(Day 3) General Debate - General Assembly: Plenary meeting, 81st session

The ninth plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Emmerson Mnangagwa, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Your Excellency, Dr. Rahman, President of the eighth first session of the United Nations General Assembly, your majesties, excellencies, heads of state and government, the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. I congratulate you, Dr. Rahman, on your election as President of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Zimbabwe is confident that under your able leadership, the Assembly will advance meaningful transformation under the theme, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. You may count on Zimbabwe's full support. I wish to thank Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her effective leadership of the 80th session and her contribution to the UN80 reform process. Zimbabwe also pays tribute to Mr. Antonio Guterres in his final general debate as Secretary-General. We commend his defense of multilateralism as well as efforts to advance dialogue for conflict prevention and resolution, sustainable development, and the pact for the future. Mr. President, we meet during a pivotal moment when the world is facing numerous interconnected and complex crises. Conflicts are spreading, climate shocks are intensifying, and technology is advancing faster than the rules that govern it. As the current crop of leaders, it should concern us that today, somewhere, a child is born into war, a family is displaced by conflict, a farmer loses another harvest to drought, and a young person wonders whether technological progress will expand opportunity or deepen inequality. Through separated by geography, those separate by geography, these experiences reveal a common truth. Humanity's challenges are increasingly interconnected and no nation can overcome them alone. The trust deficit among nations has continued around the gains that cooperation fostered within the United Nations system. We must therefore choose between purposeful reform or unmitigated repression. Trust will be restored when conflicts are prevented, international law is applied equally, development commitments are fulfilled, and all nations are fairly represented. in the global institutions. Multilateralism is a crucial equalizer. It ensures that all have an equal voice under international law and an equal role in shaping our shared future. Undoubtedly, the Charter remains our common compass. Sovereign equality, political independence, territorial integrity, non-interference, peaceful settlement of disputes, and international cooperation must be applied universally, not selectively. International law cannot be a shield for some and a sword against others. The United Nations has a sacred duty to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Our experience in Southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned, it is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage-based approaches to peacebuilding. and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances, and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. President, Zimbabwe is grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term. My country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independence, and a readiness to serve, guided by a foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize four priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful dispute resolution, while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, We shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations, such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of Resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate, and sustainable financing for authorized African Union-led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization, and the green agenda for the prosperity of all, and not to finance conflict. As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa silencing the guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace from the outset. The support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peacekeeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates, and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for ensuring peace and sustainable development. Mr. President, restoring confidence in the collective security requires the Security Council to move beyond the outdated geopolitical realities of 1945. The long-standing position of Africa is outlined in the Azurine consensus and the city declaration should be granted. Africa is united, sovereign and independent. Africa is rising. The horse and rider mentality has no place in the contemporary international discourse. Zimbabwe affirms that institutional legitimacy depends on the consistent application of international law, sovereign equality, and the inalienable right to self-determination of all within the community of nations. Unelectoral coercive measures as a manipulative foreign policy tool are outdated in a global era which should be anchored on solidarity, mutually beneficial partnerships, and shared prosperity. I urge us to use this defining epoch in the history of our august organization to protect the United Nations Charter. The tendencies where our resolutions in international law are ignored should no longer be excused. Mr. President, peace cannot endure without development. With less than four years to implement the 2030 agenda, only 36% of the sustainable development goals are on track. or showing moderate progress, while developing countries face an annual financing gap exceeding US $4 trillion. This civil commitment must now be implemented through greater affordable, long-term and concessional finance, timely development-oriented debt treatment, and more effective channeling of special drawing rights. Development cannot flourish when its financing is prohibitively expensive. Reform must decisively address Africa's excessive risk premiums and the borrowing costs. The need to strengthen the voice of developing countries in global financial institutions curb illicit financial flows and tax abuse, as well as secure fair returns from natural resources cannot be overemphasized. Zimbabwe is continuously strengthening its capacity to mobilize domestic resources, enhance public financial management, and foster a favorable environment for productive investment. Under our National Vision 2030, we are strengthening the important linkage between mining and agriculture, which is driving growth in Zimbabwe's manufacturing sector. Bold reforms and macroeconomic policies have resulted in a three-fold growth in our GDP since 2017. Zimbabwe is indeed open for business. We are also pursuing food and nutrition security and climate-smart agriculture. My government is leaving no one and no place behind. Through our rural industrialization agenda and the invest rural policy, we are directing investment towards rural infrastructure, manufacturing hubs, and agro-processing facilities. More women and youth continue to enter value chain industries for both our local and regional markets. As droughts, floods, and declining threaten water, food and energy security, developed countries are called upon to honour their climate finance commitments in line with common but differentiated responsibilities. Mr. President, Zimbabwe welcomes the recommendations of the Secretary-General's Panel on the Critical Energy Transition Minerals and the country support mechanism. Critical minerals must become a foundation for inclusive development with value addition and a beneficiation at source, along with development of regional value chains being highly prioritized. Zimbabwe has more than 40 critical and rare earth minerals, and we have made bold decisions towards a mutually beneficial extractive industry. This has seen us dispatch the first export of locally produced lithium sulphate during the second quarter of the year, demonstrating that retaining value at the source is possible for shared prosperity. Harnessing emerging technologies for national development is a key priority for our industrialization agenda. Zimbabwe's National Artificial Intelligence Strategy 2026-2030 promotes human-centered, ethical, and responsible innovation. Artificial intelligence must narrow development gaps, while its military use, including in nuclear command and control must remain subject to human judgment, accountability, and international law. Regrettably, however, my country's national development initiatives have continued to be undermined by unilateral coercive measures imposed by some Western countries. We call for their immediate and unconditional removal. I reiterate, Zimbabwe is a friend to all and an enemy to none, unless you choose to be an enemy. Civil, political, and economic, social, and cultural rights require equal protection and are best advanced through dialogue, cooperation, capacity building, and national ownership. On the 40th anniversary of the Declaration of the Right to Development, Zimbabwe calls for the adoption and translation of its principles into binding international commitments. Racism and all forms of discrimination continue to deny millions the equal enjoyment of human rights and development. Accountability, education and awareness, as well as support for victims and engagement on reparatory justice remain critical pathways to truth, healing, restored dignity, and equality. My country, therefore, joins other member states in calling for the full implementation of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action. Mr. President, Zimbabwe supports UNHCR reforms that reduce duplication, improve coordination, modernize systems, and strengthen field implementation. At this juncture of global development, the success of reforms should be reflected by conflicts prevented, development advanced, assistance delivered, and communities strengthened. The selection of the next Secretary-General, therefore, comes at a defining moment. The next holder of the office should be an impartial custodian of the Charter, an independent voice for peace, a bridge builder among member states, and an advocate for those whose voices seldom reach these walls. The process should be transparent, inclusive, and guided by merit, equitable geographical representation, and gender equality. Above all, the next General must bring the United Nations closer to the people. The Charter begins with, "We, the peoples of the United Nations." Those words should guide how the organization listens, how it communicates, and how it measures success. In conclusion, Zimbabwe will assume its role in the Security Council, mindful that membership is not a badge of honor, but a commitment to serve the community of nations. We will serve with balance and integrity, defend the sovereign equality of states, advance Africa's priorities, and work constructively with all regions. Let this 81st session be recorded as the session that closed the gap between the promises of the Charter and the realities of the daily life. Zimbabwe is ready to play its part in building the future we all want. God bless you all. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency, Michael Radrarinamana, President of the Foundation of the Republic of Madagascar. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Excellences, President of the United Nations General Assembly, Excellences, Heads of State and Government, Your Excellency, Secretary-General of the United Nations; distinguished delegates; ladies and gentlemen. I am particularly proud and honored to address this august Assembly today on behalf of the Republic of Madagascar at this 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. For the rest of my speech, allow me to now speak to you in the Malagasy language, my mother tongue, in honor of my country and the Malagasy people. I would like, first of all, on behalf of the Malagasy people and in my own name, to extend my sincere congratulations to Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of the 81st General Assembly, as well as to the Vice-Presidents. In this regard, I wish to reaffirm Madagascar's support and its full readiness to work in a genuine spirit of cooperation to ensure the success of all of our work throughout this session. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we must acknowledge that the challenges that we have faced for decades, namely food insecurity, disease, armed conflict, or natural disasters, are still with us. Thus, for Madagascar, as for many other nations, the new emerging challenges must not overshadow the priorities that still require our attention. The theme of this 81st session calls upon us to assume our shared responsibility for our destiny and for that of future generations with clear vision. placing collective action, the common good, and the welfare of humanity at the center of our responses to the profound transformations shaping our world. In light of these intersecting transformations and challenges, the question of trust in our collective action arises with renewed urgency. Indeed, we must admit, taking into account All the hopes and expectations that we, the peoples of the United Nations, have placed in our organization, that trust has gradually eroded over time. The most vulnerable populations affected repeatedly or continuously by health crises, food insecurity and hunger, the impacts of climate change and conflicts exacerbated by current geopolitical tensions, sometimes come to feel a certain skepticism regarding our collective capacity within the United Nations system to respond to the scourges of our age. Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, in this regard, the realities on the ground in my country speak for themselves. In southern Madagascar, mothers walk dozens of kilometers under scorching heat in search of water from the bed of a dried up river. In the east, every year increasingly violent and destructive tropical cyclones devastate crops, infrastructure, and human lives. In other regions, floods engulf rice granaries, affecting entire communities. These images illustrate the daily vulnerability of our people, our Malagasy population. Faced with these recurring humanitarian emergencies, amplified by climate change, considerable investments are made reflecting the unwavering commitment of our development partners, working every year towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals, the SDGs, whether that be fighting hunger, providing education or providing access to basic services for vulnerable populations. and we hope to mobilize $1.5 billion over five years for the implementation of the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework for the period 2024-2028. Yet beyond commitments and resources mobilized, what matters to us is their tangible impact on the daily lives of our people. Faced with the challenges of a constantly changing world, the refoundation government that I lead places food sovereignty, health and education at the heart of its action. This priority commitment serves the entire population, particularly women and children, while providing our youth with the means to build their future with confidence and contribute to national development. With more than 55% of its population under the age of 25, Madagascar enjoys a tremendous demographic dividend. Driven by a firm political determination to build a brighter future for this dynamic youth, we recognize the importance of an education system which is fully aligned with labor market realities, an essential condition for sustainable development. And we hope that cooperation in this area will move beyond a strictly quantitative approach measured only by the volume of infrastructure built or the number of students enrolled. and instead adapt fully to economic realities on the ground. Our aim is to focus on future-oriented sectors, while redefining our indicators of success to prioritize the practical acquisition of skills and medium-term employment outcomes. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Madagascar's foreign policy is guided above all by the imperatives of economic and social development for the well-being of its people. Madagascar has chosen a policy of engagement in all directions. We are open to all international partnerships capable of meeting the aspirations of our people and supporting the general policy of the state of the refoundation. Madagascar's position of neutrality with regard to global conflicts is consistent with its diplomatic tradition and its desire to preserve constructive relations with all its partners. This idea is not ideological, but is based on international partnership that can meet the aspirations of our people in an open spirit, without exclusivity, in full respect for national sovereignty. The achievement of our ambitions cannot be separated from the international context in which they are pursued. Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, can we speak of development when international peace and security are being tested by multiplying crises around the world and persistent tensions? Restoring trust requires the United Nations to maintain and to restore peace. we must be concerned that the multilateral system is struggling to contain escalating tensions fueled by geopolitical rivalries. These crises, now affecting different regions of the planet, have consequences for our states. They directly impact our economies and the daily lives of our populations through disruptions in energy supply chains, and difficulties in the delivery of essential goods. These are all factors which further aggravate the vulnerabilities that we already face. Confronted with this reality, we must have the courage to recognize and to accept the limitations of the multilateral system in its current form and functioning. It is urgent to initiate concerted and lasting action to guarantee every people the right to pursue their development in dignity and in stability. Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Far from observing the world as a passive spectator, Madagascar positions itself as an actor fully aware of its strategic place and responsibilities. Our country remains a committed and operational partner in the service of peace, development and security. Maritime security in the Mozambique Channel and the western Indian Ocean remains at the heart of the regional initiatives in which Madagascar actively participates. We are determined to strengthen regional and multilateral cooperation founded on respect for national sovereignty. whilst also welcoming partnerships that align with our priorities and serve as genuine drivers of development. We also want to be part of strengthened regional cooperation in order to guarantee the security of our maritime areas. This approach will make it possible to ensure the sustainability of our energy supply chains. Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, what form of United Nations cooperation should we establish to support the contemporary transformation of our world? How can we restore trust? Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, we must look to the future with greater ambition to ensure lasting and measurable impact over the medium and long term. And to do this, we must move on to a new stage, one of increased solidarity that is more integrated and better coordinated. Madagascar advocates for a multilateral system that is not only capable of acting, but that is also capable of supporting member states in their efforts to break the cycles of poverty and insecurity. My country aspires to an international order founded on the primacy of international law. and trusts in the virtues of dialogue and diplomatic action. Our commitment to multilateral cooperation remains unwavering. Multilateralism is a privileged forum where states unite in a shared responsibility, enabling them to define common and appropriate solutions in the face of challenges such as epidemics and climate disasters, or armed conflicts arising from contemporary geopolitical rivalries and latent multidimensional tensions. History and future generations will judge our organization according to a single criterion, namely our ability to fulfill our original mission, serving all peoples without exclusion or privilege and in full respect for the sovereignty of nations. It is imperative to restore to the United Nations fully its central role as a guardian of peace, as a strengthened institution capable of restoring order and addressing the challenges of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, our challenge today is therefore to rethink our mechanisms of cooperation through greater synergy between UN agencies and governmental structures. in order to optimize the effectiveness of our actions on the ground, but also to provide better visibility of tangible results achieved for the benefit of populations. In this regard, the success of our agenda largely depends on strengthening governance and strengthening institutions, priorities that are fully integrated into Madagascar's process of re-foundation. We recognize Also, the absolute necessity of reforming the United Nations so that it may serve all peoples. And in this spirit, we would like to propose the following. First, more inclusive global governance. This must begin with a rebalancing of decision-making power, first and foremost, by restoring the General Assembly's full political weight and central place in global governance. It remains, indeed, the only organ where every nation, regardless of power, enjoys an equal and sovereign voice. We must also correct the historical imbalance affecting Africa's representation on the Security Council. Indeed, Africa cannot remain on the margins of decisions. We have 1.4 billion inhabitants, decisions concerning international peace and security. Africa should be granted permanent representation on the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Cirt Declaration, which express a common position grounded injustice, equity and representativeness within the African Union. We must also strengthen coherence between programs implemented by the UN Resident Coordinator offices and national priorities. UN country teams on the ground must listen carefully and respond effectively to priorities defined by host governments, avoiding one-size-fits-all approaches. Secondly, we need a more accessible international financial architecture for effective development support. We must not neglect the reform of the international financial architecture. This means we need to rebalance access to financing. Current aid and lending criteria often rely solely on GDP per capita, excluding many vulnerable countries. The United Nations should therefore take into account the multidimensional vulnerability index so that access to concessional financing reflex climate shocks and external debt burdens. It would also be wise to support durable debt relief. This means advocating a for faster, more predictable and more inclusive sovereign debt restructuring mechanism. that would allow vulnerable countries to invest in the sustainable development goals rather than servicing unsustainable interest payments. The procedures for accessing UN funds should also be drastically simplified in order to reduce disbursement delays. For a vulnerable state facing crisis, administrative slowness undermines confidence in the effectiveness of multilateralism. Third, greater effectiveness in responding to climate and humanitarian emergencies. The multilateral system we seek should guarantee the fulfillment of climate finance commitments. It should serve both as a catalyst and a guarantor to ensure that developed countries in the North honour their commitments on climate finance. Particularly for the most exposed nations, it's also important to link emergency assistance with long-term structural investments. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, by embracing this theme, We are undertaking a commitment, namely to not postpone the reforms that are essential for enabling our organization to act with the integrity required by the challenges of our age, building upon the achievements of the United Nations over 81 years. predecessors were able to build an organization suited to their time, it is now our responsibility to refound it so that it can address the challenges of today and tomorrow. Let us pass on to future generations an organization that unites, protects and acts. For its part, Madagascar is preparing at the national level a framework for the effective implementation of this transformation within our means. Indeed, the process of re-foundation initiated following the mobilization of Malagasy youth just one year ago serves as the foundation for responsible governance supported by strong institutions devoted to the public interest and having restored citizens' trust in the state. This represents a genuine patriotic awakening driven by the deep conviction that sustainable development requires every citizen to find a full and meaningful place within the nation. To give substance to this vision, we have launched a historic process of inclusive national dialogue, bringing together all the vital forces of the nation, young people, women, persons with disabilities, political parties, civil society, the armed forces, and the private sector. We have established a clear timetable. Our goal is to hold free, transparent, and universally accepted elections before the end of 2027. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this platform, speaking here at this rostrum, also gives me the opportunity to express our gratitude to all our partners for the trust and support that they have provided and for the fraternal support of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, and the United Nations, standing with us hand in hand since the beginning of the refoundation process. Long live international cooperation and solidarity. Long live the United Nations. I thank you for your kind attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Foundation of the Republic of Madagascar. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency John Ramani Mahama.

President of the Republic of Ghana, I request I request protocol to escort his excellency and invite him to address the assembly.

Mister President, Mister Secretary General, your excellencies, Distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, let me congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to preside over the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. You assume this solemn stewardship at a time of intense geopolitical fragmentation, deepening inequality, and eroded trust in our multilateral system. Ghana is confident that your proven commitment to inclusive, consultative, and principled dialogue will guide this assembly well. And you have our full support. I also wish to commend outgoing UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his dedicated service to our world body over the last 10 years. Mr. President, Ghana's national anthem contains a profound petition. It asks God to make us bold, to defend forever the cause of freedom and of right. And those words give my compatriots and I courage to uphold the Pan-African and anti-colonial heritage that was bequeathed to us by our forebears. Another line in our item petitions God to fill our hearts with true humility and make us cherish fearless honesty. That prayer inspires me today to follow in the footsteps of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah Hail Selassie, Nelson Mandela, and other global icons who have stood at this very podium before me and have spoken boldly and fearlessly about the state of affairs in our world. The world may not transform overnight because of the speeches that we deliver here in this August assembly, but history would faithfully record the truths we choose to speak and the silences that we choose to keep when we are granted the privilege of addressing this global town hall. Allow me, therefore, to begin by reintroducing myself to the General Assembly. I stand before you as President of the Republic of Ghana. Yet, we too often ascend these heights draped only in the robes of our titles, forgetting that alongside each of us stands a history, a people, and a legacy. I was born in a little town, Damango, which was then a modest community in northern Ghana, and is now the capital of the Savannah region of my country. I was born to Mr. Emmanuel Adama Mahama of Bole and Madam Abiba Naba of Bunsunu, both of blessed memory. I belong to them, and I belong to the foremothers and the forefathers who gave birth to them, who named them, who nurtured them, and who passed down the enduring values by which I live today. I grew up at the crossroads of several Ghanaian cultures. I speak Gonja, which is a Guan language. I speak Twi and Ga. I am fluent in Hausa, spoken across the West African savanna and the Sahel. I understand some Ewe, and I speak English as my official language. In a very real sense, I belong to all these people because their tongues, including English, have become my tongue. Language creates a kingship, regardless of the historical complexities through which kingship was forged. Mr. President, everybody in this chamber today and every global citizen listening to my words possesses an origin. We carry inherited memories, values, rich cultures, and distinct identities of our homelands. Belonging anchors us, and it reminds us that we are part of a human story that is far larger than ourselves. It is a vital wellspring of dignity and pride. But belonging also has its dark side. When belonging is weaponized by political expediency, it transforms into nativism, chauvinism, xenophobia, and the dangerous prejudices that are extended to people who are deemed different from us. It becomes the pretext for discrimination, for displacement, for persecution, and war. And yet for this organization, the United Nations, the founding principles remain immutable. Every human being belongs to the human family. No race is superior. No nation is inferior. No child No child's life is worth less because of the language they speak or the faith they profess or the color of their skin or the land of their birth. This is the unyielding moral foundation upon which the United Nations must stand. I'll return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth. And truth requires acknowledgment. and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. President, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women, and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. President, they did not vanish. They were hunted, they were captured, they were trafficked, they were bought, they were sold, they were exploited in exchange for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belong to. Their unpaid labor built the cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated, split families, structural disruption, and generational trauma. Mr. President, On 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Ghana had the honour of tabling resolution 80/250 in this very august Assembly. Mr. President, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity. I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice. And I'm deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the CARICOM, CELAC, and our partners across the global south. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, We welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany, and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on reparatory justice. Mr. President, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global south, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa while real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. President, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures. Africa is home to 1.5 billion people. over 18% of humanity, and constitutes the largest regional voting bloc in this General Assembly. And yet, Africa remains without a single permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. This is fundamentally unacceptable in the 21st century. Africa must be granted permanent representation on the UN Security Council, complete with all the rights and responsibilities. We cannot credibly champion the sovereign equality of nations while preserving a global governance structure that was designed for the post-war geopolitical realities. Mr. President, Security Council reform is not a favor to Africa. It is an imperative for the legitimacy, the credibility, and the survival of the United Nations. The same systemic inequalities permeates the international financial architecture. Developing nations and the global south borrow at interest rates that are up to eight times higher than industrialized nations. African and Caribbean nations struck by climate disasters are forced to take on crippling debts to rebuild from floods and droughts that they did not cause. governments are forced into a tragic choice to service predatory debt or to serve their people. We demand reform. We need long-term, affordable, and accessible concessionary financing that enables developing economies to invest in human capital, in industrialization, and climate adaptation. Mr. President, Africa does not seek charity. Africa seeks equal partnership that is anchored That is anchored in mutual respect. Our continent possesses the world's youngest population, vast arable lands, unparalleled cultural vitality, and the critical minerals required to drive the global green energy transition. But, Mr. Speaker, let me warn, Africa will not remain a passive arena for a new scramble for resources. Critical mineral extraction in Africa must not replicate the colonial era exploitation. We will process our minerals at home. We will build local industries that create dignified jobs for our youth. And we will retain the value of our natural resources in Africa. The African Continental Free Trade Area, whose secretariat Ghana is proud to host, is our engine for intra-African trade, structural transformation, and industrial growth. As we heal historical wounds, we must address the alarming breakdown of the current global order. We are witnessing a dangerous shift towards unilateralism, lawlessness, and the erosion of multilateral norms. The United Nations must learn from the lessons of the League of Nations. The UN Charter must reign supreme over the cynical doctrine that might makes right. The veto power must never serve as a license for impunity. Sovereign equality cannot be a privilege that is reserved only for nations that are aligned with global superpowers. And nowhere is this crisis of credibility more painful than in the ongoing persecution of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank. Mr. President, the time has come for us to stop using diplomatic euphemisms to veil the human carnage that is taking place in Gaza. How many more lives must be lost before the world acts with decisive moral authority? The blood of five-year-old Hind Rajab and the more than 20,000 children that have been killed in this brutal conflict cries out to the conscience of the world. Collective punishments, enforced starvation, and mass displacement are flagrant violations of international law. Ghana remains unwavering in its recognition of the sovereign state of Palestine and its steadfast support for a viable two-state solution where Israel and Palestine will live side by side in peace, security with guaranteed borders. At the same time, we condemn all acts of terrorism by Hamas that triggered this conflict. And we insist that all parties unconditionally respect international humanitarian law. Our moral standards cannot be selective. In that spirit of international legality-- in that same spirit, international legality and human solidarity, Ghana reiterates its call for the immediate lifting of the decades-long economic, commercial, and financial embargo that has been imposed on Cuba. The world must support Cuba's new economic and social program. Measures that inflict collective economic hardship on ordinary citizens run counter to our shared commitment to human dignity and international law. We must likewise elevate our global response to the catastrophic conflict in Sudan, which is reported to be the world's worst humanitarian crisis. We must also exercise solidarity with nations that are facing the terrorist scorch, especially our neighbors in the Alliance of Sahel States. The current Middle East crisis is having a deleterious effect on the world economy. We call for a return to the negotiating table. And let me add that no human civilization deserves to be annihilated, and certainly not a member of the United Nations. I believe that dialogue can resolve even the most intractable of global problems. Across every conflict, whether in Europe, the Middle East, Africa, the standard must remain uniform, respect for sovereign integrity, protect civilians, ensure unhindered humanitarian access, and hold perpetrators of war crimes accountable. Mr. President, those who have declared climate change a hoax perpetrated by geopolitical opponents, the warnings of recent times cannot have been clearer. Melting glaciers, Flash flooding, droughts, record-breaking heat waves, brush fires, hurricanes, and other extreme weather phenomena are unmistakable signs of an overburdened planet. Climate change is the ultimate test of global equity. We in Africa contribute less than 4% of global greenhouse gases, and yet we bear some of the heaviest burden of climate devastation. We face erratic rainfall, our coastal towns suffer relentless erosion, and our Sahelian region faces accelerating desertification. On 29 June this year, Ghana and coastal West Africa faced an unprecedented deluge. Torrential rain exceeding 160 millimeters was dumped on seven coastal regions of Ghana within 24 hours, resulting in 39 deaths and one still unaccounted for. And so climate justice demands that developed nations must fulfill their long overdue financial commitments. Mitigation support must be operationalized with predictable, non-debt-creating grants, not loans that further embed fragile economies. Similarly, global health security demands true solidarity because pathogens do not respect national borders. They just walk across without visas. We must build an equitable global health architecture that guarantees regional manufacturing of vaccines and therapeutics, strengthen epidemic surveillance, and funds resilient public health infrastructure across the global south in accordance with the demands of the Accra Reset. Mr. President, Excellencies, I agree that even as we demand a place at the table and call for a more equitable and just global order, As African leaders, we must also do what is required to put our own houses in order. As the legal maxim goes, whoever comes into equity must come with clean hands. African leadership must be transparent and accountable. We must commit to the fight against corruption and ensure that every dollar of our people's money counts and is used efficiently in their interest. Ghana is arguably the most stable democracy in Africa. We believe in the rule of law and have respect for human rights. And we are determined to demonstrate that democracy works. While progress in a democracy may be slow because it must follow constitutional processes, it is more sustainable because it is built through popular participation and consensus building. As Ghana addresses these global imperatives, we are leading by example at home through our transformative Resetting Ghana agenda. Less than two years into my administration, through disciplined governance and fiscal prudence and an uncompromising fight against corruption, Ghana has achieved a dramatic economic turnaround. Indeed, some circles describe it as a Ghanaian miracle. Our macroeconomic stabilization measures have restored growth, drastically reduced inflation, stabilized our national currency, and significantly lowered our public debt burden. This remarkable economic recovery story has been independently validated by all the multilateral financial institutions and major international credit rating agencies, all of which affirm that Ghana has moved from economic vulnerability to sustained recovery, resilience, and growth. But Mr. President, macroeconomic indicators mean little if they do not translate into real improvements in our people's daily lives. Economic growth and progress must have a human face. And that is why we are pursuing an aggressive national infrastructure agenda under our Big Push program to build roads, expand digital connectivity, construct schools and health facilities. This strategic investment is opening up the length and breadth of our country, bridging the rural urban divide, unlocking agricultural potential, and guaranteeing equitable access to basic services for every Ghanaian, no matter where they live in our country. Through our flagship 24-hour economy and accelerated export development program, and the soon to be launched new Ghana economy policy, we're transforming Ghana into an industrial, high productivity hub. while incentivizing round-the-clock commercial operations, driving value addition in agriculture, mining, and creating sustainable, dignified jobs for our vibrant youth and women. Central to our national reset is a revolutionary expansion of social protection, universal healthcare, delivering on the sustainable development goals, specifically SDG 1 on poverty, SDG 3 on good health and well-being, and SDG 10 on reduced inequalities. And so Ghana has officially launched a historic free primary health care program ensuring that every Ghanaian can access essential primary health care services at their community level at zero cost. This program has been hailed by the World Health Organization and the United Nations as a benchmark paradigm shift for the global south. And this model is currently being studied by other nations that are seeking to achieve true universal health coverage. Alongside our National Health Insurance Scheme, we've introduced a specialized fund, officially named Ghana Medical Trust Fund, but popularly referred to after my name, Mahama Care. That guarantees Ghanaians suffering from non-communicable diseases such as renal failure, cancers, cardiovascular diseases, and diabetes, it guarantees that they receive subsidized, affordable, and life-saving care. I've always believed that democracy must deliver tangible social benefits. Citizens must experience democracy not only through the ballot box every four years, but through improved access to food, quality education, decent housing, accessible health care, and economic opportunities. Mr. President, democracy loses its soul when it protects elite privileges while abandoning the vulnerable. And so Ghana remains an uncompromising beacon of constitutional democracy, media freedom, the rule of law, and peaceful transitions of power on the African continent. But these domestic achievements set the stage for two historic milestones ahead of us. In March 2027, Ghana will celebrate its 70th anniversary of independence. as the first nation in sub-Saharan Africa to break the shackles of colonial domination. And in January 2027, Ghana will proudly assume the chairmanship of the African Union. I wish to serve notice that we intend to use our AU chairmanship to champion continental integration accelerate the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area, push for peace and security in all the conflict zones of Africa, and ensure that Africa speaks on the global stage with one resolute, undivided, and confident voice. Mr. President, the daunting crises confronting our world are not insurmountable. What we lack is not resources or intellect. What we lack is the political courage to see one another as a part of a single human family. We must see each other not as strategic rivals, economic targets, or demographic threats, but as human beings who belong. That refugee fleeing violence belongs. That migrant seeking opportunity belongs. That child in Gaza, Sudan, or Ukraine belongs. The descendants of enslaved Africans seeking justice belong. The indigenous community protecting its ancestral lands and environment belongs. The small island states threatened by rising oceans belong to humanity. The poor, the vulnerable, and the marginalized belong. They belong to our common human family. And because they belong, we must safeguard their dignity, we must enforce their rights, and most of all, we must hear their voices. When our first president of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah stood on the eve of our independence in 1957, he declared that the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent. Today, from this respected global podium, we must expand that historic truth. The freedom of any nation is insecure unless it is linked to the freedom of all humanity. In Ghana, we believe that our national prosperity is fragile unless it is a shared prosperity. Our global peace is unviable unless it is anchored in justice. Let this General Assembly recommit itself to a world where belonging is used not to erect walls but to build bridges. Not to exclude but to unite. Not to degrade humanity but to exalt. Let us speak truth with humility. Let us act with courage. And as I said from the Ghanaian national anthem, let us cherish fearless honesty. In the statements that we did deliver today at this podium. And in the choices we make tomorrow. May God bless our shared world. May God bless my homeland, Ghana, and may God bless the United Nations. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Ghana. In accordance with resolution 81/1 of 17 September 2026, I give the floor to the distinguished observer of the observer state of Palestine to introduce an address by the head of state.

Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I have the honor to present a pre-recorded video statement by His Excellency Mahmoud Abbas, President of the State of Palestine. addressing the general debate of the 81st session of the General Assembly pursuant to General Assembly resolution A/RES/81/1. Thank you, Mr. President.

In the name of Allah, the most gracious, the most merciful. Excellency Dr. Khalil al-Rahman, President of the General Assembly, Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Excellencies, Heads and Members of Delegations, For the second consecutive year, the Palestinian delegation was denied the entry visas required to reach New York and participate in the meetings of the United Nations General Assembly in person. We reject these unlawful punitive measures, and we reject the accusations and justifications on which they were based. We affirm that we have fulfilled our obligations, carried out a comprehensive national reform program, and upheld our commitment to international law, to shunning violence and terrorism, and to the two-state solution, and to peace on the basis of resolutions of international legitimacy. We also affirm that the Palestinian people and its leadership should not be punished for demanding an end for the occupation or for turning to the UN, the International Court of Justice, and the International Criminal Court. Our choice to invoke international law and its institutions is a peaceful and civilized choice and not an act that runs counter to peace. Denying the Palestinian delegation access to the UN headquarters is a violation of the United States' obligations as the host country. Therefore, we call upon the American administration to lift these sanctions and restrictions, return to dialogue and mutual respect, and work with us and with the international community in order to implement the two-state solution on the basis of international legitimacy and to establish peace, rather than punishing the side that has chosen the path of international law and political and diplomatic action in order to guarantee its rights. Mr. President, esteemed member states, I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history. This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting, asylum seeking, occupation, and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom, and independence. In the Gaza Strip, Our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation, and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals, mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, settler expansion is accelerating. The West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and Judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces, while the crimes of land theft, home demolition, checkpoints, and raids continue under a system of laws, measures, and practices, all built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing, and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen, We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two-state solution, and that this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two-state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents. but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today, do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land, end the Israeli occupation and implement the two-state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all, instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel. and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. President, esteemed member states, we welcomed President Donald Trump's 20-point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to halt the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip. However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women, and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace, and only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open-ended situation without any clear time-bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions in accordance with the principle of one state, one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed member states, the threats and attacks carried out by extremists against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship. They must cease immediately before they devolve into a broader religious conflict in the region and beyond. No one is in need of such an outcome. The ongoing Israeli attacks on United Nations headquarters and institutions in Jerusalem and the West Bank also undermine UNRWA's ability to continue carrying out its duties in providing support and assistance to Palestinian refugees, especially in the fields of education, health care, and vocational training. We call upon all States and international and regional organizations to continue supporting the work of UNRWA, for which there is no substitute, so long as the refugee issue remains unresolved. This requires the continued financial support and political backing, as well as an end to these attacks against UNRWA. We particularly warn also against the implementation of the E1 settlement plan. This plan aims to separate the northern West Bank from its south, isolate East Jerusalem from its Palestinian surroundings, and prevent the realization of a geographically continuous Palestinian state. This requires urgent and responsible intervention by the United Nations Security Council. It also requires the implementation of Security Council Resolution 2334. This resolution calls for the cessation of all settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem. We highly appreciate the measures taken by the United Kingdom, as well as 12 other countries, in order to protect the two-state solution, as well as to ban settlement products. We also commend the call launched by the leaders of France, the United Kingdom, and Canada to convene a summit in New York on this matter. Furthermore, we call upon President Trump to fulfill the commitments he made to the leaders of the Arab and Islamic states last September to prevent the annexation of Palestinian land and to reject displacement. Mr. President, Excellencies, It is impossible to separate Israel's land seizure practices from the dismantling of Palestinian institutions and the depletion of its financial resources. All of these are tools that lead to one same result, weakening our people's ability to remain steadfast and stay on their land. This leads to undermining our people's national institutions and preventing the realization of its state. The Israeli government is withholding more than $6 billion that belong to the Palestinian people. We are demanding the immediate release of all our withheld funds. the guarantee of their regular and full transfer, and the lifting of the financial and economic restrictions and the blockade imposed on our people and our institutions in accordance with the Paris Economic Protocol, which was agreed upon following the Oslo Convention. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, one year after the International Peace Conference and the adoption of the New York Declaration, I say to you today with full confidence and responsibility, we have fulfilled our pledge. We have fulfilled our pledge. We completed the national reform program to which we had committed before our people and the international community. We strengthened institutional governance, public financial management, transparency, accountability, anti-corruption measures, and the rule of law. We established a unified needs-based national system for social protection and social welfare, abolished the previous laws and regulations on this matter, and obtained an independent international audit confirming the validity of our measures. We also continue to reform the education system and develop criteria and curricula in accordance with international standards and in cooperation with UNESCO in a manner that promotes the values of peace, tolerance, and respect for others while preserving our national identity and the rights of our people. We also proceeded along the path of democratic revival and the empowerment of women and youth. We have held local council elections and elections for the General Union of Palestinian Students. We are headed towards our legislative elections on the 28th of November of this year. And this will be followed by the completion of the renewal of the institutions of the Palestinian National Council, followed by the Palestinian presidential elections. On behalf of the State of Palestine, I reaffirm the commitments in which we believe. We seek security and peace for all. We reject attacks against civilians by any party whatsoever. We reject terrorism and extremism in all their forms. We combat anti-Semitism, racism, and hatred. And we believe in a culture of peace, dialogue, and coexistence. We seek a democratic Palestinian state. that respects the rule of law and human rights, a non-militarized state, a non-militarized state that lives in security and peace alongside the State of Israel. Is this possible? Ladies and gentlemen, our commitment to peace did not begin today. In 1988, Our people and its leadership made a historic and difficult decision, and we accepted a historic settlement founded on the two-state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. Today we say to the world, saving the solution begins with preserving the land on which the Palestinian state is to be established and protecting the people who live on it. The Palestinian people will remain on its land. The Palestinian people will not accept displacement, will not accept displacement and will not disappear. Neither military occupation nor settlement expansion, annexation, nor settler terrorism can be a solution or create lasting security. At the same time, We will not remain in waiting, nor will we accept whatever the governments of the Israeli occupying state decide for us. They have no right to decide for us. No lasting security can be built upon the occupation of another people and the denial of its legitimate rights. We have our own national project, protecting our people from displacement, preserving our land and its unity, democratically renewing our institutions, and building our state while remaining committed to international law and exercising our right to self-determination, leading to the realization of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, along with the return of refugees in accordance with UN Resolution 194. We do not want a new process for managing the conflict while the face of the land changes every day. We want a process that puts an end to occupation and guarantees freedom and self-determination for Palestinians. A process that guarantees also security and peace for Israelis and the countries of the region. Our vision for peace is clear. Palestinian people remaining on its own land, determining its future for itself, and the Palestinian state alongside the state of Israel, and the Palestinian-Israeli peace that paves the way to regional integration, cooperation, prosperity, and security for everyone. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, we thank all the countries and peoples that have stood by our people. We thank countries and peoples that have lent political, humanitarian, and economic support, and helped us preserve our institutions and provide relief to our people. We also thank the countries that have recognized the State of Palestine, which now number 160 States. And we call on those countries that have not yet recognized the State of Palestine to do so. We likewise call for granting the State of Palestine full membership in the United Nations, similar to the rest of the nations and peoples of the world. Finally, I address the sons and daughters of our Palestinian people in their homeland and in the diaspora. You have painted the greatest picture of pride and dignity by holding steadfastly onto your land, your unity, and your legitimate rights. We will not leave our homeland. We will not accept displacement. And we will not allow anyone to decide our future on our behalf. We decide for ourselves. We will extend our hands to a peace based on international legitimacy so that our freedom and independence can be achieved and so that everyone in the region, everyone in the region may live in security, peace, and good neighborliness. Peace be upon you all and the mercy of Allah and his blessings.

On behalf of the assembly, I wish to thank the President of the State of Palestine. The assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mohammed Irfan Ali, President of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, I extend my congratulations on your election as President of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success as you undertake this important responsibility at a moment when multilateralism and indeed the United Nations faces profound challenges. I also express my sincere appreciation to your predecessor for her stewardship over the past year. I take this opportunity to record Guyana's gratitude to the Secretary General, his excellency, Antonio Guterres, for his distinguished service to the United Nations, and to the cause of humanity. His place in the history of this institution is assured, not merely by the office he has occupied, but by the principles he has steadfastly upheld, the courage and profundity with which he has spoken when silence would have been easier, and his rare ability to hold before the world a clear mirror of the perils that confront our age and the possibilities that still beckon beyond them. Mr. President, one year ago, I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organization, enhance its credibility, and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's Assembly, and I quote, "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation," A United Nations that delivers for all. End of quote. Acknowledges the need for this organization to be fit for purpose. To respond to the challenges. And to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe. An energy crisis. Food insecurity. Biodiversity loss. Armed conflicts. And geopolitical tensions. The horror of genocide, a spiraling cost of living crisis, a mounting death crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations, and perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet, if history has taught us anything, it is that even when the world seemed to stand at a precipice, Humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats. Time and again, it has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have open the path where none seemed to exist. This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions. Within every disruption, an opportunity for renewal. and within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future. The possibility before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognizes the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two-state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for a peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families, and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people-centered, development-focused, and allows for the full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guinea reiterates CARICOM's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective. In Haiti, resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace, and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources is critical to realizing these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian-led and Haitian-owned. Mr. President, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth, clearly outlined in the arbitral award of 1899. That determined the full, perfect, and final settlement of our border with Venezuela. We endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General. Acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement. And the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law, Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligation under the UN Charter, as Guyana will do. We look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples

the development of our countries and the stability and prosperity of our region. Mister President, in pursuit of a stronger and safer region, Guyana is honored to be a founding member of the Shield of the Americas, launched by President Trump in March 2026. Since the founding of this initiative, Guyana has worked closely with the United States and 13 other like-minded nations that believe in building a Western Hemisphere that values freedom, peace, economic prosperity, and a shared responsibility and commitment to fighting transnational crime and criminal networks. It is our collective responsibility to never allow our region to be overtaken by gangs or criminal networks. We understand that it is only through partnership, shared intelligence, and cooperation that we can effectively tackle the threats they pose to our economies and the livelihoods of our citizens. This week, I am pleased to join members of the Shield of Americas in adopting a joint communique which underscores our collective resolve to strengthen the resilience of our region in economic, security, and multilateral coordination. Mr. President, we stand at the threshold of a new era of technological advancement. Artificial intelligence, biotechnology, digital communications, and other extraordinary breakthroughs offer the prospect of transforming health, education, agriculture, productivity, and public services on a scale scarcely imaginable a generation ago. But a true measure of technological progress will not be how powerful our machines become, but how much more empowered our people become. Technology must not become the privilege of the few. It must become the servant of all humanity. Mr. President, We have before us a new opportunity for sustainable development. Development must not merely make our economies richer. It must make our societies better. We must not allow for the slippage in our pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals. We must renew our commitment to them, not as an inventory of promises, but as a covenant with our peoples and practical blueprint for ensuring that development reaches every citizen. Protects generations, yet unborn, and creates lasting, inclusive prosperity. One way to arrest the slippage is, as Guyana is doing, to mainstream the goals into our national development strategies, public policies, and budgets, so that they become embedded in the priorities we set and the resources we commit. Rather than remaining aspirations. The SDGs must not only guide our ambitions. They must shape our choices and our national priorities. In Guyana, we have made significant advances including universal health care, free education, modern infrastructure, accelerated access to affordable housing, opportunities for full employment, acceleration of financing for small and medium-sized enterprises and digitizing service delivery. Mr. President, two years ago, at this very podium, I committed Guyana to provide global leadership on biodiversity. In July 2025, under Guyana's leadership, the Global Biodiversity Alliance was established as an inclusive platform In just one year, the Alliance expanded from 17 to 138 members, bringing together governments, institutional organizations, including the UN, development banks, indigenous peoples, local communities, scientists, universities, and the private sector. The second conference of the Alliance to be held in October 2026 will begin to mobilize the resources and partnerships to deliver its ambitions. At the same time, we continue to advance our low carbon development strategy, focus on turning forest stewardship and climate action into a new model for sustainable development. Mr. President, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. United Nations must not be a monument to the past. It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Mr. President, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it. For it is in times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilization, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes, that multilateralism must rise. Multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity, and where there can be no enduring prosperity when inequality deepens. and no just international order when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed, and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age, sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose, we must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose. Leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the Charter without fear or favor. The United Nations needs its next General Secretary to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the Organization, mobilize its energies, and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust, and the need to manage transformation is, therefore, inseparable from the question of leadership. And the choice of its next Secretary-General will be, in no small measure, its choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of our excellency, Carlin Rodriguez Burkett. for the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world, and worked within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that her experience, her convictions, her record of service speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature therefore requires special significance amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and its national order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening without surrendering conviction, of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, mister president, Carlin Rodriguez Burkett. from every experience. Her very upbringing, crossed every struggle, every aspect of her accomplishment, defying and broke barriers. An Indigenous woman coming from a small Indigenous village, defying the odds, the odds against Indigenous persons the odds against women, the odds against poverty, defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges. Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment. Her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity, This is an individual of extreme qualities. Not because she's a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana. But because I know personally and many of you know this too. The permanent representatives sitting here in New York. You know her character. You who you know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place with Colin Rodrigues as the Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council, and every member and every member here. to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. Caricom as a body has endorsed her. and let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council. And we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Carlin Rodriguez Parkett. Endorsed by the Caribbean community. We invite all to consider her candidacy. On its merits. and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise, and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment. Mr. President, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security, and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be, a world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Guyana believes that the choice remains ours. As to whether the divisions of our age will define the future. Or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure, and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavor. Not as an institution looking back at the world. It was created to serve. but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come. May God bless all of you. May God bless our humanity. May God guide us to peace and keep our world safe, our children safe, and give us all the wherewithal to build nations that are prosperous. I thank you, and God bless you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, President of the Federal Republic of Somalia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it's a great honor to address the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly at the moment of profound uncertainty in our world. I congratulate His Excellency Khalil Rahman on his election as the President of this session and assure him of Somalia's full support and cooperation. I also commend Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his continued service to the United Nations and his steadfast in defense of multilateralism. He will be missed very much after he concludes his term as the Secretary-General this year. Indeed, his successor will have extremely large boots to fill going forward. For generations, the United Nations has represented humanity's shared determination to replace conflict with dialogue, domination with cooperation, and despair with hope. Yet today, many of the ideals and values we once collectively defended are being questioned and challenged. Respect for international law is becoming increasingly selective. Multilateral cooperation is weakening. Conflict, geopolitical rivalry, and mistrust are becoming defining features of our time. Uncertainty, unfortunately, has become the new norm. I remember the sense of optimism that accompanied the transition from the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015. There was genuine hope that we were beginning a new chapter, one in which No person, no community, no country would be left behind. 11 years later, we must have the courage to admit that the world is not where we expected it to be. Progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 stands at 36% only. This is far too low. Conflicts between and within the states are increasing. Humanitarian needs are rising, while the resources available to meet them are rapidly declining. Nationalism, intolerance, and political polarization are weakening the spirit of international cooperation. At the same time, the climate crisis continues to destroy lives livelihoods, and public infrastructure, particularly across the developing world. According to the United Nations, over 40% of the global population are vulnerable to the destructive effects of the climate change. And governments in developing countries spend over 10% of their GDP to respond to this. These painful fiscal trade-offs come at the expense of investment, in the education and health, which should never be the case. For millions of vulnerable people, global development can sometimes appear to be moving from one framework to another framework. One set, from one framework to another one set, promises to the next without sufficient transformation in their daily lives. New declarations and targets are valued, but they cannot substitute for effective implementation. This is why this year's theme is both timely and necessary. Trust in the UN will not be restored through declarations alone. It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is found on sovereign equality, territorial integrity, peaceful coexistence, human rights, and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all, not some. not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the Charter belongs equally to every human being and every member state. Yet, the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes, and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concern African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions, and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently broadly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility, and determination in both institutions. Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict, and support peaceful Africa-led solution with global benefits. Respect for national sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region, and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty unity, and internationally recognized borders. Disagreements between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten the regional stability. Somalia stands firmly with Palestinian people and their legitimate right to self-determination and statehood. We reaffirm our support for a just and lasting peace based on a two-state solution, with an independent and viable Palestinian state along with the 1967 borders. A just resolution of the Palestinian question remains essential to lasting peace and stability in the Middle East and beyond. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, UN political reform must be accompanied by institutional, administrative, and operational renewal. For nearly two decades, we have discussed the need to make United Nations operations more agile, coordinated, cost-effective, and capable of delivering measurable results. Some progress has been made, and we recognize the dedication of the many United Nations personnel working under difficult conditions around the world. However, we must also be honest. The results have not yet matched our collective expectations. In countries like mine, where the United Nations has maintained a sustainable presence for more than three decades, operations can become more effective by aligning more closely with our national priorities and using credible national systems. The majority of United Nations assistance continues to be delivered through parallel structures, fragmented projects, and off-budget arrangements in Somalia. This makes it difficult for the government to plan, coordinate resources, measure results, and build institutions required for long-term stability. Let us be clear here. Somalia is not calling for United Nations to withdraw. We are simply calling for a more accountable, strategic, and result-oriented partnership where Somali institutions are in the lead when it comes to implementation. Indeed, Somalia wants a partnership in which international assistance reinforces rather than replaces national leadership. This partnership is one in which national institutions are strengthened rather than bypassed, and both government and international organizations are mutually accountable for the results. The base argument of the past UN agencies development thinking that countries like Somalia lack capacity must be condemned and permanently to the dustbin of history. It is where it belongs. We now have capable people, institutions, policies that are proudly guiding our national transformation agenda. We must also ask ourselves why we continue to mobilize vital sources to respond to crisis while investing far less in preventing them. The UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction estimates that every $1 invested in proactive measures, resilient infrastructure, or early anticipatory actions saves between $3 to $15 in future damages and the response costs. Therefore, we cannot remain trapped in a cycle of financing the consequences of the conflict while neglecting the peacebuilding or responding to humanitarian emergencies while underinvesting in resilience and anticipatory actions. Prevention is more cost-effective, it's more humane, and it's more sustainable. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Now, El Nino is strengthening and is likely to bring another period of significant climate stress across the world with disproportionate impact on nations like Somalia. We must learn from what has happened before and be better prepared, not simply respond after the destruction it leaves in its wake as a community of nations. Mr. President, Excellencies and gentlemen, Somalia is successfully leading on its own national development. Our government is implementing the National Transformation Plan, strengthening public financial management, expanding domestic revenue, and investing in the capability of our national institutions. For over five decades, our people have dreamed of choosing their leaders through their vote. The last democratic election that took place in Somalia held in 1969. Today, we are determined to change that history. Through constitutional reform, we are laying the foundations of universal suffrage, accountable institutions, and a multi-party political system that allows every Somali citizen have a voice. We engaged all Somali political leaders, federal member states, civil society, women groups, and youth groups, and the diaspora to take part constructively in the hopeful political transformation. This is the first time that a real political reform is taking place in Somalia in the more than six decades that we were independent. Our aim is to become an effective democracy where differences are resolved through dialogue, law, and elections, not violence. We invite the United Nations and our international partners to support this transition by helping to strengthen democratic institutions, but always respecting our ownership of the Somali democracy. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this new progressive chapter where political power is determined by citizens, guided by constitutional law, and safeguarded by the rule of law. That's how we are building a durable Somali state. Our ours is a democracy where every citizen has a voice where every vote has a value, and where every government is accountable. That is our commitment to our people and to our world. Somalia also continues to confront international terrorism with determination and with the support of our international partners. We are strengthening our national security, our national security institutions, improving first generation, developing intelligence capabilities, and expanding security cooperation with our neighbors and the rest of the world. But the fight against terrorism in Somalia must not be understood as a Somalia's responsibility alone. We stand on the front line for a struggle that directly affects regional and international security. We therefore call for a predictable, sustainable support for Somalia's security transition, including adequate financing for African Union mission in Somalia. The transition towards full Somali security responsibility must be properly resourced, phased, and firmly anchored in capable Somali institutions. Following debt relief in Somalia, economy continues to grow on the foundations of strong reforms. Our real GDP growth this year is 3.1, despite all the global shocks we are experiencing. We also continue to strengthen public financial management, increase domestic revenue, enhance budget transparency, and deepen our fiscal sector. We are actively working to improve the investment environment to create opportunities for all our people, who are mainly a young population. We also continue to strategically increase investment in education, health, and human capital, despite the pressures created by geopolitical tensions, recurrent climate shocks, and rising global prices. Serious example of regional tension negatively impacting Somalia's development is the issue of the Strait of Hormuz. For Somalia, disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz have serious economic and humanitarian consequences. As an import-dependent country, reliant on the Middle East for much of our food, fuel, trade, Somalia is already facing rising prices, inflation, and increasing transparency and insurance costs, while drought linked to climate change is affecting overall over 6 million people in Somalia. The disruption has also contributed to an estimated 40% decline in our customs basic revenue, a critical resource of financing Somalia's economic reform, growth, and poverty reduction. Ensuring free and fair navigation through the strait is therefore essential to protecting vulnerable economies like Somalia and sustaining stability, advancing development, and delivering basic services. Sustainable development requires strong institutions. In Somalia, we have created institutions capable of translating international commitments into national results. These include the National Climate Fund, through which Somalia is mobilizing and coordinating urgently needed climate finance. The Independent National Human Rights Commission established to strengthen the protection and the promotion of human rights, and the Somali Disaster Management Agency establishment, which is on the front line of responding to the humanitarian crisis in Somalia. Somalia's membership of the East African Community, our leadership in the whole of Africa initiative, our ratification of the agreement establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area, and our continuing efforts toward its accession to the World Trade Organization, demonstrates Somalia's commitment to the regional integration and rules-based international order. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, financing is vital for development. Therefore, the promise of sustainable development cannot be fulfilled without reform of the international financial architecture. In the same way that the Security Council must reflect today's political realities, international financial institutions must reflectively, effectively respond to today's economic and environmental realities with relevant, affordable, and accessible financial products which can be dispersed in a timely manner. In conclusion, Somalia is broadly playing an active role in global stability, both at home and within the key existing multilateral structures of global governance. We are also rebuilding our economy and unwaveringly committing to democracy and people-centered, people-led, people-owned development. As we march forward with purpose and determination, we invite Africa and the rest of the world to remain our steadfast companions on this journey. On the UN, indeed, the UN remains vital to global governance and multilateralism. Yet, restoring trust requires consistence. Managing transformation requires courage. and cooperation. Delivering for all requires for fair representation, accessible resources, measurable results, especially for the developing countries. Somalia stands ready to work with every member state to reform the Security Council, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, and improve development financing, confront climate change, and build multilateral system that treats every nation and every person with equal dignity. Let us move beyond the promises and towards performance. Let us invest not only in managing crisis, but also in preventing them. And let us build a United Nations that does not simply speak in the name of all humanity, but delivers better for all humanity. I thank you all.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Azali Assoumani, President of the Union of the Comoros. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Excellence, Mr. President.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Your Majesties, Your Highnesses, the United Nations Secretary-General, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Your Excellencies, Heads of Delegations, distinguished guests, Ladies and gentlemen. Peace be upon you. At the outset, I would like to, on behalf of the Comorian delegation, I wish to express our sincere gratitude to the authorities of the United States. We thank them for their hospitality and arrangements extended to us since our arrival in New York for this 81st session of our Assembly. Allow me to also congratulate His Excellency Dr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of this session and to wish him every success in his noble mission. I would also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to Her Excellency, Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for her work and her wisdom in guiding the previous session. I would also like to pay tribute to the leadership of His Excellency, Antonio Guterres. Secretary-General of the United Nations, and commend his commitment to peace and development at a time when the international order is under severe strain. As he prepares to hand over the leadership of our organization, and an international context marked by tension and uncertainty, I extend my best wishes to his successor. At a time when confidence in international institutions is declining, and they're often perceived as favoring power politics over law, Our organization must rise above partisan interests. God willing, the next leadership will embody unity and the renewal of a more credible multilateralism, and this will have the full support of the Comoros. He will be essential for that voice to defend the aspirations of developing countries, particularly small island and vulnerable states, and to foster collective responses to the challenges we share. For 81 years, this General Assembly has remained the central pillar of multilateralism. And now that we're meeting in New York, humanity is at a crossroads. Despite our efforts, the sustainable development goals of the 2030 agenda remain, unfortunately, out of reach. Growing inequalities, the climate emergency, the fragility of international peace, all require renewed clarity and determination on our part. Restoring trust, mutual respect, and equality before the law is our collective responsibility during this 81st session. Mr. President, distinguished participants, A year ago, we called in this very hall for peace to be the foundation of development and human rights. Twelve months later, we must acknowledge that the gap between our commitments and reality remains evident. Everywhere around the world, from the Middle East to the Sahel, through the Great Lakes region, in Eastern Europe and Latin America, civilian populations continue to pay the high price of conflict driven by interests that are often hidden. The devastating war in the Middle East, marked by massive civilian losses and destruction of critical infrastructure, has spread to Syria and Lebanon as a result. of Israeli military operations and has had major global economic consequences. In addition to its worldwide impact, the conflict threatens the food and energy security of vulnerable countries, such as the Union of the Comoros, which remain highly dependent on imports. and whose populations face declining purchasing power. And this demands greater international solidarity, given this shared insecurity. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, allowing the conflict in the Middle East to continue directly weakens the United Nations by calling into question its ability to maintain world peace and by undermining its credibility amongst the peoples we represent. The theme of this 81st session acknowledges that something is broken and that is why confidence must be restored through concrete actions that uphold the rule of law and collective security. It is time to move beyond power politics and establish a new human ethic that transcends divisions of race, color, and belief whilst safeguarding our shared ecosystems. Created in 1945 from the ruins of the Second World War, Our organization was founded to guarantee peace, security, and sovereign equality of states in strict respect for international law. Without these principles, it would be little more than an empty forum. Since our last meeting here in September 2025, the genocide in Palestine has continued. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians, women, children, and elderly have lost their lives, and entire populations stand on the brink of extermination. The international community will regain its credibility first by taking urgent action to silence the guns, to protect civilian lives, whether Israeli, Palestinian, Lebanese, or Syrian, and ultimately implementing United Nations resolutions, including the two-state solution with Israel and Palestine coexisting peacefully. This is a prerequisite for addressing climate change. The risks of artificial intelligence and the imperative of sustainable development. We will make the right to development a pillar of multilateralism by facilitating access to sustainable funding and reducing inequalities globally. Ladies and gentlemen, please allow me to quote the great African writer Chinua Achebe. who said the following, "When we gather in the village under the moonlight, it's not because of the moon. Each person can see the moon in his own backyard. We gather because it is good to do so. Let us continue in a spirit of teamwork and draw strength from solidarity. If we smile together, it is not because we have no problems, but because we are stronger than our problems." Ladies and gentlemen, for half a century, the Comorian state, still striving for full sovereignty within its internationally recognized borders, remains under what it considers an illegal French occupation, despite the many relevant resolutions of this Assembly. The Comorian side has always favored a peaceful settlement of this dispute and has always believed that dialogue is the only alternative. And we have engaged in such a dialogue with France for two decades in an effort to reach a peaceful solution of this dispute once described by former French President Francois Mitterrand as unpleasant, and we regret that this dialogue has not succeeded. On the contrary, France's unilateral actions, particularly in Africa, run counter to our expectations. We deeply regret attempts by some neighboring brotherly and friendly countries which have long defended the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Comoros, to establish relations with what we regard as an occupied part of our territory. We appeal to the solidarity that African countries have always demonstrated in defending sovereignty, and in particular, the territorial integrity of the Comoros. We strongly condemn initiatives of cooperation with the local authorities of Mayotte, as well as a recent statement by the French Prime Minister linking development assistance to the pursuit of migrants. Under General Assembly resolution 3385 of 12 November 1975 and 31/4 of 21 November 1976, and Security Council Resolution 376, Comorians are at home in Mayotte. For the Comorian nation, sovereignty of the entire archipelago is not for sale. We therefore urge the French authorities to rethink the political narrative, to reconsider recently announced measures and pursue productive cooperation and mutually beneficial partnership for both France and the Comoros. It is an imperative to build a harmonious future and to overcome the traditional ways of thinking and doing things. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, development remains at the heart of our national ambition. Since 2019, the Comoros has implemented the Emerging Comoros Plan, a roadmap designed to modernize infrastructure, stimulate the private sector, and provide decent jobs for our youth. With financing needs of $5.2 billion over 10 years, The plan is the driving force of our transformation. We have seen tangible progress, the economic growth, for example, which went from 1.9 in 2019 to 3.8 in 2025. Yet, there's still a long road ahead of us. We need to mobilize greater levels of both domestic and external funding so as to attain our goals. Now, given this scarcity and rising cost of financial resources, particularly because of the access criteria for concessional financing, and they often fail to reflect reality. For a small island state such as ours, income indicators alone do not capture our multidimensional vulnerability. And that is why we in the Comoros call for a profound reform of the international financial architecture. Such reform is essential to guarantee our right to development and to ensure that multilateral banks finally take account of our vulnerabilities in their allocation policies. Encouraged by positive macroeconomic results and our determination to reach higher middle income status, We are now entering a decisive phase. For the period 2027 to 2030, we will accelerate implementation of the Emerging Comoros Plan. And we invite our bilateral and multilateral partners as well as the private sector, to join us in transforming this ambition into a lasting reality for the Comorian people. Mr. President, I would like to also express my deep gratitude for the inscription during the most recent session of the World Heritage Committee in Busan of six medinas of the historic Comorian sultanates, on UNESCO's World Heritage List. This historic recognition is the fruit of 20 years of work and it honors our nation. I would like to express our gratitude to all of the partners who helped us technically and financially and ultimately made this possible. Furthermore, our country in one year's time, the Union of the Comoros will host for the first time in its history, the Indian Ocean Islands Games. This major youth sporting event promotes cohesion and personal development in a world far too often marked by division and rejection of diversity. And here I would like to, on behalf of the Comorian people, I would like to thank all of the countries and partners whose support has helped make this national and regional undertaking possible. We intend to

