(Day 6) General Debate - General Assembly: Plenary meeting, 81st session

The 15th plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will continue its consideration of agenda item 8, entitled General Debate. I now give the floor to His Excellency Abdoulaye Diop, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Mali.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Mr. Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honor for me to address this august assembly on behalf of His Excellency General Assimi Goita, President of the Transition and Head of State, and to deliver the statement of the Republic of Mali. Mr. President, please allow me to warmly congratulate you on your election as President of the 81st session of the General Assembly. And from the outset, I assure you of Mali's full cooperation throughout your mandate. I also would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor for the remarkable conduct of the work of the 80th session. And finally, I wish to express our sincere appreciation to Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his commitment over the past 10 years in the service of our organization and in the service of peace, development and human rights throughout the world. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, exactly 66 years ago, six days only after becoming independent and sovereign, Mali, under the leadership of President Modibo Keita, was admitted to the UN with the support of the Republic of Tunisia and of the Ceylon, currently Sri Lanka. We welcome the theme of the 81st session of the General Assembly, namely, restoring trust, supporting transformation, a United Nations organization that delivers for all. This theme is very timely and relevant. because beyond encouraging reflection on how our organization can regain credibility and effectiveness amid multiple crises and challenges to multilateralism, it especially calls on member states to restore trust and seek common solutions to the many challenges of our time. And how can this be achieved? For its part, Mali reaffirms its unwavering commitment to reformed multilateralism founded on strict respect for the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-use of force, mutual respect, and non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. The Further we move away from these principles, the closer we come to cycles of conflict. And we all know that. The blatant violations of international law, its selective application, double standards in the management of crises throughout the world, abusive recourse to force and threats, and policies of hegemony and domination, in violation of the Charter of this organization have seriously undermined public confidence throughout the world in international institutions, especially the United Nations. We therefore call for the lifting of unilateral coercive measures which undermine state sovereignty and endanger the well-being of populations in approximately 30 countries throughout the world which are affected by such sanctions. To these practices which undermine the current governance, we need to add the slowness of anticipation within the United Nations, which too often leaves the organization reduced to observing crises after they have erupted. That's the case in Israel. where for several decades we had a security crisis. Also, the crisis in Libya provoked by the NATO interference in 2011. The NATO action in Libya significantly worsened the security, political, humanitarian, and human rights situation in our region through, in particular, the spread of terrorism and violent extremism. Now, faced with this reality, it is legitimate to question the effectiveness of the tools available to our organization. It is for this reason that we welcome the strategic review of the United Nations Regional Office for West Africa and the Sahel, which should lead to an approach better aligned with the realities and concerns of the people impacted. The government of Mali reiterates its strong condemnation of international terrorism and its foreign state sponsors who finance, arm, provide logistical support, and intelligence to this organized transnational crime. Following Ukraine's initial statement in 2024 in which it acknowledged support for terrorist groups operating in the Sahel, that country publicly reiterated the highest level of state is interference in Africa and beyond our states other independent sources also corroborate these unacceptable actions by Ukraine here we have a country which claims to be protecting its territorial integrity where areas in Africa, in the Sahel, it provides clear support to terrorist groups and other harmful groups which undermine the territorial integrity of our countries. Given our history, the international community, in particular Africa, cannot just remain silent in the face of what was being done by Ukraine. It has enormous consequences for African countries and it goes beyond that. we understand very well that Ukraine is just a visible part of the iceberg which is trying to destabilize our country, to break our determination to throw off the colonial yoke. Terrorism, which is nurtured and supported from outside, does it in three ways. First, in the armed way, we know that it's attacking civilian populations, it's a security crisis. In the economic way, which impacts our countries, and through the media, notably through organized and systematic disinformation campaigns, and certain media outlets nostalgic for colonial past play a role in these. The coordinated attacks of 25th April and 4th July 2026 in several locations in Mali caused numerous casualties, and they demonstrate the existence of the dangerous connection that we become increasingly aware of. So The scenario we witnessed in 2012 is repeating itself now, with terrorist groups and so-called separatist armed groups now forming an openly terrorist coalition against Malian institutions and populations. regional and international responses, including the deployment of international forces, have failed to hold to these complex security crises and massacres affecting Sahelian populations. And that is why His Excellency Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso and President of the Confederation of Sahel States General Assimi Goita, President of Transition and Head of State of Mali. General Abdourahman Tchiani, President of the Republic of Niger and Head of State. Our three heads of state took the historic decision on 6 July 2024 in Niamey to create the Confederation of Sahel States. so as to take responsibility for the fate of our nations. And since its establishment to date, the AES confederation has achieved real and encouraging progress in various areas. I reaffirm here the determination of our three heads of state to pursue and intensify the fight against terrorism in all of its forms and manifestations. The Malian delegation, fully endorses that statement that will be delivered by his Excellency Mr. Traore, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso, on behalf of the Confederation of Sahel States, which brings together Burkina Faso, the Republic of Mali, and the Republic of Niger. Malian forces, on their own and also within the AES unified force, and with the support of the Russian Federation, are today on the front line against imposed terrorism. I would even go so far as to say it's a hybrid war by proxy, whose implications extend beyond our region. I also salute all partners who continue to support Mali and the countries of the Sahel in this difficult context. Victory against terrorism. this global existential threat requires pooling efforts and resources, but above all, it requires a shared understanding of the phenomenon of terrorism itself. Because contrary to what some would have us believe, there is no such thing as a good terrorist and a bad terrorist. The three AES member countries remain open to cooperation with all partners who respect our main principles governing our countries, namely respect for our sovereignty, territorial integrity, the respect for our strategic choices, including our choices for partnership, and also taking into account the interests of our populations. And we do not accept dictates here, rather Rather, we seek sincere and healthy cooperation and partnership conducted in mutual respect. And in this spirit, Mali, in line with the principles and goals of its policy, will continue to conduct its diplomacy on the basis of good neighborly relations, mutual respect, non-interference in the domestic affairs of other states, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. I would like to use this opportunity to pay tribute to all victims of the cowardly barbarism of terrorism who have sacrificed their lives. I also would like to pay tribute to our defense and security forces for their courage, their professionalism, and their unwavering dedication in defending sovereignty, territorial integrity of our countries and protecting our people. I pay special tribute to the memory of the General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense and Veterans Affairs, whose legacy of patriotism, courage, and sacrifice will continue to inspire future generations of Malians and people in the Sahel. Mr. President, to reinforce security and ensure the sustainable return of peace, the is implementing a comprehensive and integrated strategy for stability and prosperity of our country. And for this, the state continues to extend a hand to all those willing to lay down their arms and return to the Republic in line with the conclusions of inter-Malian dialogue and the National Charter for Peace and Reconciliation. Already, thousands of former combatants who meet the conditions have have either joined the defense and security forces or entered civilian employment. Mali's sovereignty is very precious to us and it is not negotiable. Sovereignty is not limited to defending our territory. It also means we are controlling our economic choices, that we are managing and developing our natural resources. mining resources, our gold and lithium, strengthening our productive sectors, and also creating greater opportunities for our youth. And in this spirit, the government remains committed to implementing the Maliku 2063 vision and the national strategy for emergence and sustainable development 2024-2033. These two ambitious programs are designed to meet the legitimate aspirations of the Malian people, and they constitute a generational pact, and it shows our determination to build a sovereign state, a competitive economy, a just society, a country in which every citizen can thrive with dignity. the government placed at the heart of its action economic recovery and public welfare because they're essential to lasting peace and stability. Thus, through appropriate reforms, the government, in addition to improving political situation, we've improved economic governance, including better management of public affairs and greater domestic resource mobilization. My country today, I must say, works very hard to mobilize the resources that we need because the international assistance on its own, however great it is, never developed a country. If we looked today, the level of international assistance We compare that with the needs for financing in our