Geneva Press Briefing: UNICEF, OHCHR. OCHA, UN WOMEN, WFP, WHO, UNHRC

So thank you very much for staying with us. Let's continue the regular briefing of the information service here in Geneva. We have an extremely long briefing today and an important one with many, many important topics. So I'd like to go straight to James. James is in Goma on the go. We hope the connection will be good. And he has a terrible story to tell. So I'll give him the floor straight away, and then we will go to an interagency briefing on the two-year mark of the Sudan war. James.

Alexandra, thanks so much. Bonjour à tous. Violence against children is defining the conflict in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Initial reports show that thousands of children have been subjected to rape and sexual violence in just two months, as communities are ripped apart by conflict and attacks on children. the rate of sexual violence against children has never been higher. Early reports show that children make up between 35 to 45% of the nearly 10,000 cases of rape and sexual violence reported to protection actors in just January and February of this year. In short, based on initial data from these GBV actors in the east of the DRC, During the most intense phase of this year's conflict in eastern DRC, a child was raped every 30 minutes. We're not talking about isolated incidents. We are talking about a systematic crisis. We are seeing survivors as young as toddlers. It's a weapon of war and a deliberate tactic of terror, and it destroys families and communities. Now, the fact that this may just be the tip of the iceberg, hidden beneath layers of fear and stigma and insecurity, should shake us to the core. Certainly, it should compel urgent action and collective action. Now, what should that action look like? Okay. We need additional prevention efforts, survivor-centered services, and safe, accessible ways for survivors to report abuse without fear. Survivors must see the world stand with them, not turn away, and perpetrators must face justice. Now, as with all prevention efforts, funding is key, and the children of the DRC have not been spared from the consequences of the global funding crisis. In just one of the hospitals I visited, 127 survivors of rape had no access to the post-exposure prophylaxis kits. That is a direct consequence of rapid funding cuts. These girls and women are enduring the most unimaginable horrors, and they are no longer getting even the most basic medical care that they need. And so, the story that a brave little 13-year-old girl shared with me, 13, of her rape, of not understanding how she could be pregnant, of having a caesarean because of her tiny body, That story will be repeated time and again. In her own words, "I am a girl." able to fill the funding gap left after programs were terminated.

James, sorry, the last sentence you've been cut, sorry. You said the story is, "I'm a girl," and then you were cut, sorry.

No, thank you. Little girl, it was of her rape, of not understanding how she could be pregnant, and having to have a caesarean because her body is so tiny. That story without funding, without the prophylaxis kits, will be repeated time and again. In this little girl's own words, "I am a girl. I don't know how to be a mother." Now, if UNICEF is unable to fulfill the funding gap left after programs were terminated for key humanitarian services, a quarter of a million children here will miss out on vital services for gender-based violence and protection. We have 12 weeks. And of course, the funding crisis goes beyond supporting children who are survivors of grave violation and at risk of recruitment into armed groups. How bad will it get for children in the DRC? Without funding in 2026 alone, our projections are that 100,000 girls and boys will miss out on measles vaccinations. Almost 2 million will not be screened for malnutrition. Almost half a million will be left without safe water. The dire numbers, they go on and on. across DRC, across the world. But these aren't just numbers. Behind everyone is a child. It's a scared, hungry, vulnerable child and a family, a community doing everything they possibly can to keep that child alive. The point is, the cost of inaction is not abstract. It's measured in preventable suffering and lost futures. Safeguarding services, of course, is doubly important in the DRC as humanitarian funding has strengthened health systems. All those hard-earned gains, child and maternal mortality, malnutrition prevented, immunization coverage, access to education, birth registration, they are all now at risk of unraveling. And of course, in our deeply interconnected world, such consequences, they're not going to remain confined to borders. The DRC has been the epicentre of several outbreaks with global implications: Ebola, cholera, mpox. Let me close with what gives me hope. The children, the social workers, the youth, the health workers I met in the DRC. I met with dozens of volunteers. They're bright, they're relentless. They mobilize communities to go to vaccinations. They get online to dismantle dangerous fake news, even when platforms roll back efforts to protect the truth. The health staff. The health staff who stayed with survivors of violence and with mpox patients, even as chaos spreads, prisons empty, and police disappeared. The skilled and compassionate social workers rooted in the community who are the backbone of UNICEF's response. Day by day, they accompany survivors, stitching together safety, dignity, and justice. They guide child rape survivors from trauma to healing with unwavering care. And of course, the survivors of rape, the children, refusing silence, telling me plainly, if we stay quiet about rape, there is no justice and we don't heal. What they all need, health workers, social workers, children, is one thing.

It's opportunity.

That's the spark. But for opportunity to light real change, it has to come with peace and it has to come with funding. Thank you.

Ms. James, thank you for this briefing and atrocious numbers. I mean, I think it's more than heartbreaking. It's unacceptable. Thank you for this. I'm seeing already in the chat people are asking if you can send your notes, because you've given also numbers and this atrocious figure of one child raped every 30 minutes in DRC. I'll open the floor to questions. Catherine.

Yes, good morning. Hello, James. I have a question regarding the place you are, and if I'm not mistaken, you're in Goma.

That's right.

How did you get there? How is it – how are you working there? Because as far as – if I'm not mistaken, This city and the region are occupied by M23 forces and militaries from Rwanda. So how do you manage to work? And if you could tell us a little bit more about the way you got there, because if I’m not mistaken, the airport is closed, or did you go through Kigali and then took the road? Thank you so much.

Hi there. Good morning. Thank you. Yeah, for me, yes, Kigali and by road. Most of your question is so important, though, in terms of how the suppliers get here, and that's what's even more critical. These crises are colliding. If we go back to January, in terms of mpox, nutritional crises, crises around water, and then all of a sudden on top of that, you have the violence of late January, the insecurity of now, and an unprecedented funding crisis. That's what UNICEF, that's what our partners, other agencies, that's what health workers, mums, and children are facing. The airport.

James, sorry, you were cut again. Can you repeat your last sentence? Sorry. We knew it would be difficult. Just the last sentence, please.