make this event a resounding success. Mr. President, in conclusion, I call for ambitious action to restore confidence amongst our nations and do it through fairness, justice and solidarity. Let us transform the United Nations, our common home, into a more credible organization, and a source of hope for the future. It is only then that we will truly empower ourselves to act in all humanity, for humanity, in all of its differences and diversity. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Union of the Comoros. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Joseph Njuma Boakai, President of the Republic of Liberia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, on behalf of the government and the people of Liberia, I congratulate Your Excellency, Khalilou Radman, on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly, and I assure you of Liberia's full support. We also thank Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for her leadership during the 80th session. As Secretary-General Antonio Guterres prepares to conclude his tenure, Liberia salutes his principled leadership and tireless commitment to reform. Mr. President, the theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation that delivers for all, frames in our view a lingering crisis of legitimacy and relevant that demands urgent attention. Trust in multilateralism is broken and needs to be restored, not because the principles of the Charter are no longer relevant, but because we have applied them inconsistently and selectively during global fragmentation. Our answer So that is a better multilateralism. 80 years ago, Liberia was among the only four nations to sign the charter establishing the United Nations. Believing then, as we do now, that a peaceful world rests on international law, respect for human rights, and dignity, a commitment to development. Having risen from the ashes of conflict to become resilient democracy, Liberia is living proof that dialogue can overcome division, that institutions can be built. This same spirit defines our national governance today. under my administration, Liberia is strengthening public accountability, ensuring prudent financial management, intensifying the fight against corruption, and supporting the judiciary in rebuilding citizens' confidence in the institutions that serve them. Mr. President, without peace, development is impossible, and without inclusive development, peace is an illusion. Across the region, theater of conflict, innocent civilians continue to pay the unacceptable price of war. We renew our call for an immediate end to all hostilities, unhindered humanitarian access, and full respect for international humanitarian law. Prevention must be at the heart of international peace and security. Investing in preventive democracy, mediation, and early warning is not only morally imperative, but also physically prudent. The cause of preventing war places comprising the cause of building broken society. As a current member of the United Nations Security Council, Liberia is putting these principles into practice while confronting evolving threats across West Africa, including transnational organized crime, cyber war, and illicit according trafficking along maritime corridors in the Gulf of Guinea. Through our joint security forces, we are tightening the vise on transnational drug cartels. No nation can police global criminal network alone. So we call on international partners for targeted support in coast guard surveillance, intelligence sharing, and post security technologies, sustainable development, and reforming the international financial system. Mr. President, as we enter the home stretch of the 2030 agenda, Developing nations have been squeezed by unsustainable debt, shrinking financial space, and mounting external shocks. At a core, this is a crisis of international financial system designed for a different era. Liberia calls for urgent structural reform of the international financial architecture. Developing nation need concessional financing, debt sustainability, and predictable development capital. Not escalating interest rates that threaten survival. At the heart of this reform must be a fairer voice. And a vote for developing countries. Within the institution. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. whose governance still reflects the world of 1945 rather than the world of today. A financial system that decides the fate of billions cannot continue to be governed by the few. Reform of our international financial system is not a technical exercise. It is a precondition for delivering the sustainable development goals and for restoring the very trust this assembly is meeting to discuss. At home, my government is driving transformation through our national development blueprint, the arrest agenda for inclusive development, which focuses on agriculture, roads, rule of law, education, sanitation, and tourism. This year, we have made concrete strides in revenue, administration, and infrastructure, including rural roads linking farms to market. Liberia contributes virtually nothing to global emission, yet our communities face coastal erosion, flooding, and disrupted agricultural cycles. My country also harbors 42% of the remaining Upper Guinea rainforest, a vital global carbon sink that we maintain on behalf of all humanity. Climate responsibility must be paired with climate justice. We call on industrial nations to honor their financial pledges and operationalize loss and damage mechanisms. Democracy and human rights and responsible innovation. Mr. President, the ultimate measure of governance is inclusion. In Africa, 60% of our population is under 25. the single greatest engine of innovation on earth. We must equip our youth with STEM education, digital literacy, and technical training so they become co-creators in the global digital economy, not just consumers. Gender equality remains essential When women lead, peace agreements last longer, economies grow faster, and governance becomes more accountable. Liberia remains committed to full political, economic, and social equality for women and girls. Liberia welcomes global effort to govern new technologies including the Secretary General's independent international scientific panel on artificial intelligence. Developing nations must not be left behind as mere consumers or algorithms designed elsewhere. We must be supported in building true digital sovereignty. We join calls abiding ethical norms and greater regulation of artificial intelligence, particularly in warfare. Innovation must protect human development, not automate human destruction. Reforming global governance, correcting historic injustice. Mr. President, 80 years of patience is enough. The time for structural reform is now. While we welcome the UN80 reform agenda to make this organization agile, efficient, and accountable, true reform must address the core structural issue. The UN Security Council article is home to 1.5 billion people and account for nearly one third of the UN membership. Yet 80% of Security Council mandates concern Africa peace and security, while Africa remains without a single permanent seat on the organ responsible for global peace. This historical injustice is no longer tenable. Liberia reaffirms its support for common African position and proposed reform of the United Nations Security Council. We celebrate the presentation of the African model during the recent intergovernmental negotiation which advances us towards text-based negotiation. Africa demands no fewer than two permanent seats with all accompanying rights and responsibilities, including the veto, so long as it exists, as well as additional non-permanent seat, correcting the imbalance is no not a favor for Africa. It is necessary to restore United Nations trust, credibility, and legitimacy. Mr. President, the choices before the 81st General Assembly is stark. We can allow multilateralism to drift towards irrelevance, or we can change course and act boldly to restore trust, credibility, and legitimacy. Liberia's journey for civil conflict to constitutional democracy and from broken institution to accountable governance shows what is possible when nations commit deliberately and consistently to restoring trust and managing transformation As we did in San Francisco in 1945, Liberia is ready, together with all member states, to save mankind from the scourge of war, guarantee human dignity, and leave no one behind. Let us leave this assembly committed to a United Nations that is not deliberate on crisis, but also resolve them and restore trust through results, protect the vulnerable, honor the right of our nation, and secure a peaceful planet for generations to come. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Liberia. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Rodriguez Paz Pereira, Constitutional President of the Plurinational State of Bolivia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President of the Assembly, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honor to be with you for the first time as constitutional president of Bolivia. And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people. the homeland, a people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity, that has been through economic, political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty. but which has never lost sight of something fundamental, and that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. in the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line which was being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal so that construction and development and the vision of a the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today, the Bolivian economy in 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. but it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations. And that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign 10 months ago, in the 10 months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all, of resources, financial capacities, being able to invest and develop. Socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, There were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, 10 months on, we have nearly $1.2 billion, and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly $4 billion. and in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia, it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy, and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country. which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust. in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward. Because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security, and justice. It's one thing to have a government, which we do have. It's quite another thing to have governability, which we do now have because the parliament is now drafting and approving laws. And governance is yet another thing. Governance, governability and governance are not the same things. And in governance, there was a deep-rooted danger that we should denounce in this space of the United Nations. 53 days, for 53 days, there were blockages of roads in Bolivia. blocking access to healthcare and education. More than 20 people died, and this was financed by narco terrorism and by drug trafficking. And a helpless, defenseless state that was unable to generate economic and human resources to be able to fight that narco-terrorism, narco-trafficking, which was financing it. Protest and the right to demand a better life is one thing, the right to demand a decent life, better healthcare, education and infrastructure, it is quite another thing. to want to break the constitutional and democratic framework of our nations. That is why those mafias that do not have constitutions, that do not have laws and do not have to report their resources, they are mafias that are using organized crime and using resources, be it drug trafficking, smuggling or gold. It doesn't matter the source of that money. What is important to them is destroying constitutions, destroying democracies and destroying social stability. That is why Bolivia is fighting to overcome this crisis and be able to produce and export. We want investment, employment, technology. We want resources. We want to integrate into the world. We want to do that while also preserving something that no economic growth can replace, and that is its people, its territory, and its extraordinary biological diversity. Ladies and gentlemen, Bolivia has one specific feature, which is also perhaps an opportunity. We are a country with a small population but with diversity, the Andes, the Altiplano, the Amazon. We make up 60% of the water that the Amazon receives comes from Bolivia, one of the greatest cultural wealths of the continent and the world, and not just from one culture, many cultures within a single nation. And we have strategic natural resources which could be important for the energy and technological transition for the world. Each of the cell phones, the mobile phones that you have here in the room today, 10% of the tin that is in those cell phones comes from Bolivian tin. We have the capacity to provide the world with the resources that it needs to be able to develop a better world. Bolivia does not want to repeat the history of countries that exported their natural resources for decades and remained poor. We do not simply want to extract minerals from the earth so that other countries can add value to them. The ideology, and this is very important, I spoke earlier about organized crime and the mafia. In Bolivia, we have discovered and we are telling the world, the ideology of corruption is part and parcel of the destruction of knowledge, technology, research, infrastructure. and knowing how to properly make use of capital. The ideology of corruption runs counter to development. It runs counter to our democracies. For that reason, we must overthrow the ideological concept of corruption. We want partners that understand that an investment is not just a transfer of funds, of money. We want a long-term relationship with jobs, training, technology, infrastructure, productivity, a future. That is why Bolivia is open to the world and we want the world to come to Bolivia. But we are open with dignity. not based on demagogical speeches based on our past. What Bolivia wants is a firm and strong future, respecting our traditions and our original and indigenous peoples, but also giving them opportunities to grow with dignity and to develop our nations. Bolivia wants to enter partnerships, to compete, to learn, and it is also open to contributing. This historic moment has seen a discussion that we can no longer postpone. the transition to energy diversification. It's not so much a transition in and of itself, but rather diversifying our energy. The world needs cleaner energy sources, but it also needs minerals, lithium, copper, other critical minerals. It needs new supply chains and it needs to do that in a responsible way. And Bolivia wants to be a part of that conversation. But we would like to raise a question. Can the global energy diversification really be just if the countries that possess strategic resources continue to primarily export them as raw materials? No. That is why we want to enter into partnerships and open ourselves up to the world, but as a society, as partners, and not just as a source of raw materials. The energy transition also needs to represent productive diversification. It should create opportunities for producing countries. It should generate local capacities, respect the environment. It should incorporate and include communities, and it should allow our young people to be actors in those new industries. That is why we are proposing a new international relationship around strategic resources, a relationship that is based on investment, knowledge, technology, and added value. The United Nations, well, Bolivia is a country with one of the greatest forest reserves in the world. In the last 10 years, we've gone from 57% of a territory which around in the world represented forest reserves to less than 50% of that. Reforestation and the environment should be a priority for us. In my country, there was a president who talked about the Pachamama, which is God on Earth, and nevertheless, for the last 20 years, they have been destroying it. I think the Pachamama has changed its opinion now. It wants to grow and it wants to be taken care of, but it also wants an answer for its original peoples, its indigenous peoples, and the peoples of this region so that they can benefit from this care shown to the Pachamama. Bolivia cannot ask the world to protect our forests if we don't do our fair share as well. That is why we have already implemented various laws and norms which will be part of what Bolivia does among itself and with the world. The protection of the Amazon is a national responsibility, but it is also an international one. We want to conserve the Amazon. And for that reason, with neighboring countries that make up that Amazon region, we need to reach agreements. We cannot allow continued predating predatory activities on our Amazon, which is the lung of the world. Ladies and gentlemen, there are other challenges which I believe to be inseparable from the future of our nations. The fight against organized crime, as I have already said, organized crime has various different sources of financing. to finance myself, I had to ask multilaterals, I have to ask for resources that come late or sometimes never because the slow procedures that those multilateral organizations have mean that organized crime has an advantage when it comes to getting resources from drug trafficking, drug terrorism or the smuggling of gold to then destabilize our democracies. That is why multilateralism has to act much more immediately. It cannot be the case that one, two, or three billion dollars is the value of a democracy in crisis. Democracy is the priority in order to establish relations between our nations. The United Nations is built upon and based upon democracy, based upon respect for laws and having clear laws, having constitutions. But we have suffered from the attack of these narco-terrorists for 53 days again now. We have used dialogue and the technique and technology of peace. They wanted confrontation, they wanted blood on the streets. We instead offered dialogue and the technique of peace. And that same technique of peace, which I ask countries at war to use to end confrontations. Because when there is war in the world, those that suffer the most are the poor. When there is war in the world, it is the poor that suffer the most with fuel prices, energy, the cost of living. I'm welcome for this opportunity for Bolivia to be with you and to express our concerns. I will conclude by talking about Ban and Santa Cruz, two departments, and Cochabamba as well, which in September, this is the anniversary of those nine departments. But I would also like to express my fond affection to young Bolivians. Young Bolivians, just like the young people in all of the nations of the United Nations, need to find the meaning and purpose of their lives. Our nations need to give our young people that purpose. There will be the United Nations, Bolivia and countries in the future if we give that meaning to our young people, a meaning and a purpose in their lives, the very reason for being. I am and I am here to be part of building a society. That is why in these difficult moments that we are experiencing now, we are working in particular to ensure that young people have a purpose. They want to build the fatherland. They want to build our nation and want to be part of the United Nations as a concept of United Nations so that we can cooperate, work together, and to be firm in that conviction to be able to carry out a form of transformation and bring change to our work as a nation. I believe we need to build a new agenda. An agenda of energy, critical minerals, industrialization, infrastructure, digitalization, water, biodiversity, food security, education, health, gender, science, technology, connectivity, and other things. A new agenda for humanity. And we must debate that and discuss it because changes, digitalization is changing things very rapidly and changing our ability to understand what is happening in our countries. I am the product of digitalization. I conducted my campaign on social networks alone. I didn't use campaign experts. I didn't use millions of dollars for my campaign. It was only networks. And that is why urgent responses are needed to the challenges facing our nation. Thank you very much for this opportunity given to Bolivia, Bolivia today in this assembly. As I said, not everything has been resolved. We're just getting started. But Bolivia will never be on its knees. It will always stand tall. It will always stand up and be ready to walk forward and move ahead. I would like to thank each of the departments in my homeland and tell you that Bolivia is the homeland that never abandons us. The United Nations should also be the space that never abandons our homelands. This is the space for consolidating our democracy. This is the place where we can consolidate them against organized crime. This is the place where we can strengthen them for development. We have agreed to be part of the Shield of the Americas, but we have also agreed to be part of the Santiago Agreement to ensure that our democracies have security and certainty. and to provide them with progress and with a future. We never give in. Long live the home and dammit. Long live Bolivia. Thank you, United Nations.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the constitutional president of the Plurinational State of Bolivia. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Andr s Balint Bak, President of Hungary. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, It is a special honor to address this Assembly on behalf of Hungary. I speak here to the nations of the world, but also to my fellow citizens watching at home. For much of my life, I served as a judge in Hungary and at the European Court of Human Rights. That work taught me a simple lesson. The law must apply even to those in power. This belief will guide me as president. I will protect the constitution, the freedom of our institutions, and the dignity of every Hungarian citizen. The state belongs to those who support the government, to those who oppose it, and to those who have lost trust in politics whatsoever. A new political majority must not become the new owner of the state. This April, the people of Hungary voted for democratic renewal. They expected more than a change of government. They expect public life to change, rule of law, a state that serves rather than controls, courts that decide without pressure, a press that challenges power, and public money that is used for public goods. There must be accountability for corruption and abuse of power, but there must be no revenge. Justice cannot become a political weapon. A democratic state cannot repair past wrongs by repeating them with new people in charge. The same law must apply to those who governed yesterday, those who govern today, and those who may govern tomorrow. A republic begins when power accepts its limits. That is the republic Hungary must now rebuild. Trust from our partners will not return because of an election or one speech. Hungary asked to be judged by what we do. We will be a reliable member of the European Union, a committed NATO ally, and an active member of the United Nations. These partnerships do not take away our freedom, they protect it. Hungary will defend its national interest, but it will do so as a partner. We believe that national interest and international cooperation do not have to stand against each other. For Hungarians, the reasons are part of our own history. Seventy years ago, The revolution of 1956 expressed our people's determination to govern themselves. Soviet tanks crushed that hope. Our appeals reached the United Nations, but the international community could not prevent our defeat. Many countries represented here opened their doors to Hungarians who fled their country after the revolution. We remember both the cost of losing our independence and the help that allowed our people to start again. Today, Ukraine is fighting to preserve its independence. Hungary condemns Russia's full-scale war of aggression as a violation of United Nations Charter and international law. We affirm Ukraine's right to self-defense its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and the right of its people to decide their own future. The freedom Hungarians demanded for themselves in 1956 is a freedom we must uphold for Ukrainians today. We remember those who have lost their lives in this war, and we want diplomacy to bring the killing to an end. But a lasting peace must respect Ukraine's sovereignty. If taking territory by force becomes an accepted way of settling disputes, every smaller country will have reasons to worry about its own future. The principles of the Charter therefore matter to all of us. Human suffering cannot wait for diplomacy to succeed. People in conflict need food, medicine, and protection now. Hungary will continue to provide humanitarian aid to people in danger, especially the most vulnerable. In the Middle East, we call for full respect for international humanitarian law and for aid to reach those who need it safely and without interruption. Israelis and Palestinians must be able to live in security and dignity. A lasting peace must give their families reasons to believe that their children can grow up without the fear that has marked so many lives. For people forced from their homes by war and/or persecution, protection may first mean finding safety in another country. Hungary's own history gives us reason to understand that need. At the same time, every state has the right to protect its borders. Hungary will do so in accordance with international law. We will fight illegal migration and the criminal networks that profit from it by respecting human dignity and the protection given to refugees. But security is not only about borders and war. People also need the chance to build the future where they live. They need homes, schools, health care, and ways to earn a living. Poverty and the lack of opportunity can drive people from their countries just as conflict can. Hungary will continue to support development that helps communities build that future based on their own needs and priorities. We are ready to share our experience in education, health, and digital development. Water is another area where our interests meet. Drought can destroy crops, threaten food and energy supplies, and take away people's income. Climate change is making these pressures greater. Rivers also cross borders. What one country does can affect the water available to another. This makes cooperation essential. Hungary has experience in water management, sustainable agriculture, and climate adaptation, and we are ready to share it. For many countries represented in this hall, food, Energy, education, health, and jobs are immediate concern. We must give these issues to the same serious attention that we ask others to give European security. International cooperation works best when it responds to people's real needs and when every country has a voice. Excellencies, the United Nations faces a crisis of trust. Too often, it fails to act when powerful states and their friends break the rules. No country should be above the law. We cannot have one rule for our friends and another for others. But the answer is not to turn away from the United Nations. We need it, and we need it to work. It must be able to act treat all its members fairly, and apply the same principles to everyone. Hungary is ready to do its part. We will stand for human rights, support peacekeeping, and work with countries across the world to protect people and help diplomacy succeed. We must also look beyond the problems today. Many of the decisions we make now will shape the lives of people who are not yet born. A school, a strong institution, or a safe water system can benefit people for many years. Future generations must therefore have a place in the decisions we make today. Hungary supports stronger international action to protect their interest. including the appointment of a United Nations special envoy for future generations. The United Nations cannot demand trust. It must earn it. The same is true of every state and every public institution. The Hungarian people have asked us to restore their confidence in the future. We will honor that choice by rebuilding trust at home and by becoming a country others can trust when their own future is at stake. For Hungary, this is a new beginning, but the principle behind is not new. Power earns trust only when it accepts law. That is the responsibility Hungary accepts and the work we are ready to undertake with you. Thank you very much for your attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Hungary. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Yamandu Orsi, President of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General, Heads of State, ladies and gentlemen. It is fitting that I begin by paying tribute to the people of the United States who 250 years ago, a quarter of a millennium ago, decided and understood that people have rights, the right to life, to their liberty and to happiness, and that these rights should guide every government, and that it is the governed who should decide who should govern them. We in South America, also peoples of migrants inherited these same principles 50 years on. And to that we say, cheers. I appear before this Assembly on behalf of a young country, but one with deeply rooted traditions. A country that over the course of its history has learned that governing doesn't merely mean administering resources or institutions. Above all, it means working for the well-being of people. And that has been one of Uruguay's great purposes, building a society in which dignity, freedom, peaceful coexistence and opportunities can be a part of people's everyday lives. And if there is one word that sums up much of our vocation as a country, that word would be peace. We do not view peace simply as an absence of war. We understand it as something that has to be constantly built. the possibility for people to live, to work, to educate their children, pursue their aspirations and to look to the future without fear. Uruguay, with its virtues, but also like every country with its darker times, has been a country that has sought to resolve its differences through institutions, through dialogue and through the quest for agreement. In this Assembly, we reaffirm our enduring willingness to contribute to peacekeeping missions with a deep sense of responsibility and solidarity. Uruguayan men and women can bear witness to the value of this instrument in easing suffering and guaranteeing respect for the human lives of the most defenseless populations. You can continue to count on Uruguay here. We are not a country given to grand gestures. We are a country of deeply held beliefs. And one of these beliefs is that peacebuilding is never finished. We can't take it for granted. Every generation has the responsibility to build it anew. There can't be peace for some and another peace for others. No suffering matters more because it happens closer to home and no lives are worth less because they were born in another country. When people suffer, humanity as a whole bears a responsibility. When a people is displaced, when a family loses its home, when young people can see no way out and their mental health is under threat, When a child grows up under the sound of gunfire, when millions of people live in poverty or without any opportunities, we can't stand indifferent to that. Nor can we stand indifferent to the pain caused by a state of endless war, the fear and pain generated by organized crime or the constant threat of terrorism, the repression born out of tyranny or the suffering triggered by a rigid economic blockade such as that endured by the Cuban people. We don't believe that taking one side or another in a war, confrontation or dispute necessarily contributes to resolving it. Indeed, very often it only serves to further the divisions. We have a different commitment, that is to seek path towards understanding, to open spaces for dialogue and to help to ensure that conflicts find a peaceful resolution. This doesn't mean indifference. It doesn't mean downplaying suffering. It doesn't mean overlooking responsibilities. It means understanding that peace demands something more difficult than merely taking sides. It means that we need to work so that that confrontation can be brought to an end as soon as possible. And to do that, we also have to recover something that at times seems to have been lost in international debate, humility. Uruguayans have an expression that sums up an understanding of coexistence. No one is better than anyone else. No country holds the absolute truth. No nation has a monopoly on their solutions. No society can claim that its historical experience is universal. And no people should be doomed to choose between models imposed from outside. Our understanding of relations among countries stems from that notion of humility. This is a humility that doesn't mean weakness. On the contrary, it means recognizing our own limitations while at the same time trusting in the abilities of others. We come from a country that is diverse in its opinions, but one that is deeply committed to the possibility of building a common future. And we believe that this combination, diversity of ideas and cohesion around the future, can also serve as our contribution to the international community. Today, we are living through a particularly difficult period. Extreme inequality remains one of the great threats to coexistence. Poverty continues to deprive millions of people of basic opportunities and wars continue to destroy lives, communities and hopes. While we discuss growth, technology, artificial intelligence, the energy transition or new forms of production, there are millions of people who continue to ask themselves far more basic questions. How will I feed my children? How can I find housing? How can I find a job? Or how can I face tomorrow without fear? We mustn't lose sight of that reality. Development makes sense when it improves people's lives. Economies make sense when they serve society. Technology makes sense when it expands our freedoms and opportunities. and politics makes sense when it is able to transform reality to bring happiness to our people. We are speaking from the experience of a small country removed from the great centres of power. However, we are convinced that our size shouldn't determine our ability to contribute, much less affect our own dignity. We need more effective, more representative multilateral institutions that are closer to the people and more able to respond to the challenges of our time. We need cooperation, we need solidarity and we also need to demonstrate austerity within these institutions. But above all We need to restore trust in our collective ability to change things because at its heart, the very idea of well-being and progress springs from something that is profoundly human, that is the ability to recognize suffering and refuse to accept inertia. Human beings are creative precisely because they refuse to resign themselves to things they sense what causes pain. They sense what could be different and then they're able to sense the desire for change. And this desire for change is perhaps one of the most profound expressions of our own freedom. When our peoples advance along the path of progress, they generally do so by wielding the powerful magic of freedom. Knowing that freedom doesn't come involve solely choosing between different possibilities. It also means being able to transform those things that we wish to for the good of the community as a whole. Our freedom becomes fuller when we are able to expand the freedom of others, when we change our societies through dialogue, when we build fairer institutions, when we undertake significant projects that endure beyond our own lifetimes. When school, a new school opens its doors, when a child has an opportunity that was previously out of their reach, when a community is able to overcome a division, when two countries that were at odds finally find a path towards understanding. Today, there are more than 8 billion people living on the same planet. 8 billion different stories, 8 billion hopes, 8 billion possibilities. We are not finished as such as humanity. We are a humanity still in the making. Every morning we have the chance to decide what kind of world we want to leave to those who come after us. We can choose to accept inequality as inevitable. We could accept war as something permanent, accept poverty as our fate. We could accept mistrust replacing dialogue. Or, on the contrary, we could choose another path, the most difficult path, but also the most human one. Uruguay, therefore, comes before this Assembly today with that belief, with the humility and respect of a small country but also with the resolve of those who understand the value of their principles. We've come to say that peace is no utopia. It is an ongoing endeavor. No conflict is ever definitively resolved through more conflict. No society becomes safer when hopelessness becomes the norm. No country can build its well-being in isolation. The future of humanity will, to a large extent, depend on our ability to understand that we are profoundly interconnected. We are different. We think differently. We have different histories. We have different interests. We are well aware that this isn't a struggle between the good guys and the bad guys. All too often, the good guys quickly become the bad guys. or those that we harshly condemned yesterday magically become the standard bearers of our alliance for good. But we share the same planet and ultimately the same destiny. Every day the UN has an increasing reason to exist and it must inevitably evolve in step with the geopolitical changes unfolding at dizzy