countries, the places where millions of young people arrive at the labor market in Mali, in Burkina Faso, in Niger, and in Africa. We can see that the international assistance will never be enough and we need to mobilize our own resources and we need to have confidence that we will be able to have other sources of funding. so that our country can move forward. So our country will continue counting on their own, whilst we're leaving the door open who want to work with us. Public spending is increasingly directed today towards a structuring productive investment, better access to basic services and training and employment for young people and women in particular. And this ambition requires greater local processing of our natural and mining resources, stronger national production capacities, and an active role for youth in Mali's economic and social transformation. Mali intends to continue its national re-foundation to guarantee security, justice, well-being, and prosperity for all of its citizens. And once again, we count first and foremost on ourselves in this. Mr. President, now, regional international issues. The government remains attentive to developments across Africa and around the world. And we encourage, therefore, efforts aimed at the rapid and lasting resolution of conflicts on the African continent. Regarding the situation in the Middle East, Mali reaffirms its full support for the brotherly Palestinian people and their legitimate struggle to exist as a fully recognized state. Mr. President, the international situation is such that we have to acknowledge the international order is undergoing profound change. And the longer we ignore it, the less we will be able to adjust to it. The question is no longer whether the world is moving towards multipolarity, but rather which actors will shape this new order and how will they cooperate to meet the aspirations of people throughout the planet we share. And here we're talking about cooperation, not confrontation. and not the law of the strongest to govern the world. In this changing environment, Mali will pursue a foreign policy based on sovereign equality of states, on diversified partnerships, on defense of national interests, and constructive engagement for peace and prosperity throughout the world. Our objective here is strategic autonomy for Mali, strategic autonomy for the Confederation of the Sahel States, the strategic autonomy for Africa in both security and development areas. And this autonomy does not mean a rupture. Rather, it seeks to make Africa into a credible and indispensable partner for global stability and prosperity. Climate change and desertification for Mali and the Sahel remain a major source of economic, social, environmental vulnerability. They affect agriculture and livelihoods. They also, we have to acknowledge it, threatening peace and security. We therefore call on member states to focus on adaptation, on access to climate finance, on indigenous technologies and solutions tailored to Sahelian realities. We advocate stronger links between efforts to combat desertification, food security initiatives, water management, conflict prevention, and resilience building. Mr. President, the world is experiencing extraordinary technological advances, including generative artificial intelligence. It is something that comes up in debate after debate. AI offers enormous opportunities, and we acknowledge that, but also significant risks. We must be lucid here. We must not simply consume AI technology. We must master it, adapt it to our realities, and contribute to its development. This requires defining and creating appropriate legal and ethical frameworks. For us, digital and technological sovereignty has become an essential dimension of national sovereignty. We must invest in skills, in research, in innovation, and infrastructure so that young people can participate fully in this transformation. For this reason, the head of state of the Republic of Mali, Assimi Goita, has established Mali's Center for Artificial Intelligence Robotics to promote our country's digital sovereignty. On the issue of international migration, Mali, which is a country of origin, transit and destination at the same time. Mali therefore reaffirms its attachment to international cooperation and considers human mobility is a benefit for humanity. It is important in this room to say it, to repeat it, that for us, human mobility is not a threat. It is a benefit and all of the countries in this assembly have benefited from migration, even though other aspects need to be managed. So, migration, mobility is a benefit for humanity. We call, therefore, for respect of the rights of the migrants in accordance with international conventions. Mr. President, By way of conclusion, Mali recalls that the multilateral framework, which is embodied by the United Nations, stands at a crossroads. The time has come for us to assume our shared responsibility for a reformed United Nations, refounded, I was going to say, that's how vast the scope of work is, a United Nations that is more just, more representative, and truly the service of all of the people in the world without distinction. This is an essential condition to restoring the trust of member states and people in the organization. It requires strengthening representation within multilateral institutions, including multilateral financial institutions, and ensuring that Africa's voice is heard more clearly in decision-making bodies which affect the future, our world, the future of humankind. Mali reaffirms its readiness to contribute to common efforts of the international community for a world which is more peaceful, more secure, more just, more prosperous, and finally, more united. I thank you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Mali. I now give the floor to his excellency Osman Salih Mohammed Minister for Foreign Affairs of Eritrea.

Your Excellency, Dr. Khalilur Rahman, President of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your Excellency, Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Honourable Heads of Delegation, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. I have the honor to present this statement on behalf of my president, His Excellency Seyassa Faki, President of the State of Eritrea. Allow me to join previous speakers to congratulate Your Excellency for your election to the presidency of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. On this auspicious occasion each year, The crucial questions that crop to mind and that we ponder about are the crucial and novel messages that we should focus on. Should our annual interventions be confined to share and rather routine accounts or balance sheet of development that had transpired during the particular year? Should the forum be seen as essentially and solely a congenial public relations platform for eloquent speeches and discourses? Does the annual forum consist of structured agendas that have continuity and coherence? What is the context? What is the overarching mission? and how do we gauge progress, et cetera. In previous summits, I have dwelt on the historical backdrop of the establishment of the United Nations, the popular aspirations of humanity for peace, growth, and prosperity that underpinned the creation of the United Nations, the economic injustices that prompted those aspirations in the first place, the innate mission of the United Nations, as well as its structure and operational modality as elaborated in the foundational precepts elaborated below. The first and foremost challenges of humanity are to redress economic injustices, create wealth, and more broadly and accurately ensure fair distribution of wealth and income. The prevailing injustice stem from the denial of the rights as well as enabling environment for humanity to create and accumulate wealth without any encumbrances on the one hand, and the usurpation of the right and opportunity for national distribution of whatever nominal wealth they create under subversive conditions on the other. This is precisely the reason why the prevailing international order has become and is dubbed as a zero-sum game. In the event, the imperative for installing a new world order predicated on justice and rationality, and that get-hisens, the zero-sum system, remains humanity's fundamental individual and collective right. In this respect, the overarching mission of the endeavor, struggle of mankind, can be summed up in one to fairly own their economic resources and produce of their work and march on a sustainable path of generational progress and prosperity by accumulating wealth. Two, to secure peace and stability in order to guarantee prosperity and economic growth. Three, to ensure prevalence of fairness and justice as vital prerequisites for peace and stability. Four, to promote mutual respect, complementarity, and cohesion or integration so as to bolster widest regional and global peace and stability as well as mutual growth. Fifth, to establish appropriate legal executive structure and associated mechanisms for the implementation of these fundamental human aspirations. The substance of the framework briefly described above evidently requires further expansion and elaboration. It is not otherwise controversial or novel by any metrics. In this respect, the main tasks of the annual United Nations General Assembly summit is all to focus on rigorous assessment of progress in achieving these goals. Mr. President, the events that have unfolded since the 8th Summit of the UNGA are important for gleaning appropriate lessons in comparative terms and within the reality of these international organizations. They cannot otherwise deflect the attention and focus of the peoples of the world from their core mission and struggle. As such, when the impacts and ultimate ramifications that may ensure from President Trump's pronounced MAGA doctrine, as well as the ongoing war in Iran, that must be stopped. The Ukraine war, with all its multilayered ramifications, must also be terminated. Three, global climate change and the imperative of finding enduring solutions for its control and and reversal. For the urgency of reversing the war and related acts of subversion unleashed in order to format chaos in our broader neighborhood, that is, the Nile Basin, the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Eden, and the Gulf States. the need to terminate debilitating interventions under the rubric of humanitarian assistance are some of the trends and developments that warrant attention. Against this overall backdrop, it must be recognized that the prime victims of the zero-sum global order, whose hallmarks are plunder, domination, and deceit, as the African peoples who continue to seize under subsistence economy. This disconcerting reality impels them to naturally stand at the forefront of the struggle for justice and fairness. In the event, it behooves on them to formulate appropriate strategies for accomplishing their mission remove stale and obstructive frameworks and mechanisms, and move forward with greater unity and rigor. I thank you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Eritrea. I now give the floor to His Excellency Karamoko John Mary Tauri, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso.

Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. It's a real honor to bring from this rostrum the voices of their excellencies, Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, President of Faso, Head of State and President of the Confederation of Sahel States, Army General Assimi Goita, President of the Transition, Head of State of the Republic of Mali, and Army General Abdourahmane Tchiani, President of the Republic of Niger, Head of State. On their behalf, the Confederation of Sahel States extends to you, Mr. President, their heartfelt congratulations upon your election to preside over the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. We also extend our wishes of success to you in your turn and fully align with the pride of the kindred people of Bangladesh. To Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock, we reiterate our positive appreciation of the way she conducted the work of the 18th session. President, it is with my heart full of the memory of thousands of children, women and men from Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, innocent victims of terrorism that I am taking the floor here this morning. But it is also with a sense of pride inspired by the resilience of the populations of the Sahel and the hope of the bravery of the defence and security forces of the confederation, as well as the crucial role played by volunteers. for the defence of the homeland that I am speaking here and having the noble mission of delivering this statement. I also wish to pay tribute to the families in mourning, to the long-suffering communities and all of those whose lives have been affected by terrorist barbarism. For more than a decade, this blind and sustained violence has been sustained armed, financed and instrumentalised by criminal networks and their supporters intent on subjugating the Sahel through fear, but they must understand that they will never succeed here. I bow down with profound respect before the memory of the defence and security forces of the Confederation of Sahel States, our volunteers, defence volunteers, working for the motherland and all patriotic forces who have fallen in the field of honour. Evoking their memory, I spare a thought and pay tribute to Army General Sadio Camara, who was assassinated, murdered cowardly on the 24th of April 2026, and pay tribute to his commitment to peace and to Mali and the Sahel. The supreme sacrifice that our heroes have made is a seed of liberty, of justice and sovereignty that our oppressed peoples aspire to. It is the source that nourishes our determination on a daily basis to recover the integrity of our territories, to defend our dignity and to ensure our sacred rights, to live free in peace and security. To the people of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel, including its diaspora, I pay tribute and renew my pride in them. courage, resilience, commitment and mobilization, as they are showing each and every day, supporting the efforts of the heads of state of the AES confederation remain the center of gravity of our journey towards sovereignty and stability and development to all of the peoples of Africa in the world who share our struggle and who recognize themselves and the ideals of peace dignity and liberty that the confederation represents I reiterate my gratitude Mr. president confederal dynamic that has been engaged in and taken up by our states, far from being an act in isolation, brings forward the rejection of fatality and chronic wardship that we face, as well as the reject of selective criticism when we see human tragedies. It's the sign of a shared willingness of our states to escape the vicious cycle of structural domination and exploitation that are profoundly rooted in the colonial and neocolonialist legacies. In it, it carries the hope of a renaissance of the Central Sahel that for too long has been devalued and disregarded. The new course embarked on since the 16th of September 2023 by adopting the charter of Lihta Koguma, consolidated by the creation of the Confederation of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024, ushered in a new era for the people of the AES. And each area of land recovered, each terrorist base destroyed, each battle won over the forces of evil, each... school recovered, each village rebuilt, each reform initiated, brings us closer to this new horizon defended with determination by Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, Army General Assimi Goita, and General Abdourahmane Tiani. Under their enlightened leadership, against the winds and the tides, the Alliance of Sahel States is consolidating itself every day, taking charge of its own destiny, a destiny of dignity, prosperity, and freedom and justice. And this is a firm thanks to the mobilization of a people over a common space with a shared destiny, one people, one space, one destiny. This motto guides each and every one of our actions and is embodied by the operationalization of the unified force of the Confederation. and is also embodied by the creation of the confederal bank, investment bank and development bank, and is embodied by the consolidation of relations between all of the different institutions of the countries, the AES, as well as strengthening the historic centuries long links between the communities and the vital forces of our space. Finally, this motto is part of diplomatic cohesion between three states shown by the This speech made on behalf of the states of the AES confederation, on behalf of the peoples of the confederation, and in behalf of the diaspora of the confederation. Mr. President, the Alliance of Sahel States welcomes the theme of this session of the General Assembly, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that Delivers for All. Now, this theme is an undeniable admission. It's an admission of an erosion of trust between the members of the organization, double standards, biased positions, institutionalized injustice, and the instrumentalization of institutions and procedures. And it's an admission that our organization is struggling to adapt to the changes The huge changes that we're seeing of a world in constant evolution and an admission that our organization, unfortunately, is no longer there for everyone, but belongs more and more to actors chosen according to their power and their vested interests. The promises of hope enshrined in the United Nations Charter, which extolled peace, are disregarded. International law is being martyred and tortured by members. whose propensity for domination, neocolonialism and hegemony is all too evident. Yes, we need to rebuild trust. It's an ambition that we all share, but this suggests that our organization has to stop being the microphone or an organization

that upholds some powerful actors in order to become the common house of all of the peoples equal in dignity, equal in rights and equal in sovereignty. It's in light of this and what's taking place in the Sahel that we are taking part in these deliberations. For the Confederation, rebuilding trust must go hand in hand with the immediate interest of dealing with state support for terrorists because terrorism can must not continue to be a tool of foreign policy on the part of certain powers the Confederation of Sahel states does not just face a simple sum of isolated terrorist groups we face a persistent enterprise of destabilization supported by considerable means and focused against the right of our peoples to live in peace, to choose their leaders and to have control over their resources and fully exercise their sovereignty. The terrorist attacks, in particular the ones perpetrated on 25 April and 4 July in 2026 in the Republic of Mali, on 18 June and 29 and 30 August 2026 in the Republic of Niger, fully illustrate this phenomenon. Let us call a spade a spade. and say things clearly, the supply chains, the technical capacities and coordinated use of conventional means do not come out of nowhere. Behind the murderous acts of these terrorists, there are structured support, including state support. And we call on the international community to look at this clearly, to investigate seriously and to condemn without any geopolitical calculations all actors that finance, arm, provide intelligence to and protect terrorists. Silence in the face of such actions is not prudence but complicity. Mr. President, rebuilding trust must also go hand in hand with the strict respect for the sovereignty of states, must go hand in hand with the development of partnerships and not servitude, and go hand in hand with justice over outdated neocolonialist principles. Anything that goes against the instrumentalization of certain international defense mechanisms to defend human rights, to put political pressure on our countries, like the what the European Parliament did to justify a potential neo-colonial offensive through resolutions, misfounded resolutions against the Sahel. All of this is unacceptable. Mr. President, confidence will not be reborn in an organization that where some actors tolerate arbitrary behavior and The promotion and protection of fundamental rights for our states is an absolute responsibility, and we are engaging in this in a context of extreme violence imposed against our populations by terrorists. When our states adopt exceptional measures, as strictly contained