Of course, sorry. Supplies is the critical one. How do they get here? It's more expensive, it's more difficult. So we have a funding crisis and we have a greater cost of supplies. Now, let's be clear, we are very, very grateful for partners like CDA and Echo and FCDO who are trying to step in. But right now, the gaps in funding are life-threatening, and you are right to point out the difficulty of reaching. Yes, I'm in Goma, I've been in Kivu, so north and south of Lake Kivu. It's a very difficult place for partners to work. As I say, I met many health staff whose family left and who stay. And at nighttime, there are no police. The prisons are empty. There is no one on the streets. I spoke to a child psychologist herself who spends every day talking to child rape survivors, who has had her own home broken into. These are the people that funding supports, and I think that's the message we're trying to show, that this is not about handouts. This is about those people who stay behind. This is about how we as an international community will be remembered. This is not about charity. It's about principle, and it's about the progress. These people are not looking for handouts. They are looking for assistance. As a health worker said to me at an mpox clinic, "Look, I will keep coming here, and they've strengthened their system. I will keep coming, but I cannot do this without vaccines. I met a sweet little 12-year-old boy in an mpox clinic. Imagine the fear of these children. They don't know the disease. The burning sensation is intense and horrific. He's meeting everyone in that suit. And this little boy, though, he's going home because of the care he got, because of the vaccines, because of the donor support. So much of that donor support was from the United States. Because of that, this little boy, having been through so much, had a twinkle in his eye. He was going home. That's not going to be the case when these clinics run out of vaccines and the medical supplies they need for mpox.

Thank you very much. Isabel Sacco.

Good morning. Thank you very much, James, for this briefing from Goma. I would like to know if these cases of rape and sexual violence against children are concentrated in... I would like you to identify in which regions are these cases concentrated. And also, if you can talk a little bit more of what are these prophylaxis kits, you know, to make people understand what we are talking about. Why are they so important? In what terms are no longer available, as you said? And you mentioned these cases of that 127 children that don't have access, but I suppose the problem is larger than that? If you can just explain a little more about this. Thank you.

Yes, sorry. I just lost the last bit when you said 127.

Yeah, you mentioned that about the Global CAT, for example, that you visited a clinic where you, this is what I wrote, but you met, well, in this clinic, there is more than 100, 127 victims that don't have access to this exposure prophylaxis kits or some, yes, exactly. So what is, why this is so important? And also, How is the situation now? Is this situation, I mean, I don't know how to say, but getting better? You know, there is now that these rebel forces are in control of the places, the things are more stable in some way for civilians, I mean.

Thanks, Isabelle. Okay, so yes, all the data I've been sharing with you, all the initial reports are coming from the east, so the east of the DRC, where the violence broke out again in late January. The prophylactics kits are so important because they're used to prevent HIV infection after potential exposure, so after a rape. So they are just a fundamental kit as part of that recovery for the horrors that these children endure. Just on that, and they are, it is very It's very hard to explain how brave these children, and they are children, as they tell their stories. At one point when I spoke with them, I was in a room, and the room went completely dark because of the power cut out. And so all I could hear was their voices. And they were just the voices of little girls. That's who this is happening to. So the prophylactic kits are a very important part to try and start their recovery. This child psychologist at UNICEF trains are heaven-sent, extraordinary people. Are things getting better? Look, there is a great degree of uncertainty here. You've had hundreds of thousands of people displaced. They're already on the margins. When we say people have nothing, we refer to, you know, as I see many times at Gogo, a grandmother with her hands out who's clearly emaciated, looking for food. They have nothing. And then they were displaced, and they return home to find their home occupied or burnt down or their crops destroyed. Or if they are to start again, the insecurity is a means, how do they start again? Do they know that in three months that they'll be able to continue with a crop? So that level of insecurity, because of the ferocity of what people endured, is very, very real. That's the environment my colleagues work in. That's the environment our partners work in there. We are very much a stay and deliver. But as so many doctors and psychologists told me, we will stay and deliver, but we have to be able to deliver with the medicines, the care, the nutritional supplies, the water. that these children we serve need. That's the complication, the crisis we've never seen before. Brave people in an active conflict with a disease outbreak and suddenly a funding crisis that is very much new terrain for the DRC and for many other countries.

James, thank you so much. Thanks for being with us in conditions that we know are not easy. And thanks for bringing this atrocious story. We need to talk about this, really. Good luck with your work and stay safe. And I’d like now to move to the next big topic on our agenda. As you all know, we are approaching the third year of the other terrible conflict in Sudan, and we really want to speak out on this. dire anniversary. We have with us a series of colleagues. We will listen to all of them, and then I will open the floor to questions. We will have Jens for OCHA telling us about the overall situation, then human rights here with Ravina. And I don’t know if you received the update, but we also have Lee Fung, who is the representative of the OHCHR in Sudan. And Sophia Kalthoff that, as you know, is here normally. She's the director of the UN Women office here in Geneva, but at the moment, she is reaching out by Zoom to tell us about women and girls in Sudan. Lennie Kingsley from Nairobi to tell us about the food situation. Then we have Margaret with Dr. Shibley Sahbani, who will tell us about the health situation, and Olga on the situation of refugees. So let's start this. I'd like to ask everybody to be brief, if possible, so that we have time for questions. Jens.

Thank you, Alessandra. Good morning, everyone. It is a lot of briefers, so we will be as short as we possibly can. Let me start with some overall numbers and messages from our side. As the fighting in Sudan enters a third year with no viable peace in sight, the Sudanese are trapped in a humanitarian crisis of industrial proportions. Two out of three people need aid. That's 30 million people. Civilians and aid workers are killed with impunity. Sexual violence is rampant. The health system is in tatters, famine has taken hold in several places, and the entire region is struggling with the influx of millions of refugees. In hard numbers, here's where we're at: More than 12 million people have been displaced. 25 million are acutely hungry. 40% of the population need urgent health assistance. Most of Sudan is ravaged by various diseases, and at least 84 aid workers have been killed trying to address these needs. This, of course, demands a massive ramp-up of international support. What we see instead is donors pulling back funding across the world. If you are looking for an example of where these deep funding cuts hurt people most, keep eyes on Sudan. We know how to stem the suffering, though. But the parties to the conflict and the rest of the world need to show the will. Attacks on civilians must cease immediately. Perpetrators of violations of international law must face justice. Conflict parties must ensure safe and predictable access to all people in need. Local organizations, the implementers on the ground, need to be protected and supported. Member States must bring real pressure on the parties to reach an immediate cessation of hostilities and work towards a lasting peace. And for as long as that is not achieved, we call on donors to get behind our response, which provides a protective shield against other devastation for millions of people. Thank you.

Thank you very much, Jan Slevin.

As set out so starkly, the catastrophic cost of inaction is unbearably clear as the conflict in Sudan approaches its third year. Warring parties in Sudan are overseeing a wholesale assault on human rights amid global inaction. As hostilities have expanded in reach and intensity over the past year, the lives and hopes of so many Sudanese have been uprooted and caught in a mire of death, deprivation, and suffering. Two years of this brutal and senseless conflict must be a wake-up call to the parties to lay down their weapons and for the international community to act. The sustained conflict is not merely a power struggle. It is significantly influenced by economic and business interests of national and international actors in key sectors, such as gold and agricultural commodities. Revenue generated from international trade in Sudan’s gold, gum arabic, and livestock has become the financial backbone of the war economy. Proliferation of arms and continued weapon supplies, including to the Western Darfur region where a UN Security Council arms embargo is in place, are also compounding the fighting, enabling violations of international law, and undermining peace efforts. All those involved in facilitating the transfer of arms and military material to Darfur must stop, in compliance with the embargo. We call again for the arms embargo to be expanded to cover the whole of Sudan. Sexual violence remains pervasive across Sudan. Women and girls have been raped, gang-raped, sexually exploited, and abducted for sex on a large scale since the conflict began. The head of our Sudan office will brief you on this issue based on our interviews with victims, and she will also speak to you on the heightened concerns for civilians in North Darfur State in Khartoum and growing concerns about expansion to new areas. Over to Li Fong, please.