in speed. Every nation within this organization must play an active role within it, each to the fullest extent of their capacities. It's clear that our efforts should focus on ensuring that this is an up-to-date organization, properly supported, taking fair decisions that are respected. Countries' borders cannot be subject to human whims. They must be protected and respected as they represent the boundaries established to preserve identity, distinctive character, and a sense of belonging of their respective populations. We cannot continue to be held hostage to the will of a handful of countries that can be counted on the fingers of one hand, nor can we yield to the economic expediencies of the time. The aim here is clear, to achieve lasting stability, to ensure that the efforts of our citizens and their governments are channeled towards generating prosperity, far removed, of course, from the destruction and suffering caused by war. And we have made a commitment. Let us honor it right now. The history that ultimately prevails will be the history that we write every day through our action. For all of these reasons, Uruguay will continue to support dialogue, multi-naturalism, cooperation, international law, and the peaceful settlement of disputes, and above all, for the dignity of every human being. Humanity continues to refuse to regard itself as definitively complete, and perhaps that's our greatest hope. The hope that we can still change, that we can still learn, that we can still build, and that we can still choose peace. And this mere fact ultimately reminds us of the clear purity of the idea that together we stand and together we change. Little is contributed to the purposes of the UN by merely using this rostrum to accuse or attack. fire, the fire doesn't need any more fuel. Let us better harness this opportunity and let us give peace another chance. Because relations among states, just like relations between good people, bring happiness if we refrain from trading blows or elbowing one another aside. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay. We shall now continue the general debate. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Antonio Costa, President of the European Council of the European Union. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, multilateralism is not an ideal of the past. It is the only realistic way to address the problems of today. Alone, no country can prevent a pandemic, stabilize the climate, secure resilient supply chains, regulate artificial intelligence, ensure financial stability, or deliver sustainable development. Alone, no country, however powerful, can build lasting peace. And this is why Our message is clear. We need multilateralism, multilateralism that is strong, effective, representative, and capable of delivering for people. Multilateralism that protects human rights, strengthens democracy, and advances gender equality. Multilateralism equipped to address the defining challenges of today, peace, the climate emergency, economic insecurity, and artificial intelligence. On artificial intelligence and its governance, we need an accountable, transparent, and regulated architecture. We need an AI that serves humanity, not controls it. We must always be in the driving seat, setting a safe and secure pace of innovation and development. The artificial intelligence industry cannot be regulated by a few major global companies. And the United Nations must play a central role in setting global standards through the United Nations Global Digital Compact, the Independent International Scientific Panel, and the Global Dialogue on AI Governance. Excellencies, The United Nations must remain at the center of the multilateral system. The United Nations is under pressure from geopolitical polarization, financial constraints, and institution shortcomings. But the answer is not withdrawal. The answer is to reform, renew, and reinvest. The UN80 initiative offers an opportunity to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. The European Union also continues to call for a comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to make it more effective, inclusive, democratic and accountable. The European Union will continue to contribute to strengthen the United Nations politically, financially and through concrete actions. Because the best argument for multilateralism is what it delivers on peace and security with the Treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, on climate action with the Paris Agreement, on poverty and health with the global response to COVID-19. The truth is, when we act together, multilateralism delivers for people. And this is why this week, the United Union, the European Union has launched together with Australia, Barbados, Brazil, Canada, India, and Kenya, the P4M, Partners for Multilateralism, International Law, Peace, and Prosperity. Our initiative aims to be an open platform for partners from all parts of the world who are ready to defend common principles and work towards practical solutions. It is a network for dialogue, coalition building, and practical cooperation. It will support the work of United Nations and other multilateral formats. It will help to build bridges across regions, and it will contribute to advancing the reform and modernization of the United Nations and the multilateral system, helping to turn shared commitments into concrete action. And I invite all the nations in this chamber to join this initiative and endorse the P4M declarations. Excellences.

There can be no double standards in terms of international law. The facts are clear. We are bearing witness to deliberate violations of international law. Following and defending international law is not an option. It is our responsibility. That means protecting the institutions that give their very meaning to these principles, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. We support these courts firmly and we will defend their independence, integrity and their ability to fully carry out their mandate. Threats and attacks on the International Criminal Court and its staff and authorities are unacceptable. Accountability cannot depend on political considerations. International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration, development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Russia on Ukraine. This was a war chosen by Russia, the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council. The violation of the UN Charter and of international law attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year. The European Union and its member states have made their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. with the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The ceasefire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution, it is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. And finally, we hope that the Iranian people can in the future live in peace, security, and as free men and women. Excellencies, the United Nations need an ambitious leader that is firmly committed to the principles of its charter and respect of international law, as is currently being demonstrated by Antonio Guterres. Here, I would like to pay tribute to the Secretary-General His clear efforts in favor of respect of the United Nations Charter, the defense of human rights, reforming the global financial architecture, sustainable development, and decisive action in the face of climate change have all been a true beacon lighting our path, guiding our collective commitment. Thank you very much, Antonio Guterres. The next Secretary-General, the next Secretary-General must continue to fully mobilize all of the tools available to them to be able to prevent conflict, mediate crises, and build peace, particularly emphasizing the Middle East, Sudan, and Ukraine. This commitment will depend on the robustness of the multilateral system tomorrow. Ladies and gentlemen, A more robust multilateral system also calls for stronger partnerships. The EU doesn't purport to impose a model or influence. We aspire to build space for progress and growth together with partners from all regions around the world. For this reason, we continue to build the most dense network of trade agreements in the world, covering 84 countries from around the planet. In the last 12 months alone, we concluded negotiations and signed agreements with India, Australia, Philippines, Mercosur, Mexico, among others, benefiting billions of people. But the value of what we can do with our partners needs to go beyond trade. no sphere is more urgent than that of sustainable development. The 2030 agenda is at risk. The financing gap is growing, the climate crisis is worsening, geopolitical divisions are curbing progress. We need to continue to work to reform the global financial architecture. The European Union stands steadfastly committed to the Paris Agreement, the Pact for the Future and the Sustainable Development Goals funded in line with the Seville Commitment. The EU and its Member States together represent more than 40% of official development assistance at the global level and through our Global Gateway initiative, we are investing in all fields, connectivity, health, education and eradication of poverty. But we mustn't lose any more time. For this reason, the Sustainable Development Goals 2027 should be a turning point to pick up the pace, to correct the mistakes and to commit to 2030 and beyond that.

The European Union is clear about its choice. Cooperation over confrontation. Law over power. Partnership over isolation. Action over paralysis. We are ready to work together with all those who share this conviction. Let us reform. Let us renew. Let us reinvest. Let us act together. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the European Council of the European Union. The assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, Vice President in charge of National Defense and Security of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the assembly.

Mr. Khalilur Rahman, President of the General Assembly; Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations; Excellencies, Heads of State and Government and Heads of Delegation; Ladies and Gentlemen. I have the honor to take the floor before this General Assembly on behalf of and representing His Excellency Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, to express to you his greetings of peace and the greetings of the people of Equatorial Guinea, and to reaffirm our support for and commitment to the Charter of the United Nations. I congratulate Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election to the presidency of this 81st session. And I express our gratitude to Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her work during the previous session. Mr. President, The theme of this session is Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All. This theme invites us to consider international cooperation in a world that is subject to profound challenges. For Equatorial Guinea, trust is strengthened when we fulfill commitments that have been made and decisions that have been adopted collectively, and when visible results can be produced. The countries of the global South need cooperation that preserves peace, that drives sustainable and inclusive growth, and that expands the ability of each state to build its own future. Therefore, 21st century cooperation should provide opportunities for the mobilization of financing to transform raw materials and to develop one's own knowledge and technologies. Excellencies, this vision is especially relevant for Africa, which needs investments that can allow it to develop local value chains, build infrastructure, advance industrialization, strengthen human capital, incorporate new technologies, and generate employment, especially for the continent's large youth population. A more productive and industrialized Africa will be a stronger partner to the benefit of all of those wanting to halt its immigration. Excellencies, when the 2030 Agenda was adopted, the world embraced its deeply human vision, eradicating poverty, protecting the planet, and making sure that all people can live with dignity, leaving no one behind. However, as we approach its end date, we are far from meeting its goals. Poverty persists, inequality is expanding, and climate change continues to rage. It is clear that we need an international financial architecture that facilitates productive investments, that takes into account the real vulnerabilities of developing countries, and supports the efforts of each nation. It is therefore urgent to implement the resolutions adopted at the conferences in Addis Ababa in 2015 and in Seville last year. Mr. President, development requires peace and stability. Equatorial Guinea defends dialogue, negotiation, mediation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Our own experience demonstrates this. Equatorial Guinea and the Gabonese Republic are a clear example of commitment to peaceful settlement because they submitted their territorial disputes to the International Court of Justice. Today, both states continue to make progress on implementation through bilateral dialogue. We express our recognition and gratitude for the valuable support of the United Nations and the African Union in this in that process. In which we have shown that it is possible to preserve ties of friendship, cooperation and good neighborliness. At the same time, Equatorial Guinea has its doors wide open for investors and partners from around the world. We are an African country. in which you will find stability, tax advantages, opportunities and a partner that is prepared to build relationships of mutual benefit and shared profit. Mr. President, distinguished delegations, restoring trust means showing that working together produces results. And managing transformation means turning the challenges of our time into new opportunities. Africa brings together 54 United Nations member states and represents a fundamental share of the political and demographic reality of the 21st century. We must move towards a more balanced international community in which Africa participates fully in global decisions and strengthens its ability to lead its own development. Equatorial Guinea reaffirms the African common position as enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirt Declaration. which calls for two permanent seats with veto right for Africa, as well as two additional non-permanent seats on the Security Council. Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Respect for international law, sovereign equality, and friendship with all peoples is what guides Equatorial Guinea's foreign policy. Based on that position, we encourage the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba to continue to pursue paths of dialogue which will make it possible to end the blockade and build a relationship of mutual benefit. Moreover, we see the United Nations as a universal space for pursuing solutions to shared problems. Equatorial Guinea maintains its trust in this organization because cooperation among nations remains the most certain path towards preserving peace and building shared prosperity. We also thank Mr. Antonio Guterres for his years of service as Secretary-General, for his commitment to peace and to the attention he has paid to Africa. On behalf of President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, the government and the people of Equatorial Guinea, we express our gratitude to him. Excellencies, I will conclude by saying that the history of the United Nations shows that peace and prosperity can move ahead when nations work together. And it is in that regard that Equatorial Guinea will continue to contribute based on mutual respect, sovereign equality, and dialogue to turn our cooperation into development and opportunities for future generations. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President in charge of national defense and security of the Equatorial Guinea. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Mohamed Jallow, Vice President of the Republic of the Gambia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Dr. Khalilur Rahman, Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, justice, excellencies, head of state and government, heads of delegation, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. It is a distinct honor for me to address this assembly on behalf of his excellency, Mr. Adam Aboro, president of the Republic of the Gambia. I bring to this hall the warm greetings of the government and people of the Gambia together with our enduring friendship, solidarity, and goodwill to all nations represented here. Mister president, Allow me at the outset to congratulate you most warmly on your election as President of the 84th session of the General Assembly. The Gambia assures you of our full support and constructive cooperation as we guide our collective work under the timely theme you have chosen, restoring trust and managing transformation so that the United Nations can deliver for all. That theme speaks directly to the moment in which we meet. Permit me also to express our profound appreciation to your predecessor, Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for the dedication, dignity, and determination with which she presided over the 80th session of the General Assembly. I also wish to place on record the Gambia's appreciation for the Secretary-General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, and Deputy Secretary-General, Amina Mohammed, whose steady and principled leadership through years of compounding global crises, have done much to keep the flame of multilateral cooperation alive, even as the winds against it have grown fiercer. We wish them well as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. President, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this Assembly. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this Assembly reminds us of a simple truth: our differences are real, but so is our interdependence. This is why this Organization was created with understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue, human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together if development, peace, and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future required common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden, climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative, responsive, and an effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. President, the Gambia's own experience within this organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly, The Gambia had the honor of chairing the second committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table, to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromise. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, Progress remains possible when Member States approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a shared sense of responsibility. Mr. President, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security, one of the foremost purposes for which this Organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge. At that critical moment, the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations, working in partnership with the African Union and ECOWAS, help uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue, and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with the Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displace populations, and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest cost, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crises remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians Respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of our shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate, timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peacebuilding that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore Not only we have to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human, political, and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and in preventing diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. President, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence, societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The Gambia has experienced the value of peacebuilding firsthand. Since our democratic transition, this Peacebuilding Commission and the Secretary-General's Peacebuilding Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally-led efforts to strengthen institutions, advance transitional justice, and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peacebuilding Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the peacebuilding architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership, and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peacebuilding operations and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including government, military, and police personnel who have contributed with distinction to international peace and security. Their safety and security must remain a priority alongside performance, accountability, and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organizations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. President, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to the Gambia, together with continued instability across part of the Sahel. It reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards the escalation, dialogue, and a durable political settlement. In the Sahel and other conflict zones, our responses must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary, but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance institution building, education, job creation, development, and climate resilience. Mr. President, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, et cetera, continue to pose greater insecurity. The absence of education, healthcare, decent employment, and the loss of homes and livelihoods to climate change leave communities as vulnerable as conflict itself. Our understanding of security must therefore extend beyond the absence of war to include the conditions that allow people to live with dignity, opportunity, and hope. Mr. President, in the Gambia, this understanding has guided our democratic journey from 2017 to date. We have undertaken the difficult work of rebuilding institutions, strengthening the rule of law, expanding access to justice, and confronting the legacy of past human rights violations. Our transitional justice process continues through implementation of the recommendation of the Truth, Reconciliation, and Reparations Commission. We have strengthened institutional accountability, established the Special Prosecution Office to advance investigations and prosecution arising from the TRRC process. We are proud of the progress we have made, but we remain conscious that democracy is never a finished project and requires continuous institutional strengthening adherence to rule of law, constitutional order, dialogue, and consensus building on issues. On the 5th of December 2026, the Gambian people will again exercise their sovereign democratic right to choose their president. This will be another important milestone in our democratic journey, and we need the support of the international community in this regard. Our government is committed to ensuring that the elections are peaceful, transparent, credible and inclusive and conducted in accordance with our constitution, national laws, and democratic standards. This is the democratic party government remains committed to pursuing. A part in which institutions are strengthened, citizens are heard, differences are resolved peacefully, and democratic gains are consolidated for future generations. Mister President, on development, the government's recovery focused national development plan provides a framework for accelerating our social enemy transformation. We are investing in roads, energy, schools, healthcare, agriculture, and digital infrastructure, while promoting economic diversification, private sector investment, and value addition. We are expanding opportunities for women and young people, improving lives, and strengthening the human capital upon which our future depends. I seize this opportunity to thank all the bilateral and multilateral partners of The Gambia for your continuous support and partnership. The global economic environment remains particularly difficult for developing countries with decline official development assistance, high borrowing costs, disruptions in international trade, inflationary pressures, and food and energy insecurity, narrowing fiscal space, and threatening development gains. With only a few years remaining to achieve the 2030 agenda, the time for implementation is now. Following the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, We must translate the severe commitments to tangible action. Developing countries need greater access to affordable, long-term finance, meaningful reform of the multilateral development system, sustainable solutions to debt, stronger international tax cooperation, and decisive action against illicit financial flows. We also need stronger and more resilient supply chains, greater investment in productive capacity, and a global economic system that gives developing countries a fair opportunity to transform their economies. Trade must remain an engine of development, and developing countries must be enabled to participate more effectively in regional and global value chains. The above would enable developing countries to invest in education, health, agriculture, climate resilience, and other productive sectors to holistically address their interconnected challenges. Mr. President, Climate change presents another test of our collective credibility, and for the government, it is not a distant threat. Coastal erosion, changing rainfall patterns, pressure on water resources, food insecurity, and environmental degradation are already affecting our communities and livelihoods. However, we are responding with determination by investing in renewable energy, coastal resilience, mangrove restoration, disaster risk reduction, early warning systems, water security, and nature-based solution. National electricity access is at 90%, universal access targeted by the end of 2026. We are expanding our solar energy in schools and health facilities, modernizing our electric network, and advancing a 150-megawatt solar park. We have also adopted our first national disaster mitigation plan. But we urge that our national ambition be supported by international action to make climate finance accessible, predictable, and adequate, including through the sustained implementation of the new collective quantified goal on climate finance and effective management to address loss and damage, build climate resilience, and a fairer international order in which those who have contributed least to the climate crisis are not left to bear the greatest burdens. Mr. President, artificial intelligence and emerging technologies offer extraordinary opportunities, but opportunity without inclusion can become another source of inequality. The digital divide must not become the next development divide. Developing countries must not remain passive consumers of technologies designed elsewhere. We need the capacity to participate in research, innovation, entrepreneurship, and global technology governance. Technology must serve humanity, and the governance of artificial intelligence must be inclusive responsible, and grounded international cooperation. This is particularly important for the world's least developed countries. As the Gambia prepares to assume greater leadership within the Global Coordination Bureau of the LDC group, we do so with a clear sense of responsibility. LDCs continue to face structural constraints, including limited productive capacity, high debt burdens, climate vulnerability, narrow export base, technological gaps, and restricted access to affordable finance. We will continue to advocate for full implementation of the Doha Program of Action. Mr. President, migration is another area where our collective response must be guided by human dignity and shared responsibility. Migration continues significantly to economic development, cultural exchange, and human progress. Yet, irregular migration continues to expose young people and vulnerable populations to exploitation, trafficking, abuse, and tragic loss of life. We must strengthen cooperation for safe, orderly, and regular migration, protect the rights and dignity of migrants, and expand lawful pathways for labor mobility, as well as invest in young people, women, education, health, and social protection to safeguard sustainable development and lasting peace. Mr. President, The government welcomes the call for the reform of United Nations. We recognize the constraints facing the organization was limited with limited resources and increasing demands. This notwithstanding, the reforms would strengthen the capacity of United Nations to serve its member states and the people of the world better, as well as correct the historical injustice that continues to prevail. We need to embark on reforms that strengthen delivery protects the universal character of the organization and enables developing countries to participate meaningfully in decisions that shape their future. Mr. President, the General Assembly's decision to move towards a convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity is an important contribution to addressing a longstanding gap in the international legal framework. The Gambia is proud of its leading role alongside Mexico in advancing this process through more than three years of patient negotiation. Our conviction is simple. The gravest crimes cannot be met with silence. Victims cannot be forgotten. Impunity cannot become an accepted feature of international relations. Prevention, accountability, and justice are indispensable to reconciliation, healing, and sustainable peace. The rule of law is one of the foundations upon which trust is built. The continued development of multilateral treaties and the entry into force of the agreement on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction also demonstrate what is possible when states negotiate in good faith and perseverance. The Gambia commends Ghana for its historic resolution on declaration of trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity and to go for the resolution on correcting the map at the General Assembly. Mr. President, our credibility is ultimately tested by how we respond to conflicts and crises that remain unresolved for years. The suffering of the Palestinian people remains a profound test of the credibility of the international system. The G7 reiterates its call for the protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law, and unhindered humanitarian assistance. We reaffirm the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination, membership of the United Nations, and our support for a just, comprehensive, and lasting two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. Furthermore, the plight of the Rohingya people must also not disappear from the international agenda. The G7 reaffirms, remains committed to accountability, justice, and the protection of their fundamental rights and would continue to need the support of you all in this shared collective endeavor. On Cuba, we reiterate our longstanding call for an end to the economic, commercial, and financial sanctions. Dialogue, engagement, and cooperation remain important instruments for improving people's well-being and strengthening peaceful relations among nations. The Gambia also affirms its adherence to the One China policy and values its partnership with the People's Republic of China, including in development cooperation, infrastructure, South-South and triangular cooperation, and partnership. The leaders of our two countries have raised our bilateral relations to a strategic level, and we will continue to grow and deepen this important partnership. On the question of the Murukan Sahara, the Gambia supports sustained international efforts towards a peaceful resolution through the United Nations-led political process. We encourage all concerned parties to engage constructively and in good faith. The real initiatives of Moroccan autonomy, the Moroccan-Nigeria gas pipeline, the Atlantic African initiative, amongst others, have provided realistic pathways to finding a lasting political solution to the dispute over the Moroccan Sahara by giving people the development, human rights, security, and stability they need. Furthermore, the GAMMAY welcomes the Kingdom of Morocco's continuous commitment to the ceasefire, full cooperation with MINURSO, and also stakeholders all stakeholders in line with resolution 2797 and other relevant processes. We urge all stakeholders, i.e. Polisario, the Kingdom of Morocco, Algeria, and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, to continue working on achieving a sustainable political solution to the conflict, and we support the various initiatives of the United Nations in this regard. Mr. President, in conclusion, the United Nations and the multilateral system continue to be challenged. but they remain the most reliable guarantor of our collective peace and security and proven mechanisms to confront the challenges facing humanity. Therefore, the task before us is to make the United Nations, the multilateral system, more responsive, more representative, and better able to deliver for the people that we serve. What we leave behind should be a legacy of renewed multilateralism, a reformed United Nations, increased international cooperation and solidarity, and an increased trusted global system that sustains peace, advances development, human rights, democracy, and opens the way to a more secure future for all. The Gambia stands ready to work with every member state to renew the promise that brought the nations of the world together. My country's own journey has taught us that countries and institutions can evolve from moments of profound uncertainty and further build and increase trust and confidence. This is the message that we bring to this Assembly. I thank you for your kind attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Republic of the Gambia. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Jose Manuel Restrepo, Vice President of the Republic of Colombia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. Secretary-General, Mr. Vice-President of the General Assembly, Heads of State and Government, Excellencies, Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen, I appear today before this Assembly representing the President of the Republic of Colombia, Abelardo de la Espriella, who has asked me to be here on his behalf and bring before you a message written by him. From this moment on, what you will hear are the words of the President of the Republic of Colombia.

I have asked the Vice President of the Republic, Jose Manuel Restrepo, to read this message on my behalf. I have done so because I assured the Colombian people that I would not leave the country during the four years of my term, and I'm keeping that promise. 47 days ago, a new government took office in Colombia. 34 a.m. the earth shook. A 7.4 magnitude earthquake struck my country. In a matter of seconds, homes, hospitals, schools, roads and bridges had been totally destroyed or severely damaged. The Colombian Geological Service confirmed that this was the strongest magnitude earthquake recorded in Colombia so far this century. Hundreds of Colombians lost their lives. 4,500 were injured and more than 452,000 people were affected. 36,000 homes were totally destroyed. They represented the life savings assets of these people. The government that had barely started its work was forced to confront one of the greatest natural disasters in our recent history. There was no time to ask whether we were ready. We had to act, and we did so. From the very outset, I gave one unequivocal instruction. We had to save human lives. There was time for everything else. Appointments to posts could wait, meetings could wait, but my fellow Colombians trapped underneath the rubble could not. The government deployed to the affected areas alongside the security forces, emergency services, volunteers and rescue workers, and From the very beginning, we started receiving the generous assistance from friendly countries and international organizations, such as all of you. And today, from this rostrum, I wish to express the profound and sincere gratitude of the Colombian people to all of you. The earthquake claimed the lives of many of our fellow Colombians and destroyed thousands of homes, buildings and much infrastructure, but it also reminded us once again of something that Colombians are very familiar with. We might fall, we might suffer, we might weep, but what we cannot and what we do not know how to do is give up. But I'm not only going to talk to you about this tragedy. I want to refer to what Colombia decided to do in its aftermath. On the 7th of August, I took over a country that had begun to lose something far more difficult to rebuild than a road or a building, that is trust. Trust in the law that should protect our citizens, trust that working, studying and doing things well are worthwhile. trust in a state that lives up to its duty. No country, no country can prosper when its people cease to trust in it. That's why the government that I lead has tasked itself with taking up every possible decision to enable Colombia to believe in itself again and to ensure that the world can believe in Colombia again. And I call that overarching purpose the Patria Milagro, the miracle nation. The first step is a basic one, restoring security. For far too long, Colombians have had to live alongside situations that no society should accept as normal. A rural farmer having to ask permission from a terrorist group to work on his land. a shopkeeper having to hand over part of the fruits of his labor to extortionists, a mother increasingly gripped by fear every time their child goes out to play in the park. That is not and it cannot become the norm. Consequently, from the very beginning of my government, I gave the security forces one clear instruction. to regain territorial control, to fully restore the state's authority, and to confront the structures using terrorism. My government is determined to do away with euphemisms. Organizations that murder, that kidnap, that use explosives, that recruit children, and that deliberately resort to terror to subjugate a society are terrorist groups. That is what we call them. And we are facing up to them with the full legitimate force of the state within the constitution and within the law. But there is another reality that is very often overlooked. The illicit drugs produced in Colombia don't end up in Colombia. Drugs trafficking is a transnational Criminal enterprise, its root.