by our national legislation and our international obligations, the idea is to protect the populations, to preserve public order and guarantee national security. The most important human right is the right to life. the right of a people to not live under terror. We see that these measures are often subject to selective, biased lectures from others without sufficient consideration for the realities on the ground. The Confederation reaffirms its commitment to impartial, objective and non-selective treatment of human rights. We call for dialogue based on mutual respect, good faith and factual rigor. We accept impartial and objective reviews, but we do reject political processes. I'm being tried in the court of political political appeal. Yes, to respect the law, but we reject its instrumentalization. This is precisely. Due to these grave. shortfalls, persistent selectivity and manifest politicization that our states made a sovereign decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court and formally notified our withdrawal from the Rome Statute. International justice, yes. However, variable justice, no. The Confederation remains committed to multilateral independent institutions that are impartial and credible. Mr. President, The Confederation of Sahel States is standing up against domination, exploitation and disregard. We adhere to the vision of a rehabilitated Africa, with our dignity recovered, choosing our own path. and freeing ourselves from the constraints of a bygone era to be the masters of our own destiny. In this regard, the Confederation of Sahel States welcomes the adoption in March 2026 by the General Assembly of the resolution recognizing the transatlantic slave trade of enslaved Africans and the system of racial servitude as the gravest crime against humanity. This is the forum to reiterate our warm congratulations to the high-level authorities of the Republic of Ghana and all of the Afro-descendant communities who brought this file to the United Nations for everyone to support it to make this decisive step forward towards justice. This historic recognition, which is part of a noble process, must open the way to truth, memory, reparation, and real change in the international dynamics that we inherited from slavery and colonization. It's also appropriate to welcome the recent adoption just three weeks ago on the 4th of September of resolution A/80/L.104 seeking to give Africa its right size on the map. We also congratulate the high-level authorities of the Togolese Republic for bringing this forward with foresightedness and the advocacy that allowed this legitimate victory to succeed. We applaud them for that. Mr. President, in terms of international peace and security, our world remains up against multiplication of armed conflicts, the emergence of new crises, and a return to the principle of might is right, unilateral approaches, Unlawful sanctions, selective interventions and double standards weaken the international order and put the multilateral system to test. The Confederation of Sahel States calls for an immediate end to violence against civilian populations, unhindered humanitarian access and a just and lasting political solution. The inability of the Security Council to prevent or resolve in a lasting way these crises reveals the limits of a system that too often protects the interests of powers to the detriment of human life. On the development file, the Confederation remains concerned over the aggravation of climate vulnerabilities, the multiplication of humanitarian crises, the malicious use of technology and ICTs for manipulation and destabilization. The conclusions of the High-Level Political Forum of July 2026 confirmed that the international community remains far away from achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Four years before the 2030 deadline, We no longer have any time left to make nice statements. It's now time to act, to provide equitable financing and achieve economic justice. In light of these challenges, collective, ambitious responses with solidarity are necessary. The Pact for the Future, the Compromisos de Sevilla, the Doha Programme of Action, the UNAT Initiative and the OASO Programme of Action for landlocked developing countries can contribute to making the multilateral system more effective, more inclusive and more focused on results, as long as they do not just remain promises. Our priorities must be clearly defined, reducing the digital gap, strengthening climate resilience, investing in human capital, consolidating and strengthening educational health systems, supporting industrialization, ensuring the effective participation of youth and women in decision making. International solidarity is necessary. However, the experience of the AES also shows that the mobilization of domestic resources as supporting trust, national solidarity and the participation of citizens is the best tool available for freeing up our economic potential. Mr. President, the Confederation of Sahel States supports the initiatives engaged in as part of the UNAT initiative, convinced that our organization must undergo profound transformations in order to respond to contemporary challenges. However, reform should not be a pretext to further reduce the presence of the United Nations in different countries. It must be political, democratic, and courageous. in the way that it redistributes votes, responsibilities and powers. The reform of the Security Council is something that must not be delayed. It is necessary to strengthen transparency, accountability, put an end to double standards, to adapt this body to geopolitical reality the Confederation reaffirms its support for the Essel we need consensus and the sets declaration the credibility of the organization will the credibility of the UN will depend on its ability to ensure that the Charter international law and the sovereign equality of states are fully respected with the same rigor without distinction in this regards the Confederation reiterates our appeal to lift all unilateral coercive actions that are against international law, including the embargo imposed against the Republic of Cuba. Reform of global governments must also transform the international financial architecture, more equitable representation for developing countries in international financial institutions, fair treatment of debt, access to real financing for development, more equitable international trade and respect for national priorities. Mr. President, the AES Confederation remains resolutely committed to working alongside all Member States of the United Nations to achieve a more just, equitable international order with more solidarity based on the dignity of peoples, sovereign equality of states, international justice and the peaceful settlement of disputes. However, our cooperation will never be synonym of submission and our openness will never mean abandoning our own vital interests. It's only if these conditions are met that we will be able to restore confidence and trust between our nations to make our organization credible again and to offer present and future generations a safer, more prosperous world that is more respectful of the aspirations of all peoples. President, heads of delegation, ladies and gentlemen, in our national capacity, I wish to draw the attention of this august assembly to some thoughts, some considerations on the situation in my country. Burkina Faso is engaged in a dynamic of deep-seated transformation spearheaded by progressive popular revolution. At the time where we are beginning to commemorate our fourth anniversary, we must underscore the progress made in several areas in life in our country. On an economic level, Burkina Faso is resolutely pursuing its efforts to undertake structural transformations of our economy and to achieve development that is based more on our own priorities and potentials in synergy with other member states of the confederation. Our country is working to strengthen our productive capacities, to harness our natural resources and to further promote local processing of raw materials in agriculture and industry, particularly significant presidential initiatives are being implemented to stimulate national production, to create jobs, and to strengthen the participation of our populations in our economic activity. Under the leadership of Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, President of Faso, Burkina Faso has made a choice to place the people at the heart of all endeavors, encouraging the creation of new production units and processing units by encouraging better use of our resources and through these initiatives with six great presidential initiatives our economy is becoming more dynamic and progressively being strengthened our ambition is to strengthen the bases for um local lasting and inclusive development while pursuing the deep-seated reform and renewal of our society and strengthening our economic sovereignty. This transformation also includes infrastructure. The Relance 2026-2030 plan, in this regard, is a major framework to deliver this approach and to support the changes that are currently underway in our country. By relying first and foremost on our own forces and respecting the choice to exploit and process our resources locally, we intend to create more value within our economy and