Good morning.

Yeah, go ahead. We can hear you.

I hope you can hear me. The second anniversary of the conflict in Sudan comes amid serious concerns for the protection of civilians in various parts of the country as hostilities intensify and expand. In and around El Fashir, the RSF has tightened its long-standing siege, worsening the already dire humanitarian situation, amid fears of an imminent major offensive. Just yesterday, the RSF launched an attack on Umm Kadada locality in west, to the west of El Fasha and heavy artillery shelling on Abu Shok IDP camp, killing at least 10 civilians. This comes as civilians in El Fasha have been, and surrounding IDP camps, have been urged to leave by the RSF and allied groups. There are also growing concerns about the hostilities escalating and expanding to new areas, including in Kordofan, Blue Nile, and Northern State, and the devastating impact for the civilian population who have already endured two years of conflict. The conflict continues to be marked by complete disregard for the laws of war and for international human rights law. with persistent attacks on populated areas and critical civilian infrastructure, such as health facilities, power plants, and water stations, and obstruction of humanitarian assistance. Retaliatory attacks and summary killings of people suspected of collaborating with opposing forces remain a serious concern. Such attacks, which are often ethnically motivated, have continued unabated. banned by hate speech and incitement to violence, particularly on social media. As UN human rights reported last week, in the aftermath of the recapture of Khartoum by the Sudanese armed forces, civilians have been brutally killed on suspicions that they were collaborating with Rapid Support Forces. Our team has documented the extrajudicial killing of close to 100 civilians, but actual numbers are likely higher. One woman, who was stopped by SAF-affiliated militia as she was fleeing Khartoum, had said, “Please don’t kill us based on our identity. We are not the enemy.” In Darfur, recently, our team traveled to eastern Chad and gathered over 160 testimonies from men, women, boys, and girls who had fled the conflict and violence in North and West Darfur. The horrific violations and abuses, which we have documented through interviews since 2023, continue unabated. Victims and witnesses recounted to us ethnically targeted attacks by the RSF on villages in North and West Darfur, based on the ethnicity of the inhabitants, and extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary detention, and torture. The accounts of sexual violence and patterns of rape and gang rape were particularly horrific. Numerous survivors of violence in West Darfur in 2023 had only been able to flee recently, as they had been held by the RSF in conditions amounting to sexual slavery. One survivor recounted that she was told, "We are your men now," before RSF fighters raped her in front of her children. The brutal conflict must end. The people of Sudan deserve better and aspire to a future where the human rights of all are protected and upheld. Thank you.

Thank you very much, Lifung. And as you were speaking about the situation of women and girls, let me go to Sofia Kalthrop. Sofia, can you tell us where you are at the moment and what is the situation of women and girls that you're seeing?

Thank you very much, Alessandra. I'm actually on my way to Sudan, and I will land in Port Sudan tomorrow morning very much to talk to the women and girls that we have also heard from OHCHR are bearing the very brunt of this conflict, and I look forward to come back to you from Port Sudan. So as we have heard, almost two years ago, on April 15, the conflict in Sudan ignited a crisis that is now labeled the worst humanitarian emergency in the world for women and girls. And since then, the toll on their lives, livelihoods, and their dignity has intensified beyond measure, and women and girls are now once again suffering the worst of the consequences. Today, there are more than 6 million displaced Sudanese women and girls, and they face daily threats to their safety and basic survival, as we have heard from my colleagues. And in just two years, the number of people at risk of gender-based violence, including sexual violence, has tripled and now is over 12 million. Those statistics, as shocking as they are, are only a scratch on the surface. Many survivors of conflict-related sexual violence never report their experiences for fear of stigma and retaliation. The weaponization of sexual violence against women and girls in Sudan, it must stop, and perpetrators must face justice. And we are working together with OHCHR and others to work towards that. As half of the country's population already face hunger and the food security crisis increasingly worsen, women are especially vulnerable, often being the last one to eat because of social norms. that make them more vulnerable and their more limited financial resources and social support. With 80% of hospitals in conflict areas not functioning, maternal deaths have risen alarmingly, and 80% of the displaced women and girls in Sudan lack access to clean water. These numbers, they are not just statistics. They are stories of profound suffering and urgent need of each and every woman, as we have heard. And that is why I am, as said, on my way to Sudan in the coming days to hear from the Sudanese women who have displayed extraordinary resilience in those difficult circumstances. The Sudanese women, they have stepped forward as frontline responders, as peacebuilders, and as advocates for their communities, despite being excluded from the initial peace negotiations. Amplifying women's voices in every peace negotiation and in every humanitarian decision-making space is an imperative for a just and lasting peace and for effective and principled humanitarian action. Over the past two years, UN Women has partnered with more than 60 women-led organizations all over Sudan to reach over 15,000 women in some of the country's most affected, most hard-to-reach areas, providing access to safe shelter, to mental health care, and to legal aid, while also gaining access to key spaces to have their voices heard in local and international arenas. Yet the needs are vast, and as Jens said, more funding is crucial to support women and girls of Sudan. So as the conflict now reaches its two-year mark, we renew our hope for its end to come, as well as the immediate cessation of all forms of gender-based violence, including sexual violence. So, Sudan's ongoing transition remains very complex, but recent efforts by the government to restore security in parts of the country, including Khartoum, demonstrate slight potential for progress. And moving forward, it is imperative to bolster this gain by safeguarding human rights and prioritizing the prevention of all form abuse, particularly against women and girls, in both return and IDP areas. Sudanese women and girls, they deserve so much more than survival. They deserve the dignity, the resources, and the opportunities to rebuild their lives and their nation. When women are centered in recovery and peacebuilding, the entire communities heal. So for us, let us now see how we can support the women and girls in Sudan in this very crucial moment. Thank you very much, Alessandra, and over to you.

Thank you very much, Sofia, and all the best for your trip. You have spoken about the situation of food. And we'll hear more of this by Lenny Kinsley, whom you have already heard from, and who's the WFP communication officer for Sudan. She's calling in from Nairobi. Lenny, thanks for being with us. Go ahead.

