Humanitarian Diplomacy that Safeguards International Humanitarian Law

Good morning, everyone. In a world where crises multiply, conflicts expand, and humanitarian law appears to have become optional, what space is left for humanitarian diplomacy? That's the question at the heart of today's discussion. My name is Stephanie Fillion, and I'm editor-in-chief of Envoy Magazine, and I'll be your moderator today. This event was convened by the European Union, Ireland, Jordan, the African Union, Brazil and Canada. So I would like to remind everyone, I'm sure you were told several times, but this is a very important topic and as such, there are a lot of speakers. So I would like to ask you to please, you can skip protocol today and please go to the essence of your remarks. And now it is my honor to welcome Her Majesty La Reine des Belges for opening remarks. Votre Majeste.

Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, more than 117 million people around the world are confronted with the consequences of armed conflict. Lives disrupted by violence, displacement, fear and loss. Homes and livelihoods destroyed. And wisdom, trust, social cohesion and hope for the future. At the same time, humanitarian access is becoming harder. Aid workers and convoys face growing risks. and polarization and dehumanizing narratives are making it harder to protect the space for humanitarian action. All of this puts humanitarian actors under growing pressure. Let me ask you, when did we stop putting human dignity first? We must resist the current developments. War has rules. Human life and human dignity must be protected. Humanitarian aid is a moral imperative and a fundamental expression of the universal values of humanity and solidarity. In the face of such suffering, international humanitarian law must remain our compass. Ladies and gentlemen, the humanitarian sector is at a critical juncture. There have always been points of tension around the core humanitarian principles. Humanitarian actors always face operational challenges and dilemmas. The principles of neutrality and independence especially, are often misunderstood, in particular in the face of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. But there was a shared understanding that some boundaries must not be crossed. This was backed by international law requiring respect for international humanitarian law, and the duty to prevent and alleviate suffering caused by armed conflict. Today, this premise can no longer be taken for granted. This is why humanitarian diplomacy is crucial. Humanitarian assistance is no longer solely an emergency response. We have to articulate it with diplomacy and development cooperation. The concept itself is not new. Every day, local humanitarian actors engage patiently with all parties, seeking dialogue, explaining the rules of war, building trust, and creating opportunities for the trucks to be granted passage and the goods to be delivered. Local organizations, including women-led organizations, are often the first to respond and among the last to leave. Their knowledge, commitment, and proximity to communities are assets that deserve continued recognition and support. Because we are increasingly seeing that states themselves become parties to conflicts, more is needed, and at the highest level. Your Excellencies, at a time when conflicts are becoming more complex and humanitarian needs continue to grow, we need a renewed commitment to the principles that unite us and which we collectively endorsed after one of the most horrific periods in human history. Ladies and gentlemen, we are at the beginning of the High-Level Week Our collective responsibility is clear. Every one of us can make a difference. Thank you.

And now I would like to invite Her Excellency Kaja Kallas, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the European Commission, for some introductory remarks.

Thank you very much. So in 1952, Hersch Lauterpacht wrote that if international law sits at the vanishing point of law, then the law of war sits at the vanishing point of the international law. And today, this observation has never been truer. In Ukraine, Sudan, Ethiopia, Haiti, Myanmar, Gaza, Yemen and elsewhere, the principles of international humanitarian law are being violated in front of our eyes. Civilians are murdered, hospitals and schools are targeted, humanitarian access is blocked. There is also no sign that warring parties want to limit the barbarity. On the contrary, in Ukraine, Russia is now deliberately targeting civilians and destroying civilian infrastructure that helps to feed people around the globe. 90% of Ukraine's food storage capacity is gone. Tom, you have said it yourself after the fall of El-Fasher, that there are limits today, not only on what humanitarians can do, but on the UN's authority to save lives at all. We are where we are for a simple reason: the law is not being enforced. Our first task is to strengthen the respect for the law through diplomacy, awareness and outreach, which is what brings us here, by sharing best practices and by adopting and adapting our approach as conflicts evolve. Hajia will speak shortly of lessons from DRC and Lebanon. In the European Union, we have just published a report examining how well we apply our own guidelines on compliance with the international humanitarian law. There is room to do better, and we intend to do so. Our second task is to work on the accountability. International law has never been more developed or more accessible. The law is not the problem, impunity is. And impunity breeds impunity. The law and power politics have always done tense tango. At best, they align. At worst, power bends to the law by force. And that is what is happening today. But law is not physics. It's a human construct that is ours to build and also to enforce. We do this in three ways. First, we defend the mechanisms we already have to uphold international humanitarian law. Domestic courts as well as international courts, the International Court of Justice, and the International Criminal Court, the ICC. Contrary to what should be happening, the ICC is now under immense pressure. Pressure against the ICC and its judges is not about one institution. They raise the question of commitment to the international legal order built in the wake of the Second World War. And let us not forget, the ICC is the world's promise that victims of the gravest international crimes will not be forgotten because accountability has become politically inconvenient. We must protect it. Second, We, where the existing mechanisms fall short, we build new ones. Nuremberg, Tokyo, the tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. Where there's a will to deliver justice, there's always a way. And third, we ensure legal cases can be properly built. In Syria, long before Assad fell, the European Union backed these documenting war crimes, including torture committed in the infamous Sredniy prison. And recently, we helped to establish the UN-led investigation in Afghanistan, although its future depends on funding. We all need to put our money where our mouth is. And in Gaza, as discussions begin on clearing the rubble, it's essential to ensure that any evidence of potential war crimes is not destroyed. Be it in Syria, Afghanistan, Gaza, or anywhere in conflict, accountability cannot be selective, or else the entire system is called into question. We cannot afford this happen. Lauterpacht, for all his warnings about the law of war, also put the individual at the center of international law. He was the architect of the international humanitarian law, and no one understood its ultimate power better than he. The law always is a chance for progress. That belief is why we are here today. We keep strengthening humanitarian diplomacy, defending the law, and fighting not only to ensure it exists on paper, but it's also applied in practice. Thank you.

I thank the High Representative for her remarks, and I would like to invite His Excellency Ayman Zafadi, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates of the Kingdom of Jordan.