to ensure that the wealth of our country benefit our population as a priority. On a security level, Burkina Faso, in coordination with the countries of our confederation, is pursuing efforts to reestablish peace, lasting peace, security, and social cohesion, and all of these across our country. More than 74% of our national territory is now under our control. Our defense and security forces, as well as the volunteers for the defense of the homeland, are continuing their operations against terrorist groups and criminal gangs. These changes are being delivered specifically by winning back several villages and areas, the progressive return of thousands of people to their places of residence, the reopening of tens of schools, as well as returning to normal activity in healthcare centers and progressive reinstallation of the government. This progress continues to consolidate, and it's the result of efforts and sacrifices made by our people, as well as the commitment of all actors to reestablish peace and security. Mr. President, in the Middle East, we remain particularly concerned over the situation faced by the Palestinian people and the suffering endured by the civilian population in Gaza. In the face of this tragedy, Burkina Faso reaffirms its commitment to a lasting political solution based on coexistence between two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security in line with international law and relevant resolutions of the United Nations. Burkina Faso also remains concerned by the consequence of unilateral coercive measures imposed against certain states like Cuba and Nicaragua, and the repercussions of these have a terrible effect on the populations. We call, therefore, for prioritizing dialogue, cooperation, and mutual respect between these states. On the question of Western Sahara, Burkina Faso, true to the principles enshrined in the UN Charter, reaffirms its commitment to the political process led under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General and based on the autonomy plan proposed by the Kingdom of Morocco. We encourage the continuation of efforts to reach a negotiated political solution between the parties pursuant to relevant resolutions of the Security Council. furthermore, reaffirm our commitment to the one China principle. President, through these different considerations, Burkina Faso wishes to reaffirm an essential conviction. That is that our organization will never be able to fully respond to the challenges of our time unless it remains true to the principles that led to its founding, the principles in force when the organization was created. We remain convinced that through dialogue, solidarity and determination, the United Nations, together with our people, will be able to overcome the challenges that we face and to build the foundations for a future of peace, dignity and shared prosperity. One people, one space, one destiny. Long live the Confederation of Sahel States, standing strong. Long live Sahel. Long live United Africa. Motherland or death. We will prevail. Thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Ahmed Attaf, Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs, National Community Abroad and African Affairs of Algeria.

In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful, Mr. President, I begin my statement in this general debate by extending my sincere congratulations to the sister People's Republic of Bangladesh on the election of one of its distinguished sons Mr. Khalilur Rahman as president of our General Assembly. I would also like to express my profound gratitude and great appreciation to Mr. Antonio Guterres, who is joining us in what is the final session of this Assembly during his tenure as Secretary-General of the United Nations. I renew our sincere appreciation and recognition for all that he has done throughout his two terms. He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it. he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today, we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying, whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future awaits humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system, rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience. and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we failed to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past, finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war and to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing this system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size, For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the President of our General Assembly for this session, namely, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, a United Nations delivering results for all. This theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also prevents us with a fundamental question. How do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself. this very place and this very hall particularly. Reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable, and more effective. and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects. The Gulf region and the Middle East region are passing through one of the most dangerous periods in their history, not only because of the scale of destruction left behind by successive wars, but also because of the erosion of the boundaries that separate what is acceptable and what must remain rejected and condemned in international relations in this context. My country follows with deep concern the continuing escalation in the Gulf region, where we are witnessing a conflict that is weighing heavily on the states and peoples of the region and is undermining their security and stability and threatening the welfare and development of their peoples, peoples that have found themselves held hostage to calculations that are not their own. and interests that are not their own. Algeria renews its condemnation of the violations of the sovereignty of states and their territorial integrity in the region. We stress the need to de-escalate and respect international law in addressing tensions, disagreements, and disputes that have Taken by storm, the region's digital ultimate aspirations for security, peace, and tranquility. Algeria also condemns the continued Israeli attacks against countries in the region, particularly Syria and Lebanon, and its efforts to divide sisterly Somalia. In Palestine, the humanitarian tragedy continues. The Israeli occupation continues to kill Palestinian civilians. including large numbers of women and children in a scene that should never become a normalized part of the world's daily reality. The international community, and we along with it, welcomed the ceasefire in Gaza. that entered into force almost 11 months ago. We had hoped that it would mark the beginning of a process to end the suffering of civilians, that it would pave the way towards a lasting political solution. That hope quickly faded and was extinguished in light of the occupying power's continued settlement policies and its customary disregard for concluded agreements and commitments made. From this podium, Algeria renews its full and unconditional support for the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. Foremost among them is the Palestinian people's natural right to establish an independent and fully sovereign state with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. And if the Palestinian cause constitutes a daily test of the credibility of the international legal system, Africa is yet another test. It is the test of building partnerships that are based on solidarity, development, and peace, rather than simply managing crisis and addressing the repercussions without giving due attention to the root causes of these crises and their underlying foundations. Algeria is firmly attached to its African identity. It is deeply imbued with a culture of peace and dialogue. Algeria will continue to support the just causes of the peoples of the continent. Algeria will contribute to every effort that opens to them pathways towards stability, development, and integration. Within this framework, Algeria reaffirms its principled support for the right of the people of the Western Sahara to self-determination. This is based on our firm conviction that issues of decolonization cannot be resolved ever through imposing a fait accompli or following that logic. Rather, decolonization ends when people are enabled to exercise their rights guaranteed to them under international law, fully and without any distortion and without any curtailment. Algeria welcomes the organization of direct negotiations between the two parties to the conflict, namely the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front, at the beginning of this year. These negotiations were held under the auspices of the United Nations and with the assistance of the United States of America. From this viewpoint, allow me to present what we sincerely and genuinely consider necessary for a lasting and just solution to the question of the Western Sahara. First, Algeria stresses that the success of the negotiations process requires both parties to engage in good faith and with a genuine commitment to reaching a political solution that is fair, lasting, and mutually acceptable, away from the logic of dictates and