Thank you for having me. Two years ago, even before the war started in Sudan, WFP was warning about record levels of hunger across the country. No one could then imagine what was about to happen to millions of Sudanese. After just a month of war, hunger in Sudan hit yet another record high. A year later, WFP's executive director warned that Sudan risked becoming the world's largest hunger crisis. Then, famine was confirmed in August last year in Zamzam Camp. and a few months later, spread to nine more locations. Each time, WFP's worst fears have been confirmed, as fighting has escalated and the humanitarian response has been repeatedly undermined by intentional obstruction by the parties to the conflict. Today, 25 million people, or one in two Sudanese, cannot put food on their plates. Two years of war has turned Sudan into the world's largest hunger catastrophe, and famine is spreading. Since the conflict started, WFP has provided food and nutrition aid to nearly 13 million people across all states of Sudan. We launched a major surge in food aid late last year and have made breakthroughs in delivering food or cash assistance to areas that had been largely cut off, including in Greater Khartoum, Jazirah State, Darfur, and the Kordofan regions, some of which had not received any food since the start of the war. We are now providing food and nutrition assistance to over 3 million people each month, and are pushing to expand this to 7 million people on a monthly basis. WFP assistance helped to reduce the risk of famine in six areas in Central Darfur and two areas in West Darfur. where nearly 1 million people have received regular WFP food or cash aid since June 2024. But the gains are fragile, and they are just a fraction of the needs. I have seen firsthand what food assistance means for families on a recent trip to Eastern Sudan. It means that a father who has been torn from his home in Khartoum can feed his family of four. It means that a mother in an IDP camp in Kassala can cook a simple meal for her young daughters, and so that they don't fall into malnutrition. These food supplies are not just cooking ingredients. They are giving families hope that they can overcome the worst impacts of this horrific conflict. Once again, we find ourselves at a tipping point. The rains, which start in June, will make many routes impassable. So we are yet again in a race against time to pre-position food assistance close to populations in need. We urgently need two things to be able to do this. The first is access. We need to be able to quickly move humanitarian assistance to where it is needed, including through front lines, across borders, and within contested areas, without lengthy bureaucratic processes or clearance procedures. The second thing we need is funding. For the next six months, we require 650 million US dollars to reach the 7 million people per month that we are planning to reach. Without swift action, WFP is warning that millions of vulnerable people could be cut off from lifesaving aid, placing fragile humanitarian gains at serious risk. Thank you for having me.

Lenny, thank you for briefing us and appeal heard. And as you spoke about food, we also heard about the vulnerable conditions of health, of the health system. their beneficiaries. So I'll go to Dr. Shibley Sabani, who is calling in from Cairo and who's the WHO representative in Sudan. Doctor, you have the floor.

Dr. Shibley Sabani: Merci, Alessandra. Good morning, colleagues, friends. Yes, as my colleague said, a two-year war in Sudan has plunged the country into a humanitarian crisis of epic proportions. marked by violence, displacement, hunger, but also diseases and deaths, which makes Sudan crisis also a health crisis. So 20.3 million people, which is over 40% of the population of Sudan, require urgent health assistance. The health system is devastated, leaving millions without healthcare. Two-thirds of Sudan 18 states, they report at least two concomitant disease outbreaks. As you know, Sudan is facing five disease outbreaks, including malaria, dengue, measles, and cholera. The latter, cholera, took already over 1,500 lives. Malnutrition is widespread, with 3.7 million people in need of nutrition interventions. In Darfur, As my colleague from UN Women referred to, the lack of access to emergency obstetric care and sexual reproductive health. So in Darfur, over 2.5 million displaced women and girls have no access to basic reproductive health services, including emergency obstetric care. Myself, I've been to many places hosting refugees and IDPs. I mean, in South Sudan, in Abyei box, in Chad, but also in many states within the country which are hosting IDPs. And when we talk to people, we ask them the reason for displacement, they will tell you three things: safety, food, and access to healthcare. So yes, In addition of being a famine crisis, Sudan is also a protection and health crisis. So at the same time, attacks on healthcare are on the rise. In the past two years, WHO has verified 156 attacks on health, causing more than 300 deaths and over 270 injuries among either patients or healthcare workforce. Data from seven states reveals that 62% of the facilities are partially functional, and the remaining 38% are not functional at all. And access to funding is more challenging now than ever. So we at WHO are determined to continue working to improve health access to Sudan's people with our assistance over the last two years. We provided over 1 million people with treatments in hospitals, primary health care, mobile clinics. 11.5 million children have been vaccinated for polio and measles. Over 75,000 of severely acute malnourished children had access to treatment for medical complications of malnutrition. Over 12 million people have received cholera vaccines. And just as a reminder, Sudan was the first country to introduce also the malaria vaccine in the EMRO region. And we provided over 2,250 metric tons of critical medical supplies. So WHO must continue to implement its operations, including in the new accessible areas. And here I'm talking about Jazira, Wad Madani, Khartoum, and very soon, most likely, Omdurman. But to be able to do so, we need more funding. The recent funding cuts have severely affected our operations. So half of the 9.3 million people targeted by the health cluster for 2025 will be affected, and services at 335 health facilities will be reduced. So we call on our partners to continue their support to WHO, and I'm currently here in Cairo where I've met with major partners for health, mainly on the development side, but the humanitarian needs are growing, and as we access more areas that were hard to reach in the past, we discover that the needs are even greater than what was expected. Thank you very much.

Sorry, merci beaucoup. Thank you, Dr. Sabhani. And definitely not least but last, I go to Olga for an update on the record displacement of people.