Thank you, Your Majesty, Your Excellencies. Good morning to you all. The truth is, violation of international law is being normalized. We see violations across over 130 conflicts. and yet response to that is below minimum. Not because international law is not clear on what the obligations for states and organizations are, but because simply there's no accountability. People, violators of international law, get away with it once, twice, and then it becomes the norm. And we all find ourselves in a sort of reactive position, urging compliance, but actually taking no effective measures. That international law avails to address violators of international law and to ensure that people have their human rights to dignity, to food, to security, to education are fulfilled. Gaza, excellencies, tells it all. In Gaza, we have about 2 million people squeezed into a wasteland of need, oppression, and dignity. Children are suffering, food is not available, hospitals are destroyed, In Gaza, 92% of housing, of structures in Gaza have been damaged. 17 out of 37 hospitals have been destroyed. 20 are partly functioning. 728,000 kids have no access to any form of formal education. It's not because we cannot help. Aid is there. The whole international community came and did what it could to provide the aid. In Jordan, where we have been a conduit for aid in partnership with many of you around the table, aid is expiring on shelves at UN organizations simply because Israel is not allowing that aid to go into Gaza. So I think the question is really not whether international law is sufficient or not. It is sufficient. International humanitarian law is sufficient. Our collective humanitarian values are clear that no human being should be denied the right to live in dignity, that no child should be denied the right to go to school, that no mother should watch her child fade away because she could not provide medicine or could not provide formula. That is reality. Against that reality, what is needed is to make sure that we act on the tools that international law provides that we hold those violators of international law and humanitarian law accountable, that we act in accordance with our values and call out those violators and take real effective action to make sure that international humanitarian law is respected. Again, I think, as I said, what I said about Gaza applies to many other conflicts. It is just incomprehensible that year after year we need We provide a very excellent diagnosis of the situation, but our action has really fallen short of addressing those realities and of ensuring that people are given what they deserve in terms of dignity, in terms of respect, and in terms of, Your Majesty, as you said, of hope. Gaza is a tale of misery unfolding before our eyes, and yet It continues to get worse. People continue to suffer. And year in and year out, we come here and we describe the situation. We do what we could in terms of providing tools and providing aid, but we're not using the tools that international law provides so that we can hold those who violate international law accountable and therefore force them to live to their obligation and to live to our collective human values. At that, again, I think our meeting today is extremely important, sending the right message that while we have not been able to change the reality, of misery that many people, particularly in Gaza, are living. We are aware of the problem. We're determined to move forward. And we at least will call out violators and work together, hopefully, collectively, to make sure that we address those terrible realities and make sure that we restore hope to people and we put food on the table for the children of Gaza. I'm grateful for our colleagues, the EU, Ireland, Canada, or Belgium, all of those who helped put this forum together. And I can assure you that in Jordan, we are going to continue to do everything we possibly can to work with all of you to make sure that aid gets to people that they need it, that continue to speak for the need for respecting humanitarian law. But again, excellencies, Your Majesty, I think now is the time to act. What are we going to do? this is the big question. Are we going just to, again, issue another statement of compassion, or are we going to make sure that we do use the tools that are effective that international law provide, if the political will to apply them is there? Thank you so much. Appreciate it.

I thank the Foreign Minister for his remark. And I would now like to invite Her Excellency, Adiel Abib, Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management at the European Commission.

Thank you, Stephanie. Your Majesty, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, it's good to be with you in this room full of familiar faces. I would like to echo one of the sentences you just mentioned, Your Majesty, When did we stop to put human life at the center of our rules and principles? This is a question we must ask and answer, of course, because the consequences, we all know what are the consequences. All of us here in this room, we are traveling a lot and we see the consequences in Africa, in Ukraine, the Middle East, in Latin America, civilians are paying an unbearable price for war. And there is one thing that is still like a ray of hope in the darkest corners of the world. This is humanitarian diplomacy. We all know what it can do. It can open a road, get a checkpoint lifted, bring food and medicine to people who have lost everything. And that is what we need to discuss. We need to discuss what is working, what is not working, and how we can do better. And let me highlight our efforts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the wider Great Lakes region. Earlier this year, I traveled from Kinshasa to Burundi, where I visited a refugee camp near the Congolese border, and I went to Randa and finally to Goma. We were the first EU delegation to enter Goma since M23 seized the city, and I met Presidents, ministers, I also sat down with humanitarian workers, civil society and refugees who had fled the fighting. And I also met AFC M23, because when lives are at stake, we need to speak with those who can open doors, remove barriers and get help through. And my message was the same everywhere. Respect international humanitarian law, protect civilians, protect aid workers, and let humanitarian aid through. And this diplomacy delivered results. With the EU support, a northern corridor between Beni and Goma is now open. We also got Kinshasa and Goma to agree on a southern corridor from Bukavu to Uvira and beyond. And since early April, humanitarian convoys have been moving with food, medicine, the basic people needs to survive. And this route has become a lifeline. It took, I took the same approach in Lebanon last May. I raised humanitarian concerns directly in my political meetings, respect for international humanitarian law, protect for civilians and aid workers, and access for humanitarian relief. And we do not forget, of course, the people in Gaza, where Israeli attacks continue, and the West Bank, where the situation has deteriorated sharply. People there must be respected. Humanitarian access fully restored and international humanitarian law fully respected. DRC and Lebanon are two examples. They show that humanitarian diplomacy can deliver even in the world's hardest crisis. And it works best when diplomacy, political weight, and humanitarian action all pull in the same direction. That is, Why? Earlier this year, with you, dear Kaja, our High Representative, I decided to develop a strategic approach to EU humanitarian diplomacy with the protection of international humanitarian law at its heart. We have also just published the EU's ninth report on IHL. It shows how Europe is using its tools to defend the rules that protect people in war. Before I finish, I want to thank the humanitarian organization on the ground. Many of you are in this room. I meet you in some of the darkest corner of the globe and your courage, I have to say, always touches my heart. And I know what every morning looks like for you. You wake up and ask one essential but simple question, how can I help? And then you spend the all day trying to answer. So please, let's try to answer that essential question together. Thank you very much.

I thank Commissioner Labit for her remark, and I would like now to invite the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Mirjana Spoljaric, for a keynote speech.

Thank you. Thank you, Excellencies, and dear colleagues and friends. I want to thank Her Majesty and the European Union, the African Union, Brazil, Canada, Ireland, and Jordan for bringing us together over a topic that is so close to us and to my daily work. You've all been for decades solid and faithful partners to the ICRC, and I'm deeply appreciative and grateful for your engagement with us and for your support to us. The four Geneva Conventions of 1949 show what is possible when states come together and unite over the belief that a human life is a human life, no matter what side of the front line they live of. International humanitarian law is a testament to the feats of diplomacy. The Rome Statutes, many of you refer to accountability, is the result of diplomacy. of the many innocent lives that can be saved and the suffering that can be prevented. I can only say that this will only happen if states show collective commitment and if states show resolve to uphold not only the laws, but to engage with each other politically. There's no military solution to any of today's world's problems. I often come back to Clausewitz. You know the famous line, "Politics is the primacy, but war is nothing but the continuation of politics without a means." It's a good sentence if you read it rightly, because in that sentence, what he said is that you start the war with the objection or with the objective to return to diplomacy, to return to politics. to return to a functioning system and relationships between states. What we are seeing today is a world that abuses politics in the pursuit of war, where the war is seen as a permanent condition necessary to be upheld to achieve individual political goals. And that is something we need to reverse. And that will not be reversed unless states come together around something that unifies them. And it is what you have all been insisting on. It's humanity. It's our joint legacy as human beings. Another point I wanted to make, and this is another reason why diplomacy is so important. Wars are not limited to a territory nowadays. You don't limit wars to front lines. They're just as bad as they used to be. in the First and the Second World Wars. We speak of kill zones. Nobody wants to go there. Your chances of survival are somewhere between three hours and three days. And this is the reality because we count every month 10,000 more dead soldiers between Russia and Ukraine. We are at 275,000 now. So the reality of war is still comparable to the Second World War, but not entirely because when you start a war in one place, you trigger a system. The wars in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East are today more and more overlapping. We follow the streams of armed groups. They are working as global organizations. You don't stop a war in one place anymore that you have started in another. We need collective action. And as this escalation continues, more and more states will have to come together. Actually, the whole world will soon have to come together to find a diplomatic solution because you will not be able to limit the problem to one step in the process. The responsibility to protect civilians lies with those who hold political power. We've heard it. by all of you that the law in itself doesn't carry any weight unless the leaders are willing to implement it. But if you're not willing to implement something as basic and fundamentally universal as the Geneva Conventions, you are dismissive about your own constitutions because everything written in the Geneva Conventions is found in your own constitutions. A human life is a human life. That's the starting point. The Geneva Convention is younger, or the Geneva Conventions are younger, still today, than most of your constitutions, whether they are written down or not. So don't be dismissive about the safety and security of your own people, but not upholding these fundamental universal agreements. I will end by just calling on all states to join the Global Initiative on International Humanitarian Law. I commend His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan for his enormous courage to invite 118 states to Jordan on 7 December to come back to a trajectory that humanity must prevail. We must come back. to a positive vision, away from war and away from destruction. And we can rebuild amongst ourselves a vision of peace that is so much necessary today. Thank you very much.

