be matched by a multilateral system capable of supporting and sustaining it. This is where the United Nations remain indispensable. The United Nations give nations the space to resolve differences without resorting to conflict. It provides common rules when interests compete. And it allows us to combine our capacities when no country can act effectively alone. This is why Indonesia continues to believe in the United Nations. But believing in the United Nations also means believing that it must evolve with the world it serves. Let us be clear that the answer to imperfect multilateralism is not less multilateralism. It is a stronger and better multilateralism. A multilateral system fit for the 21st century must be more representative, more agile and better able to deliver. Institutional transformation will not happen overnight, but the urgency of today's challenges requires us to act now. We must start by strengthening our collective capacity to withstand crisis, responding effectively to global crisis and humanitarian situations, and sustaining peace development and cooperation. At the same time, international financial architecture must also evolve to respond better to the needs of developing countries and to give them greater space to pursue their own development priorities and build their resilience. But stronger institutions alone will not save multilateralism. Institutions are only as strong as the principles we are willing to uphold. International law must be upheld consistently. Sovereignty must be respected. And colonialism must be brought to an end. This is where Palestine remains one of the clearest tests of these principles and the test of our conscience. The clear violation of international law in Gaza and the West Bank are reminiscent of our world pre-1945, a world pre the UN Charter, pre the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and pre the four 1949 Geneva Conventions. A world where a certain race was almost annihilated. Indonesia knows what it means to struggle against colonialism. to struggle in a world where international law was weak and might was right. Our nation's journey to independence has shaped our consistent support for the Palestinian people and their right to determine their own future. Indonesia will continue to stand with the Palestinian people until their right to self-determination is fulfilled and until an independent and sovereign state of Palestine is realized based on the two-state solution in accordance with international law and internationally agreed parameters. Palestine is not only a question for one region. It is a test of whether multilateral system can uphold the very principles it was created to defend and whether it can deliver when it matters most. Mr. President, an effective multilateral system also requires effective leadership. Indonesia's leadership philosophy passed down through generations teaches us that leaders must possess the capability to lead by example from the front, build confidence while standing among the people, and empower from behind. Leadership is not simply about commanding. It is about exercising wisdom and giving others the strength to move forward. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has led this organization through an exceptionally challenging period. wars and geopolitical tensions, a global pandemic, humanitarian emergencies, and rapid technological transformation. Indonesia expresses its appreciation for his leadership and service over the past decade. Throughout these challenges, the UN continues to provide an important platform for dialogue and collective problem solving. The next Secretary-General will carry an equally important responsibility to uphold the Charter, strengthen the Organization, and to translate multilateralism into concrete results for people. Effective leadership must also be accompanied with the full commitment of Member States to make multilateralism work. Indonesia is prepared to carry its share, as our constitution mandates us to contribute to a world based on freedom, lasting peace, and social justice. Through diplomacy and mediation, Indonesia has contributed to resolving conflicts in the region and beyond. We have been among the top-tier contributors to UN peacekeeping missions. deploying personnel to missions around the world since 1957. For nearly two decades, Indonesian peacekeepers have served under the UN flag in Lebanon. UNIFIL may be entering its final chapter, but Indonesia's commitment does not end with the mission. The experience sacrifice, and dedication of our peacekeepers will continue to shape Indonesia's contribution to international peace and security. We will carry our diplomacy forward through humanitarian assistance, through peace building, and through engagement across regions and institutions. Mr. President, it is in this spirit that Indonesia present its candidature for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the 2029-2030 term. Our commitment is clear. Fostering unity, advancing peace. Fostering unity means rebuilding trust in the multilateral system and keeping channels of dialogue open. Advancing peace requires us to uphold international law and make effective use of the tools available to us. Indonesia will work to keep dialogue open, build common ground, and turn shared responsibility into practical cooperation. We will uphold the UN Charter consistently to maintain international peace and security. We will bring the same principle that guides our foreign policy to engage with all and keep the space for cooperation open. As President Prabowo Subianto mentioned in his very lecture last year, 1,000 friends are too few and an enemy is too many. The same approach guides Indonesia's engagement with all partners. Through ASEAN, G20, D8, BRICS, MICTA, and the UN, Indonesia will extend the friendship to deliver practical cooperation. Mr. President, 81 years ago, Indonesia fought against colonialism so we could chart our own future. Today, we reaffirm our promise for a future peace we all share. Also, one year ago, President Prabowo Subianto called upon us to draw closer, not drift apart. Today, I carry that call forward, and as we draw closer, Let us also make each other stronger. Strong enough for our nations to withstand crisis, strong enough for our regions to preserve cooperation, strong enough for our institutions to deliver for people. Because resilience is not simply about surviving the storms. It is about having the strength to keep moving forward together. And only through our collective resilience Can the United Nations be strong enough to fulfill the promise we made 81 years ago, a future of peace for generations to come?