Ms. So as we are hearing, two years since the start of the war in Sudan, the news remains exceedingly grim. The world’s most damaging displacement crisis is now happening amidst the worst humanitarian funding crisis in decades. The brutal conflict, which shows little sign of abating, has caused a colossal trail of suffering, with families torn apart, clouding the future of millions, and endangering regional stability. As displacement soars, the needs are more urgent today than ever. Nearly 13 million people have fled their homes to date, with almost 4 million crossing into neighboring countries. Displacement continued to grow in the second year of the conflict, with over 1 million people fleeing Sudan. New arrivals report witnessing mass killings, as well as experiencing systematic sexual violence and other human rights violations. Half are children, including thousands without family. Sudan is now the country with the largest number of its people displaced as refugees in Africa. The recent end to fighting in Khartoum has offered an opportunity to reach refugees and displaced people who had been largely cut off from aid for two years. Thousands of people have started to return to Khartoum, as well as other major urban centers in Omdurman, Wad Madani, and Jazira State, but these numbers remain relatively slim compared to the millions still displaced. As the conflict and displacement have intensified, funding has lagged. Funding for the Regional Refugee Response Plan is now less than 10% of what is needed, making it impossible to cover the most basic needs. The latest global cuts in humanitarian funding have put critical programs at risk, with teams forced to make unreasonable choices and refugees being left to resort to harmful strategies to meet their basic needs. Inside Sudan, reduced funding will cut access to clean water for at least half a million displaced people, significantly increasing risks of cholera and other waterborne diseases. Lack of funding is also hindering the ability to move new arrivals to safer areas, away from overcrowded transit centers at the borders in places like South Sudan and Chad. It's also putting immense pressure on education systems. With less teachers and less classrooms, for many young girls, this will mean increased risks of early marriage, and for boys, it means pressure to work or attempt unsafe onward movements. Across all hosting countries, safe spaces have been closed and social workers discontinued, leaving tens of thousands of women and girls without counseling, health care, and vital support. The lack of peace, sustained aid, and opportunities in asylum countries are also driving more and more people to seek safety far beyond Sudan's borders. Over 70,000 Sudanese refugees have arrived in Uganda, and others continue to attempt dangerous crossings to reach Europe. While the number of Sudanese arriving in Europe remains low, arrivals increased by 38% year on year in the first two months of 2025. We fear many more will have little choice but to join them. Despite the constraints, neighboring countries continue to keep their borders open, sharing the limited resources they have, and frontline humanitarian interventions by UNHCR and others are ongoing. But with conflict lines shifting, people constantly on the move, and resources running dry, hope is fading. A political solution for peace in Sudan is needed now more than ever.

Thank you very much for this briefing, which concludes this list of intervention, and I would like now to open the floor to questions to any colleague on this dire situation. I’ll start with Olivia. Maybe say to whom you want to ask your question. Thank you. Sorry for the colleagues on the field. Olivia Podvin is our correspondent of Reuters.

Thank you, everybody, for this very hard but important briefing today. Actually, Olga, I'll just start with you, if I may. Your point there about the number of people being forced to look at dangerous routes, namely to Europe, and the increase that you're observing there. Are you worried that amidst funding cuts and difficulties to meet the basic needs of people, that might encourage more people to make that very difficult choice to move out of Sudan, but even to move out of the region and over to Europe? And also just in terms of, you're saying there about the funding cuts, if I could just get a level of detail when we're saying about kind of basic needs, like what is that? Is that, you know, food, water, social support? Thank you. And just your level of concern, therefore, in regard to that. Thank you.

So So, yeah, we are extremely concerned that this is something that we are going to be seeing increasing, people just looking for the basic protection elsewhere. The majority of the Sudanese refugees are in neighboring countries, and this is what we see globally as well in any refugee situation. They want to stay the closest they can to home. Many of them, they are still living, even two years later, near to the border, just because they want to go back as soon as they can. But it is true that For instance, some of our data shows that 28% of our registration data, 28% of those Sudanese refugees have secondary level education or university studies. This is much higher than before the war. The Sudanese refugees that were outside the country before the war, only 8% of them had that level of education. So it's very difficult for a population as such to continue living just in makeshift shelters, just depending on humanitarian aid without much opportunities in their future. So we are seeing these figures increasing. We saw them since the beginning, increasing movements from South Sudan then towards Uganda. So the numbers in Uganda are quite large, but we are starting to see also movements from Chad into Libya. And as I mentioned, even if the numbers continue really, really small, I think it's about 2% of the arrivals into Europe are Sudanese nationals, we are seeing an increase in the beginning of the year. So, of course, it's a concern, but it's a concern that with humanitarian aid in the countries where they are can be sustained, because that's what people want. And we saw it in 2015. We saw it with the Syrian crisis. There was a reduction on assistance at the time, and it was part of the reasons why we saw then this movement towards Europe. So yes, indeed, it's a concern, and especially the uncertainty that it's bringing to the refugees, the whole discussion and debate and the reality of seeing that humanitarian aid is drying up, that we cannot do enough. a huge concern. In terms of the basic needs, it's, I mean, there's food, there's lack of access to water, there's lack of access especially to relocation from, as I was mentioning, from border areas where there are very limited centers, to refugee sites that have, that are more established, that they have better healthcare systems, that they have better water systems. So that relocation is extremely tough. But like one of the biggest worries that we have is that we are seeing a reduction of partners on the ground, of social workers, a reduction of our staff also on the ground will mean that there is less people to just accompany refugees through this period in exile. Sometimes just having someone listening to you, to your needs, it already provides some kind of and some sort of respite. And that probably will not be longer, will no longer be there or at the same level as it is now. So that's why peace is needed, first of all, so people can go back home, but also increased funding. It was already, the Sudan situation was already underfunded in the previous years, but the current humanitarian aid breakdown is just putting things in a much difficult state at the moment.

Thank you very much, Olga, for this answer. Other questions in the room? Don't see any hand up. On the platform, neither. So, well, thank you very much. I see we've been extremely comprehensive with our briefing. We hope also to expect also a statement from the Secretary General that we will send you as soon as possible. And we really hope that you will bring your attention to this anniversary in the next days. It’s very important to underline it. So I’d like to thank Jens and all our colleagues in the field for having briefed us, and ask maybe Margaret And, Olga, you come back afterwards for Syria. And Ravina, to stay on the podium while we are going to our next subject, which is Gaza. And on Gaza, where also the situation is extremely dire, from Gaza, we will hear from WHO, Dr. Rick Papacorn, and from Ravina on the situation of the transfer of Palestinians. Maybe I'll start with you, Ravina, and then we will go to Rick. And then I’ll open the floor to questions. Thank you. And maybe in the meantime, we can connect to Rick.