I'm saying the president. for her keynote remarks. And now we'd like to invite everyone to turn your eyes towards the screen for a short video.

In the ashes of World War II, humanity made a choice. After seeing what happens when war knows no limits, the world gathered and made a promise. It was a promise that humanity would prevail. The Geneva Conventions were born from that experience, not to serve the powerful, but to protect the powerless. The civilian spared from crossfire, the wounded receiving life-saving care, the separated family united, and the prisoner of war treated humanely. For over 70 years, these rules are humanity's greatest consensus. Every nation on Earth has agreed. War must be waged within limits. But today, that promise is fraying. The world is currently facing approximately 130 active armed conflicts, twice as many as 15 years ago. This decade is defined by war, imposing staggering human, economic, and social costs. This is why more than 110 countries have united through the Global Initiative on International Humanitarian Law. Together with the International Committee of the Red Cross, we say, through political and moral leadership, we must protect the rules that limit suffering in wars today and for future generations to come. Humanity in War.

Of this event with speeches from this co-sponsors, I would like to remind everyone to try to keep your remarks to around three minutes as we have a long list of speakers today. And now I would like to invite the Foreign Minister of Canada, Anita Anand, to speak.

Thank you so much, Your Majesty, Excellencies, and organizers. Thank you so much for this very important session. I will say much is being focused on international law, rightly so, including international humanitarian law. But the reality is that even though countries have signed on to these treaties, the Geneva Conventions, for example, that were just mentioned, is that there's selective respect, that countries will respect them when it suits their purposes, generally speaking, and in other cases will turn a blind eye or overtly disagree with the direction in which international law takes humanity. And so the issue really is one of collective respect. How do we move beyond this idea that there is the ability to turn away from international law if it doesn't suit national objectives towards the collective action that was envisioned after the Second World War in the Geneva Conventions, in the UN treaty, and the list goes on. And so Canada, obviously. supports the fundamental principles of international law, le respect pour le droit international humanitaire. And what we are trying to do internationally is to ensure that the advocacy brings more countries to the table to have these types of conversations, but also to develop a pragmatic path forward. based on the principles that we all share. And so in Lebanon, for example, some of you have touched on it, we put forward approximately $40 million to meet lifesaving needs in Lebanon. That's not nearly enough, but what we hope to do is to continue the conversation about how to respect territorial integrity when it is consistently being violated and borders are being withdrawn. We've seen that in Ukraine already, and we're seeing it all over the world, including in Lebanon. In the DRC, we've put forward funding $31 million in 26-27. We're the eighth largest contributor to the UN organization stabilization mission in the DRC, and we will provide an additional $27 million in international assistance to the DRC, including for health and protection services for survivors of gender-based violence. This is going to increase Canada's bilateral international assistance to the DRC to almost $185 million since 2024. I specifically want to mention these contributions because in addition to pledging our respect for international law, we need to find a way within our respective governmental systems to tangibly show support for the issues that plague us from a humanitarian perspective. Finally, on Gaza and the West Bank, We have been around these tables discussing humanitarian aid, and I want to pick up on what my friend Ayman Safadi has said. The aid is present, but the aid needs to flow, and it cannot flow selectively and it must reach those in need, children, and the most vulnerable, but average, everyday families just trying to put food on the table. And so Canada's $500 million in aid for Gaza is aid that we want to put forward, but it is not going to be effective unless it can flow. So my question for this table is how do we get that aid to flow? And I would very much welcome the conversation of ensuring that food on shelves is not going bad, but is getting to families who need it the most. Thank you.

Canada for her remarks. And I would like to invite the Vice Minister for Multilateral Affairs of Brazil, Carlos Marcio Cosende.

In recent years, as we have seen, two deeply worrying trends have emerged. First, armed conflicts have multiplied. But second, as we have been discussing, widespread, systematic, and deliberate violations of IHL have become increasingly commonplace. Brazil reaffirms its conviction that respect for IHL is not only a legal and ethical imperative, but also it's an essential tool to mitigate the effects of armed conflicts, but also to create the conditions for lasting peace. Humanitarian diplomacy therefore plays a critical role in promoting compliance with IHL and addressing humanitarian needs. We must strengthen the multilateral frameworks designed to ensure respect for IHL, including those addressing the protection of civilian, humanitarian access, as has been widely mentioned, aid delivery, sanctions carve-out, and safety of humanitarian personnel. Now, Minister Annan has already mentioned one of my main points, which is we have to reject selectivity in the application of IHL. Humanitarian protection must be afforded to all, regardless of geopolitical considerations and political aims. Humanitarian action must remain free from instrumentalization, preserving its neutrality, credibility, and legitimacy. Brazil has taken consistently clear positions against violations of IHL and has sought to translate these positions into concrete actions, both internationally and nationally. Although our resources are scarce, we have been trying to help in very specific situations. As Minister Safadi mentioned, we still have some water purifiers waiting in Egypt to get into Gaza since the beginning of the process. At multilateral level, we have been also participating in trying to help to lead the global initiative to galvanize political commitment to IHL. And we invite all the countries which are not yet participating to be present in Jordan in December. We have also co-founded the declaration for the protection of humanitarian personnel because that's also a very striking and appalling dimension of the present situation that humanitarian workers are being directly targeted as never before. So we hope that collectively we will be able to advance concrete action in defense of IHL, particularly for those most vulnerable to the consequences of armed conflict.

Thank you.

The Vice Minister of Brazil for his remark. And now I would like to invite His Excellency Dr. Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al-Rabia, Supervisor General of Qasr Relief, to take the floor.

Well, okay. Good morning to all of you. I think what I have here is something which has stimulated my emotions. My background is medical. I was raised to operate on children. So the principles of protecting human body is have been engraved in my heart and I have shed blood in children to save their lives. So when I became a humanitarian in the last 15 years or so, I thought that on the field I will echo what I was taught on the operating room. However, scenes that I have seen in Gaza, Sudan, Yemen, Ukraine, and elsewhere has taught me something else that His Excellency Aiman Al-Safadi has said, normalization of international humanitarian law. Unfortunately, the funding is not our issue, although we talk about it all the time. The problem is access, as we have talked about, selective access, child soldiers, targeting humanitarian aid, and let me add something that we haven't discussed, which is politicizing humanitarian worker, which is a reality, if we like it or don't. And also to add to that, landmines. All of those are actually shedding blood to kill human beings. And we have seen it targeting children and women, more so in Gaza and elsewhere. If we want to build a university to teach people on the violation of IHL, I think Gaza and elsewhere are the best school for students to study. Now, this puts the role of diplomacy on our agenda. can we really have a strong diplomacy to change the access, to change and prevent targeting, to prevent child soldiers, to prevent selective access where children's incubators and diagnostics and baby formula are prevented? If we do that, That's what's the role of humanitarians in their political role. Now, what I want you to leave with is something else which is coming with the picture is artificial intelligence. Artificial intelligence is now becoming another violation for IHL, and we should not forget it. It can be utilized to kill people and destroy people. And I think If we have to revise the international humanitarian law in December conference, we should put some section on artificial intelligence. So we hope today that our role is to restore IHL, and it is in our hands if there is a political will. Thank you.

Al-Rabi'a for his remarks. And now I would like to invite Tom Fletcher, Emergency Relief Coordinator and Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs.