cross borders, its money moves through international financial systems and its networks operate across numerous countries. I will do everything necessary to combat that scourge, but a transnational threat requires the international community to play its part as well. Security, while essential, is not enough. A territory that provides no opportunities remains vulnerable. My administration is therefore also focused on ensuring that Colombia grows again. For years, we have discussed how to better distribute what we have. That is a legitimate, necessary discussion, but it's absolutely not enough. We also need to ask ourselves, how are we going to produce more? In the end, Governments can't decree economic growth. What they have to do is lay the foundations for it to occur. In our miracle nation, we want an idea to be able to become a business, a business to create jobs and for jobs to become well-being for our people. To those of you anywhere else in the world who are wondering where to invest, I would like to invite you to look at Colombia. It's a country with access to two oceans, productive land, energy resources, enormous biodiversity, an excellent geographical position, and a government that champions private enterprise. But above all, look at our people. Colombia does not want to watch the technological transformation of our time from the sidelines. We want to be a part of it. We want to train young people for super intelligence, for robotics, for data science, for agro industry, for engineering, and for the new economy. Millions of Colombians are not asking the state to sought out their lives, they're asking the state to give them the opportunity to build those lives. And that is what gives meaning to what I have called the miracle nation. This isn't the name of a government. nor is it a naive promise that our problems will just disappear. No, that's not it. This is the country that we're going to build. It's a country where security allows us to reclaim our territories threatened by terrorism, where trust attracts investment, where investment creates jobs, and where growth leads to better living conditions. It is a school teacher in Monpos, Bolivar, teaching with the tools of the 21st century. It is a rural farmer in Ubate, Cundinamarca, who can now sow, sell, and prosper thanks to his work. It's a young woman in Pasto, Nariino, preparing to be a part of the future industries. This is the miracle nation that we've already started to build. I am well aware that 47 days is far too little time to change a country, but it is enough time to change the course of a country. I want Colombia to once again enjoy strong growth. That growth should lead to a job for a young person, a home for a family, timely access to medicines, harvest that finds a market and Colombians who, thanks to their own efforts and dedication, can escape poverty. This is our miracle economy, an economy that grows so that people can grow with it. Our relationship with the world is also a part of this purpose. Over the last few weeks, we have seen this very tangibly when friendly countries and international organizations came to our aid following the earthquake. This solidarity makes full sense when it reaches people, when it solves problems, and when it produces results. and it is precisely because I recognize the value of that cooperation that today I want to speak frankly about the UN. I've been critical about this organization. I was critical of it before I became president and it would be inconsistent to address this assembly today and conceal my attempt to conceal my convictions. This criticism isn't born out of whim or hostility towards the United Nations, it's based in political, institutional, doctrinal considerations. I believe in the UN as an organization and it is precisely for that reason that I believe it's legitimate to ask whether the institutions that we've been building are effectively responding to the problems that that it was created to address. The charter itself is very clear here. This organization was born to maintain international peace and security, to foster friendly relations among nations, and to promote cooperation in resolving the major common problems. Eight decades on, the question cannot be whether those purposes remain valid. Of course they do. The questions have completely changed though. Is the UN fulfilling those purposes with the effectiveness demanded by today's world? Are there bureaucratic structures that have become excessively cumbersome? Are we dedicating too many resources, too much energy to administering procedures and or too little to resolving problems? Are we measuring our results rigorously enough? Another matter that I wish to address is human rights. Colombia defends human rights and will continue to do so. But my country believes that protecting human rights loses credibility when it becomes subjected to political calculation. I categorically reject human rights being used as a banner raised against some and lowered against others. Nor can human rights become an instrument rewarding friends, punishing adversaries, or worse still, remaining silent in line with the political circumstances of the time. Our duty is to prevent politics from weakening the defense of human rights. If we want the system to be respected, it needs to be serious, consistent and equally demanding on all of us. My country is consistent and therefore we want to ensure that we have a credible defense of human rights. And in this, just as in so many other areas, the United Nations still has some room for improvement. In that connection, we trust in a democratic transition in Venezuela, a swift, safe, far-reaching transition. There's another doctrinal concern that I wish to raise just as honestly, globalism. Allow me to begin by clarifying what I mean by that. I'm not talking about international trade or cooperation among states, nor am I talking about a humanity that shares common problems and responsibilities. All of those things are absolutely necessary. I'm talking about a concept according to which nation, sovereignty, distinct identities, traditions, and the values of peoples are obstacles that gradually give way to increasing political and cultural uniformity decided by supranational bodies. I don't share in that doctrine, which I consider perverse and harmful. For me, multilateralism isn't about dissolving nations, but rather about facilitating cooperation among them. Loving one's homeland isn't compatible with respecting others. Defending history, culture, values, and traditions doesn't mean disparaging those of another. International cooperation is richer when those who sit around this table know who they are, where they come from, and what the people in whose name they speak represent. Several of the questions that I've asked are not unfamiliar to this organization. The UN80 initiative has placed on the table issues of duplication, fragmentation, administrative burden, and the way mandates function as part of an effort to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. President, Secretary-General, heads of state and government excellencies. Acknowledging an institution's imperfections doesn't mean overlooking its value. On the contrary, it might be a way of strengthening it. It has never been my style to hide behind political correctness or to tell my interlocutors what I imagine they want to hear. I'm not looking to please anyone, but rather to set out the position of the Republic of Colombia respectfully, cordially and clearly. No human institution is perfect. All can be improved, perfected, and the United Nations is no exception. There is one specific area that Colombia wishes to reflect on further, that is the international fight against terrorism. This organization has done significant work here. Since 1963, the international community has developed 19 universal legal instruments aimed at preventing different terrorist acts. However, after decades of discussion, there is still no legal definition of terrorism that is universally agreed by member states. The UN Office of Counterterrorism itself has recently flagged that the lack of a universally agreed definition begets legal uncertainty, discrepancies among national laws, and causes difficulties in international cooperation. The Republic of Colombia believes that the time has come to move ahead. We need a common international definition that is sufficiently clear and precise, compatible with international law and fundamental safeguards, but also useful enough so that states can cooperate effectively in combating acts of terrorism. A serious definition should avoid two extremes. On the one hand, a political disagreement being arbitrarily characterized as terrorism and on the other hand, allowing an organization to hide murders, kidnappings, bombings, or deliberate attacks against civilians behind a political label in order to evade the legal consequences of its actions. Terrorism must be condemned regardless of the perpetrator, where it is committed or the cause they invoke. The United Nations has repeatedly reaffirmed that terrorism in all of its forms and manifestations represents one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. Now, a better definition is not enough. States need better tools to combat this phenomenon. We need faster mechanisms for exchanging information and intelligence. We need better judicial cooperation, effective tracing, freezing, seizing instruments for assets related to terrorist financing, and we need closer cooperation to deal with networks that operate simultaneously across different countries. Colombia stands ready to participate actively in that discussion. My country wants to see a United Nations where the effectiveness is measured less by the volume of documents it produces and far more by the results that it delivers. A UN that is less inclined to multiply processes and more determined to translate international cooperation into concrete action. That is the sort of multilateralism that Colombia is ready to defend, one that respects the sovereign equality of states, as the Charter itself provides, but one that is also capable of acting effectively when threats recognize no borders. Drugs trafficking, terrorism, transnational organized crime, and illicit economies are precisely those threats. Specifically, my government's foreign policy is guided by national interest, by the defense of our sovereignty, and by the pursuit of results. That national interest I referred to also has a specific objective, that is ensuring the prosperity of our people. Foreign policy should serve to create jobs, to attract investment and technology, to open markets, and to create opportunities for Colombians. With that goal in mind, I wish to extend an invitation to the world. Come to Colombia. Invest in Colombia. Grow and prosper with Colombia. Believe in Colombia. I don't promise you a perfect country, but I can assure you that I am working tirelessly to build you a nation that is to build a nation that is safer, more prosperous, and with more opportunities for its people. Colombia does not come before the world today to ask others to do for us what it is our responsibility to do for ourselves, rebuilding our country, restoring security, growing the economy, protecting our institutions, and Giving opportunities back to millions of people are first and foremost responsibilities that fall to Colombians. But we also know that no nation can turn its back on the world. We need partners and friends with whom we can trade, invest, exchange knowledge, and address common threats. That is the Colombia that I present to you today. A country that is well aware of its difficulties, but also of its enormous potential. A country that doesn't try to hide its problems, but rather to confront them. A country that is getting back on its feet and knows where it wants to go. To the nations represented here, I extend my hand respectfully and through friendship. Colombia wants to work with you on everything that we can build together. I want, within a few years, when the world looks again at my country, I want them to see a nation that is safer, more prosperous, more well-respected, and above all, far more confident in its own abilities. And if that is the Colombia that the world sees, there'll be no need to explain what I meant when I spoke of the Patria Milagro, the miracle nation. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Republic of Colombia. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of the State of Israel. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly. Order in the hall, please. Order in the hall, please. I request an order in the hall, please. I request an order in the hall, Please. Thank you.

Mr. President, before I begin, just a quick announcement. If there are any other moral cowards who haven't yet left this hall, please do so now. Thank you very much. Ladies and gentlemen, 14 years ago, I stood on this podium and I drew a red line. I vowed to prevent Iran's murderous dictatorship from developing atomic bombs, nuclear weapons aimed at destroying Israel, nuclear weapons that could threaten the entire world. That's exactly what we did. Now, let me say something that might surprise you. Devastating Iran's nuclear facilities was hard. It was very hard to do. But for me, it was one of the easiest decisions I've ever had to make as Prime Minister, because if we hadn't done it, We'd all be dead. Now, you want to hear the ultimate irony? In defending itself, Israel is also defending many of the countries whose delegates just left this hall. In fact, I want you to know that many of their leaders even thank us privately for taking out Iran's nukes. It's hard to imagine more mind-blowing hypocrisy, but that's exactly what it is. Now, this isn't the first time we are faced with a threat of annihilation. On June 5th, 1967, Israel was surrounded by enemies who openly swore to destroy us. We weren't then in Judea-Samaria, the heart of the historic homeland of the Jewish people. We weren't in Gaza. We weren't on the Golan Heights. Oh, and Mr. Oshara, you should know the Jews have been on the Golan Heights since the days of Moses. You can read it in the Bible. No, at that time, on the eve of the Six-Day War in 1967, we weren't in any of these places. We were in a tiny sliver of land. We still are. That is equal to about one third of 1%. of the landmass of the entire Arab world. Yet they accuse Israel, tiny Israel, of colonialism, some colonialism. And who's accusing us? Well, among them are people in Britain and in France. For God's sakes, they invented the term, their colonies, braced the entire globe, colonialism. Give us a break. Another lie. Yet at the time, on this tiny patch of earth, no West Bank, no Gaza, no Golan Heights, just the very survival of this one and only Jewish state, because this is what this conflict is about. It's not about territories. It's about the existence of a Jewish state at any boundaries. And yet, at the time, right at that time, we were threatened with annihilation by three Arab armies that were about to invade us. You know what Israelis were doing at the time? They were digging mass graves in preparation for the thousands and thousands of casualties, in preparation to bury our dead. At the time, I was an Israeli high school student in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Five days before the war broke out, I flew back to Israel. I found a country in total blackout. Israel braced for impact. I flew back to see my brother, Jonathan, Yonatan, Yoni. He was a 21-year-old paratroop officer. And like the rest of the army, his unit was already mobilized. I went to find him. I was told the paratroops are encamped in the orchards, the orange groves around Ramle. So I went there. And I asked some soldiers, do you know where Yoni Netanyahu is? Nope, nope. Then one guy said, oh, you mean the young guy? Yeah, he's in the next grove. So I went there. And suddenly, at the end of a long row of trees, I saw my brother. He was absolutely shocked to see me. Bibi, he said, Bibi, what are you doing here? We ran, we hugged each other. And over a cup of makeshift military coffee, I asked him the question that was on my mind. The question that was on everybody's mind. So Yonai said, "What's going to happen?" He paused, and then he said something I'll never forget. "We're going to win," he said. "We have no other choice." I remember those words as if it was yesterday. We're going to win. We have no other choice. And when we did, nine years later, Palestinian terrorists hijacked a passenger airplane headed for Israel. They took it to Entebbe, Uganda. Like the Nazis, the terrorists selected the Jewish passengers, men, women, children, babies. They threatened to kill them all if Israel did not release Palestinian terrorists. And then on July 4th, 1960, sorry, on July 4th, 1976, the bicentennial of the United States, In one of the most dramatic rescue missions in modern times, Yoni led his brave soldiers to the heart of Africa. Miraculously, they rescued 103 Jewish hostages and brought them all home, every single one of them. My brother, the commander of the storming party, was the only soldier killed in this mission. I want to thank Uganda again for recently erecting a statue of Yoni in the place where he fell. My friends, Yoni's words are as true today as they were more than half a century ago. We're going to win. We have no other choice. At no time was this demonstrated more clearly than on October 7, 2023, the darkest day in Israel's history. On that horrific day, thousands of Palestinians, terrorists, stormed into Israel from Gaza. Now, I want you to know, there wasn't a single Israeli then in Gaza, not a civilian, not a soldier, Not one. But it didn't matter one bit. The Hamas terrorists committed the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust. They went house to house, shooting Israeli civilians point blank. They did so with fiendish glee, with sadistic joy. They live streamed as they murdered. And who did they murder? The very Israelis, their neighbors. Who gave them jobs. Who picked up Palestinian children at the Gaza border. And drove them to Israeli hospitals for cancer treatment and then brought them back. Can you imagine such monstrosity? This is these Hamas monsters. They slaughtered Holocaust survivors. They burned babies alive. In front of their parents. They beheaded our men. They brutally raped our women and then they murdered them. Altogether, they slaughtered 1,200 Israelis that day. I want to give you an idea of what this means for a country of 10 million. Proportionately, this is equal to 40,000 innocent Americans slaughtered in less than 24 hours. That's 16 times 9/11, 16 9/11s that occurred not very far from here. On that darkest of days, our enemies expected us to collapse. Well, we didn't collapse. Instead, we rose and fought like lions. For the past three years, our heroic soldiers have fought day in and day out in a seven-front war. know any other country the size of New Jersey capable of fighting a seven-front war? And for three years, seven fronts, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iran, militias in Iraq, militias in Syria, Palestinian terrorists in Judea-Samaria, they all ganged up on us to wipe us off the face of the earth. They failed. Because instead of collapsing, we delivered crippling blows to all of them. With our great American friends, we crushed Iran's army, navy, air force, and nuclear facilities. Israel hammered Hamas. We pummeled Hezbollah. You remember the beepers? Remember these things? Remember them? Well, I can tell you this, Hezbollah certainly remembers them. Guess what happened to the bulk of the Hezbollah's vast arsenal of 150,000 ballistic missiles and rockets, all aimed at our civilians? They're gone. Hezbollah's leaders, dead, their spirit, Broken. The arch-terrorists, the worst mass murderers on earth, not only killing Israelis, killing Americans, killing Brits, killing citizens of dozens of countries, Khamenei, Deif, Sinwar, Haniyeh, Nasrallah, and thousands of other terrorists who sought to destroy us, they're all gone too. The remaining terrorists are desperately trying to regroup. Every day, they try to murder our people. And in particular, they try to murder our people in our historic homeland in Judea. By the way, that's where the word Jew comes from, Judea. That's our land. They try to murder us, thousands of attempts per year, on families, peaceful families driving along the roads. They shoot at pregnant women. They shoot entire families. Of course, none of this is covered in the international press or in the social media. None of it. None of it. What they cover is a handful of young juvenile delinquents, about 150 in number, who go and throw stones, who chop down olive trees, Occasionally, they do, they fire up, they lit some fires. I can't stand that. I won't stand for vigilantism. We're a country of law. So we put our shin bet on them. But that's what they call settler violence. And the number of casualties a year, maybe two or three. In the total time that this is being discussed, maybe two or three dead, compared to the thousands of terrorist attacks against the peaceful settlers, honorable people, law-abiding people. What a distortion. It's an obsession. I hear this discussion here. I mean, leaders of countries seriously talk about that, and they say it with such importance. We can't stand settler violence. You don't know what you're talking about. And listen, two days ago, two days ago, two days ago, I say this to my colleague Emmanuel Macron. Two days, three days ago, a French citizen, Nathanael Choukroun, a father of six, was gunned down when he visited a spring with his 16-year-old son, and a Hamas terrorist in Judea-Samaria comes and fires point blank at him. And the last words he uttered, "Flee, flee, son, save yourself." That was three days ago. Two days ago, in Judea-Samaria, a reserve officer, a reserve soldier, Neria Leider, was mowed down by a drive-down Palestinian terrorist. He's fighting for his life now in a Jerusalem hospital. I visited the family right before I boarded the plane to come here. Neria, a father of four, is the son of Yechiel Leiter, our brilliant ambassador to the United States. Three years ago, Yechiel's oldest son, Moshe, a father of six, was killed while clearing a booby-trapped building in Gaza. Yechiel, my brother, your pain is immeasurable. The entire people of Israel, and many outside of Israel, are praying for Neria's life. But despite the pain, despite the agony, we do not give in. In a recent post before he was attacked, Neria wrote this. Listen to this. "We have no other country. It's a privilege to defend it." To Neria and to all the heroes of Israel, I pledge a sacred vow. Your sacrifice will not be in vain. We will continue to defend our state. We will continue to win because we have no other choice. In this battle against the barbarians, we've had no greater partner than President Trump. I thank him. I thank him for his bold leadership. He boldly confronted an enormous danger to America, Israel, and the world. Decades ago, he understood that if left unchallenged, the fanatic Ayatollahs who chant, "Death to America, death to Israel," would eventually carry out their mad fantasies. So Israel and America acted together, not only to protect ourselves, but to save civilization. Brave American pilots, alongside brave Israeli pilots, flew joint missions over the skies of Iran. America and Israel also work together to bring back our remaining hostages. We brought back every last one of them. You ask, why are we winning? Well, Yoni said it simply. We have no other choice. And throughout this long war, our goal never wavered -- to win, to win with unwavering resolve, to win with unrelenting courage because this is Israel, one nation fighting for one future, left and right, young and old, religious and secular. Do we have our differences? Of course we do. Who doesn't? But in critical moments, those moments that shape our destiny, we stand together because what unites us is so much stronger our history our values our courage the courage the courage of our brave people who withstood 1,000 massive ballistic missiles that Iran rained down on our cities on our civilians ladies and gentlemen you're sitting here in the General Assembly Hall of the UN you know what one one ton, not just one, one ton ballistic missile would do if it hit this place? It would obliterate the entire compound. In fact, two such missiles would obliterate the UN. So you can imagine, think about 1,000 gigantic missiles falling from the skies on your cities, on your homes. I salute the courage of the people of Israel I salute the courage of our brave soldiers, Jews, Christians, Druze, Muslim, the most moral army in the world, the IDF. For three years, our brave soldiers have been valiantly fighting a seven-front war. But there is an eighth front to this war. It's the war for truth. It is waged in the world's media, and most perniciously, in social media. Several foreign countries have spent untold billions to spread lies about my country. The first to do so was Qatar. Decades ago, it started massively funding American universities and toxic media outlets like Al Jazeera. They did the same in Europe, by the way. And their goal was clear. Brainwash young minds to hate Israel, hate America, hate the West. This is the same Qatar that hosts the Hamas butchers of October 7th. Now, the latest country to become a super spreader of anti-Semitic lies is Turkey. Erdogan. Erdogan is a tyrant. He also hosts the Hamas terror chiefs. He has murdered thousands of Kurdish civilians. He denies the Armenian genocide. He jails journalists and opposition leaders. In fact, I think he holds the world's record on this, and that's a tough call, but I think he's number one. He illegally occupies Northern Cyprus, an EU member, and he regularly transgresses against Greece, a NATO member. Now he wants to take over Syria. Well, that's not surprising, because he calls for Israel's destruction almost every single day. He says he's going to be the ruler of Jerusalem. No, sir, you won't. This is our country, our city, our eternal capital. Tyrants the world over seek to threaten us, They seek to undermine our resolve with their campaign of lies. But ultimately, as on the military battlefield, the Jewish people will prevail. It will take time. It will take time to vanquish the lies. It will take time for the world to acknowledge what is so plain to see. that Hamas used Palestinian civilians as human shields, that it used hospitals, schools, mosques as terrorist command posts, that it stole much of the food we let into Gaza. And while Hamas did everything possible to keep Palestinian civilians in harm's way, often at gunpoint, Israel did everything possible to get them out of harm's way. We sent millions of text messages warning civilians to leave combat areas. We made millions of phone calls. We dropped millions of leaflets. I want to ask you some questions. What genocidal regime gives a million polio vaccinations to the enemy's population? What genocidal regime enables the distribution of 2 million tons of food into Gaza. That's a ton for every person. Accusing Israel of genocide is the greatest lie of the century. If you want to know how big a lie, if you want to know how absurd it is, listen to Colonel John Spencer. He's head of urban warfare studies at West Point. He's considered one of the world's, or perhaps the world's foremost expert on urban warfare. I think he's with us today. Colonel Spencer has studied every urban war from antiquity to modern times, from ancient Greece to Mosul to Gaza. And here's what Colonel Spencer says. "Israel has done more to prevent civilian casualties in war than any other military in history." in history. We've taken innumerable steps to protect the civilian population. Is this genocide? Of course not. It's the opposite of genocide. So to all those that are spreading these lies about my country and about our brave soldiers, whether they sit in this hall or in the office of the anti-Semitic mayor of New York, I say this, shame on you. Shame on you for distorting the facts. Shame on you for inverting victim and aggressor. Shame on you for spitting in the face of truth. Mr. Mamdani, since you were elected mayor of this city, many Jews no longer feel safe in New York. They talk to me. They tell me. This isn't the city we remember. It changed so quickly. Now it's no wonder. You praise criminals convicted of supporting Hamas. You count as friends people like Hassan Piker, who said America deserved 9/11. America deserved 9/11. Some friends you have. You invite into your home a Palestinian journalist who filled Hamas terrorists beating and torturing Israeli hostages, and later admitted that he refused to publish the videos in order to protect, you guessed it, the terrorists. Your wife liked a post praising the October 7th massacre. She liked another post saying Tel Aviv shouldn't exist. You refused to condemn any of that. You falsely, repeatedly accuse Israel of genocide. Mr. Mamdani, You try to stop me from coming here. You tried, you tried to silence me. Well, you can't silence me. You can't silence the truth. And here is the simple truth. Here's the simple truth. Israel didn't commit genocide. Israel prevented genocide. And that's exactly That's exactly what Mr. Mamdani's Hamas buddies would have done to us had we not stopped them. They would have killed every last one of us. The lies you and other anti-Semites spread about the Jews and the Jewish state have real consequences. In New York, Jews are threatened on the way to synagogue. Jews have been stabbed in the streets, Jews are demonized Targeted, they're targeted simply for being Jews. Jews have been murdered in Sydney, Manchester, Montreal, Boulder, Colorado. They've been attacked in Los Angeles, London, Paris, Berlin, Washington, D.C. The anti-Semites of the world want to terrify our people. I have news for them. The days when Jews were defenseless victims, marched to the slaughter, those days are over. Today we have a state. Today we have an army. Today we have a people ready and willing to defend ourselves. So today, today I have one message for Jews around the world. Raise your head high. Be proud, be confident, don't be intimidated, stand up. And for everyone else, everyone else who wants to defend truth and justice, join us in standing up to the barbarians who threaten our common civilization. But I have to be candid with you, not everyone is standing up, we saw that. Because unlike Israel, there are some, and most recently, especially in Western Europe, who have chosen not to stand up. The leaders of these countries have chosen to succumb to the anti-Semitic mobs. They've chosen weakness. They've chosen appeasement. We cannot evade the sad truth before us. Many in the free world are afraid to defend freedom. And I ask them, what will this future, what will this behavior, what will the world hold for you? The brotherhood of democracies or the Muslim brotherhood? How long will it take for you to see that these fanatic jihadists are choking your waterways, your energy supply, your economic lifeline? I can assure you, ladies and gentlemen, we in Israel, we do not wait for others to wake up from their moral slumber. We forge ahead. We seize the future. We pioneer incredible developments in health, agriculture, artificial intelligence, superior intelligence, and we bring these amazing innovations to all of humanity. So Israel has never been stronger. We are not afraid. But I'll tell you who is afraid. The tyrants of Tehran, that's who. And you know what they're most afraid of? Their own people, the brave Iranian people who have sacrificed so much for so long. The Iranian regime is especially afraid when their people have this, when their people have this. This is a communications device, Starlink, that allows people to access truth, to exercise choice, to exercise freedom of thought and freedom of speech. That's why the Iranian regime spells, rather spends millions and billions of dollars censoring the Internet. Mr. President, I'm going to leave this device with you so you can give it to the Iranian delegation so when they inevitably defect, they too will be able to freely tell their story on social media. To the protesters outside, to the hypocritical delegates who left this hall, I ask Where were you when the Iranian tyrants butchered and maimed tens of thousands of unarmed Iranian civilians? When they butchered and maimed thousands of their own people, where were you? Did you organize mass rallies, hunger strikes? Did you protest outside the Iranian mission to the UN? Did you speak out for that matter for Christians persecuted in Iran and throughout the Middle East? No, no, you didn't do that because you're phony human rights protesters. And Christians, you know that their numbers are plummeting everywhere in the Middle East where they're being persecuted and hounded, except one place, my country, Israel, where the Christian community is growing, thriving, succeeding. In fact, you didn't protest when we left Bethlehem. It was controlled by us. It was 80 to 90% Christian. And we gave it to the Palestinian Authority. And today, it's 80 to 90% Muslim. Everyone, the Christians were shoved out. Did you protest that? Did you speak about that? Nothing, nada. And you said nothing about Iran. Just now, you said nothing about Iran. But I want to give you the good news. Despite your silence, despite your hypocrisy, it's only a matter of time that in Iran something incredible will happen. The power of the people will overcome the people in power. I want you to listen to my words carefully. One day, and it may not be far away, the Iranian people will be free. Their murderous regime will be toppled by its lies, by its corruption, by its cruelty. This evil regime will fall, and we will all celebrate that day. Ladies and gentlemen, the story of my people, the Jewish people, goes back over 3,000 years. We speak the same language. We speak the same language today that we spoke then. We live in the same land in which our ancestors lived then. David, Solomon, Isaiah, Jeremiah. That's our land, the land of Israel. Our prophets, our purpose, and our people. are unique in history. Our values have inspired humanity for millennia. The belief in one God, the sanctity of life, the rule of law, our eternal quest for peace, our eternal quest for justice. It is these sacred values that propelled us throughout the ages. It is these values that helped us beat the odds of history. The great American writer, Mark Twain, said it best 125 years ago. He said it well before the rebirth of the modern Jewish state, well before the great victories of Israel's soldiers. Here's what he said. "The Jew has made a marvelous fight in this world, in all the ages, and he has done it with his hands tied behind his back. The Egyptian, the Babylonian, and the Persian rose, filled the planet with sound and splendor, then faded to dream-stuff and passed away. Other peoples have sprung up and held their torch high for a time, but it burned out, and they sit in twilight. The Jew saw them all, beat them all, and is now what he always was, exhibiting no decadence, no infirmities of age, no weakening of his spirits, no slowing of his energies. Ladies and gentlemen, over the centuries, the tyrannies that tried to destroy us failed time and again. And God willing, they'll continue to fail. If we muster our courage, if we steel our resolve, we will continue to win. As the Bible says, "Netzach Yisrael lo yishaker." The eternity of Israel will not falter. And the reason is simple. We have no other choice. Thank you all. Chag Sameach, La'am Yisrael. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the State of Israel. Play all songs of the Kapil Sharma Show. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Luis Montenegro, Prime Minister of the Portuguese Republic. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

foreign language Mr. President Raman, I would like to congratulate you on your election. Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for 10 years of tireless

Work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law, and multilateralism. Heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, The humanitarian tragedy must end and we must move towards the two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels, and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll-free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, The most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation. One that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity, while preventing it from distorting our very essence, excellencies. The energy crisis and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples. Everyone is being harmed. From Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas, no country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism and we must do it quickly to close this chapter which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, It is urgent to put an end to the productive conflicts. And on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution. which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increasing forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds, and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change. And we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy, the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, Combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise, and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to. These are shared responsibilities and opportunities that require a collective effort that must unite us all. Mr. President, Excellencies, despite everything, the United Nations is a political masterpiece of humanity. It will be constantly evolving and will reflect the decision of its members. The results in maintaining peace and security will, to a large extent, depend on the decision by the members of the Security Council and particularly its permanent members. For the UN to achieve the goals we have set, we must make it more agile and effective. To that end, we must at the outer set honor our financial commitments. We must provide the UN with the appropriate resources so that peacekeeping missions in which Portugal is proud to participate can make a difference on the ground where they are deployed. We must strive to make the Security Council more representative, which requires permanent seats for Africa, Brazil and India, thereby reflecting the changing world. This greater representativeness of the UN and its bodies must also extend to language. Portuguese is the most widely spoken language in the Southern Hemisphere, with nearly 300 million speakers worldwide. It therefore deserves a more prominent role in the United Nations. It is a language of culture and business that, across four continents, unites the members of the community of Portuguese speaking countries, which celebrates this year its 30th anniversary and serves as a forum for dialogue and cooperation founded on a common history and a shared language. Excellencies, starting in January, Portugal will bring to the Security Council as a non-permanent member, a global perspective and a culture of dialogue and bridge building. We are deeply grateful for the trust placed in us by everyone and fully aware of the responsibility that comes with it. We are well aware of the challenges faced by the least developed countries and small island developing states. In the Security Council, Portugal will be committed to three big priorities, prevent, partner and protect. Preventing crises and conflicts with severe human impact, which are rampant across several continents, because there are several and not only those that are on the news, because for us there are no first or second class conflicts. They all concern us, all of them. Cooperating and developing our partnerships within a more transparent, more representative, and more democratic council. And protecting. Protecting human dignity by combating poverty and safeguarding fundamental rights, food security, and the future of the new generations. Mr. President, Excellencies, and friends, the magnitude of the challenges we face demands collective responses. The most effective response is a multilateral response, and the United Nations is at the heart and should be and should continue to be at the heart of the multilateral system. That is why Portugal looks to the future with renewed commitment to the mission of the United Nations, with confidence in our collective capacity and with hope that it is together that we can build and leave behind a better world. And we are going to do it and leave to future generation a better world than the one we are living in. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Portuguese Republic. We have heard the last speaker in the general debate for this meeting. The next plenary meeting to continue with the general debate will be held immediately following the adjournment of this meeting. The meeting is adjourned.

Thank you. Thank you. I'll see you.

Doing this, No problem.

Good afternoon to you all. I call to order the 10th meeting of the General Assembly.

The.