Thank you. You have already received quite a detailed press briefing note by e-mail from the office, so I won’t go into all of the details, but I’ll read out some of the points from there. The increasing issuance by Israeli forces of evacuation orders, which are in effect displacement orders, have resulted in the forcible transfer of Palestinians in Gaza into ever-shrinking spaces, where they have little or no access to life-saving services, including water, food, and shelter, and where they continue to be subjected to attacks. While Israel, as an occupying power, can lawfully order the temporary evacuations of civilians in certain areas under strict conditions, the nature and scope of the evacuation orders raises serious concerns that Israel intends permanently to remove the civilian population from these areas in order to create a so-called buffer zone. Permanently displacing the civilian population within occupied territory amounts to forcible transfer, which is a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention and a crime against humanity. Meanwhile, Israeli military strikes continue across Gaza, leaving nowhere safe. Between the 18th of March and the 9th of April this year, there were some 224 incidents of Israeli strikes on residential buildings and tents for internally displaced people. In some 36 strikes about which we were able to corroborate information, the fatalities recorded were only women and children so far. Compounding this alarming trend is the targeting and killing of Palestinian journalists. Since October 2023, over 209 journalists have been killed in Gaza while Israel continues to deny access to international media. These and other attacks raise serious questions about Israeli forces’ compliance with international humanitarian law, particularly the principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution in attack. Intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking a direct part in hostilities constitutes a war crime. Further compounding the desperate conditions for Palestinian civilians, Israel’s closure of crossings into the Gaza Strip has entered its sixth week, preventing the entry of food, safe drinking water, medicines, and other essential aid or supplies. Israeli officials have made statements suggesting that the entry of humanitarian aid is directly linked to the release of hostages. This raises serious concerns about collective punishment and the use of starvation of the civilian population as a method of war, both of which constitute crimes against international law. In light of the cumulative impact of Israeli forces’ conduct in Gaza, the Office is seriously concerned that Israel appears to be inflicting on Palestinians in Gaza conditions of life increasingly incompatible with their continued existence as a group in Gaza. Protests by Palestinians against Hamas, in exercise of their rights to peaceful assembly and expression under international law, have also been repressed by force, with harsh retribution exacted against a number of individuals. The despair of Palestinians, under assault from outside as well as under such pressure within, knows no bounds. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk has stressed, including before the UN Security Council last week, that the last 18 months of violence have made this abundantly clear: there is no military path out of this crisis. All parties must be entirely focused on achieving a ceasefire rather than seeking to justify the prolongation of this senseless violence. The only way forward is a political settlement based on two states living side by side in equal dignity and rights, in line with UN resolutions and international law. All hostages must be released immediately and unconditionally. All those arbitrarily detained must also be released.

Ravina, thank you very much for this important update. I hope Rick is connected. I saw his name on the list. Rick, are you there?

Yes, I can hear you. Can you hear me?

Yes, please go ahead with brief remarks and we'll open the floor to questions.

Thank you very much. And good morning to all of you. Greetings from Jerusalem. So first of all, the aid blockade is challenging WHO's ability to keep hospitals partially or even minimal operations. The WHO stocks of medicines, supplies, and equipment are running critically low, making it challenging to keep these hospital supplies amid rising violence. Just to mention something, we are critically low in our three warehouses, two in Deir Balah and Yunis, and one in Gaza, on antibiotics, IV fluids, blood units, insulin, high blood pressure, inhalers, catheters, surgical airways, but also hygiene products or medicine for cancer and autoimmune conditions, and assistive devices, wheelchairs, et cetera, blood transfusion supplies, et cetera. But we are completely, the WHO I was completely run out of therapeutic milk, intravenous antibiotics to treat severe infections, orthopedic consumables as external fixators, which are very much needed, which specifically in all the trauma patients, we are currently seeing again. Painkillers, antihypertensive drugs, insulin, and spare parts for ambulance and oxygen stations. The Ministry of Health, They report themselves almost 40% of their essential medicines are at zero stock in their central drugstore, and almost 60% of the medical disposables items are reported as zero stock at a central medical store. So we are ready, I just want to mention that, ready to move supplies to Gaza, and around 158 metric tons worth 2.3 million are piling up at Al Arish and at the Dubai hub. Another 36 metric tons of supplies have arrived at the Dubai hub, waiting for the opening of the humanitarian corridors before they get sent to Gaza. It also delays, I mean, like we know that there's medicines with expiry dates, et cetera, all related to that. And due to the blockade, we had to divert another 2.2 million in health supplies to the Dubai hub. to avoid that these supplies are piling up at suppliers at the point of entry, which are currently closed. And I just want to remind as well, there is this Article 55, paragraph one of the Fourth Geneva Convention that provides an occupying power as a duty of ensuring food and medical supplies of the population. What does this mean? And what does this mean? And I think from our team on the grounds and discussing with our colleagues and the doctors, for example, in the north, and one report from a doctor in Al-Ahli hospital is very striking. First of all, hospital is overflowing. They're forced to perform surgery with questionable sterile condition due to the lack of surgical gowns, surgical drapes, gloves, et cetera. In some cases, surgery are just performed with gloves alone. We even hear that they don't change the gloves from one operation to the other operation. Well, we know what impact it's on infection prevention and control with many open wounds and the potential of infection, osteomyelitis, and then even future potentially amputation. External fixator pins, for example, being used are dull. So some of the surgeries which will take 30 minutes, they can take hours because there's pins are not working, or the drill bits have no power, or they're broken. So simple fractures often have to be fixed inadequately due to lack of resources and supplies. This will lead again to permanent disability or worse. And just to give an example, in our warehouse in the south, we do have those surgical cloths and a number of these priority medical items, but currently we are not allowed to deliver these supplies from the south to the north. So the The WHO also is supporting the deployment of EMTs, but since 18th of March, only 28 EMT staff have been able to enter Gaza, and a number of international emergency medical teams deployed has decreased from 97 to 68 due to these denials of entry into Gaza, depriving hospitals of support where they absolutely need them because the caseload is immense. Medevac, medical evacuation, extremely slow. Only one of the 21 people, including 73 children, have been medical evacuated through Keret Shalom since the latest Rafah closure on 18 March. Two days ago, 9 April, WHO supported and evacuated 80 patients and 29 companions. And with the Rafah crossing closed, And daily medical evacuations standing, far too few patients are able to leave Gaza for urgent care they desperately need. And we've raised this many time between 10 and 12,000 patients in Gaza still need medical evacuation. And we urgently call for immediate resumption of medical evacuation through all possible routes, particularly restoring the medical referral passway to the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Our current access and movement are once again shrinking, not just from WHO, from all UN, our UN partners and international NGOs. So all missions need coordination, restricting our ability to move and reach hospitals. Today, for example, the mission to Indonesian hospital was denied. I mentioned already that currently we are still not allowed to transfer supplies from the south to the north. This needs to change, this need to change immediately. We are deeply concerned. My last point about the attacks on health. Recently, we've seen 15 health workers, including eight Palestinian Red Crescent colleagues, killed in Rafah. One of the PRCS staff was part of the same team remains missing. WHO is deeply concerned about his well-being, and WHO echoes the UN call for justice and answers for an independent investigation. So the three points, what we need now most is, first, lifting of the aid blockade combined with humanitarian deliveries and movements within Gaza, all over Gaza, where it's needed, and of course, a ceasefire. Over to you.

Rik, thank you very much for this update. I'll open the floor to questions now. in the room? Yes, Mohamed. Another one.

Thank you, Alessandra. My question for Ravina. Ravina, thank you for this briefing. My question will be about the city of Rafah. You already mentioned in your speech. Israeli Defense Minister Katz announced that they will occupy the Rafah and expel the population from here, and turn this city into a buffer zone. My question is: What will be the consequence of such a plan being implemented? Can you evaluate it in a legal context? Thank you.