Thank you very much indeed, and thank you to our hosts once again. And here we are once again in a basement agreeing with each other. And I fear we are howling sometimes into the void. I don't know how much these voices, this agreement we have, is being heard out there. And we need to make our opponents a bit more frightened. because we can convince each other right now but I'm not sure we're convincing the people who are breaking International humanitarian law so unless we start to make them feel more fear of what we can do to them then they will carry on killing my colleagues in their hundreds and we'll be back here next year with a slightly higher number than the ones I'm about to give you now and wondering why we're not making more progress because I agree with every single word that Marianna said, and so I don't need to repeat them right now. Every single word that others have said. IHL was invented after, or developed after the Second World War, because we'd seen the absence of it. It's the scaffolding we need to protect our world. And like the UN, it's not always perfect. And like the UN, it depends on the member states for whether or not it can be effective. It depends on you all to back it up. And you know the numbers, a thousand of our colleagues are dead. I call the families, we call the families. Carl, you know, Carl's been in Yemen recently trying to get, you know, some of our 73 detainees out of Yemen now. And how many more will we lose this year? So we are losing control. Dr. Rabier is right. As humans right now, we are losing control of the climate, we are losing control of AI, and The algorithm is not going to be humanitarian at this rate, by the way. It'll be less humanitarian than we are, and that's saying something. We are losing control of the weapon systems. I was just in Kherson, and I handled one of these $300 drones that is killing our people and killing humanitarians and killing civilians. And something chilling people told me there, the AI-operated drones, as they get closer to the end of their battery life, they are more likely to kill us. because they are trained to target, they are given an objective. And as the battery runs out, the pressure on them to complete their mission and kill one of us or kill a civilian increases. So civilians know that as they get towards the end of their battery life, that is the time that you have to shelter from those AI operated weapons. The places we work are an atrocities lab right now for the weapons coming towards everyone. And the global economy, we're losing control of that too, is on a war footing. All we're asking for is 1% of what you're all spending on guns and defense and security right now for us to save 87 million lives. And wouldn't that be an amazing thing if we could do it? For the people we serve, the places we work as humanitarians, people ask, what's a world like without IHL? We've already got it, folks. Ask the people in those areas who are off the map right now in Yemen, in Sudan, in Somalia, in South Sudan, and in Gaza. That's a world already without IHL. So please, please push for this accountability, not just for the people firing the weapon at us, but the people providing it, and the people designing it, by the way, and the people selling it, many of whom come from countries represented in this room. Make the trade-offs. When you're in that difficult meeting with the person from a country who is killing us, make that trade-off. Don't talk about it in your memoir in four years' time about the thing you wished you'd said. We don't get another go at this, those of us who are only doing this for a few years. So please make those trade-offs. And for this week, to the practical point, we have 10 asks. Humanitarian diplomacy asks. If I haven't ambushed you yet with these, I'm coming your way. If we get these 10 things done, they're all simple, straightforward. They're like the things that Haja described that you could all deliver in this room. We'll reach 11 million people with life-saving support this year. So I'm coming for all of you with my cards. I'll close and hand to Carl, but we will-- the reality is, I can promise you that the humanitarians who have such courage will continue going out towards the sound of gunfire to try to stop it and try to help the survivors, whether we give them the support and protection that they deserve or not. But we owe it to them to do better. We owe it to them to try to ensure we don't need to have this meeting next year. Let's make that an objective. What will each of us do? What's the one thing each of us will do differently this year so that we don't regret it later? And let's just make sure we do a better job of holding the line. Thank you.

I thank Mr. Fletcher for his remark, and I now give the floor to Carl Skow, the active executive director of the World Food Program.

Thank you, Madam moderator. And I think Tom and Miriam has already painted the context here. We live in a time were fundamental challenges to the rules-based order, but also to IHL. And Tom, I think, explained well how this sense of everything works, basically, everyone feels that they get away with it, and the fundamental need of this accountability. I think in addition to that, we see a failure, really, of political diplomacy. It's the highest number of conflicts ever since the Second World War. And so this is having, you know, direct implications on operational agencies like WFP. We just a few weeks ago had a budget discussion with our country directors about what to prioritize for next year. And I think, Tom, number one was fundraising, no doubt about that. But number two was humanitarian diplomacy. And so we are stepping up that capacity together with Tom, OCHA and other humanitarian agencies on what we can do more and how we define diplomacy is drawing on diplomacy, drawing on the diplomatic toolbox to try to advance humanitarian outcomes. It's about protecting civilians, it's about promoting humanitarian space, and it's about ensuring the safety of our humanitarian frontline staff. To put this more in practice, I'll use the example of Sudan. I was just there spending some eight days traveling across the front lines. And it's clearly a place where we're not succeeding. As I arrived, to take the example of safety of staff, two of our trucks were hit by drones outside of Dilling. When it comes to access, I was in El Obeid, one of the front line cities, making my way to El Fasher, another front line city, it took me three days It's a drive that before the war took around six to eight hours. And so I think that shows the challenges on access. And in El Fasher, I mean, obviously, a chilling experience. It's now maybe the starkest example of when the world doesn't succeed in protecting civilians. And so I think Sudan shows that clearly we're not succeeding, but it also shows that progress is possible. The other crossing in from Chad to Darfur is open, and we are delivering hundreds trucks through that crossing every day going into Darfur. We also have improved when it comes to visas, what's called the bureaucratic impediments. There has been important progress and clearances. And so, you know, it is possible with your support to see improvements. So we want to build on that progress and to have more safe access right now into the Blue Nile in the south, where the fighting is raging, to have cross deliveries to be able to drive across the fighting lines into Darfur. We want more staff in contested areas and so we can beef up our operations also with the proper presence and we would like to have the Humanitarian Air Service, UNHAS, in more locations throughout Sudan including in Darfur. So we really look to Member States including Member States of the region to help facilitate these acts and if you do you can count on WFP and other humanitarian agencies to be there on the front lines and pushing the boundaries every day. But to conclude and really joining Mirjana and Tom and others, I mean, fundamentally, member states need to step up to prevent these wars, to put an end to these wars, to kind of recommit to the peaceful resolutions of conflict that is embedded in the UN Charter. And I think that is, from the WFP point of view, the most important message this morning. Thank you.

I thank Mr. Scaou for his remarks. And I would now like to give the floor to the Under-Secretary-General for Resource Mobilization and Humanitarian Diplomacy of the Lebanese Red Cross.

Your Excellencies, distinguished colleagues, on behalf of the Lebanese Red Cross and our Secretary-General, We thank you all for this opportunity to share our perspective. For local actors like us, international humanitarian law and humanitarian diplomacy are more than theoretical. We engage with authorities and decision makers to maintain safe and reliable access for our teams on the ground. During the past three years, of the conflict in Lebanon, Lebanese Red Cross volunteers and staff have continued to operate in areas directly affected, providing ambulance services, evacuations, blood, healthcare, relief, and other lifesaving assistance to civilians. Red Cross emblem must have a meaning on the ground. Our neutrality, impartiality, and independence must translate into safe access of our teams and to act and reach people safely without hindrance. For the Lebanese Red Cross, this means that humanitarian personnel and medical services are there to save lives, not to take sides. Every day around the world, humanitarian actors take up this responsibility to respond despite the potential danger. Still, humanitarian actors continue to pay a heavy price. During the last two escalations in Lebanon, the Lebanese Red Cross suffered direct and indirect attacks, which killed two volunteers and injured 31 more, dozens of vehicles damaged, a Lebanese Red Cross facility in British Bay in the south completely destroyed, among other affected. These all were clearly marked with the protective emblem of the Red Cross. Let me put the importance of protection and access in another way. The two Lebanese Red Cross volunteers killed are two over a thousand killed in the past three years. They are not just numbers. Each one represent a life dedicated to humanity, a family impacted, and the community affected. And then what happens if we cannot safely reach people? For the Lebanese Red Cross, it means that an ambulance may be ready, but the humanitarian mission cannot take place. It means that a wounded civilian may not receive timely assistance, and an evacuation to safety cannot be completed. It means that blood and medical supplies cannot reach hospitals. Ultimately, it means that the humanitarian consequences become even greater. We did mitigation efforts, wearing protective equipment, doing some humanitarian diplomacy, and notifying parties to the conflict of our humanitarian missions through a technical humanitarian notification system in liaison with UNIFIL, ICRC, and others. But these efforts are not enough. They have failed to protect our volunteers, Youssef Assaf and Hassan Badawi, just like they failed a thousand other humanitarians like them. We don't want to fail others. That's why adhering to international humanitarian law, Geneva Conventions, and humanitarian access are inseparable. To end, humanitarian workers must have the space to do what it is intended to do, reduce human sufferings and preserve human dignity. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the Lebanese Red Cross. And I now give the floor to the representative-- to the Assistant Secretary General for Human Rights.