I thank you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Lejeune Mbella Mbella, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cameroon. I request protocol to escort His Excellency.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, His Excellency Paul Biya, President of the Republic of Cameroon, has bestowed upon me the immense honor of representing him in this encounter for the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly and to deliver the following statement on his behalf. I quote, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, heads of state and government, ladies and gentlemen, heads of delegation, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Allow me to begin by warmly congratulating you on behalf of Cameroon for your election to the presidency of this 81st session of the General Assembly. Your eminent skill as a diplomat, your knowledge, and your wealth of experience when it comes to United Nations issues, as well as your vision, the vision that you proposed for our organization, are a good omen for the success of our work. The delegation of Cameroon, through my voice, would like to assure you that you have our total and full cooperation to ensure that your mandate is a resounding success. I would also like to welcome the work of your predecessor, Madam Annalena Baerbock. of the Federal Republic of Germany for the commitment and dynamic energy that she brought to her mission, and this is remarkable, in a particularly turbulent period for the international arena. Finally, I would like to avail myself of this occasion to reiterate to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Cameroon's sincere esteem for his constant commitment to the ideals, purposes, and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as well as for his efforts and the remarkable results that have characterized his two consecutive mandates as Secretary-General of our Organization. We would like to welcome his courage and his tenacity in a context that oftentimes has been difficult. He is preparing to leave his important post in a few months, and at this time, Cameroon would like to thank him for his unswerving commitment to the United Nations, and we pay him a vibrant tribute for the magnitude of his legacy. Mr. President, you decided to select as a theme for this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation for a United Nations that Delivers for All. Cameroon appreciates the relevance of this theme and its pertinence for our current context. We are, in effect, facing together three needs that cannot be teased apart. First, restoring trust among states. Second, ensuring there is reconciliation among peoples and nations with multilateral institutions. And third, working so that recent technological progress benefits all humanity. We are living in a time where the progress of science and technology have allowed for useful knowledge to flourish, such as the emergence of artificial intelligence in order to overcome the multiple challenges that humanity is facing. In recent decades, we have adopted agreements in different areas, and we continue to create the conditions for a world that is more just, a world where we can all live in peace and security. Despite our efforts, nevertheless, wars and conflicts of all kinds persist. The arms race is intensifying. Humanitarian catastrophes, selfishness, and intolerance are increasingly present. And with impotence, we watch the deterioration of international solidarity and multilateralism, as we see the appearance and strengthening of different blocks that are in confrontation when certain challenges antagonize their specific interests. President, the time has come to return to the spirit and the very basics of the United Nations Charter. At the same time, climate change is worsening and constitutes a concern at a planetary scale. Floods, droughts, and wildfires are recurring and do not spare any region in the world. These climate events prevent many populations from benefiting from the marvelous technological progress that we have made. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in this situation, it is our collective duty to work together in order to overcome these challenges and effectively respond to the expectations of our peoples. And the United Nations offers us, in this case, an ideal framework to engage in discussions and find compromises, find consensus, in order to seek solutions to these challenges that concern all of us. Cameroon is firmly committed to this path and we support the UN80 initiative as well as any other initiative that could contribute to strengthening cooperation and international solidarity. Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, The deadline for Agenda 2030 is fast approaching and we are able to observe that despite remarkable efforts, there is still a ways to go in order to reach the SDGs that we all chose for ourselves. and the resources to reach the Sustainable Development Goals are nevertheless available throughout the world and therefore we must improve the conditions to access them and use these resources. This is why financing for development should not be considered as some kind of alms or kindness It is an investment in stability, shared prosperity and collective security. For this reason, Cameroon calls for the diligent and comprehensive implementation of the commitments made in Seville in July of 2025 on the issue of financing for development, and this specifically implies engaging in the necessary reforms of the international financial architecture and the multilateral financial architecture in order to give countries of the Global South a more fair shot. We should also give new impetus to international trade, industrialization, and transforming raw materials locally as well as strengthening regional