Thanks very much. Yes, we are aware of the remarks, and we're also aware of what is actually going on on the ground with some 21 evacuation orders that have been issued since the 18th of March. And let us be clear, these so-called evacuation orders are actually displacement orders, leading to displacement of the population of Gaza into ever-shrinking spaces, which essentially amounts to forcible transfer. As I said, the permanently displacing the civilian population within occupied territories amounts to forcible transfer, which is a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and it is a crime against humanity.

Thank you very much. John Zaroukal.

Yes, good morning. My question is to Rick. Rick, I was wondering if you can elaborate a little bit. What's the official explanation you're getting from the Israeli authorities for not allowing the medical supplies to go in? I recall for many years, we had similar situation in neighboring Syria, where supplies would be authorized and then not allowed to go through. Can you walk us through the mechanism with the Israeli authorities and what's their official explanation why they're withholding it? Thanks.

I can just tell you what's happening and with Kurt's help, currently, better what is not happening. You're all aware about aid blockade that affects all goods and supplies, which is needed. I would say food is the first item, and water, shelter, and of course, medical supplies. So nothing is going in since the 4th of March. So we, as WHO, we had, during the ceasefire, we had stocked up pretty well, both from hospitals, primary healthcare facilities, but also our warehouses. But of course, since the 4th of March, nothing comes in. And then a few days later, the hostilities resumed again. We see a mess up amount again, especially on the trauma area, et cetera. So very quickly, shortages. And I mentioned all the shortages quite specifically, they come up both for WHO, hospital, industrial health, and other partners, and we try to code it. So now what we are currently doing is from our warehouses, which are maybe absolutely not full anymore and probably half, and if we continue like this, within a number of weeks, we will run out. But then we rationalize now and based on requests from hospitals. We rationalize the request where we bring them the essential medicine and medical supplies we have. So currently, I think it's in this also, this highly insecure environment. We focus as WHO, what we call on program criticality, actually the UN in general, program criticality one and two activities, which is focused on saving lives, reducing morbidity. So WHO, that means delivering essential medicines and medical supplies wherever it's possible and feasible, and whatever mechanism. Two, that we help to deploy emergency medical teams who need to assist their Palestinian colleagues in these certain areas and support them. Three, internal what we call internal medevac or transfer together with PRCS, where we need to transfer sometimes patients from one hospital where they cannot get their specialized service to another one, and external medevac and coordination, as I discussed. There are, of course, constantly discussions going on on this aid blockade. But also internally, and I said that we go back to this discussion that missions have to be notified within Gaza, and we've been there before, but even if there's a war situation, that should be facilitated. So then we should have proper notification mechanism and deconfliction mechanism so that the humanitarians can do their work and they can move around whatever you call it, humanitarian corridors, missions. We did it in the past. We know all the challenges we had in the past, but even then, a lot of missions denied, delayed, et cetera, et cetera. But we have to go back. That's not, of course, I think, now we also have an aid blockade, and the aid blockade needs to be lifted. Not just from the medical supplies, I mean, think about food and water, et cetera, they're even bigger priority. So that needs to be lifted. And then we, of course, we all hope for a resurgent ceasefire, that would be the best news. But even if there's no ceasefire, there should be unitary corridors, we should get the supplies in, and we should be able to deliver wherever it's needed. Over to you.

Thank you very much, Rick. I see Satoko has a question. Ms.

Hello. Can you hear me?

Yes, go ahead. Ms.

Okay, thank you. Dr. Pibakorn, over a month ago, you talked about the first round of the polio campaign, and then you said that we should have a second round in four weeks' time. And then since there's a aid blockade and then resumption of violence, so could you tell us what happened to the polio campaign in Gaza, and then also talk about the consequences of it without, um, the polio campaign? Thank you.

Yes, thank you very much. So it's a good question. I mean, and of course, we talk about this circulating vaccine-derived poliovirus. And yeah, we should have another round, and maybe, by the way, even future rounds of polio, because sometimes it takes three to four and even five rounds to really eradicate that either from the environment. The discussion on this fourth round, they are ongoing. But in light of this incredibly unstable and volatile situation, for a proper polio campaign, and we raised this many times, you need 95% coverage. And we need a ceasefire. And for most because we need to safely, first of all, the mothers and the fathers need to be able to bring their children in safety, but also these hundreds of teams needs to move around. And secondly, I mean, like, so that's all not there at the moment. So currently, it's not possible to have a campaign like that. So we need to create the environment or the environment needs to be there that we can do it. And currently, it would also be I think a little strange that we even would try to do a polio campaign, while of course families have huge priorities when you look at food and water and everything else. So that's combination with that. Currently, it is absolutely not possible. It's definitely under discussion. It's on the agenda, et cetera. Whenever it's feasible, we will go for that. Over to you.

Thank you very much. Indeed, we will need that. Olivia.

Thank you. Rik, if I may start with you, Dr. Pepicon. You said it's hard to keep hospitals even partially operational. Could you just give some details on how and why, and perhaps just some detail on some of the very difficult choices that are having to be made now in light of medical shortages? And also a question for Ravina, mentioning there in your statement concerns about violations. Are you concerned that Israel is using tactics like blocking aid as a tactic to render Gaza unlivable for some of the inhabitants, and that could be also a tactic to try and encourage them to eventually leave if conditions were to continue and if a ceasefire were to be in place eventually? Thank you.

Thank you. Rick.

Thank you. So first, I mean, like, if you take the overview, what we say that 22 of the 36 hospitals are partially or slash minimal functional. And we have to constantly to relook at that, because some of the hospitals, which we still call partially slash minimal functional, there are in the so-called evacuation zone, for example, Indonesian hospital. That means that very few people are around Indonesian hospital, that most likely very few patients can go there, they don't get the support they need, et cetera. That also applies for the primary health care. The primary health care, we have 67 primary health care facilities out of 150 through, which are partly to minimal functional. What is currently, of course, a problem is that first, it's again very unsafe to move around. So we see a stark reduction from patient consultations. People really are afraid to go to those facilities in many cases, and they will only go there when it is absolutely needed. I had some data on that, and maybe I'll get back to that in the report, but that is an issue. And then, of course, the hospitals and also these primary healthcare facilities are running out of the most essential medications, essential medicines, but also medical supplies. And I mentioned a lot of them, where we, and WHO is the main provider of essential medicine, medical supplies, we run out of these supplies. It's worse in this hospital. And the example from Al-Ashly Hospital, I think, speaks for itself, how this war tells on the grounds. those hospitals. And we get all these horror reports of hospitals where they lack this supply and that supplies, and even some of the most basics, including, I would say, cleaning material. If you think about infection prevention and control at hospitals, it's always a huge, has been a huge issue with the whole crisis we are in for the last 16, 17 months. And that's, of course, very much increasing when there's, again, an active war going, but even more when there's an aid blockade, and nothing comes in, and we cannot resupply. And then even the last point, we currently have difficulties getting any mission approved, bringing supplies, for example, from the south where we have a bit more supplies to the north in some of these hospitals where it's most needed. Over to you.