Good morning, Excellencies, dear friends. Conflict is increasing, but respect for the laws of war is decreasing. As it has been said several times this morning, there are now more than 60 wars involving at least one state. the highest numbers in the Second World War. Civilians are paying an unbearable price. International humanitarian law is clear. Too often, parties choose to disregard it. Too often, those with influence let them. The cycle of impunity only leads to greater violence. In Sudan, drone strikes caused over 80% of civilian deaths we documented in the first half of this year. When the Rapid Support Forces captured El-Fasher, the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights assessed that at least 6,000 people were killed in three days, atrocities that were foreseen but not prevented. In Ukraine, Russian attacks last winter left hundreds of thousands without heating in subzero temperature. Treating a country's entire energy network as a military objective is incompatible with international humanitarian law. In Gaza, famine was foretold and confirmed, and critically needed aid is still restricted. More than a thousand humanitarians have been killed in the past three years. States have an obligation explicit in the Geneva Conventions both to respect and ensure international humanitarian law. It is not an option for states to look away from violations committed far from their shores. Humanitarian diplomacy cannot be limited to negotiating access. It must be used by states and others with influence over the parties to exert pressure to achieve broader compliance. protecting civilians, safeguarding civilian infrastructure, ensuring humane treatment of detainees and prisoners of war, and preventing violations. Words of condemnation ring hollow in the face of deliberate violations. Lack of action cannot become a license enabling the commission of war crimes or other atrocity crimes. Humanitarian diplomacy must, therefore, be backed by action. using leverage to protect civilians, secure humanitarian access, and release those arbitrarily detained, ensuring that arms transfers and military support are consistent with international law, addressing the economic interests that fuel war, and supporting efforts towards accountability. Our office role is to monitor, investigate, and provide clear facts, and to engage every party on compliance with the law. The High Commissioner and many states condemned drone strike in Obeid in North Kordofan at the Human Rights Council. Subsequently, strikes fell sharply. In Ukraine, we have conducted over 2,100 confidential interviews with prisoners of war and detainees held by both sides. Our documentation helps parties to the conflict and member states to prepare now for the release of detainees and prisoners of war, rather than waiting until a final settlement. In Myanmar, the High Commissioner has called on countries to use their leverage to bolster compliance, including by ceasing arms flows, not legitimizing the military authorities, and promoting dialogue towards a resumption of civilian rule. We will engage all states and relevant actors to reduce civilian harm and improve compliance. But protecting civilians ultimately means ending these wars. Protecting human rights builds the trust needed for sustainable peace. Mediation, confidence building measures, and inclusive peace processes remain central to these efforts. War reflects the failure of our humanity. The pursuit of peace embodies humanity. Our work and advocacy is always guided by the latter. Thank you.

I thank the Assistant Secretary General for her remarks. And now I would like to give the floor to the director of the Forum des Organisations Non Gouvernementales Internationales.

Thank you. Excellencies, colleagues, thank you so much for the opportunity to give our perspective on this. When we talk about humanitarian diplomacy, the concept can feel a bit abstract with terms such as engagement, dialogue, access, negotiations, humanitarian principles. But for those of us working in the DRC, humanitarian diplomacy is a prerequisite. It determines whether a health worker can respond to an epidemic, whether humanitarian supplies can cross a border, whether a survivor of sexual violence can safely access services, and sometimes whether people access or receive assistance at all. The DRC provides a very relevant example. It is a context marked by multiple and persistent armed conflicts. that cause mass displacement. There is about 6 million displaced population in the DRC. Now, there is, since the last year and a half, the east of the country is being controlled by a de facto authority. We now, on top of all of these, the Ebola outbreak is adding further pressure on already overstretched community and response systems. Let me give three concrete examples where humanitarian diplomacy can play a central role, or plays in a central role. First, the physical access. In the DRC, reaching affected population is not only a logistical challenge. Humanitarian organizations operate amid active conflict. Roads that are accessible one month can become inaccessible another month because of fighting, armed group activity, or military operations. These challenges, adding to things like visa restrictions to humanitarians in areas under de facto control, have at times forced NGOs to take long detours through neighboring countries or choosing less safe routes. Humanitarian diplomacy has helped already make progress by opening dialogue with the de facto authorities on the need to maintain humanitarian access to populations in areas they control. However, now the Ebola outbreak adds another layer, movement restrictions, health controls, quarantine requirements. affecting populations, but also humanitarians and supply chains to the humanitarians specifically. Some of the humanitarian corridors that were opened thanks to some humanitarian diplomacy prior, are now closed again, like the corridor Beni-Goma is not functioning anymore, again, because of Ebola. So humanitarian diplomacy, therefore, has an important role in engaging governments across the region, as well as de facto authorities, to keep humanitarian corridors open and facilitate cross-border movement. Secondly, I'd like to mention quickly the administrative impediments, like customs clearance, multiple taxations. accreditations, all of these are longstanding challenges for the humanitarian operations in the DRC. In the eastern DRC, these are now compounded by de facto authorities seeking to establish their own administrative systems. NGOs find themselves navigating parallel systems and caught between conflicting political positions, risking to affect their neutrality and adding significant costs in time and resources. Humanitarian diplomacy has an essential role in maintaining dialogue with both government and de facto authorities, alleviating the blockages and preventing humanitarian action from becoming politicized, which is unfortunately quite frequent. So the last point, the preserving humanitarian space, this is perhaps the most difficult challenge. The DRC context is marked by mistrust, misinformation, and political polarization. Public narratives questioning the motives of humanitarian organizations can undermine community acceptance and increase security risks. Here again, humanitarian diplomacy can help preserve the neutral needs-based nature of humanitarian action. It creates space for dialogue when trust breaks down and helps ensure that assistance can continue even in highly polarized environments. In today's conflict zones, where humanitarian access constraints are increasingly politicized, humanitarian diplomacy is not optional. It is what allows humanitarian action to continue. If we expect humanitarian organizations to reach people in need, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, we must engage in humanitarian diplomacy, not only in New York, Brussels, and Geneva, but also where it matters most on the ground, close to the affected communities and as close as possible to the people making decisions affecting their lives. Thank you.

I thank the director for her remarks. And now, before going back to the ministers in the room, the representative of the State of Palestine had another meeting and wished to make some remarks. Ambassador Mansour, you have the floor.