bargains. Algeria. also stresses that any serious negotiating process can only be conducted properly within the framework of the relevant United Nations references and with full respect to the organization's long-standing doctrine on decolonization. Second, Algeria warns that any attempt to circumvent this framework of reference or to marginalize those who hold legitimate rights, namely the people of the Western Sahara and their sole legitimate representative, the Polisario Front, any such attempt will not contribute to resolving the conflict. Rather, it would further complicate it and exacerbate tensions in a region that is in dire need of stability, reassurance, cooperation, and development. Third, Algeria reiterates in this matter that it hosts Sahrawi refugees on its territory and has done so for over half a century because their land is occupied. Because their land is occupied, this occupation cannot be simply summed up in a refugee issue, given the choice to return voluntarily. or resettled or integrate with the local hosts. It is a matter that fundamentally requires the completion of the decolonization process in the Western Sahara through a comprehensive political process. Such a process can only be achieved by the people of the Western Sahara exercising their inherent right to self-determination. This is undoubtedly the correct and proper approach to addressing the situation of the last colony on the African continent. The right of peoples to self-determination remains a fundamental principle of international law. The passage of half a century cannot transform an imposed reality into a legal fact, nor can the passage of half a century transform an imposed reality and a right into a legal fact. or diminish a right whose holders need no one to explain it to them. The collective memory of peoples, such as is the historic experience of the United Nations, both confirm that genuine peace is not built by disregarding rights. Rather, it is built through settlements that respect these rights and respond to the aspirations of those who hold these rights. Algeria views the Sahrawi Sahel region as a single space where the challenges of security, development, and stability intersect. As the President of the Republic, His Excellency Abdelmajid Taboun has stated, "Terrorism cannot be approached through a purely security-based method. nor can poverty and marginalization be effectively tackled in isolation from a security environment that enables terrorist groups and organized crime networks to expand and spread and take root. Security and development are not parallel tracks; they are two sides of the same coin. Accordingly, Algeria promotes an approach that is based on supporting the security of states in the region and accompanying their development efforts, and encouraging reconciliation and dialogue, and addressing the underlying causes of instability while respecting state sovereignty, their territorial integrity, and the choices of their people. As a neighboring and brotherly country, and in keeping with its historic commitment to solidarity, Algeria will remain ready to support the countries of the Sahel in confronting security and development challenges. We will extend a hand and support political solutions that preserve the stability of the region and open before its people's broader horizons for development and progress. As for sisterly Libya, now in the 16th year of its crisis, Libya remains another example that shows that protracted crises cannot be resolved by deepening divisions, but rather through dialogue, reconciliation, and the unification of institutions. Algeria renews its support for a peaceful and comprehensive and Libyan-led political solution. Algeria renews its support for the efforts of the United Nations and our confidence in the United Nations' ability to accompany the Libyan people towards a settlement that preserves the unity of the country and its institutions. Only the Libyans can build the consensus needed to safeguard their nation. Only the Libyans are entitled to take decisions related to the destiny of their nation and their future. Algeria firmly believes that ending foreign interference in all its forms and manifestations be they political, military, or security. Ending this is an essential element in creating the conditions necessary to end division and build a Libyan state that is single and unified and stable, a Libyan state that is able to determine its own future with the will of its people. Based on the same convictions and in response to the same imperatives, Algeria expresses its steadfast support for the legitimate authorities in brotherly Yemen and the Sudan, as they both seek to respond to their people's aspirations for security, stability, unity, and fraternity. This leads us to a truth that cannot be ignored. Peace cannot be built without development, and development cannot flourish without security and stability. And under the leadership of the President of the Republic, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Algeria has chosen to be an active participant in the changes that the world is witnessing today, not simply a recipient of these changes. Algeria has chosen to transform challenges into bridges towards progress, to transform its resources into levers for building a productive and diversified economy, and to use knowledge and science as engines of its comprehensive national advancement. Algeria has incorporated sustainable development into its national programs and enshrined it in the constitution since 2020. This is based on a vision that is grounded in social justice and in economic and environmental sustainability. It is based on a clear and firm and unwavering principle that no one should be left behind and that not a single Algerian, man or woman, should be marginalized in the journey of national development. When presenting its voluntary national review report in July 2026, Algeria outlined the progress it has achieved in implementing the 17 SDGs and the efforts that it has made in that regard. Efforts that gained their true substance when those numbers became tangible improvements in all aspects of life. And this is the essence of development, transforming public policies into tangible dignity that people feel in their daily lives. And from this understanding of sustainable development, Algeria proceeds with the conviction that development cannot be fully complete unless it includes its regional surroundings and environment and unless it contributes to building a more integrated African space that is better able to face the present and future challenges. The destiny of the peoples of the continent is interconnected. Their challenges are shared. This makes solidarity and integration in Africa, indispensable pillars of sustainable development. As we witness the accelerating technological revolution, we cannot accept that Africa would remain on the margins or simply become a consumer of its outputs. Here we note the need to invest in the African person to build scientific and digital capacities so that artificial intelligence becomes a tool for development, not a new label for another development gap between the North and the South. We call for a balanced and responsible international regulation of artificial intelligence that would guarantee equitable access to its benefits, that would preserve the sovereignty of states, and that would transform this revolution into a shared opportunity rather than an exclusive privilege or monopoly in the hands of a few. In the end, we return to the question where we began. How do we restore trust? Trust is restored when words match actions. Trust is restored when the law is applied equally to all. Trust is restored when peoples can see the United Nations as a common home, a shared home, rather than an organization held hostage to the dominance of power politics. Our responsibility today is not to leave to our children a legacy of a world that is burdened with our crises. Rather, what we owe them is to leave them a world that is better than the one that we have inherited. Let us move together forward, not because the path is an easy one, but because the alternative to cooperation is for each of us to face the storms of this era alone, isolated, and powerless. Let us make the restoration of trust a process rather than a slogan. Let us make multilateralism a reality rather than simply a principle. Let us make the United Nations in this pivotal moment A space where diplomacy regains its place, where confidence in institutions is restored, and where respect for international law becomes a shared commitment rather than a matter of convenience subject to whims. Let us work together for a world where the application of law is not a privilege, in which peace is not merely the temporary absence of war, and in which development is not reserved for those who came first, but rather a shared right of all peoples with all their diversity and for all generations to come. This is our responsibility towards our peoples, and this is the trust that we must deliver to future generations. I thank you for your kind attention.

I thank the minister of state, minister of foreign affairs, national community abroad, and African affairs of Algeria. I now give the floor to her excellency Alexandra Heltinoco, minister for foreign affairs of El Salvador.