Thanks, Olivia. What we're seeing now is a combination of several key factors affecting the population in Gaza. There is the forcible transfer of the population, there is a denial of basic needs, and there are continued military strikes hitting civilian infrastructure and civilians. So our statement today does take our concerns to a new level, that the cumulative effect of what is happening in Gaza today – the death, the destruction, the displacement, the denial of access to basic necessities within Gaza, and the repeated suggestion that Gazans should leave the territory entirely – raise real concerns as to the future viability of Palestinians as a group in Gaza. We have already reported on the degree to which the social and the cultural fabric has been deeply damaged, and a generation of children, who are, of course, the Palestinian future, has been profoundly traumatized and denied crucial years of education. The point we have reached now is a critical one, and that is the warning that we are issuing, that in light of the cumulative impact of Israeli forces' conduct in Gaza, we are seriously concerned that Israel appears to be inflicting on Palestinians in Gaza conditions of life increasingly incompatible with their continued existence as a group.

Thank you very much. Very clear. Other questions? I don't see any. So thank you very much, Rick, for being with us again for this important update. I'll ask Ravina to stay on the podium because she will have a quick update on Myanmar, and then we will go to Syria with thanks to the colleague from UNHCR who's patiently waiting. Ravina.

I’ll make this very brief. You received earlier this morning a comment on Myanmar, and our representative – the head of our Myanmar office, who’s based in Bangkok, he had briefed you last week. So we wanted to update you on that. At a moment when the sole focus should be on ensuring humanitarian aid gets to disaster zones, the military is instead continuing to launch attacks. Since the earthquake, military forces have reportedly carried out over 120 attacks. And more than half of them after their declared ceasefire was due to have gone into effect on the 2nd of April. The traditionally festive season of Thingyan and the start of the new year begins on Sunday in Myanmar, and we're calling for common efforts to assist those in the greatest need. In this spirit, we call on the military as well to announce a full amnesty for detainees it has incarcerated since February 2021. and for all and any obstacles to humanitarian assistance to be removed, for all military operations to be ceased.

Thank you very much. Yes, and I think everybody received the note. Any question on Myanmar in the room or on the platform? I don't see any. So thanks again, Ravina, for these extensive briefings and bringing your colleague to the briefing. And again, last but definitely not least, we have a colleague of UNHCR who has been patiently waiting. I'd like to welcome Celine Schmidt, who is the UNHCR spokesperson in Syria. Celine is coming to us from Damascus to tell us about the 400,000 Syrians returned and their related needs. So I'll go straight to you, Celine, if you could give us your remarks. Thanks.

Thank you very much, and good morning. Yes, indeed. So as of today, 400,000 Syrians have returned to Syria from neighboring countries since the 18th of December 2024. This means that 400,000 people have returned home. They've reunited with their families, with their neighbors, and they're rebuilding their life in Syria. But we are at a critical moment because the end of the school year this summer will be a critical moment for the return and an opportunity not to be missed. But to make these returns possible and sustainable, Syrians will need support, shelter, livelihoods, protection, legal assistance, and UNHCR has a long expertise in those areas. The risk is that without adequate funding, the projected 1.5 million returnees who are supposed to return this year will not return or will not be able to stay in Syria. UNHCR is facing severe funding cuts. We've received only a part of the amount of the money we would need to implement our programs in Syria. And without the additional funding, we will only be able to help a small amount of people who are coming back. The funding cuts are impacting our workforce, which will shrink by 30% inside Syria, and it will affect our capacity to implement our activities. Some of our critical activities will have to stop as well. For example, our community centers, out of the 122 community centers, 44% will have to be closed before the summer. And those community centers provide essential help to Syrians, not only with tonies, legal mental health support. So we need more funding. We are extremely grateful for the support of our traditional donors. We're asking them to make an extra effort, but we also need new donors to come in. So despite all these challenges, UNHCR staying, delivering in Syria, working very closely with other UN partners, and that's very important because it's our collective efforts that will help us, you know, to help Syrians who are willing to go back home to restart their life in Syria. We've also launched a new digital platform to provide updated, verified information for Syrians who are willing to go back home. So now is a critical moment, is a time to invest. in facilitating the returns of Syrians who have been waiting for this for years. It's an opportunity. We have to keep up the hope of the Syrians, and it's our collective responsibility to make it happen, to allow them to go back home where they've been waiting for sometimes 14 years.

Absolutely. I don't see hands up in the room, but we have online Moussa Assi, Al-Mayadeen TV.

Oui, vous m'entendez.

Oui, vas-y.

Oui, en français ou en anglais? Je.

Pense que Céline peut répondre en français et comme tu sais, on est bilingue ici.

Ça va très bien. Alors, je voudrais savoir combien de personnes ont quitté la Syrie après le 8 décembre? Spécialement après les événements des villes dans la côte syrienne, vous savez, les attaques contre ces villes, il y a eu beaucoup de monde qui ont quitté la Syrie, spécialement vers le Liban. Est-ce que vous avez des chiffres là-dessus? Merci.

Oui, alors il y a effectivement, vous me demandez deux chiffres. Donc tout d'abord, après le 8 décembre, Effectivement, on a une estimation de 80 000 personnes qui auraient quitté la Syrie en crainte des événements qui étaient en train de se passer. Plus récemment, suite aux événements au mois de mars dans les zones côtières, On a une estimation d'environ 30 000 personnes qui auraient quitté la Syrie pour aller au Liban. Donc voilà les estimations qu'on a en coordination avec nos collègues au Liban.

Merci Céline. D'autres questions sur la Syrie? Je n'en vois pas, donc merci beaucoup et bien noté l'appel pour les fonds. Merci Olga pour toutes les contributions au briefing d'aujourd'hui. I think that will conclude our briefing. I'm sorry, I switched to English back. There's just a reminder from WTO that they've asked me to bring to you, a reminder to attend the upcoming World Trade Organization embargoed press conference on the global trade outlook and statistics, which will take place on 16 April at 2:00 PM Geneva time. The embargo will lift at 3:00 PM Geneva time on the same day, and the press conference will feature Director-General Rangozi Ogonjo-Iweala, and Chief Economist Ralph Ossa. The event will be held in Room D of the WTO building and also available via Zoom. An embargoed copy of the report and news item will be available on the WTO online media newsroom at noon on the same day. If you wish to participate either virtually or in person, please may e-mail mediateam@wto.org or contact our colleagues. Was that a hand, Mohammed? Or you're just leaving? Okay, that makes sense. Thank you very much to everyone for having followed this very long and extremely important briefing, and I wish you a very good weekend and see you next week. Thank you.