Thank you very much for giving me the floor. I want to thank the organizers for convening this very important and timely meeting. And here I'm referring specifically to the European Union, to Jordan, the presence of Her Majesty with us, and others. We thank you very much for convening this extremely important meeting. Also, I want to welcome and express our gratitude to our friends. We know them. are with us in the floor the ICRC, OCHA, WFP, and other and UNRWA and many others from the United Nations for being with us in the ground helping our people to endure this genocidal war that we are going through. We appreciate what you do. You are our true partners. You are the implementer of this international humanitarian law and without you we would not have been able to survive so far. So we express our gratitude and our thanks to you. Accountability, we hear you very well, that's what we scream all the time. Accountability has to be dealt with in a concrete, practical way. We need to make those who are violating international law that they should be scared, as you said, Tom, correctly. And we have tools, as Minister Safadi indicated, we have tools in the law that if we use them, we can make them get scared and therefore we can force them to stop all these violations. In this connection, we are looking very forward to the December meeting. And to my friend from the ICRC, we, during the last three decades, convened three meetings on the Fourth Geneva Convention, particularly on Article 1, to respect and ensure respect in all times. The issue of lack of enforceability of international humanitarian law need to be addressed. We need to address it, and I hope that we will address it in a big way in Amman in December and also perhaps this is the time for convening an emergency meeting for the high contracting parties in Geneva and to address the issue of enforceability of international humanitarian law, including Article 1. Thank you very much and I hope I stuck to the one minute. Thank you.

Thank you, Ambassador Mansour. And now I would like to give the floor to the Minister of Australia, Her Excellency Penny Wong.

To Excellencies, distinguished colleagues, thanks for the opportunity. And can I acknowledge the European Union's leadership in advancing humanitarian diplomacy. And for all the reasons that our colleagues from the various UN entities have outlined, this work could not be more important. Tom Fletcher said we should hold the line. Can I start by talking, just touching on why. We've spoken a bit about why IHL matters, why respect for it is fundamental, how it protects civilians and humanitarian workers, how it preserves space, et cetera. I think it also upholds our shared humanity. And so that is fundamentally why we need to hold the line. But I think the question that member states, if we can go beyond the sort of exhortation that member states have to do more, are thinking through and are acting on is what we need to do to hold the line. So if I can share with you one thing we are doing, which is the work we are engaging in with my colleagues from Brazil, Colombia, Indonesia, Japan, Jordan, Sierra Leone, Switzerland and the UK to develop the Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel, a practical expression of IHL, how we protect those who deliver life-saving assistance, how do we respect and protect those who run towards the bullets and run towards the war zones. It's also why Australia expresses its wholehearted support for the ICRC's work, for your global initiative on international humanitarian law, and why we are co-chairing the workstream on prevention. I welcome, on behalf of my country, the EU's efforts to build support for the declaration. We thank you for that, and to translate it into practical action, including through the Protect Aid Workers initiative. Humanitarian diplomacy is indispensable to the task of protecting humanitarian workers. It is the way we defend principled humanitarian action, the way we ensure and press for safe and unimpeded humanitarian access, and it is one of the ways we reinforce respect for international humanitarian law. It is imperative that we insist that those who deliver assistance, especially the local responders who are often the first to act and often face the greatest risks, it's imperative that we insist they are protected. So I am very pleased to be here as part of this and lend Australia's support for it. I'm very pleased to say, Tom, we're very happy to give political backing to your 10 asks. So I went and got them to make sure we could. and we will continue to work with all of you and all our partners on the declaration, which now has two thirds of the UN as signatory, to ensure that those commitments deliver change on the ground for humanitarian workers and for the civilians they serve. Thank you.

I thank the Foreign Minister of Australia for her remarks. I would like to remind everyone we're running about 20 minutes late, so if we can try to keep remarks to about two minutes, that would be appreciated. And now I would like to give the floor to the Minister of Foreign Trade of the Netherlands.

Made a promise to the Red Cross workers that I met in Lebanon, but I also made a promise to the humanitarians on the front lines of Ukraine and in Gaza that I would bring one message back here, and that message is simple yet horrible, that the emblems, Red Cross, Red Crescent, Blue Helmet, no longer serve to protect them, but paint them as a target. And that means that the laws of the jungles are back. In Gaza, where Israel is keeping food and aid and medicine out. In the Sudan, where drones are killing humanitarians. In the Ukraine and elsewhere. And I think my friend from Jordan asked, what are we going to do? And my good friend Tom said, how do we make those violators frightened? And of course, we can talk about raising our voices, and this is important, because norms and laws, they die in silence. They die in silence. And yes, we have to be consistent. Because if we're not addressing all violations, that means we're also aiding impunity. But accountability, and I think this is what the High Representative Carlos mentioned, accountability is key. And for accountability to be there, you need evidence. So yes, we need to collect the evidence, and the Netherlands is supporting a lot of those efforts. But I would also like to add that collecting evidence without consequences is adding insult to injury for all the victims, because then we know we choose not to do anything about it. And that would be my one proposal on behalf of the Netherlands today. In the absence of national prosecutions or in the absence of international prosecutions, as so often is the case, where are IHL sanctions from the European Union, but also from our friends across the world? Why do we not join hands and make sure that if we know the evidence, we take at least very personalized action? Of course, I also thank my friends from Jordan organizing a very important conference in December, the Netherlands stands ready to contribute and hopes to take this one step further, because, Tom, you're right, we can't be here next year with just a higher number of deaths. Thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Trade of the Netherlands, and I would now like to give the floor to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Norway.

Thank you, dear friends. Very many wise words have been spoken. I agree with everything I heard. Like Tom, I have the sense that the problem is that we who agree are here. and all the others are somewhere else. So I think we, you know, beyond just repeating what should happen, I think we need to take a deep dive and why is this not working? Norway is very dedicated, as many of you, to humanitarian law, to humanitarian diplomacy, mediation, and we are realizing that increasingly mediation now is not about resolving the conflict, but just by making it a little bit less horrible. Great access in certain places, working with many of you on the other side, but I think We all know that it's a downward spiral. The key principles of international humanitarian law are actually quite easy to understand. It's about distinction and proportionality. You don't need a doctorate to understand. But the downward spiral is very, very alarming. And I think, to be very frank, I think countries care, but countries care intermittently. And this is a real part of the problem. We have parts of the world which speaks very loudly and correctly, and rightly so, about the atrocities in Ukraine. but who took way very long time to recognize the horrors of the war in Gaza or or the onslaught of Palestine or what's happening in Sudan that creates a double standard it it goes both ways by the way because other parts of the world do recognize and thank you for that the plight of the Palestinians but do not recognize the violations that taking place in Ukraine so this is a two-way street and that means that we are dividing the world into separate universes of what we care about and that is exactly what makes this problem specifically about the lack of respect for international humanitarian law and the atrocities so much worse. Of course, the perpetrators of the atrocities are the primary culprits, but, you know, as so many have said, it is the lack of accountability, the impunity that makes it worse, because if there was atrocities with consequences, There will be less atrocities. That's how legal systems work. If people kill somebody and they're arrested and put in prison, they will probably not kill again. But if there is no response, then it just gets worse. That's why I also want to echo what Kaja said about defending the ICC. It's really now one of the front lines of civilization to stand up for that very noble institution when it is challenged by very powerful forces. If they are allowed to succeed, we're really going backwards in the world. So that's something we need to stand together on. But also, I think that we commit to being consistent across the board. International law and international human interior law are only rules and are only perceived as rules if apply to all people, all places, all the time. If they apply to some people in some places, part of the time, it will just be a menu that you can choose from when you want to criticize somebody, but it does not come across as as a principle, and that is being watched by so many people, and I think this is really one of the reasons that it's going the wrong way. So we need to speak up not only about the individual cases, but consistently across the board, and take action and make sure that there is an end to impunity. And dear friends, if we don't do this, if we allow this downward spiral continue, we do it at our own peril. Conflicts might seem to happen in far away places from where you live right now, but this downward spiral can lead to deep conflict crisis coming very close to your home one day. That's what happened in the previous collapses of mankind. The weaker states were the first victims, but in the end, the country that started the war ended up devastated itself. So this is the problem for all mankind, and we are only going to solve this if we're able to look across the board beyond political sympathies and antipathies and say that these rules should always apply and violations should always be punished. Thank you.