Assembly will now hear an address from His Excellency Mr. Bassirou Diomaye Diakhou Faye, President of the Republic of Senegal. I request protocol to accompany His Excellency. I invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Heads of State and Government, Secretary-General, Ministers, distinguished delegates. President, on behalf of Senegal, I wish to thank your predecessor and convey to you my hearty congratulations. I also wish you every success as you steer the work of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Moreover, I wish to once again reiterate our unwavering support for Secretary-General Antonio Guterres's work in service of peace, development and human rights. We commend his conduct of the Organization, and we wish him every success in his future endeavors once his mandate concludes. Dear colleagues, As was the case last year, we are yet again meeting here against the backdrop of a worrying global juncture. The Organization is facing an unprecedented accumulation of complex global challenges. Against that backdrop, the theme of this session rightly expresses the fact that we are facing a major issue. Indeed, the major issue of our time is restoring trust, managing transformation in order to build a United Nations that delivers for all. The current crisis we face is undoubtedly a crisis of trust. More trust between states needs to come about, but there is a crisis in that trust. There's a crisis of confidence and trust in international institutions, and there's a crisis of confidence in international law's ability to enforce agreements reached on the basis of the United Nations Charter. Finally, there is a crisis of confidence in the original promise of the United Nations, namely preserving succeeding generations from the scourge of war and promoting economic, social progress for all. It is high time to once again place this promise at the heart of the UN's work. If we do not wish it to remain a dead ideal, It must become once more a reality for everyone. And yet, armed conflicts are increasing in number. War in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, Haiti, Yemen, and Africa, including the expansion of terrorism in the Sahel, all of these bear witness to the continued worsening and deep cracks in international peace and security. in Gaza and indeed throughout the OPT. Human suffering is unconscionable. There are systemic violations of international law and these are unacceptable. It is high time to act to halt the horror of mass murder and destruction. No country No peace, no security can be viable, nor can it last without the two-state solution, Palestine with East Jerusalem as its capital and Israel, the two living side by side within safe and internationally recognized borders. In a situation of ongoing conflict which favors an arms race, which erodes disarmament mechanisms and fuels risk linked to new technologies. And that the fact that there is an arms race in outer space in this context, we call for a collective stirring, peaking of our conscience. Peace is not a simple aspiration. It cannot be. It is a collective responsibility. It is for this reason that as interim president of ECOWAS, I will spare no effort to work to bring about peace and security in the sub-region. Of course, I will be doing this alongside the African Union and the United Nations, working closely with them. I am now thinking specifically here of the fight against terrorism. It must be a common struggle. Because the scourge of terrorism is cross-border by its very nature, the Sahel must not be abandoned to its desolate fate. Its stabilization must be pursued, it cannot be forgotten. Of course, there are worsening health crises. The Ebola epidemic is an example of just that. Global inequalities are increasing. The climate urgency has become an even more bitter reality. The human, economic, and social cost of these phenomenon continue to grow. There are many environmental perils facing our age. We need to act on all fronts. That is our ambition for the third United Nations Water Conference that Senegal will co-organize with the United Arab Emirates. It will be held this year. Ladies and gentlemen, a lasting peace cannot be decoupled from development. 40 years after the adoption of the Declaration on the Right to Development, we know what we need to do to achieve that goal. There needs to be a wholesale reform of international financial architecture. There needs to be sustainable debt. There needs to be equitable taxation and better access to concessional financing. There also needs to be the implementation of the severe commitment as well as of the Pact for the Future. Senegal also believes in the transformative potential of new technologies, including the development of AI that is based on robust morals and ethical code based on the principle of responsibility and inclusion. The launch of our first satellite illustrates our desire to make space, AI and digital tools instruments that serve and foster human development. President, dear colleagues, we are all well aware of the challenges linked to the very life of our organization. Ours is a concerning financial situation. It's affecting the UN's operational capacity, and that is prompting questions about how effective the UN really is. Indeed, these questions are being asked about peace operations, just as they are about the SDGs. The implementation of these is lagging behind, and significantly so. In view of this reality, It is true that some might be tempted to view multilateralism as a relic and might be tempted to move outside of multilateralism to take action in isolation. Senegal does not espouse that view. On the contrary, it is precisely because the world is beset by a whole host of unprecedented crises that we need a UN that is stronger, more representative and more effective. We will not settle crises by allowing the multilateral system to become ever more piecemeal. We will not achieve peace if we simply stage power struggles. We will not guarantee a just international order if we see right being replaced by might. Doing all of that will imperil the very raison d'etre of our organization, that is dialogue, conflict prevention, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation and respect for international law. In this vein, and with this in mind, the UN80 initiative provides us with a historic opportunity to usher in the structural and normative transformations that we need to see. However, reforming the United Nations must not stymie its ambitions. On the contrary, it must make it less bureaucratic in how it functions. It must remove red tape, make it more agile, and make it more effective in its expenditure. And there must be better synergies between headquarters and the field so we can better serve the people we represent. Senegal supports that very dynamic. That was the rationale behind our contribution to efforts to strengthen the UN system. We've used our own resources to build a UN house some 30 kilometers away from Dakar. This is a cutting edge institution and the site will house all UN system entities in the region and that will foster greater coherence and effectiveness in the UN's work. However, a stronger organization and ensuring it is stronger also involves Member States upholding their financial pledges and making good on their assessed contributions. President, the years are ticking by, but our efforts to reform governance have yet to produce a significant impact. The status quo when it comes to reforming the Security Council bears witness to that fact. We all agree that the composition of the Security Council is out of step with the realities of our time. We agree that the expansion of the Council should not lead to further inertia. But given the fact the Council is lacking legitimacy, and that is indeed the hallmark of the Council's current structure, we cannot simply issue observations. We are in at a juncture where there is an urgent need for action. It's a matter of justice, credibility and balance across the international system. And this is indeed the rationale which underpins the Ezulwini Consensus, which outlines the African position in connection with the so necessary reform of the UN Security Council. In that vein, Senegal is presenting its candidacy to a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for 2032-2033. However, beyond reform, the organization also needs experienced leadership. to steer its work in these times of crisis and uncertainty. The UN needs a Secretary-General able to speak to one and all, able to listen and to build bridges between member states. That is the vision embraced and espoused by Macky Sall, former President of the Republic of Senegal. Here, I wish once again to express my support for his candidacy. I wish to reiterate Senegal's request That you, as member states, support his candidacy, ladies and gentlemen, at a time when our... organization is seeking to rebuild trust. Senegal continues to believe in the vision of a world based on peace, justice, the dignity of each and every human being, and human brotherhood. The world does not need unilateral posturing. It needs a fairer, more inclusive, and more effective multilateralism. Addressing our challenges requires bridges and not walls, dialogue and not confrontation, cooperation and not isolation, law and not might. That is the very spirit in which Sen Senegal will host the Youth Olympic Games in Dakar 2026. This is the first Olympic event in history to be held in Africa. It will be held from the 31st of October to the 13th of November. It will welcome athletes from 206 National Olympic communities. It will welcome young people from across the world. And in doing just that, Senegal will do much more than host a sporting competition. It will host a promise. It will host a generation that wish to come together rather than stand apart, one that wishes to build together rather than pit themselves against each other. That is our promise to those young people, and it is the Olympic promise. And ultimately, that is the promise of the United Nations, that is making strength out of our differences, making wealth out of our diversity, and making our human community the very bedrock of peace. In that Olympic spirit, I invite all Member States to attend the opening ceremony of the Youth Games on the 31st of October 2026 in Dakar, and I thank you for your kind attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Senegal. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Ratu Nikama Tawake Qalati Lalaibalavu, President of the Republic of Fiji. I request protocol to accompany His Excellency. I invite him to address the Assembly.

The president of the United Nations General Assembly. the excellency Doctor Khalilur Rahman. The Secretary General, Mister Antonio Guterres. Fellow heads of state and government. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The assembly of Inaka. and a very good afternoon to you all. I bring warm greetings from the people of Fiji and from the blue Pacific continent. Mr. President, although he's not here, I congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Fiji assures you of our full support as you guide this assembly through a period of profound uncertainty and transformation. Our Prime Minister, the Honorable Siti Wendy Rambuka, joins me in wishing you and all member states a peaceful, productive, and a very successful session. On the same note, I acknowledge your predecessor, Her Excellency, Annalena Baebock, for her stewardship of the 80th session. I pay tribute also to the Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, who addresses this General Debate for the last time in that office. Through a decade of turbulence, he has defended multilateralism and stood with small island developing states, and Fiji thanks him dearly. Mr. President, the theme of this session is restoring trust and managing transformation. United Nations that delivers for all. And it speaks directly to the condition of our world. We face deepening geopolitical rivalry, armed conflict, and climate and environmental crisis, economic uncertainty, disrupted supply chains and rapid technological change, and an information environment corroded by disinformation. These crises do not remain where they begin. Conflict arises or conflict raises the cost of fuel and food far beyond its borders. Carbon emitted from the Pacific takes our shorelines, our homes, and our sacred places. For small island developing states, distance no longer insulates us from the global shocks. Too often, it magnifies their cost. Trust, therefore, is not restored by declarations alone. It is restored when commitments are kept and when international law is applied consistently and when institutions listen and when people can see and feel the results of multilateral action in their daily lives. Mr. President, Fiji reaffirms an enduring principle. The international law is not optional. And peace cannot be secured by power alone. For small states, the principles of the charter, sovereign equality, territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the safeguards against a world in which the size of military strength decides whose rights matters. When the world asks small states to choose between competing power blocks, Fiji chooses principles. And we choose the charter. We choose the international law. We choose dialogue over coercion, human dignity over domination, and cooperation over confrontation. Fiji calls for the peaceful settlement of conflicts wherever they occur. We urge all parties to protect civilians, respect international humanitarian law, and return to the negotiating table. The charter does not apply differently according to who is involved. OAU and Fiji ask the same of every party in every theater. Energy, food security, and supply chains are inseparable from peace. The freedoms of navigation guaranteed under the international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, must be respected. Fiji will continue to serve in the United Nations peacekeeping operations. We ask only that they be properly mandated, properly financed, and properly supported. And we support renewed investment in prevention, mediation, and the quiet diplomacy that stops wars before they begin. We carry a very simple conviction. The life of a stranger is worth protecting. Dialogue is worth pursuing. And peace, however difficult, is always worth building. Mr. President, the Pacific knows the cost of militarization and nuclear testing. Our ocean carries the memory of decisions made elsewhere, but suffered by Pacific peoples. That memory strengthens our determination that the blue Pacific remain a region of peace. The Ocean of Peace Declaration expresses a regional vision grounded in sovereignty, international law, and rejection of coercion. Our message to all partners is clear. The Pacific welcomes our friendship, investment, and genuine cooperation. But our ocean must not become a theater in which others settle their rivalries. For small island developing states, regional cooperation is not an optional layer of diplomacy. It is a practical necessity separated by vast differences with small populations and narrow economic bases. And what is difficult alone becomes possible together. We must take it further still through connectivity, food and energy security, and Pacific-led financing, such as something the Pacific has built. The Pacific Resilience Facility is the first climate and disaster financing facility owned, governed, and hosted by the states it serves. Its treaty entered into force in May. And it is seated in the Kingdom of Tonga. And its first grants are already reaching our communities. It exists because a village seewall does not need a three-year aggregation process. All it needs is money that arrives or will arrive. Its essential capitalization target is $500 million United States dollar by December. of which 173 million has been pledged. I thank all those who have come forward, and I ask those who are able to close the gap to do so willingly. Cooperation of this kind does not diminish our sovereignty. It strengthens our ability to exercise it. And, Mr. President, the call to restore trust must also apply within our own nations. Fiji's democratic journey has not been easy. We have known political upheaval, constitutional change, and periods of deep division. We cannot change that history, but we can learn from it. This year, Fiji undertook a national review of its 2013 constitution, and informed by consultation across the country. And on the 1st of September, the commission presented its report to my office as head of state. That did not end the process. It began the next stage. And the report must now proceed through parliament and the democratic processes transparently and in accordance with the rule of law. What Fiji seeks is not a constitution for a government or a party or one generation, but a settlement that every Fijian recognizes as their own. Alongside it, our truth and reconciliation process continues. Renewal strengthens institutions and reconciliation heals divisions. Together, they can carry Fiji from memory to understanding and from division to trust. Mr. President, if the United Nations is to restore trust, it must also be willing to reform itself. Fiji supports the UN80 reform agenda to make the organization more coherent, efficient, and effective. But reform must be judged by a single test: what improves for people and for member states. For Pacific small island developing states, efficiency must not mean distance. The multi-country offices serving our region are essential bridges between global commitments and island realities. Reform must strengthen and not thin our capacity to deliver where need is the greatest. This Assembly will also select the next Secretary-General. Fiji asks for a process that is transparent and merit-based, and for a Secretary-General who understands the realities of small island states, and more importantly, will act on them. For too long, our circumstances have been well diagnosed and poorly addressed. The promise to deliver for all must also be measured in development. With 2030 approaching, too many sustainable development goals remain off track. National income alone cannot capture remoteness, disaster exposure, and the repeated burden of rebuilding. The multidimensional vulnerability index must move from adoption to application. There is one measure of delivery that reaches Fijian households directly. Remittances are now Fiji's third largest source of foreign exchange. They pay for school fees, rebuild homes after lots of cyclones, and sustain families between harvests. Your Excellencies, they are not aid. They are the earnings of Fijians abroad and sent home. Yet, Pacific corridors remain among the most expensive in the world through which to send money. In May, in this august hall, we recommitted ourselves to bring transfer costs below 3% and to eliminate corridors costing more than 5%. Pacific corridors, among those Fiji asked, that is to be treated as an obligation and not an aspiration. Labour mobility must also not become a one-way transfer of the people that we have trained. Fiji does not regard any Fijian the chance to build a life abroad. We ask only that those who recruit our nurses and teachers invest in the systems that produce them. And this belongs beside what I have said of reconciliation. Not every Fijian abroad left in search of work. Some left in season of upheaval when they did not feel that the country was theirs. They are Fijians still and so are their children. A supreme law that belongs to every citizen must belong to them also. Fiji's door is open. This month, Fiji declared a national HIV emergency. Your Excellencies, One in 60 of our adults is now estimated to be living with the virus. Fewer than four in 10 know that. I say this plainly because stigma and silence are now how this epidemic grew. And because of the late Ratu Apeti Naile Takaue, our former head of state and UNAIDS Goodwill Ambassador for the Pacific, spent his last years telling us so. This is also a security question. Methamphetamine trafficked into our region by transnational criminal networks is now driving transmission through injecting drug use. Our borders are ocean. Our populations are small. And the profits at stake exceed our national budgets. A country such as Fiji of under a million people cannot interdict a global supply chain alone. So Fiji asked three things. That treatment and diagnostics reach small states at prices we can pay. And that the Global Fund and UNH be resourced at a level that does not force triage between regions. And that our partners treat Pacific narcotics interdiction as the shared security interest it is. These are the same laws. A nurse who emigrates is a nurse Fiji trained and will not have, because they've left. A Fijian who dies 35 of a treatable virus is the same subtraction, made permanent with the cost of care left behind. Small states are not losing workers at the margin. We are losing the capacity to staff our own future. Mr. President, nowhere is the deep gap between the promise and the delivery more consequential than in the climate crisis. For the Pacific, climate change is not a future scenario. It is saltwater entering farmland, coastal erosion moving closer to homes, and stronger storms damaging schools and roads. and the pressure on fisheries and food security and communities facing relocation. This is a question of science and it is also a question of justice, Your Honour. This Assembly has this week addressed the threats posed by sea level rise. For Fiji, the legal consequences are not abstract. Statehood, once established, continues. Maritime zones once lawfully established and deposited within the United Nations, must remain, notwithstanding the physical changes brought by the sea level rise. No state should lose its rights, its identity or its seat in this Hall because others have altered its coastline. Fiji urges this Assembly to carry that principle from declaration into settled international law. Fiji welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the obligation of states in respect of climate change. It confirms that climate responsibility is not only political or moral, it is legal. And the task now, Your Excellencies, is implementation. Obligations recognized by the court must be reflected in national commitments, in the conduct of states, and in the outcomes of our negotiations. Climate finance must move from promise to access, from announcement to disbursement. The loss and damage fund must operate at a scale that reflects actual need. And access must be simplified. For small administration, the cost of applying should never exceed the capacity to apply. In November, the world gathers in Antalya for COP31. And before that, Fiji hosts the PRECOP and Tuvalu, a leaders event in early October. To every delegation in this august hall, come to the Pacific. See what a rising sea means to a village that has nowhere to move. Then let us go to Antalya and deliver on adaptation, on finance, and on loss and damage, and on the transition away from fossil fuels. As a large ocean state, Fiji's identity, economy and the future are inseparable from the ocean. Illegal fishing, pollution, biodiversity loss and warming and acidifying seas do not respect national boundaries. No island nation can meet them alone. This year, the Agreement on Marine Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction entered into force. a genuine achievement of multilateralism, and Fiji calls for universal ratification for a first conference of the parties that delivers a functioning institution and for capacity building, technology transfer that are real rather than aspirational. And in the deep sea, we ask for others not only to discipline, not only the discipline, but we ask ourselves, no exploitation proceed until the science is sufficient and the rules are sound. The common heritage of humankind is an obligation owed to those not yet born. Mr. President, Fiji comes to this great assembly as a small island state, but not with a small vision. Our size does not diminish our voice. Our vulnerability does not diminish our agency. And our distance from the centers of power does not distance us from its consequences. Transformation will happen, whether we manage it or not, Your Excellencies. And the real question is, what kind of transformation we choose? Will it be governed by law or by power? And will this great assembly remain a place where we come to describe crisis or become an institution that solves it? Let this 81st session be remembered, and not for the depth of our concern, but for the courage of our decisions. Let us build a United Nations that is trusted because it is fair, relevant because it adapts, and respected because it delivers. Let us build a Pacific that remains an ocean of peace, united in purpose, confident in its identity, and strong enough to shape its own future. And let us remember that the measure of what we do here will not be found in our speeches. It will be found in whether a coastal community can remain on the land of its ancestors, and whether a young person can trust democracy and find future at their home. That is the United Nations Fiji believes in, and that is the trust we must restore together. And once again, vinaka vaka levu, and I thank you.

On.

Behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Fiji. We shall now continue the general debate. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Tiemoko Mele Kone, Vice-President of the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire. I request protocol to escort his excellency and invite him to address the assembly.

Mr. President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations, ladies and gentlemen. On behalf of His Excellency Mr. Alassane Ouattara, President of the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire, and of the Government and people of Cote d'Ivoire, I wish to extend our warm congratulations to the President of the General Assembly on his election to preside over the 81st session of our organization and to assure him of Cote d'Ivoire's full support in the discharge of his important mandate. And as his tenure draws to a close, I would also like to pay a heartfelt tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres. Over the past decade, he has exercised his high office with profound humanity and absolute fidelity to the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations in an international context that has been among the most trying in the contemporary history of our organization. wishes to express its deep gratitude to him for the excellence of our cooperation, which has grown stronger throughout his term. Mr. Secretary-General, President Alassane Ouattara has asked me to convey to you his warmest regards grounded in high esteem and friendship, as well as his sincere wishes for success in the next chapters of your distinguished career. Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever-growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape. Before our very eyes, multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue, and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme therefore aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can

effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary-General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway. Cote d'Ivoire hopes that this process will result in the appointment of a figure of the highest caliber, whose moral values, independence of mind, diplomatic experience, and commitment to dialogue will enable the United Nations to pursue with ambition and effectiveness its mission in the service of peace, development, and solidarity among nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, current international events remind us every day of the human, political, and economic cost of protracted conflicts. Cote d'Ivoire remains deeply concerned about the resumption of hostilities in the Near and Middle East, the consequences of which weigh on peace and on food, energy, and economic security throughout the world. The dire situation in the East of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in the Sudan is equally alarming with severe and endless humanitarian consequences. All these persistent conflicts are exacerbating the suffering of the affected populations and producing harmful effects that extend far beyond the borders of the states concerned. We therefore call for dialogue to prevail over arms. We also express our solidarity with the Haitian people. Cote d'Ivoire will continue to contribute to ongoing initiatives aimed at supporting the Haitian authorities and international partners in order to restore security in the sister nation so as to restore democratic legitimacy to its institutions. My country takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter. And to lend its full support for the many mediation efforts undertaken by the United Nations, the African Union, and relevant regional organizations. Ladies and gentlemen, Africa is bearing the brunt of the decline of multilateralism and the difficulties the United Nations has faced in recent years. Due to a lack of support from certain partners and from the United Nations, several African countries are struggling to find lasting solutions to conflicts and to bear the cost of various counterterrorism and peacekeeping operations. Meanwhile, violent extremism, transnational organized crime, and illicit trafficking of all kinds continue to destabilize a number of regions on the continent, and in particular, the Sahel. Our experience and the realities on the ground demonstrate that no state can, on its own, overcome such threats in a definitive and lasting manner. This requires greater regional cooperation and international solidarity in order to ensure appropriate responses. These threats also call for investment in conflict prevention and for addressing at an early stage the vulnerabilities that fuel crises, including poverty, inequality, youth unemployment, and all other forms of marginalization. In this regard, we commend the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, ECOWAS, and all the partners working on security and stabilization efforts in our region. If these institutions are to be as effective as expected, they must therefore become more representative, more inclusive, and better attuned to the demands of our time. Indeed, it is becoming increasingly difficult to explain to younger generations that organizations created in the aftermath of the Second World War can no longer faithfully reflect the political, demographic, and economic realities of the 21st century. My country once again reaffirms its support for an ambitious reform of the Security Council so as to ensure permanent representation for Africa in this important body whose decisions directly affect our peace and security. That is why Cote d'Ivoire welcomes the progress achieved through the Pact for the Future and calls for its swift implementation. The real challenge is no longer to adopt new commitments, but rather to translate those already made into tangible results for the greater well-being of our peoples. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, there can be no lasting peace without truly inclusive and equitable development. As the 2030 deadline approaches, progress towards achieving the sustainable development goals remains insufficient, while financing needs remain considerable in many developing countries. The fourth international conference on financing for development rightly recalled that the necessary resources exist. The challenge now lies in our collective ability to mobilize them and to channel them with greater equity, solidarity, and effectiveness in the service of sustainable development. Cote d'Ivoire therefore calls for an ambitious reform of the international financial architecture and a renewed global partnership. to ensure that developing countries have more equitable access to the resources needed to finance infrastructure, health, education, energy, industrial transformation, and the creation of decent jobs for young people. Climate challenges require a similar degree of mobilization. Africa contributes the least to global greenhouse gas emissions, yet remains among the regions most hit the hardest by their consequences. Droughts, floods, land degradation, and the disruption of food systems directly threaten the ways of life and the livelihoods of millions of people. In this context, honouring international commitments on climate finance, adaptation and technology transfer is an imperative of justice and solidarity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the transformation that our world is experiencing is also a technological one. Artificial intelligence and the digital revolution are opening up considering opportunities in many areas of our contemporary world. However, these technological advances can also exacerbate existing divides if their development as well as access to them remain unevenly distributed. In this regard, Cote d'Ivoire supports the efforts of the United Nations to promote the global governance of artificial intelligence that fosters innovation while protecting human dignity, international security, and sustainable development in a spirit of inclusion, ethics, and equitable sharing of the benefits of technological progress. Mr. President, the trust that we seek at the international level must also be built within each of our states. through the strength of our institutions and our ability to create the conditions for sustainable and shared development. My country, for its part, under the leadership of President Alassane Ouattara, continues on its path towards a stronger and more diversified economy while taking care to ensure and safeguard peace and stability. This ambition is now embodied in Cote d'Ivoire's National Development Plan 2026-2030, which is part of a long-term vision aligned with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the African Union's Agenda 2063. Our ambition remains to build a prosperous and united nation where economic growth translates into greater opportunity, social progress and well-being for all of our people. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as the United Nations enters its ninth decade of existence, we have a collective duty to demonstrate that multilateralism remains the best response to the challenges of our time. We must choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, and solidarity over indifference. We must restore trust among nations, ensure that the rule of law prevails over the use of force, place human beings at the heart of our decisions, and make our diversity a source of strength rather than a cause for division. Only then will the United Nations continue to embody the hopes of peoples and fulfill the promises that led to its creation. Cote d'Ivoire, true to its values and firmly committed to peace, dialogue, and multilateralism, will continue with humility but with determination to contribute to this collective endeavor because we believe that the destiny of humanity remains profoundly shared. Finally, it is incumbent upon us to ensure that the United Nations remains for present and future generations a true crucible of human dignity and the guarantor of a better world. I thank you.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank the Vice President of the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire. The General Assembly will now hear a statement by His Excellency Kashim Shettima, Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, the Secretary General of the UN, the Deputy Secretary General, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, I extend my warmest congratulations to you, Mr. President, on behalf of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on your election as President of the ACP. session of the United Nations General Assembly and assure you of Nigeria's full cooperation and support. I commend your predecessor's stewardship of this Assembly. I also salute the Secretary-General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, and the Deputy Secretary-General, Aminah J. Mohammed, for steering the United Nations through storms that have sharpened our awareness of the cost of inaction. None of us can pretend that conflicts within our borders or in lands far beyond them do not exact a price from us. Such is the reach of our interdependence. Such is the urgency of this session's sacred duty to restore trust in the international institutions we established to reconcile our differences and advance our common interests. The persistence of conflicts across the world recalls the purpose for which the United Nations was founded, to spare succeeding generations the devastation of war. We must therefore return to the founding principles of dialogue, mutual respect, and collective responsibility. Nigeria stands by the charter and its promise of a world in which diplomacy prevails over coercion, cooperation over isolation, and international law over arbitrary exercise of power. Mr. President, the reform of this institution must begin with the reconstitution of the Security Council. for the world of 2026 cannot remain captive to the distribution of power in 1945. Africa cannot continue to fill the council's agenda while remaining absent from its permanent membership. Nigeria demands, in accordance with the Delwin consensus and the safety declaration, at least two permanencies for Africa. With all the rights and responsibilities of permanent membership, including the veto, for as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats in total. The authority to speak for humanity carries an obligation to represent it. Nigeria stands ready to assume greater responsibility on the strength of obligations honored and sacrifices made over decades in the service of peace. From Liberia and Sierra Leone to Darfur, Mali, and the Gambia, We have committed personnel and resources when international solidarity required action. Through ECOWAS, the African Union, and our Gulf of Guinea partnerships, we continue to advance mediation, democratic governance, counterterrorism, and maritime security. Mr. President, our foreign policy rests on the same conviction that guides our economic reforms. Through sound macroeconomic management, Stronger institutions, private sector development, and strategic public investment, we seek to give practical meaning to our sustainable development commitments. This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable, and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions earn trust when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the threat gathering around our borders and further afield. We inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life, and as long as that scientific fact holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from conflicts elsewhere, geography offers no exemption from the consequences of a fractured world. Mr. President, we reject the false choice between development and climate action. Developing countries must industrialize, eradicate poverty, and expand energy access through low carbon pathways supported by technology transfer, capacity building, and climate finance. Africa contributes less than 4% of the greenhouse gas emissions, yet we are disproportionate consequences. Nigeria remains committed to the Paris Agreement and an equitable energy transition. that reflects historical responsibility and capacity while protecting people's right to development. Under our energy transition plan, we are working towards net zero emissions by 2060 while expanding access to affordable, reliable, and sustainable energy. This effort combines renewable energy, clean cooking, and gas as a transitional fuel with climate-smart agriculture and nature-based solutions, finance, must be governed by equity and shared responsibility, rather than charity, with international commitments translated into accessible, predictable, and adequately funded mechanisms that enable developing countries to pursue climate action without compromising development objectives. Excellencies, we refuse to surrender our technological future to paranoia. An invention can be destructive or beneficial, depending on the purpose it serves. and the judgment of those who use it. A knife can take life in the hands of an assailant and can save one in the hands of a surgeon. We can deploy artificial intelligence to wage war or use it to transform healthcare, education, agriculture, governance, and economic productivity. Much of the anxiety surrounding AI reflects the distrust we have allowed to grow amongst us. Nigeria is investing in digital public infrastructure, broadband connectivity, innovation systems, research institutions, and technology intellectual ownership. We invite the world to augment resourceful and enterprising young people to direct AI towards humanity's advancement rather than its destruction. Mr. President, one of the greatest obstacles to sustainable development is inadequate financing. Many developing countries devote substantial resources to debt servicing at the expense of education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Nigeria, therefore, calls for reform of the international financial architecture, wider access to concessional financing, and debt sustainability frameworks that recognize developmental needs. We also support innovative financing through private capital, blended finance, South-South cooperation, and strategic partnerships for sustainable development climate adaptation, and resilient infrastructure. Nigeria further recognizes the African Continental Free Trade Area as one of the continent's most transformative opportunities. It can strengthen regional value chains, expand intra-African trade, promote industrialization, and attract investment. Africa must move beyond its historical role as an exporter of raw materials toward greater value addition. manufacturing, technological innovation, and knowledge-driven growth. Our abundant natural resources must become engines of shared prosperity rather than sources of perpetual dependency. Mr. President, no nation, however formidable its defenses, can secure itself completely against dangers sustained beyond its borders. Terrorism, organized crime, cyber attacks, and illicit finance exploiting gaps between our national responses, drawing strength from the divisions that weaken collective action. Nigeria's prolonged struggle against Boko Haram, ISWAP, and other armed groups has taught us that military victories require enduring foundations in education, economic opportunity, accountable governance, and communities whose rights and dignity are protected. Development cannot take root while violence repeatedly uproots livelihoods. And peace cannot endure where injustice and exclusion replenish the ranks of those who threaten it. Our common security therefore demands cooperation equal to the reach of the threats before us. We must exchange intelligence, strengthen institutional capacity, interrupt the financing of violence, and prevent weapons from crossing borders that our responses too often fail to cross. The turmoil in the Sahel illustrates how insecurity in one territory can imperil its neighbors, displace populations, and frustrate commerce, regional integration, and democratic governance. As a founding member of ECOWAS, Nigeria upholds regional solidarity and African leadership in resolving these challenges, reinforced by principled international partnerships. No country can claim lasting safety while the forces capable of destabilizing it retain sanctuary, resources, and recruits elsewhere. Excellencies, Nigeria remains committed to the peaceful settlement of disputes under the United Nations Charter. The conflicts in Sudan and other war-torn countries demand urgent diplomacy to address their humanitarian, economic, and geopolitical consequences. All parties must uphold international, humanitarian, and human rights law, protects billions and facilitate humanitarian access. Negotiated settlements must respect sovereignty and territorial integrity. Within and beyond our continent, no claim to security can justify starving children, denying relief to civilians, or erasing communities from the land they call home. We should all be afraid of a world in which we can no longer tell the victim from the aggressor, when our investment in propaganda shields perpetrators from justice, to the point that telling the truth becomes a crime. The promise of this institution stands betrayed. We place our faith in diplomacy because military victories alone cannot secure lasting peace. Dialogue, reconciliation, and inclusive political processes must give people a stake in ending violence and preserving the agreements that follow. The United Nations must therefore strengthen peacekeeping and give greater attention to peace building, mediation, institution building, and sustainable development. Prevention must command greater resources and political attention. Mr. President, Africa is ready for the future. Our resilience, our ingenuity, our youthful population, our natural wealth, and our expanding markets can make us a major driver of global growth in this century. The African Continental Free Trade area offers exceptional scope to deepen regional integration, accelerate industrialization, and strengthen our place in global value chains. Developing countries must recognize as indispensable partners whose contributions to global solutions and shared prosperity extend power beyond their need for assistance. Such a partnership requires a United Nations that evolves with the aspirations of the present and future generations. Institutions that adapt preserve their relevance. Those that resist change imperil it. Nigeria remains optimistic because history shows that countries acting with common purpose and determination can overcome obstacles once considered insurmountable. Our generation has the privilege of shaping the future and the responsibility to answer for it. Those who follow us will judge our courage in reforming outdated institutions building cooperation across divisions, protecting the planet, and directing technology responsibly. Mr. President, Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Nigeria pledges cooperation over confrontation, dialogue over division, hope over fear, and partnership over isolation. These choices must shape institutions that respond to the legitimate aspirations of all nations, restoring trust, requires us to honor our obligations to one another and to manage the changes before us with justice, wisdom, and compassion. The world looks to this assembly for leadership, and our debates must lead to action worthy of that expectation. Nigeria believes that the humanity we share is stronger than the divisions we have met, and that cooperation remains wiser than conflict. A reform inclusive and effective United Nations is indispensable to the peaceful, just and sustainable world that future generations deserve. Whatever our differences, I repeat, whatever our differences, we must remember that humanity is our oldest citizenship and peace is inheritance we owe every child. I thank you for your kind attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Abdullah Abdul Qadir Al Alimi Baazir, Vice President of the Presidential Leadership Council of the Republic of Yemen. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Her Majesties, Excellencies, Highnesses, distinguished delegates, Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen. 12 years could be in politics a mere temporal span, the length of a protracted crisis. But for a Yemeni child, 12 years are his entire childhood. An entire generation was born amid war, grew up amid hunger, fear, and weapons, learning the names of mines before learning the alphabet of life. We do not ask the world to mourn every Yemeni child whose future has been stolen. Rather, we ask how many more children must be deprived of their future before the world stands resolutely with the Yemeni people and their struggle to restore their state and their stability. The people of Yemen, Yemen, this great nation with its rich history, civilization, and human heritage, has been enduring for 12 years the consequences of the coup carried out by the terrorist Houthi militia against the state and its institutions. 12 years. 12 years marked by war, displacement, poverty, recruitment of children, terrorizing of women, laying of mines, confiscation of rights, freedoms, and public resources. Ladies and gentlemen, the government of Yemen has engaged responsibly and positively with all international and regional initiatives and has made significant concessions in pursuit of peace and an end to the suffering of the Yemeni people. However, the terrorist Houthi militias have responded to those efforts with intransigence, using periods of humanitarian truces to advance their military arsenals at the expense of the livelihoods of ordinary citizens. The latest of these efforts was the initiative undertaken by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Sultanate of Oman to elaborate a roadmap toward peace. The Yemeni government accepted that initiative, while the Houthi militias rejected it and instead escalated their actions in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb to serve an Iranian agenda that goes beyond the interests of Yemen and its people, turning one of the world's most important waterways into a tool of pressure and bargaining. in Iran's confrontation with the world. Ladies and gentlemen, this coup could not have persisted for so many years, nor could its threat have expanded from Yemen to neighboring states and international waterways without the military support expertise, and technology provided to the Houthi militias by the rogue Iranian regime. The international community's hesitation to designate the Houthis as a terrorist group provided them with a valuable opportunity to expand their influence and magnify the threat they pose. We have seen that decisive action, when applied, weakens their capabilities. The coalition to restore legitimacy in Yemen led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has played a critical role in reducing the dangers posed by this group through its support for the Yemeni government, thereby contributing to regional and international security and stability. We believe that this firm approach adopted by the United States administration in dealing with the Houthi militias has disrupted their calculations. The Yemeni government appreciate President Trump's clear understanding of the only language this terrorist group comprehends, the language of resolve. It is the language that leaves no room for misinterpretation. We likewise value the support of every friendly state that has stood behind this position. International legitimacy and its resolutions are there, but resolutions alone do not make peace. An international resolution without a political will to implement it does not stop wars. Rather, it merely prolongs a marathon of negotiations while only terrorism advances. Peace is not a distant aspiration. It is a firm determination. It is an effective deterrent action against those who threaten the security and stability of states. Ladies and gentlemen, Iranian support is not the only factor contributing to the danger posed by Houthi terrorist militias. They also benefit from the lack of an effective and decisive international position. They benefit from every statement that underestimates the threat represented by this racist terrorist movement in Yemen. In Yemen, We're not confronting a purely local terrorist militia. Rather, we face an extension of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, which is also using terrorist groups to threaten international peace and security. The Houthi militias use of the safety of navigation as a tool for blackmail threaten not only Yemen. taking hostage the entire global economy. Recent years have clearly demonstrated a truth that the international community must not dismiss, namely that ensuring security at sea begins with eliminating the source of the threat on land. Protecting ships is important, but it only addresses the consequences and does not remove the threat. Therefore, we warn the world. Do not be reassured by false promises from a terrorist militia that has repeatedly made endless commitments just as it failed to honor them. Its abstention from targeting ships today does not mean at all it will not do so tomorrow. It is a strategic mistake. It is a strategic mistake to assume that maritime security can be sustained through assurances that can be walked back. A lasting maritime security in the Red Sea, Bab el-Mandeb, and the Gulf of Aden cannot be built while a non-state armed militia remains on the shores. Nor is the threat confined to Yemen and the Red Sea. international reports have exposed growing cooperation between the terrorist Houthi militias and terrorist organizations, including in the Horn of Africa, through networks linking militias, terrorist groups, smugglers, and organized crime networks, thereby undermining states and threatening security and stability. Ladies and gentlemen, we say with full confidence and we firmly believe that restoring the Yemeni state and restoring the security of Bab el-Mandeb are inseparable. They are not two separate issues, but one and the same. Supporting the Yemeni government and strengthening its economic security and military capacities is an investment in international peace and security. Protecting this strategic waterway is a shared regional and international responsibility which Yemen cannot shoulder alone. It is the responsibility of every economy that depends on secure supply chains, energy security, and freedom of navigation. In this regard, we commend the initiative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish a multinational maritime defense coalition. This initiative reflects a deep appreciation and understanding of collective responsibility to protect navigation, deter threats, and combat smuggling. The path to a secure at sea requires a stable Yemen. There is no stability in Yemen without restoring the state. Sustainable peace cannot be achieved while an armed militia remains above the law and outside state authority. Restoring the Yemeni state is not just a national interest, it is a direct contribution to regional security and stability, and to the protection of one of the world's most vital maritime corridors. Ladies and gentlemen, our Yemeni people aspires to peace, but our people will not abandon their state. Our government is committed to peace, but it cannot accept that the armed coup becomes a fait accompli. There is no peace with arms outside state authority. Peace requires deeds, not words. 12 years of an incomplete peace have left millions of people enduring hunger, injuries, displacement. Every statistic in Yemen's tragedy carries a human story. The world must not become accustomed to the suffering. Yemen is a great country with its strategic location, its ports, its resources, its human capital. The challenge lies in unleashing those capabilities from the grip of war and transforming these capabilities into an engine for development today. The heroes of the Yemeni armed forces and all military formations, legitimate military formations, are on the ground confronting these Houthi terrorist militias in defense of our people, our land, our sovereignty, and our future. Here from this very podium, I salute them. I salute their struggle. They stand today to prevent much greater harm from reaching this world. I also address a message to our people, to our people in particular in Sana'a and Saada and Hajjah and Hodeidah and Ibb and Dhamar and every governorate, city, and village under Houthi control. We tell them from here, You are our people. Your suffering is our suffering. Your rights are our responsibility. You will never be outside the national project of a Yemeni state, nor outside its future. Our struggle is not against any Yemeni citizen, nor against the sons of any region, governorate, any sect or social group. Our struggle is against an armed coup that has taken hostage the state and its institutions, that deepened the suffering of Yemen and Yemenis to serve Iran and its schemes. Restoring the state is not a victory for one Yemeni party over another. It is the restoration of the rights of all Yemenis to their state and institutions. The Yemen for which we struggle belongs to all Yemenis. The state we seek to restore is your state. The future of Yemen will not be built by excluding any of its sons. Our cause is not merely about how to end the war, but to build what comes after it. We seek a safe, stable, prosperous Yemen that safeguards the dignity of its citizens, rebuilds its economy, provides education for its children, jobs for its youth, security for its families. Yemen that's a partner for its neighbors, a responsible guardian of its strategic location, a bridge for trade and cooperation between the Arabian Peninsula, the Horn of Africa, and the wider world. That is the Yemen that we wish for the world to see. Not a Yemen of war, but a Yemen of statehood, of humanity, of opportunity, a Yemen of the future, ladies and gentlemen. The Yemeni people do not ask the world to fight their battle on their behalf. They are determined to restore their state, rebuild its institutions, and confront terrorism in all its forms. What we ask? is that the international community fulfill its responsibilities, implement its resolutions, stop the flow of arms and technologies to the militias, support our national capacities and economy. The Yemeni government is capable of ending the threat posed by the terrorist group and protecting Yemen's ports and territorial waters. What we seek from the international community today is not a perpetual management of crises, but a strategic partnership that promotes security, stability, and development for the benefit of Yemen, the region, and international peace and security. We do not ask the world to build Yemen's future for Yemenis. We seek a partnership that supports the state and its institutions and invests in Yemen's people. For our part, we will continue to fulfill our responsibilities and reform institution building and the rule of law. The international community can find in the Yemeni government a reliable partner. We speak not only of what Yemen needs from the world, but also of what Yemen can contribute to the world once it regains its security and its stability. Ladies and gentlemen, we express our deep appreciation to the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for its unwavering support for Yemen, its people, and its government, and for the Kingdom's comprehensive support to the state and its institutions. The Kingdom has borne and continues to bear significant burdens in support of Yemen's security and stability. These efforts will remain firmly engraved in the memory of the Yemeni people. From this podium, the Republic of Yemen condemns the terrorist attacks carried out by the Houthi militias against the Kingdom, targeting its territory, facilities, and resources. We equally condemn their attempted targeting of Mecca al-Mukarrama, to which the hearts and prayers of Muslims turn. We stand in solidarity with the kingdom and reaffirm Yemen's steadfast support for the kingdom's right to defend its territory, its citizens, and its national interests. Ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of Yemen, reaffirms its unwavering support for the Palestinian people's right to freedom, dignity, and the establishment of their independent sovereign state in accordance with international resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative. We call for ending the suffering of the Palestinian people, protecting civilians, and promoting stability in this world. We equally express our appreciation to the United Nations, the Secretary-General and his Special Envoy, as well as all UN agencies for their efforts in support of peace and in assistance to the Yemeni people. And we value the support of friends and partners standing by the Yemeni people. At the same time, We condemn the continued detention by the Houthi militias of UN personnel and humanitarian workers. Those working for peace and humanitarian relief must never be held hostage or blackmailed. I wish all the peoples of the world prosperity, peace, and development. and we hope for a world that is more secure, just, stable, and prosperous. And in conclusion, I extend my congratulations to our great Yemeni people at home and abroad on the occasion today, on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the revolution of the 26th of September. We reaffirm our commitment to the values and objectives of the September and October revolutions and to the principles of our national struggle, principles that are non-negotiable with determination of the Yemenis, their sacrifices and perseverance, Yemen will regain its security and its stability. Bab al-Mandab will remain as geography intended it to be, a bridge between peoples, a route for commerce, and a gateway to peace. Allow me to conclude this statement with words by a Yemeni poet expressing faith in the Yemeni people, Yemeni homeland and future, and affirming that Yemen belongs to its free people, not to Iran, nor to its proxies. He said, "We are the land, its custodians and its inhabitants. To us it belongs. for we are its people and its home. Today belongs to the people. And yesterday, the glorious yesterday, belongs to them as well. To them belong the future, history, and time itself. Long live Yemen, free, secure, and great. May the peace and blessings be upon you all.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Presidential Leadership Council of the Republic of Yemen. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Highness Sheikh Sabah Al Khalid Al Hamad Al Mubarak Al Sabah, Crown Prince of the State of Kuwait. I request protocol to accompany His Highness. I invite him to address the Assembly.

Thank you Mr. President in the name of God most compassionate most merciful your excellency president of the General Assembly your excellency secretary general your majesties excellencies highnesses ladies and gentlemen may the peace and blessings of God be upon you At the outset, I am pleased to convey to you the greetings of His Highness the Emir of the State of Kuwait, Sheikh Meshal Al-Ahmed Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, along with his wishes for the success of this session. We would also like to congratulate His Excellency Dr. Khalilur Rahman and the friendly people's republic of Bangladesh on his election as president of the General Assembly. We affirm our support for His Excellency and we salute his wise choice of theme for this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All. We would also like to express our gratitude to Her Excellency, Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for her valued efforts during her presidency of the previous session. We would be remiss not to applaud the efforts, good offices, and initiatives of the Secretary-General aimed at strengthening multilateralism and that include initiatives such as UN80 and the Pact for the Future, as well as the ongoing efforts to address global challenges, crises, conflicts, wars, climate change, and terrorism, as well as the efforts to assist member states in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and to strengthen international cooperation on artificial intelligence. We hope that these efforts will continue beyond the conclusion of the Secretary-General's term in a manner to guarantee the continuity of work to reform and develop the organization's bodies enhance its effectiveness and performance in discharging its responsibilities. In this context, we emphasize that Security Council reform and the Security Council is the body charged with maintaining international peace and security has become essential to keep pace with the significant increase in the number of member states and the changes in international relations since the establishment of the organization. There is an urgent need for the Council to become more representative, effective and transparent in carrying out its responsibilities. Mr. President, since last February, the State of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region, these attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law, and the UN Charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war, in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored the Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security. demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defense as per Article 51 of the UN Charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions. And based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions, we reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute. And we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighborliness, respect for state sovereignty, and the non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. in addition to seizing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the Sea. Mr. President, the state of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN Charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighborliness, respect for state sovereignty, and the non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the state of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbor with whom we share close ties and are partners in security and stability since the fall of the former regime. In 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political, and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure, and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the state of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali Al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighboring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence-building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of international law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the Sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Khur Abdallah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the High Level Representative of the Secretary General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792 in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons. as well as nationals of third countries, and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the national archives. Mr. President, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests, and settlement.

We call for the full implementation of the comprehensive peace plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. we affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Qatar reiterates that a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. President, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the west coast, aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. In this regard, The State of Kuwait reiterated its full support for UN-led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable, and Yemeni-led settlement in accordance with the three agreed references. and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular Resolution 2216, the State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability, and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC Mr. President, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian-led comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability, and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to The sisterly Lebanese Republic, the State of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the Blue Line to ensure the full implementation of UN Resolution 1701. And we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia, and the State of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity, and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. President, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles. namely moderation and balance and a firm commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and international law and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The state of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security. Accordingly, Kuwait has based its development and humanitarian diplomacy on a pioneering role for the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development. Since 1961, the fund has contributed to financing development projects in 107 countries. This stems from a belief that addressing the root causes of crises is not limited to security measures, but requires supporting development, providing the foundations for a life of dignity, and building more resilient and stable societies. At the national level, Kuwait is confidently progressing towards its Kuwait Vision 2035 by accelerating the implementation of development projects, diversifying its economy and sources of income, continuing its digital transformation, empowering women and youth, developing its legislation, and consolidating governance and transparency. These efforts should enhance the efficiency of institutions and the competitiveness of the economy, and will establish Kuwait as a leading financial, commercial, and cultural center in the region. In conclusion, Mr. President, my country has known the cruelty of occupation and the bitterness of aggression and has suffered from wars that have ravaged and continue to ravage our region for four decades. From this experience, we have realized that they are the people who pay the price of conflicts. We have recognized the need for the world to stand together, united in support of justice and in adherence to the UN Charter and international law. Out of our experience, we became firmly convinced that peace is the choice of wisdom and is protected by ability. And dialogue does not diminish rights, but preserves them. and that security is not protected by force alone, but it is anchored in justice, the rule of law, and the principles of international legitimacy. The message of the state of Kuwait is one that has embraced in both word and deed, and to which it remains committed, that a just peace is the path to stability, and that respect for state sovereignty, the preservation of the rights of people, and recourse to international law for resolving disputes are indispensable pillars for security and stability of all states. The state of Kuwait shall remain as the world has known it to be, a voice of wisdom and moderation, a proponent of dialogue, cooperation, and openness to partnerships that serve mutual interests, a champion of justice, and a partner in consolidating international peace and security. We believe that peace is the path to a future where rights are protected, nations are stable, and generations enjoy security and prosperity. And may the peace and blessings of God be upon you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Crown Prince of the State of Kuwait. The assembly will hear an address by Her Excellency Mia Amor Motley, Prime Minister, Minister for Economic Affairs and Development, and Minister for National Security of Barbados. I request protocol to escort Her Excellency and invite her to address the assembly.