integration. And it is this energy that guided the work of the 14th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, WTO, which Cameroon had the privilege of hosting from the 26th to the 29th of March 2026. Cameroon also has the intention of contributing to the full expansion of the African Continental Free Trade Area, the acronym being AfCFTA. We are one of the first countries in the continent who have ratified its statute. in order to strengthen development and trade cooperation among African countries. Moreover, my country reiterates its solidarity when it comes to the African Union's common position for better representation of the African continent in the United Nations Security Council. My country also has the intention of continuing to participate in peacekeeping operations led by the United Nations, as well as training and building capacities of African staff that serve in these operations. And in this regard, I would like to welcome the stellar cooperation that Cameroon has with the United Nations in this area. And I thus reaffirm the determination with which Cameroon will work along with other member states of the Lake Chad Basin Commission. We will continue to fight tirelessly against terrorism, and we will engage in stabilization efforts in areas affected around the Lake Chad region. On a domestic level, the government of my country is working to ensure a return to normality in our northwest and southwest regions. Our government's efforts when it comes to fighting insecurity and social reintegration of those people that are willing to set aside violence are already delivering tangible and observable results on the ground. We should underline that the authorities of Cameroon have continued to multiply and consolidate these results. And I can assure you of Cameroon's constant commitment to solidarity with displaced populations, refugees, and host communities, despite the multitude of limitations that affect these situations. Mr. President, in a world that is increasingly unstable, We have the duty to do everything possible to create conditions that favor peace, security, and stability of our international political environment in order to ensure well-being for everyone. We have the opportunity to do this. Let's work together. Let's put our resources together. in order to overcome these common challenges. Let's do this in order to respond to the incessant calls of our populations who aspire to live in a world of peace, security, and prosperity for current and future generations. I thank you for your very kind attention." End of quote.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cameroon. We have now heard the final statement for the general debate of this session. This general debate shall continue Monday on the 28th of September at 9 in the morning in this chamber. I would like to inform delegations that the exercise of the right of reply has been requested. I propose that time limits for statements in the exercise of the right of reply for this session are limited to five minutes for the first statements and three minutes for the second statement. Are there any objections to my proposal? There being no objections, it is so decided. Therefore, On the basis of Article 72 of the Rules of this Assembly, when one delegation exceeds the assigned time limit, the Presidency will immediately call them to order by automatically turning off their microphone. In order to assist delegations with time management, you will see a countdown clock on the screen. We would also like to remind members that delegations must read out their statements in the exercise of the right of reply from their respective seats. I now give the floor to the distinguished delegation of Guatemala. You have the floor.

Thank you very much. The delegation of Guatemala exercises its right of reply in reference to the statement of Xun Bisenya, the Prime Minister of Belize, in today's general debate. We would like to note the following. Guatemala is a country that is committed to international law, and we are a firm promoter of the peaceful settlement of disputes, and we believe in the effectiveness of multilateral mechanisms. In that framework, we have submitted territorial claim against Belize to the ICJ. Guatemala categorically rejects the serious accusation that a plane of the Guatemalan Air Force overflew the territory of Belize. This flight never happened. At all times, Guatemala has respected its obligations on the basis of the UN Charter, including Article 2, paragraph 4. We recall and we would like to tell Belize that there are already mutually agreed upon monitoring mechanisms, such as the one in the office administered by the Organization of American States in the aforementioned area, and we will be asking that office to investigate the supposed incident. And for this, we will submit all relevant reports and even the plane in question. Both states have recognized the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice to put an end to this territorial, insular, and maritime dispute. Guatemala deeply regrets that Belize uses this forum to spread misinformation, using this territorial dispute with Guatemala as an instrument for domestic policy. This is a flagrant violation of the 2005 agreement and undermines the confidence-building measures. The General Assembly is not the appropriate forum to discuss issues that have currently been referred to the International Court of Justice in a case whose oral audiences will be held, oral hearings will be held at the beginning of 2027. As we have pointed out in several occasions, we will comply with the court's decision in good faith. Guatemala reiterates its commitment to strengthen its bilateral relations with Belize on the basis of mutual respect, peaceful cooperation, and respect for international law. I thank you.