I thank the Foreign Minister of Norway for his remarks and I now give the floor to the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of Slovakia.

Thank you. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, excellencies, dear colleagues. We are really grateful for organizing, for convening this meeting and the briefers for the interventions. Slovakia is a candidate for UN Security Council 2020-2021. I strongly support international efforts aimed to strengthening compliance with the existing international humanitarian law. Let me stress how vital is interplay of IHL and humanitarian diplomacy, for humanitarian diplomacy is facing a lot of challenges. So how to collectively overcome a missing of the action and achieve a result on the ground for people in need? Using IHL in negotiation as a foundation, not a fix-all tool. Focusing on IHL shared principles of protecting civilians and neutral legal framework played to all parties. Building trust, avoiding blame, understanding the local politician and the social context, as well as bridging legal norms and field realities into the easy understood dialogue. Acknowledging various actors, of the humanitarian response, states, international organizations, NGOs, as well as the local elements, families, and communities. Slovakia is deeply alarmed by the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Gaza, Sudan, Lebanon, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Any attacks targeting civilians cannot be justified. Civilians and civilian infrastructure must be always protected, and accountability must take place, as was mentioned by many colleagues. Equally, ensuring safe and unhindered humanitarian access is essential part of protecting civilians. Respect for international law also means that people are not cut off the assistance they depend on. In this context, humanitarian personnel must be able to carry out their work in safety without being exposed to violence. Slovakia has been actively engaged in Lebanon through the support for both humanitarian assistance and post-humanitarian and recovery project. We introduce in our capacity within the 2021 and 25 the humanitarian material aid up to 3 million of euro for two projects addressing basic need in nutrition and shelters. To conclude, we believe that the continuing international solidarity and sustained focus on both immediate needs and long-term recovery is essential. Let me assure you that international community can count with our solidarity in the words and in deeds. Thank you for your attention. I.

Thank the Minister for Foreign and European Affairs of Slovakia, and I would now like to give the floor to the representative of Cabo Verde.

Thank you, Excellencies.

I thank the European Union, Ireland, and all co-sponsors for convening this timely discussion. It allowed me to say that even If the African Union sponsored this meeting, I sincerely hope that Kenya will not be the only or the few African countries represented at this important meeting on humanitarian diplomacy. Africans' voice and perspective are essential to any meaningful dialogue. on the humanitarian challenges and responsibilities facing our world today. Today, civilians continue to bear the heaviest burden of war. The growing number of attacks against civilians, humanitarian workers, hospitals, schools, and other civilian infrastructure is deeply alarming. Equally concerning are restrictions in humanitarian access, which prevent lifesaving assistance for reaching those most in need. As a small island developing state, with an unwavering commitment to multilateralism, Cape Verde firmly believes that the protection of human dignity must transcend all political differences. We therefore also welcome the ongoing reflection under the humanitarian reset and the UN 80 process as opportunities to strengthen a more effective, inclusive, and responsive humanitarian system. Let us renew our collective commitment to ensuring that humanitarian principles are upheld everywhere and by everyone, and that the accountability for violation on international monetary law remains an indispensable pillar of lasting peace. Thank you so much.

-Of Cabo Verde. And I would now like to give the floor to the foreign minister of Ireland, who was supposed to give closing remarks but has another appointment to go to. So you have the floor.

Apologies, but thank you very much, Stephanie. Your Majesty, Excellencies, dear colleagues, distinguished guests. On behalf of the co-hosts, can I just thank all of our speakers and participants for their testimonies and their insights. And while I'm not finishing, maybe just to recap, because I think there's a lot has been said by many, many colleagues here. Firstly, it's that we don't need new laws, we don't need new rules, we don't lack good laws or clear guidance as to how we can uphold international humanitarian law, nor is there any dearth of expertise as to how it applies. What there is, is a lack of political will. to apply and to use our influence to ensure that the rules are respected, to ensure that there are, as many colleagues have said, consequences for those who breach international humanitarian law, and that we are consistent in how we apply our own political decisions. As Aiman Mughni has said very clearly, we need to stop diagnosing the problem and start acting on the humanitarian need. We need to act through our public support for vital organisations that are providing that support on the ground, through funding that is so desperately required and needed immediately, but also through our actions and ensuring that it is not selective supports and selective humanitarian aid as we are seeing in the case of Gaza. I do want to speak positively though, because I think a discussion like this, there is so much we can speak that is not working but to be positive and to focus on where we are seeing some hope and progress the global initiative to galvanize political commitments to international humanitarian law is building ever more momentum and we need to focus on that the coalition for atrocity prevention and justice for Sudan of which we are a founding member in Ireland is helping to coordinate international efforts to advance the prevention of mass atrocities to protect civilians and promote justice and accountability we're seeing more and more countries taking action on trade with the legal settlements with a view to supporting compliance with international law. As the first country to announce measures and to have led the way on this, closely followed by Spain, we will continue to advocate for collective action, because it is only at an EU level that we have collective action that we will really, I believe, see any response or compliance from the Israeli government with international law. The political declaration on the use of explosive weapons in populated areas, which was adopted again in Dublin in 2022, is now endorsed by 92 states, and we have within the European Union the new joint communication and its accompanying staff working document on humanitarian diplomacy, very much with respect for international humanitarian law at the heart of the EU's external approach to humanitarian diplomacy. During our presidency of which we are hosting currently of the Council of the European Union, we will lead discussions on how this Team Europe approach to humanitarian diplomacy can be enhanced and this will be through an international conference on the protection of aid workers which we will host in October and perhaps through Penny's statements we can engage in work beyond the EU with international partners as to how that can be more than just a statement, but that there can be clear actions. This will consider the conference, among other things, how we can use our influence to uphold protection for aid workers and other civilians. So again, to recap, but I think as most colleagues have said, what we need to do now is act. I fear, as Espen and many others, and Tom, you have said, we all agree in this room, but it's about making sure in the first instance, those of us who agree that we act, but also those that we need to engage with and that we need to speak to, that we do that and that we use every opportunity available to us, that we use every fora to encourage those around us who are perhaps not in this room to reaffirm their commitment to international human law and to make sure that there are consequences for those who breach it. The responsibility to preserve our shared humanity in what seem like some of the most darkest moments means that we must all raise to the challenge. Thank you.

Minister of Foreign Affairs, Trade and the Minister of Defense of Ireland for her remarks. And I now give the floor to the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Trade of the Republic of Moldova.