Mr. President, Excellencies, my friends, we meet at a time when the obstacles confronting human progress are multiplying. Obstacles to peace, obstacles to food and clean water, obstacles to finance, medicine, and education, obstacles to movement and opportunity, obstacles to technology, to the knowledge and infrastructure needed to use it. And increasingly, obstacles between nations, between communities, and between people who no longer agree on the same facts or trust the same institutions. War continues to destroy lives and communities even though the international community possesses more tools than ever. Ever before to prevent conflict and to facilitate dialogue. The climate crisis is accelerating. Even though the science is clear enough for us to act, and many of the solutions are already known. And despite unprecedented global wealth, millions remain without reliable access to food, water, health, or shelter. These challenges, my friends, are creating the polycrises of which we constantly speak. And at the same time, new challenges are emerging. Artificial intelligence is opening extraordinary possibilities in health, education, science, and productivity, while also creating new risk of exclusion, exploitation, surveillance, and the distortion of truth. And yet the cooperation needed to confront these challenges is under strain. It is why I believe the theme this year is so apt, restoring trust. Managing transformation, a United Nation that delivers for all. The theme reminds us that we have institutions created to preserve peace, to advance development, and yes, to protect human dignity. The institutions are these very United Nations. We have shared principles grounded in sovereign equality and in the recognition that our responsibilities extend beyond borders. The Reality is that we understand that there is regrettably enough for us to be able to invest in prevention rather than waiting to finance reconstruction. We understand enough about the climate crisis to reduce the emissions that are warming our planet and take the necessary steps for our populations to adapt. We equally now understand enough about the rapid development of AI to know that as we welcome its promise, we must anchor its development in a universal humanizing framework that does not imperil our existence as human beings. The failure, my friends, to address these challenges, therefore, is not one simply of knowledge or capacity. It is our repeated failure to convert what we know into what we do, to turn principle into practice and global capacity into solidarity. So beneath our many crises lies yet another one. And yes, it is a crisis of responsibility. Mr. President, that responsibility begins here in these halls. The transformation we seek for a better world will only happen when we trust each other and we accept our responsibility for each other. We in the Caribbean understand something about the necessity of living together. We had no choice. Barbadian novelist and essayist George Laming once described the Caribbean as perhaps the first global experiment in human history. Bringing together and I quote every branch of the human family. From the indigenous peoples of the Americas to the diverse peoples from Africa, Europe, and Asia. It is as though that we through this torturous and shared history of migration, conquest, slavery, and the difficult work of constructing a common national and regional destiny that we give the world an example to follow. Against all the odds, the Caribbean produced what Lamming called a new kind of global family. Our history has taught us that difference need not mean division, that coexistence requires dialogue and negotiation, and that those without the power to compel must learn the power of persuasion. These are not merely Caribbean lessons. They're universal. And it is in this spirit I'd like to thank Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for her leadership of the General Assembly's 80th session and for helping to advance the work of the Member States on UN reform. And to you, Mr. President, Barbados extends its warm congratulations. We look forward to your stewardship of this Assembly and we move to restore trust and indeed to carry reforms from proposals to implementation. But reform cannot be selective. We cannot move swiftly to reorganize offices and reporting lines while allowing the most consequential questions of power and representation to remain unresolved. Transformation and development, peacekeeping and humanitarian aid cannot succeed if member states are unwilling to fund it. Let's be very clear. No organizational chart can overcome the refusal of states to respect decisions that they find inconvenient. We cannot continue to ask international organizations to do more. While failing to provide them with the resources necessary to fulfill the mandates that we ourselves have agreed. And if member states believe in the institutions that they have created, then we must also be prepared to sustain them. Barbados has consistently met that responsibility. And I give this body the assurance that we will continue to do so. Our commitment to multilateralism, to an international rules-based order, must be measured not only by what we ask of these institutions, but by our willingness to support them. So yes, let us improve the machinery. But let us also reform the exercise of power. the Security Council still has 15 members, five of them permanent and armed with that veto. Africa, with 54 states, has no permanent seat. And you've heard speaker after speaker after speaker come to this platform to say that this must change. Small island developing states equally confront threats that now reach squarely into the council's mandate. From climate and security and illicit armed armed flows. To organize crime and displacement. And yet despite constituting one quarter of the world states. We have no assured representation within the councils. This too, my friends, must change. And the world we know has already changed. The council has not changed with it. But reform is not only about who sits at the table. It is about how power is exercised. Barbados is therefore joining a hundred and twenty-three other member states. In supporting the Franco Mexican initiative on the use of the veto. In the cases of mass atrocities. Its principle is fundamental. Where populations face genocide, crimes against humanity, or large-scale war crimes, the veto should not be allowed to paralyze the Security Council when action is most urgently needed. This is why people are losing trust in the United Nations and its Council. And, Mr. President, it's not fair to the majority of Member States who still believe in the promise of this body Even as we call for greater equity with the reform of the Security Council, we must equally reform the secretariat to better support peacekeeping and the resolution of conflicts. We've been told that there are more conflicts today than at any time since the United Nations was established. And regrettably, these conflicts are in almost every corner of the planet. The Oslo Peace Institute reported that in 2025 last year, 245, 000 individuals faced battle-related deaths. That is almost Barbados's population. I'm told that this makes it the third most violent year in the post Cold War era. My friends, the scale of human tragedy is mounting. And whether it is in Gaza or the West Bank or Lebanon or Yemen or Sudan or Ukraine or elsewhere. Last year we feared that there was a risk of conflicts in the Middle East widening even further. And the conflicts continue. These fears regrettably have come to pass. And with a global impact Nevertheless, indeed, conflicts are more protracted and more fragmented. And when coupled with hunger and unsustainable debt and a warming planet, it becomes a veritable hell. For the citizens of those countries. increases in energy and transport costs and in interest rates have spurred inflation. It means that noone even on the other side of the world, can escape the hardships in meeting their daily needs. The truth is, until there is a two-state solution that respects the rights and territories of both the Israelis and Palestinians, we will continue to live on the edge in this world. And you may well ask, how have we gotten here? We need to address with laser-like focus each and every one of these conflicts. Legitimacy demands that of us. And let us let the UN deliberately and systematically deploy nimble mediation teams led by political leaders, current and retired. on behalf of the Secretary General and enjoying the Secretary General's confidence and authority and with the respect of member states. This my friends will help lift the heavyweight necessary to end these multiple conflicts and to bring peace and dignity to those affected populations. We know that many hands make light work. And we can't ignore it. These conflicts need to be supported by a quicker and technology enhanced observer force capable of rapid deployment to monitor and support ceasefires and peace agreements. To be given the resources, these peacekeeping forces must be given realistic mandates, predictable financing, and true partnership. Let us work, my friends, together with the parties to these conflicts, to build dialogue and to bring opportunities for investment and jobs to the affected populations so that they too can live properly. And as for the wider international legal order, we know that countries of every size and capacity depend on a system in which rules are made collectively and applied consistently and fairly. But if we don't act early enough, we have trouble. And that is why we say that the UN must receive the resources and the resolve to act before the guns speak and not after the guns start to fly. My friends, without an equitable rules-based order, smaller states like mine will simply cease to exist in this world. And that is why Barbados is a co-sponsor of the P4M, a group focused on strengthening multilateralism and to beat back the undertakers who are waiting to bury it. Mr. President, I would like to express profound appreciation to the Secretary General, my brother Antonio Guterres. His voice has been constant, steady, and absolutely right on all of the critical issues facing humanity. And to his deputy, Amina Mohammed, We also say thank you for taking the journey without diverting from the principles and the core values of this charter. As the United Nations undertakes the important task of selecting its next Secretary General, Barbados joins its sister member states in the Caribbean community. In pledging its full support for the candidature of Ambassador Carolyn Rodriguez Burkett of Guyana. At a moment when the international community is being called upon to renew its faith in multilateralism, we believe that Ambassador Rodriguez-Berghett brings to this task the experience, the skills, and the understanding to serve the entire membership of this organization. Indeed, Mr. President, I believe that others think so too. I'd like, sir, to turn to the topic of artificial intelligence, which is one of our new challenges. AI is already transforming how we work, learn, and govern. And it is clear that its potential is extraordinary. We have found that it has great capacity to detect disease earlier, predict disasters, improve agriculture, and expand access to education and public services. And yet, these same extraordinary systems can just as quickly reproduce discrimination, widen surveillance, and spread falsehoods faster than institutions can respond. We must not allow a new technological age. To reproduce all hierarchies of access and power. And this is why Barbados is so honoured to host the second in-person meeting of the independent international scientific panel on artificial intelligence which will be held in November of this year. We recognize that yesterday's Security Council encounter may well and should speed on the question of how we as a global community deals with this issue. In the growing age of AI, governance cannot be left to voluntary corporate practices or to a small number of technologically advanced states. We need globally agreed rules that protect human dignity, preserve meaningful human oversight, and ensure that the benefits of AI are shared widely and equitably. I caution, a technology that will affect every state must be governed by the rules that every state has had the opportunity to shape. Mr. President, exactly 65 years ago, that great Caribbean, French, African intellectual and psychiatrist, Frantz Fanon, published what has now become a classic, "The Wretched of the Earth." And across the vast range of observations and analysis that he made in that extraordinarily lucid and prescient book, he said the following. What matters today is the issue which blocks the horizon is the need for a redistribution of wealth. Humanity will have to address this question, no matter how devastating the consequences may be. My friends, this was haringly true in 1961. And sadly, remains manifest today. This is why Barbados throws its full support behind the establishment of the International Panel on Inequality that is being proposed. Growing inequality is at the center of geopolitical discussions, tensions, distrust in institutions, and indeed, the increasing number of conflicts that we see. It is for this reason that we reject the notion that governments must refrain from policy interventions that are essential to creating a level and fair playing field for ordinary citizens. We know that it is the policy choices of government that has led to this injustice and it is the policy choices of governments that must now remove it. For us, this is as important a battle as the climate crisis. Mr. President, That brings me to that crisis. Minister Murat Kuram, representing the incoming COP31 presidency, has put the challenge plainly. The time for simply setting out goals is behind us. Anyone who experienced this summer in Europe and elsewhere knows that. It was the hottest on record. and the super El Nino has not even yet hit. The proposed action agenda places methane reduction at the center of climate implementation. And we welcome that focus. It is true that carbon dioxide must remain central to the global energy transition. But emissions are not falling quickly enough. And the full benefits of action will take time to emerge. So Mister President, under Barbados's presidency of the CVF climate vulnerable forum and its V20 countries 74 countries got together and advanced the call to pull the methane emergency break. At the V20 ministerial dialogue in April of this year, the finance ministers agreed that methane reduction must be treated not only as an environmental priority but also an economic, fiscal, and public health opportunity. We must now implement. The climate vulnerable countries need to mobilize approximately $490 billion each year by 2030. And yet, the current inflows are roughly $90 billion. As the young people in Barbados would say, the math simply ain't mathing. We must also correct the inequity of the borrowing costs that these countries face. It is almost 1.2 percentage points higher for climate-vulnerable countries than for advanced economies. Now, that figure seems small to you, but that actually generates an estimated $62 billion more a year in excess interest payments each year. This cannot be fair. So that believe me when I say that change is possible. As we have seen consistently with measures from the Bridgetown Initiative. In less than one year, Barbados is chair of the climate vulnerable countries, the V20 countries. Along with the OPEC Fund for International Development designed and launched the vulnerability to viability compact on four pillars. Bring in about 74 countries along with 16 development finance institutions globally. To expand access to affordable, long-term capital for education projects, health projects, and water infrastructure. The CVF also had its governors of the Central Bank meet to establish the Lifeline Fund which was shortly be operationalized. It seeks to provide rapid liquidity when climate shocks create balance of payments pressures for countries. So we are moving to help ourselves. We have been resolute. And the reason for it is that we know that you cannot build hospitals and schools and water infrastructure with 10 and 15 year money. It crowds out critical investments for our people and leaves you flat footed. And that is why this important initiative represents real progress. But mechanisms such as this one cannot on their own address the underlying flaws of the international financial architecture. I repeat that for almost five years, the Bridgetown Initiative has consistently argued that climate resilience, debt sustainability, and access to affordable finance cannot be treated separately. For many vulnerable countries, the problem is not simply the availability of capital, but whether we have the fiscal space to borrow and to invest on reasonable terms. Mister President, as I turn to my region in the Caribbean, I'd like to highlight a series of crises that continue to threaten our peace, stability, and development. Let me say at the outset that when I speak about letting many hands make light work when it comes to conflict resolution, that this is one of the areas in which the political leaders of the Caribbean can play a pivotal role in its own region. Firstly, Haiti. The security crisis continues to ****** political renewal and economic recovery. And still, the preparations for a return to constitutional government, yes, are moving forward. Even with great difficulty. But those efforts cannot succeed. Unless security improves. particularly in the areas containing more than half of Katie's electorate in the capital and surrounding areas. Barbados therefore supports the full deployment that has been too, too, too long promised. And the renewal of the mandate of the gang suppression force. Let me remind you that it was in 2022 that this recent more heightened state of insecurity began with the fuel riots just before the General Assembly met in 2022. And in 2026, we have not kept faith with providing the level of security that would minimize the loss of life. At the same time, we have to give thanks where thanks is due. And there are member states who have contributed in whatever way to help in Haiti find its path. This includes, of course, the Caribbean Communities Eminent Persons Group, which has been helping to build consensus and maintain engagement with key international partners in the last few years. In addition, Mr. President, we are deeply concerned by the worsening humanitarian pressures facing the people of Cuba. Too many people are suffering, too many people. Restrictions on trade, finance, and access to fuel, are intensifying hardship not only for Cuban citizens but for all others who study and live there. Barbados has each year opposed the use of the embargo and other unilateral coercive measures against Cuba. And as always we call for constructive engagement. Constructive engagement grounded in dialogue, sovereign equality, and respect for international law. That is why we are here as individual states. We will also extend our continued solidarity to the people of Venezuela who regrettably are recovering from the devastating double earthquakes in June. The horror was mind blowing. Barbados was proud to stand with our neighbor in the immediate aftermath dispatching our field hospital and personnel to Venezuela. We remain committed to supporting them in their longer term recovery. A stable, sovereign, peaceful, and democratic Venezuela is vital to the security and prosperity of not just Latin America but the wider Caribbean. In this regard, however, I must take this opportunity to reiterate Barbados's steadfast support to its sister of CARICOM, its sister CARICOM country, Guyana. As it seeks to bring a peaceful resolution through the International Court of Justice for the long outstanding territorial controversy with Venezuela. This is in the interest of the people of Guyana, the people of Venezuela, and the wider people of the Caribbean and Latin America. The Caribbean, my friends, must remain a zone of peace. We cannot accept our region. Becoming a theater. We cannot accept our region becoming a theater for confrontation or for the unilateral and unjustified use of force. Mr. President, brings me to another matter. On March 25th of this year, a historic resolution was passed in this General Assembly. The overwhelming majority of states acknowledge the truth that we in the Caribbean long knew. The trafficking of enslaved African and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans is the gravest crime against humanity. And we know it. Regrettably, we still carry the scars. I've reminded us that it was my country, Barbados, that passed the first slave code that the world knew in 1661 to deal with chattel slavery. Others regrettably followed, including the infamous Code Noir of 1685. That Code Noir was only repealed this year. And then, hence, the wounds are still raw. We in Barbados accept the moral responsibility of removing the cross of slavery with its horrific consequences. We must affect healing through reparatory justice. For it is the right thing to do. As a result, in July of this year, CARICOM heads of government approved the revised CARICOM ten-point plan for reparatory justice. For the Caribbean, for Africa, and for those countries concerned. The honest engagement must begin. And I thank President Mahama of Ghana for coming to the table with the force with which he has come. We do not ask for reparations without accepting responsibility for our own self-repair which we have undertaken for decades. I want to be very clear about this, Mr. President. I make the same mistake as President Mahama. We are parliamentarians. I want to make this clear. Let there be no doubt, Mister President. That the mindset that established, justified, and sustained slavery is the same mindset that sustains the iniquities and the inequities within the power structures of this very institution. And within the international financial architecture. It is the same mindset. It is the same mindset that caused a global map to remain grossly inaccurate on the size of Africa for centuries. As if the true size of Africa would intimidate the rest of the world into understanding its power. Mister President, if we want to restore trust in these United Nations, and we want to manage transformation as is your theme, and we want a UN that truly delivers for everyone, then at its core, we must treat every human being as having equal value and deserving respect. And I can find no better reference than His Majesty Haile Selassie speaking in this very assembly on the 4th of October, 1963, And those who know the words can say it with me. Until the philosophy which holds one race superior. And another inferior. Is finally and permanently discredited and abandoned. Everywhere is war. Until Until they are no longer first class and second class citizens of any nation. Until the color of a man's skin. As of no more significance. Than the color of his eyes. There will be war. But Mister President equally, there will be no trust and no transformation. We want peace. And in the words of that iconic song made famous by Dionne Warwick. What the world needs now is love. Sweet love. It's the only thing that there's just too little love. No. Not just for some. But for everyone. Love and a little kindness. So Mister President I end this statement by returning to the beginning of a milestone of profound importance to my country and its relationship to the world. The 9th of December this year will mark 60 years since Barbados took its place in this organization. Emerging into independence after 340 years of imperial subjugation. On a wintry 9th of December 1966, Just nine days after we achieved independence and on the very day of our admission to the United Nations. Our first Prime Minister, the right excellent Errol Barrow set out what coupled with the principles of this organization. Has remained our guiding principle. In dealing with the world. That Barbados is a friend of all. And a satellite of none. Indeed, Prime Minister Barrow spoke of a world marked by profound inequalities and wealth and opportunity. which Fanon had highlighted only five years earlier in the text I quoted. And drawing from Prime Minister Barrow's language where he quoted from the Hebrew Bible. He warned that newly independent countries could not remain hues of wood and draws of water. While the wealth of the world flowed elsewhere. He saw the United Nations as having to put the eradication of poverty at the centre of its role. Do not question therefore why we view it as our duty to fight increasing global inequality. Much good has been done by this UN in the last 60 and in fact 80 years. During this time, our membership in the United Nations has been essential to Barbados's expression of its sovereignty and its participation as an equal member of the international community. These halls have given us a place to speak in our own name, to defend the interests of our people and others, and to help shape the decisions that affect us all. Mr. President, earlier this year, our Poet Laureate stood at this rostrum and reminded us in this Assembly, and I quote, "The very name United Nations implies a commitment to ignite the fires of conscience, empathy, unity, and equity. This UN, this United Nations, must continue to stoke those fires for a transformed and inclusive world. I say to you as I leave this rostrum, let us together ensure the flames of hope, peace, and dignity burn so bright that in the midst of all the odds against us, that they shine on all of the world. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister, Minister for Economic Affairs and Development, and Minister for National Security of Barbados. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Nikol Pashinyan, Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Thank you. Honorable presidents of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, The peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, established on August 8, 2025, with the support and personal engagement of U.S. President Donald Trump, has opened up new opportunities for our region, the South Caucasus. On this occasion, I would firstly like to address what President Trump referred to from this podium two days ago. I have said it, and I reiterate it now. The breakthrough in the establishment of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan simply would not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to establishing peace. President Trump's personal presence has practical and symbolic expressions on the ground as well. The fourth paragraph of the peace declaration adopted at the peace summit held at the White House on August 8, 2025, reads, quote, "The Republic of Armenia will work with the United States of America and mutually determined third parties to set forth a framework for the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity connectivity project in the territory of the Republic of Armenia. We confirm our determination to pursue efforts in good faith to achieve this goal in the most expeditious manner. The implementation of the TRIP project is thus becoming reality with tangible steps. The Framework Agreement on Strategic Cooperation on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity project, signed between Armenia and the United States of America, will soon be ratified by the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. We are currently working with the United States government to establish the TRIP development company and to sign a shareholders agreement. Accordingly, Armenia will initially have a 26 percent stake in the trip development company and the United States will have a 74% stake. The agreement provides that in the event of its extension in the 50th year, the Republic of Armenia's share will become 49% without additional investment. One of the practical expressions of the trip project will be the implementation of paragraph 3 of the peace declaration adopted by me and the president of Azerbaijan on August 8, 2025, and signed by the United States president as a witness. Paragraph 3 of that declaration reads, quote, "We reaffirmed the importance of the opening of communications between the two countries," meaning Armenia and Azerbaijan, for intrastate, bilateral, and international transportation for the promotion of peace, stability, and prosperity in the region and its neighborhood on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the jurisdiction of states. These efforts are to include unimpeded connectivity between the main part of the Republic of Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic through the territory of the Republic of Armenia with reciprocal benefits for international and intrastate connectivity for the Republic of Armenia." The implementation of the trip project will be of historic importance for the Republic of Armenia. For the first time since the early '90s, Armenia will get railway connection with Azerbaijan and thus also with Russia, Central Asia and China. However, it should be emphasized that after the peace summit on August 8, 2025, Azerbaijan opened its railway to Armenia. And now we have a railway connection with Azerbaijan via the territory of Georgia. The implementation of the trip project will create direct railway connection between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as a railway connection from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan via the territory of Armenia, and from Armenia to Armenia via the territory of Azerbaijan, because Armenia does not have a railway connection between its northern and southern regions, and in practice this is possible only via the territory of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan, while Azerbaijan does not have a railway connection with its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, and this is in practice possible only via the territory of Armenia. In the near future, we will restore the railway sections of Meghri and Yerevan in the Republic of Armenia, which existed during the Soviet Union and were later destroyed, and the railway connections I mentioned will be opened, but this will also have huge international significance, because in parallel with the construction of the aforementioned railways, we are waiting for the opening of the Armenia-Turkey railway. Together with the TRIP project, this could become one of the most important events in the field of international logistics in recent decades, because thus a new railway connection will be opened between China, Central Asia, Turkey, and the European Union. All this opens up another crucial opportunity for international logistics because the restoration of the railway connection between Armenia and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan restores the railway connection also between the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea. This is an important nuance because it shows why and how the implementation of the TRIP project promises great benefits to all countries in our region. And these potential benefits can thus become a cornerstone of long-term stability and peace, especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan. After almost 35 years of conflict, We are now discussing issues of building pipelines, power lines, and roads in addition to the East-West railway within the framework of the trip project. And this will enable not only the Republic of Armenia, but also the entire South Caucasus to become a crossroads of peace. Honorable presidents of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. All of this reflects the optimism that has been established in our region and in the Republic of Armenia since the Washington Peace Summit on August 8, 2025. The citizens of Armenia reaffirmed their optimism in the parliamentary election held on June 7 of this year, where the overwhelming majority of voters voted in favor of the slogan "Own up the peace," enabling the Civil Contract party to form a parliamentary majority. The election took place under special circumstances of external information manipulation and A number of external and internal forces had developed and were implementing a plan to seize the state using mass disinformation, hybrid and other tools, and applying also the distribution of mass voter bribes. But the democratic and institutional reforms we have implemented in recent years proved their strength. Armenia's state institutions demonstrated high resilience, preventing state capture and giving the people of Armenia the opportunity to have their say. The people of Armenia owned up the peace, and we must consistently engage in the further strengthening and institutionalization of peace in the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan The clarification of the fates of several thousand missing persons is a matter that needs to be addressed, on which we have reached an agreement to cooperate with Azerbaijan. Armenia is ready to continue and deepen cooperation with Azerbaijan on the issue of demining. And of course, people in the Republic of Armenia are waiting for the return of Armenians who were detained in Azerbaijan as a consequence of the conflict. Along with these issues still being unresolved, another reason that fuels pessimists is the use of conflict rhetoric from time to time in certain circles of Armenia and Azerbaijan, sometimes at the official level. I think that we, I mean Armenia and Azerbaijan, have achieved more than sufficient results which should be more valuable for us than the use of conflict rhetoric, whether it is about history or historical cultural monuments or anything else. Nurturing the peace, strengthening and making it institutional should be the main theme of cooperation between Armenia and Azerbaijan. For two and a half years now, there have been no casualties or injuries as a result of crossfire between Armenia and Azerbaijan. And I think this is the greatest value that was created as a result of cooperation in recent years. We have never had such a period in the relations between independent Armenia and independent Azerbaijan before. even though Armenians and Azerbaijanis have centuries of experience of peaceful coexistence. Our task, however, is not to restore that experience, but to build interstate relations on the basis of that experience of the peoples, based on respect for each other's territorial integrity, sovereignty, and political independence. This, by the way, is exactly the rhetoric that Armenia and Azerbaijan have already agreed upon and initialed in the text of the agreement on establishing peace and interstate relations between the two countries. The signing and ratification of that agreement, which was initialed at the Washington Peace Summit, is the next major topic in the joint agenda of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and we will consistently continue to work in this direction. Ladies and gentlemen, the balanced and balancing foreign policy adopted by Armenia stems from the logic of multipolarity, which is one of the key principles of the United Nations. In recent years, we have established strategic relations with Georgia, France, China, the Netherlands, Kazakhstan, Germany, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom.

Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, the United States of America, and the European Union. Today, by the way, the European Commission approved the decision to adopt autonomous trade measures for Armenia, which is yet another manifestation of the new quality of Armenia-EU relations. Our relations with Russia are in a transformation phase, and this is a natural process because throughout the entire preceding period, the largest factor influencing relations between Armenia and Russia was the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Now that we have established peace with Azerbaijan, Armenia-Russia relations will naturally change, and it is our desire that these relations develop on the basis of the principles of friendship and mutual respect. We will, of course, continue to develop our relations with partners located closer to or farther from Armenia. And in this regard, I would like to highlight the countries of Central Asia with which Our relations are also highly dynamic. But I also cannot but emphasize that the normalization and deepening of relations with our neighbors are nevertheless of key importance for our foreign policy vision. I have already spoken about the dynamics of our relations with Azerbaijan. We have a high-level dialogue with Turkey. And I want to confirm the words expressed by President Erdogan from this podium the other day that we are resolutely pushing forward the process of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations. Our relations with our two other neighbors, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Georgia, remain of exceptional importance to us. and our good neighborliness continues to develop and deepen. The Republic of Armenia considers its contribution to the region's stability and development to be our key task in international peace, stability, and development. Honorable President of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, this October, Armenia will host the 17th Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, the COP 17, and I invite you all to participate in this very important event for Armenia and for the international biodiversity agenda. Dear ladies and gentlemen, This is what I wanted to share with you in my speech today. Thank you for your attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Anutin Charoen Virakul, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand. I request protocol to escort His Excellency. and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, at the outset, I congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the 81st session of the General Assembly. It is an honor to address this assembly for the first time as being the Prime Minister of Thailand and as we mark 80 years of membership to the United Nations. When Thailand joined this organization, the post-war international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper. And international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies, while climate change is testing our resilience. Our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening. And that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust, trust between countries, Trust in the rules we share and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively, when countries have little say in decisions that shape their future, and when promises made in this Assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles consistently. We must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. President, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development, and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively. Development loses its purpose when prosperity remains in the hands of a few. For Thailand, peace means more than the absence of war. It requires dialogue to settle differences and respect for international law so that all countries can live with security and dignity. The situation in Palestine continues to demand our attention. It reminds us that the principles we uphold must protect people when they need them the most. That is why human rights must be universal in practice. As a member of Human Rights Council, Thailand believes that our work must reach beyond resolutions and make a real difference in people's lives. Development must be people-centered and sustainable. Growth must improve people's lives today without closing off the opportunities of tomorrow. Consistent application of principles gives countries the confidence that they will be treated fairly But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. President, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace. An international system cannot command trust if large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global south, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented for all its economic weight. Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes. And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organization's work from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next Secretary General, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN80 initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. President, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them. This is where regional cooperation has a vital role. The United Nations must remain the centerpiece of the multilateral system, but we cannot expect it to do everything. It cannot settle problems when member states are not willing to act. Regional institutions can help turn that willingness into cooperation. They bring countries together around share challenges and translate global principles suited to local realities. In this way, regionalism becomes a building block of effective multilateralism. ASEAN has demonstrated this for almost six decades. It has grown from five to 11 member states. We do not always agree. but we have learned to manage differences and preserve space for cooperation. For my country, Thailand, that practical cooperation means serving as a trusted platform. We want to leverage our strengths as a logistical hub and manufacturing base to connect markets and supply chains across our region. Our conviction is that together we should combine Asia's diversity for co-creation, bringing together the different strengths of our countries to promote shared prosperity. The same thinking should also extend beyond Asia. Thailand continues to pursue free trade agreements with partners across region. and to expand trade and opportunities for both sides. Additionally, our Thailand Africa initiative seeks to deepen political, economic and development cooperation to build partnerships of equals across our regions. Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates. Institution earn trust through what their members are prepared to do. A greater voice must come with a willingness to contribute. Shared ownership, therefore, must lead to shared responsibility. The charter begins with the words, "We, the peoples." Thailand believes that this work must begin at home. The SDG Sustainable Development Goals provide us with an important framework that goes beyond development. Ultimately, they are about enabling people to live in peace and dignity. Progress towards achieving the SDGs also shapes how we are building a strong and resilient economy and how we remain accountable to our people. Thailand will leverage our strengths. We are building upon our strong agricultural base to be a source of food security for the world. Meanwhile, our universal health coverage ensures that people have access to affordable and quality health care, while also developing Thailand into a medical and wellness hub. Additionally, Our energy transition efforts take Thailand closer to meeting climate obligations. And through our solar rooftop policy, we are also creating greater economic opportunities for households by allowing them to sell excess electricity back to the grid. However, this responsibility goes beyond development. Thailand's humanitarian tradition demonstrates this conviction. In the late '70s, we provided temporary refuge and assistance to large numbers of Cambodians fleeing violence and famine. Today, we are giving displaced persons from Myanmar, who have lived in temporary shelters in Thailand for decades, greater opportunities to work and support their families. For the Rohingya transiting in Thailand, we have adopted a community-based alternative to immigration detention for Rohingya children to better protect their rights and access to services. Our responsibility as a neighbor also means addressing the challenges in our own neighborhood. One of those challenges is the dispute between our country and our neighbor, being Cambodia. We have been through a difficult period. When I met with Prime Minister Hun Manet in May, we sought to resolve difficult issues through bilateral dialogue, where rebuilding trust and confidence in order to move forward together. It is regrettable that Cambodia did not give dialogue a genuine chance and chose a different path by initiating compulsory conciliation proceedings under UNCLOS. Nevertheless, Thailand is engaging in good faith, but our position is clear. This process concerns the delimitation of maritime boundaries only. In the meantime, Cambodia must work with us to strengthen security along our shared border, including through concrete cooperation to combat online scams and demining. Our communities will not be safe if we do not make concrete progress on these matters. Ultimately, Our shared border must be a place of shared prosperity, not one that continues to bear the scars of conflict. Let me be clear, Thailand has never sought conflict, but peace can only be built when we work together in earnest. And surely this will require genuine effort from our neighbor, Cambodia. That same commitment guides our approach to Myanmar. Thailand supports peace, national reconciliation, and a durable solution that is Myanmar-led and Myanmar-owned. We believe in constructive and calibrated re-engagement within ASEAN and in coordination with relevant partners while encouraging concrete progress on the ground. In both cases, our responsibility is to make dialogue possible and progress achievable. And when threats cross borders, responsibility must be shared more widely. My country has stepped up efforts on prevention and suppression of narcotics through our partnership with the UNODC. other regional and international organizations, as well as neighboring countries. And through the Global Partnership Against Online Scams, Thailand is bringing all the relevant stakeholders together to prevent these crimes. Mr. President, 80 years ago, in our first address to this Assembly, The Kingdom of Siam affirmed that it followed the path of peaceful settlement and friendly cooperation. That path still guides Thailand today. As a new international order takes shape, we must carry that spirit forward. No country can write its future alone, and no international order can earn lasting trust if too many countries feel that the system is written for them but not with them. A rule-based international order with shared ownership in shaping our common future is the condition that will help rebuild that trust. The future of United Nations will depend on the trust we rebuild through our action today. Let us give every nation reason to believe in the United Nations and every person reason to believe that the United Nations can deliver for them. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Irakli Kobakhidze, Prime Minister of Georgia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, dear friends of Georgia. It's a privilege to stand before this Assembly on behalf of Georgia, a nation shaped by centuries of history, resilience, and engagement with a changing world. We meet at a time of considerable change in the international environment. Developments in different parts of the world are challenging existing arrangements and raising questions about the future of the international order. In this context, maintaining peace and strengthening international cooperation remain key priorities. In light of the growing number of global challenges, coordinated responses to common obstacles, conflict prevention, and the achievement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development are possible only through strengthened international cooperation and their shared commitment to collective action. Lasting peace cannot be imposed by force, it must be built through communication, and mutual respect. Few countries understand the value of peace, stability, and sovereignty as deeply as Georgia does. For centuries, we stood at the crossroads of civilizations, open to diverse cultures, peoples, and ideas, while steadfastly preserving our own distinct identity and character. Georgia's statehood has been tested more than once, but these challenges have only strengthened our determination to choose our own path. The trials of history have also taught us that sovereignty can never be taken for granted, that stability must be protected, and the strength of the international order ultimately depends on the same principles being upheld for every nation. Our commitment to these principles carries particular meaning for Georgia. Twenty percent of our country remains under the occupation of the Russian Federation, while hundreds of thousands of our citizens continue to live in displacement, unable to return to their homes. While restoring trust is a major theme of this year's session, I would like to address our Abkhaz and Ossetian brothers and sisters. We have shared a homeland and a history for centuries. The divisions of today cannot erase that history, nor should they determine the future of our children. We believe that the dividends of peace and economic growth of Georgia should know no artificial boundaries. It must reach the people living in our occupied historic regions as well, who remain and will always remain part of our shared future. The challenges facing our country also remind us that national stability and success cannot be separated from the wider regional context. We believe that the South Caucasus should not be defined by the divisions of the past. We have consistently sought to act as an honest broker in regional initiatives, fostering cooperation and contributing to peaceful solutions. Today, we see a genuine opportunity to turn a new page and build a more peaceful and interconnected region based on shared commitment to a better future. This period of cooperation must also translate into tangible economic opportunities for the region. As an integral part of the South Caucasus and the Middle Corridor, Georgia is well-positioned to strengthen connectivity between Central Asia and Europe. Our strategic location and direct access to the Black Sea facilitate trade and investment, linking landlocked countries in our wider region to global supply chains. Our network of free trade agreements provides access to a market of approximately 2.3 billion consumers. To support and further advance connectivity agenda, Georgia plans to invest USD 7 billion by 2032 in major transport infrastructure. modernizing the railway, developing the Anaklia deep seaport, building a new international airport in Tbilisi, and expanding the highway network. At the same time, we believe that physical and digital connectivity are two parts of the same strategic agenda. Through a Black Sea submarine fiber optic connection and next generation data infrastructure, Georgia aims to strengthen secure, resilient, and diversified digital links between Europe and Asia. These ambitions are underpinned by Georgia's strong economic performance. Over the past five years, our economy has grown by an average of 9.3% annually, and this momentum has continued in 2026, with growth reaching 7.9% in the first seven months of the year. As the International Monetary Fund projects, Georgia will deliver one of the fastest growth rates in the medium term among regional and European countries, averaging 5.4%. With one of the fastest growing economies worldwide, we are actively building an innovation-oriented, business-friendly environment that supports both local and foreign enterprises. Despite the global uncertainty, Georgia's FDI to GDP ratio is one of the highest among peer countries and averaged over 6% of GDP in 2021-2025, highlighting the confidence of investors in the country's growth potential. Georgia's FTI outlook is supported by a pipeline of large multi-year investment projects across transport and logistics, energy infrastructure, tourism, and real estate. Yet the true measure of success is how it improves people's lives. Strong economic performance must translate into tangible social outcomes, higher output per person, rising real wages, declining poverty, better employment opportunities, and greater economic resilience. We are already seeing these outcomes reflected in measurable improvements, including a triple decline in Georgia's poverty rate, which dropped from 21.3% to 7.1% since 2020. Yet this achievement is only part of the broader transformation we seek to achieve. Over the next five years, our focus will therefore be on narrowing disparities between urban and rural communities, expanding opportunities across every region, and ensuring that the benefits of economic growth are shared widely and that no one is left behind. These priorities are fully aligned with Georgia's commitment to the Sustainable Development Goals and are reflected in our new United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework for 2026-2030. Looking further ahead, our ambition for the coming decade is to transform Georgia from an upper-middle-income country into a high-income economy underpinned by greater economic diversification, a growing share of knowledge-based activities, and broad-based prosperity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the progress we seek at home is inseparable from the cooperation we build beyond our borders. Georgia remains open to meaningful engagement with every international partner prepared to engage with us on the basis of mutual respect and sovereign equality. We believe that lasting partnerships are built through dialogue and never through pressure or coercion. The principles of respect and cooperation are also at the heart of effective multilateralism. At a time of growing global uncertainty, the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue and collective action. In this regard, the UN80 initiative provides a valuable opportunity to strengthen the effectiveness and capacity of the United Nations, while further enhancing its transparency and accountability. Georgia stands ready to work constructively with international partners and contribute actively to this process. We firmly support reforms that will strengthen the organization's capacity to deliver better and become more results-oriented. The choice we make today will shape the world we leave to future generations. Let's ensure that we leave them a world that is more peaceful, secure, and united than the one we know today. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Georgia. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency, Tarik Rahman, Prime Minister of the Government of People's Republic of Bangladesh. I request protocol to escort His Excellency Tariq Raman and invite him to address the assembly.