President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, As we're here talking about peace, international security and cooperation, thousands of people are dying. victims of war, hunger, violence, disease and injustice. It's as if we've lost our sense of humanity. It's not a future tragedy. The fact is that thousands, millions of people are dying as we're here. Right now, at this very moment, there will be mothers, fathers, children, entire families breaking up and asking themselves a question that's not an abstract one, a diplomatic one or a geopolitical one. It's a fundamental question that they are asking with the most profound sense of humanity in a very human way. And that is, where are the United Nations? Where are the United Nations? This question, perhaps more than And the other question is the very reason we're here. And this is why I want to ask all of us here at this assembly very seriously, with a strong sense of conviction, whether today we have an organization that is still relevant with a conviction to deal with the challenges that our humanity is dealing with. That's the question, President. We are living through an extremely complex era where changes and challenges happen in a matter of seconds. These changes, and I think that we've all experienced them, overwhelm us. However, the most vulnerable people that suffer the most, the poorest people that don't have a voice and who we owe it to work for, are aspiring to something much more Simple. They just want peace, security, jobs, freedom, and a safe future for their children. And this is the greatest contradiction of our time. We have more capacities than ever before, but we also face challenges that no state can tackle alone. As the United Nations, we need to commit ourselves and work to redefine the international order so that we can prioritize the common well-being of the whole of humanity regardless of whether of where they live and their condition guarantee the well-being of our brothers and sisters the whole of humanity we need a multilateral system that is able to listen but also to make decisions, to safeguard principles, to respect the sovereignty of states, but that at the same time understands that no state can resolve problems that know no borders alone. The fact is that the credibility of the United Nations is not something that we can build exclusively with resolutions. On the contrary, its legitimacy is achieved when the organization is really truly able to preserve and save people's lives and to ensure a decent future for all people and this is something that El Salvador has firsthand experience in Mr. president for decades my small but great country was known for a reality that it seemed impossible to change the scourge of violence was deeply entrenched in our society. An entire nation was resigned to being condemned to live with this reality. After decades of institutional indifference, in 2019, the El Salvadorian people opted for Nayib Bukele, our president, who's now known across the world, a young leader who dared to challenge something that an entire generation thought they were condemned to and strove to profoundly transform the reality of our country, regardless of the consequences or the criticisms he'd received from the international community. El Salvador went from being the most violent country in the world, with a murder rate of 103 people per 100,000 inhabitants. We, as a country in peace, had more deaths than a country at war. So we moved from 103 murders per 100,000 inhabitants to 1.3 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in just five years. Unimaginable. Just think about it. But we achieved that. Thank you. So thanks to this, my country is now a benchmark for others who suffer from the same problem. the International Monetary Fund has said that improvements for security has strengthened trust in and uh the economic activity of my country and it's estimated the El Salvadorian economy will grow by 4.5% in 2026 so this is skyrocketed and this is driven by investment, private consumption, remittances, tourism, and inward capital flows. However, it would be a mistake to boil all of this down to numbers because behind each and every number, these numbers that we have got used to, when we say millions, they're not just numbers, they're millions of faces, individual people, individuals. So in my country, we're talking about a mother who no longer has to be scared about whether her children are coming home in the evening or not, a business owner who used to face so much anxiety that knew that their basket of mangoes that they had to sell they had to sell them for more than ten dollars because if they didn't sell them for more than ten dollars they wouldn't be able to pay their protection money and they'd get shot in the head so now behind these figures we have a built business owner who's able to open their business without fear somebody who's able to breathe easily and cross the city freely and a child who's able to run around all of the streets of our country. Streets and spaces that they weren't able to dream of going in before. And something more profound even, the fact is that we now have a society that has recovered hope, grounded in the ability to imagine a different future. This is what recovering security really means. It doesn't just mean reducing crime. It means giving freedom its rightful space back. And I'm talking about freedom for each and every one of our citizens and each and every person that visits our country. And when a society recovers its freedom to walk around to work, to do business, and to live and breathe without fear, a second transformation begins. That is the recovery of trust. And this explains why El Salvador is now a benchmark for countries that are seeking support and looking for answers to their own security challenges. And it's not that our journey can be copied and pasted mechanically because there's no universal formula. Each situation needs to be resolved according to each country's individual experience. However, there is a lesson that we believe can be a universal lesson, and that is that no nation

should have to accept collapse and government impotence as their destiny, the destiny for their people. No country. El Salvador has not come to this assembly to say that we've resolved all of our problems. No, we still got a lot to do. That would be false to claim that. We've come to say something much more profound. With determination, we have demonstrated that a problem that seemed irreversible could be tackled and turned around, regardless of whatever problem it is. And I want to be clear, in line with the vision of my president, Mr. Bukele, security is not the final destination, it's just the departure point. In El Salvador, we have placed education at the very heart of our national transformation. And we've done this because we believe that transforming a school ultimately leads to transforming someone's life, transforming our homeland. And with initiatives like the school, two schools per day initiative, we are overhauling public education comprehensively from early childhood to middle school. And in healthcare, we've renewed infrastructure, modernized equipment, and created digital care through Dr. SV. And we have managed to reach the length and breadth of our country, even the most forgotten corners, and providing immediate care for anyone who needs it, regardless of wherever they live. Care is free and drugs are free too, and we are the first in the world to achieve this feat. The vision of our First Lady, Gabriela Rodriguez de Bukele, is a profoundly human one. and that is that every boy, girl, each and every young person deserves to grow up in liberty, to fully develop their potential, and to have real opportunities to build the life that he or she wants for him or herself. Now, the efforts of our nation are focused on turning security into investment, investment into jobs, and jobs into social mobility, technology into opportunities and education into skills and stability into prosperity. Heading up alongside Estonia, the Global Dialogue on Artificial Intelligence Governance, El Salvador reaffirmed that this technology must expand capacities and create opportunities to build environments that can be competitive in the future. Mr. President, the transformation that my country is experiencing has shown us that security, development and human dignity are not separate files. The fact is that without security, development is fragile. Without development, it's very difficult to make security sustainable. And without dignity, neither of these things make any sense. The international community must understand that resolving these challenges, these global challenges, goes above and beyond, well beyond actually, any resolutions, millions of resolutions on paper. multilateralism that does not oblige countries to constantly choose between sovereignty and cooperation. Today, we have an historical and inexcusable challenge, and that is making multilateralism a synonym, again, with capacity to act. El Salvador believes that the reform of the United Nations should not be restricted to reorganizing its structures. We need an organization that is agile, representative, effective, and transparent, that's able to resolve contemporary challenges with the speed required. So enough with the conformism, enough of personal and national interests prevailing over the needs of the world and global crises. And enough, ladies and gentlemen, enough with the bureaucracy. Let us hope that the next Secretary General of the United Nations is able to show leadership with absolute full independence and ability to engage in dialogue, moral authority, knowledge of the international reality, and that they have a willingness to reform and a conviction that we need to reform to benefit humanity, like my President Bukele, regardless of the consequences. Because one human life is worth it, just a single life. is worth the effort. El Salvador, in a short but historic period of seven years, made strong strides forward to change our reality, recovering our security, our spaces, trust, dignity. However, we did this while always fighting to safeguard our sovereignty, because our sovereignty is not up for negotiation. Our sovereignty is not, must not be touched. We are resolved to defend it because we spilt too much blood recovering our sovereignty. I am convinced that each and every one of my compatriots within our borders, as well as those outside of our borders, would be prepared to defend our homeland and our sovereignty with the highest level of commitment and sacrifice. Today, El Salvador wants to leave this Assembly with four fundamental lessons. Number one, that nations are not condemned to eternally repeating their past. Two, the problems even if they may seem impossible to resolve or not impossible to resolve. Number three, that the size of a country, we're a very small country, does not determine the size of our responsibility and that the future does not necessarily have to belong to those that have the most power, it belongs to those who dare to engage in transformations with a sense of determination. El Salvador's invitation to this General Assembly is very simple. Let us not give in. Let us not accept that war, poverty and violence are inevitable. Let us not accept that this organization is condemned to incapacity. And let us not accept that differences between nations are more powerful than what unites us. Today, we must ask a vital question for the present and future of our nations, and that is, what world do we want to build to ensure that nobody dies, that no innocent person has to suffer, so that the whole of humanity regardless of their country, their origin, their social condition, is able to prosper. El Salvador already made a decision on our own future, and this is something I don't say lightly. Today, we come here to declare loud and clear that change is possible, not merely in words, but in deeds. It is possible to change, and we are doing this. We're demonstrating this through our actions and not with words. And we will continue to change and we will not take a single step back because it's possible to do it. We can. Thank you and may God bless all of you.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of El Salvador. I now give the floor to his excellency George Shafatula Shapunda, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malawi.