Excellencies, distinguished delegates, The Republic of Moldova welcomes the opportunity to participate in this timely event dedicated to humanitarian diplomacy and the protection of international humanitarian law. Against the backdrop of growing number of complexity of crises and armed conflict worldwide, international humanitarian law remains an essential framework for protecting civilians and those providing humanitarian assistance. The Republic of Moldova has consistently supported international efforts aimed at strengthening respect for international law, international humanitarian law, and the protection of civilians and humanitarian personnel. In 2025, December, Moldova joined the global initiative to galvanize political commitment to international humanitarian law, becoming part of a growing group of more than 100 states committed to developing actionable recommendations to strengthen compliance with IHL. The Republic of Moldova also supports the UN humanitarian framework through its engagement with relevant resolutions and coordinated humanitarian assistance and disaster response. Yet, despite these collective efforts, humanitarian access is increasingly constrained, while violations of international human rights law continue to be devastating to the consequences of civilians. We see this in our own region, where the Russian Federation continues its unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine. We remain deeply concerned by reports of unlawful detention, torture, enforced disappearance, conflict-related sexual violence, forced disappearance, and the deportation and unlawful transfer of Ukrainian children. Such violations must be independently investigated, and those responsible must be held accountable. The Republic of Moldova supports all genuine efforts towards comprehensive, just, and lasting peace, a peace consistent with the UN Charter, international law, and relevant General Assembly resolutions. The crisis we face are a stark reminder for urgent call to action. We must recommit ourselves to the principles of international humanitarian law, ensure safe, rapid, and unimpeded humanitarian access, protect civilians and humanitarian and medical personnel, and prevent attacks against civilian infrastructure and medical services. Humanitarian diplomacy must therefore remain a diplomacy of protection, one that translates international law into effective action and ensures the most vulnerable are not left without protection. The Republic of Moldova remains firmly committed to upholding international humanitarian law, strengthening humanitarian diplomacy, and contributing to international efforts to protect civilians and sustain international peace and security. Thank you.

I thank the Deputy Prime Minister of Moldova. And I just wanted to note, we only have time for two more speakers, which is going to be Germany and Panama. And then we'll have to leave the room because the room is booked after this. So I would-- and Hungary. And I would like to give the floor to the representative of Germany.

Thank you very much. I'll keep it short. There is an enormous need for humanitarian diplomacy Humanitarian diplomacy is extremely demanding, but the good news is that sometimes it can work. It has to work. I would like to limit my remarks to a concrete example and be practical and talk on Sudan. And this would complement what we heard from the WFP on Sudan. A few months ago, we organized a Sudan conference in Berlin. We raised $1.7 billion in humanitarian aid, and we aligned on principles emphasizing the importance of humanitarian access and the protection of civilians. And since, we have tried to be very consequential. We worked on the follow-up with the conflict parties and neighboring countries, and we will continue doing so. We have to be consequential. So what's the impact of such a conference? There I would say we shouldn't overestimate it, but we should not underestimate it as well. Since this Sudan conference, we have seen modest progress. Humanitarian access for the United Nations agencies has improved. We sent the clear signal that another El Fasher would not be tolerated in El Obeid. and that terrible attacks like the drone strike against the WFP in South Kordofan will be condemned. This making progress, this example, should encourage us all to continue with our efforts in humanitarian diplomacy. My country definitely is ready for that. Thank you.

Representative of Germany and I now give the floor to the representative of Panama.

Thank you very much, Madam Chair, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I wish to thank the European Union for convening this timely discussion on a question that reaches the very foundations of the international legal order. International humanitarian law emerged from a fundamental recognition, even In the exceptional circumstances of war, the exercise of force remains subject to law. Currently, that commitment is under considerable strain. In this environment, humanitarian diplomacy acquires strategic relevance. For Panama, one principle remains unequivocal: international humanitarian law derives its authority from its universal application. Panama has sought to contribute to this effort both nationally and regionally. So I would like to end this conference today on a positive note. Our country maintains a longstanding commitment to the implementation and dissemination of international humanitarian law. More recently, Panama hosted the Regional Symposium on International Humanitarian Law under the auspices of the International Committee of the Red Cross, and welcomed the establishment of the Center for International Humanitarian Law for the Americas, strengthening our country's role as a space for dialogue, training, and regional cooperation. We have also joined the global initiative to galvanize political commitment to international humanitarian law, convinced that the present circumstances require renewed political stewardship of the rules that the international community has already solemnly undertaken to respect and ensure respect for international humanitarian law. Two centuries ago, The Congress of Panama, which met under the convening of the Liberator Simon Bolivar in 1826, advanced the proposition that dialogue, law, and collective action could provide nations with the instruments to confront common challenges. At the time, the ideas of humanitarianism were also strongly circulating in our region. The international system has changed profoundly since then, yet the underlying diplomatic principle retains its force. Even amid profound disagreement, preserving avenues for engagement remains essential. Panama, therefore, welcomes the leadership of the European Union in bringing us together today and reaffirms its readiness to work with States, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the United Nations, and humanitarian partners to strengthen respect for international humanitarian law. The effectiveness of this body of law will ultimately depend upon the commitment with which states defend its universality, hold their obligations, and preserve the diplomatic space necessary for its implementation. Thank you very much.

Thank you, representative of Panama. And I now give the floor to the representative of Hungary.

Thank you. I don't know if it's working. It is? Thank you. Thank you very much. Unexpectedly wrapping up a very important event, but thank you for convening it. I agree with many of the comments that were said before, and it's an honor to be part of those that agree in this room. We heard a lot about conflicts that are multiplying and becoming increasingly protected. So defending international humanitarian law is not an abstract legal exercise. As Her Majesty said at the beginning, it is about preserving first, human dignity. I'll make three quick points. One, for Hungary, the starting point is international humanitarian law must be applied universally. and consistently. Civilians must be protected, hospitals, schools, and civilian infrastructure must not become targets. Humanitarian personnel must be respected and protected, and the principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution must guide our conduct of hostilities. Second, We heard that the law alone is not enough, and as Commissioner Labib said, humanitarian diplomacy must translate legal commitments into protection on the ground. This means safe, rapid, and unhindered humanitarian access, and ensuring the assistance reaches people on the basis of need without political, ethnic, religious, or geographic discrimination. It also means acting before humanitarian catastrophe occurs. So prevention must become an equally important part of our approach. And as the High Representative said, accountability is equally important. The third point is that we must prepare international humanitarian law for the realities of modern warfare. We heard about AI. autonomous capabilities and cyber operations that are transforming the battlefield. So technological innovation does not create a legal vacuum. Existing obligations continue to apply while human control, judgment, and responsibility must remain at the center of our approach. Hungary is committed to contributing to these efforts, and we participate in the Global Initiative on International Humanitarian Law launched by the ICRC and partner countries. We believe these processes can help translate principles into practical solutions. Our task, therefore, is to defend the rules, apply them consistently, and make humanitarian diplomacy a bridge between political action and human protection. And again, thank you very much for convening us today, and I'm glad to wrap up the event. Thank you.

Actually, I think the representative of Hungary, but actually we do have one additional speaker. But I do want to apologize to those who attended and were not able to take the floor. But I do want to give the floor one last time to the representative of Egypt for some quick remarks.

Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Actually, we commend the sacrifices made by the United Nations personnel, particularly those serving with UNRWA, as well as humanitarian workers around the world. We emphasize the need to advance through political and legal frameworks, effective measures to protect them during armed conflicts. This should include ensuring that ceasefire agreements contain binding humanitarian component to facilitate humanitarian access and protect United Nations personnel, humanitarian workers, and humanitarian operations. We reaffirm our support for the central role of United Nations humanitarian organizations, particularly OCHA, we reiterate our call to increase and predictable, uh, to, to an incre- for an increased and predictable funding for humanitarian appeals. Egypt contributed to the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2286, the 10th anniversary of which we commemorate this year. Egypt has also participated in the initiative to strengthen political commitment to international humanitarian law. We are looking forward to the December conference in Jordan. Furthermore, Egypt continues to play an active role in mediation efforts to end conflicts and alleviate human suffering, particularly in the Gaza and Sudan crises. Mr. Chair, the protection of civilians and humanitarian personnel must not remain mere commitments on paper. They must be translated into concrete action, effective mechanisms, and genuine compliance and implementation. I thank you so much.

I thank the representative of Egypt, and I would like to maybe finally thank all the co-sponsors of the event, and I wish everyone a very good day.