Mr. President, your excellencies, distinguished delegates, I have the honor and privilege to deliver this statement on behalf of His Excellency, Professor Arthur Peter Mtharika, President of the Republic of Malawi, and the people of Malawi. I congratulate you, Mr. President, and all Vice-Presidents on your election to lead this one session of the United Nations General Assembly. Malawi pledges its full support to your leadership. We also extend our profound appreciation to the Secretary General for his unwavering dedication to our shared global values. Mr. President, the theme for this session, restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nation that delivers for all. strikes at the heart of our current global reality. We live in an era of deep fractures. Trust between nations has eroded. Global systems are failing to manage rapid technological, economic, and environmental shifts equitably. For the United Nations to remain relevant, It must transform into an institution that delivers tangible progress for the most vulnerable, leaving no nation behind. I would therefore like to highlight six opportunities for restoring trust, managing transformation, and thereby ensuring a United Nations that delivers for all. The first opportunity is accelerating sustainable development and economic transformation. Mr. President, the timeline for the 2030 agenda for sustainable development is rapidly drawing to a close. Yet, the promise of the sustainable development goals remain dangerously out of reach for millions. For Malawi, the pursuit of wealth creation, self-reliance, and economic transformation is not merely a political aspiration. It is an urgent survival strategy. Because of this, we have remained steadfast in implementing the SDGs in alignment with our long-term development vision, the Malawi 2063. On this note, Mr. President, I'm happy to report that Malawi successfully presented our third voluntary national review during the 2026 ECOSOC high-level political forum, thereby reaffirming our commitment to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Malawi 2063, as well as our desire to accelerate sustainable development and economic transformation. The review revealed that even though we face numerous structural challenges, we have made some progress on many of the SDGs. Mr. President, our goal is to systematically transform our economy by modernizing agriculture, expanding mining, and accelerating digitalization. However, National efforts alone cannot dismantle the structural barriers built into the global economic architecture. Developing nations require deliberate, scaled investment in industrialization, sustainable infrastructure, and regional value chains to transition from primary commodity exporters to diversified, industrialized economies. In addition, we cannot achieve sustainable development while drowning in debt. Malawi, therefore, calls for immediate comprehensive debt relief and restructuring. The current international financial architecture forces developing nations to choose between servicing predatory debts and investing in health, education, and climate resilience. This is a moral failure. Mr. President, we also call for a massive scaling up of concessional development financing. We need targeted investment in our key productive sectors, namely agriculture, industrialization, and infrastructure development as follows. agriculture modernization through mechanization and commercialization to guarantee food security. Second, building local industry so that we stop exporting raw materials and create decent jobs for our youth who make up nearly 40% of the Malawi population. And thirdly, developing robust transport, energy and digital infrastructure to connect Malawi to regional and global market. We therefore call upon our international partners to align their support with the national blueprint like the Malawi 2063 in order to generate meaningful job creation and shared prosperity. The second opportunity is strengthening climate action resilience. Mr. President, Malawi contributes negligibly to global greenhouse gas emissions, yet we remain on the front line of the climate crisis. In recent years, devastating cyclones, prolonged droughts, and increasingly erratic weather patterns have destroyed infrastructure, devastated crops, displaced thousands of our citizens, and inflicted severe damage on our economy. This year, we faced the added threat of El Nino-related extreme weather, which reached further undermining livelihood, food security, and economic stability. As such, we are fighting back by embedding climate resilience into our national development planning and strengthening locally-driven adaptation measures. However, our efforts are continually outpaced by the scale and speed of climate change. Climate shocks repeatedly destroy infrastructure, decimate agricultural production, and make worse food insecurity and erode hard-won development gains. Mr. President, the global community must therefore move beyond rhetoric and translate commitments into meaningful action. We call for the full and effective operationalization and capitalization of the loss and damage fund. Major historical and current emitters must honor their climate finance commitments by providing accessible, predictable, grant-based and highly concessionable financing, rather than relying on debt-creating instruments that further burden vulnerable countries already struggling to cope with the consequences of a crisis they did little to cause. Mr. President, Malawi therefore calls for enhanced, predictable and easily accessible climate finance with greater emphasis on adaptation and disaster risk reduction. We need sustainable investment in the early warning systems. Climate resilience infrastructure. Sustainable land management. Climate smart agriculture and locally led adaptation. Climate changes and existential threat to Malawi's development and to the hard won gains we have made. Mister President, The third opportunity is to reform global governance and strengthen multilateralism. The current global challenges underscore a fundamental truth. Our multilateral framework is fractured because its foundational architecture is obsolete. The institution designed in 1945 no longer reflects the geopolitical and economic realities of 2026. Malawi reaffirms its unwavering commitment to multilateralism, but it must be a multilateralism that is inclusive, fair and democratic. We call for an urgent, comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to correct the historical injustice done to Africa. Africa deserves Permanent representation with full veto privileges are articulated in the Eswatini consensus. Furthermore, the international financing architecture, specifically the IMF and the World Bank, must be radically overhauled. The current system traps developing nations in cycles of unsustainable debt, forcing governments to choose between servicing foreign loans of funding basic education and health care for their citizens. Mr. President, because Malawi strongly believe in multilateralism, we take responsibility when called upon by the international community to participate in causes that further the aims of this organization. Malawi remains firmly committed to the rule of law, accountability, and the peaceful resolution of disputes. as indispensable foundation of an effective multilateral system. It is in this spirit that Malawi has presented the candidature of Lady Justice Thulane Chizumira for election as a judge of the International Criminal Court for the term 2027 to 2036. Justice Chizumira is a distinguished jurist with extensive judicial legal experience at the national, regional, and international levels, including her service as a judge of the African Court on Human and People's Rights. Her candidature reflects Malawi's commitment to strengthening international justice through experienced, independent, and highly qualified judicial leadership. As States Parties prepare to elect six judges to the International Criminal Court in December 2026, Malawi respectfully seeks the valued support of States Parties for the candidature of Lady Justice Yudirane Chizumira. We are confident that her extensive judicial experience, commitment to the rule of law, and demonstrated service to justice and human rights would enable her to make a meaningful contribution to the work of the court. Malawi looks forward to the support of fellow states, parties for her election, and to continuing our collective efforts to strengthen the institutions of international justice. Mr. President, the fourth opportunity for restoring trust Managing transformation and thereby ensuring a United Nation that delivers for all lies in strengthening global health security. Economic transformation and sustainable development are impossible without a health population. The vulnerabilities exposed by recent global pandemics continue to linger, reminding us that global health security is only as strong as its weakest link. Malawi is making strides towards achieving universal health coverage and strengthening our primary healthcare system. However, systemic global inequities in healthcare access, medical manufacturing, and vaccine distribution remain glaringly unresolved. True global health security demands decentralized pharmaceutical manufacturing capabilities, unrestricted technology transfer and intellectual property waivers during health emergencies. My delegation appeals to all of us here to finalize a robust, legally binding pandemic treaty that guarantees equity, solidarity, and immediate resource sharing for the Global South. We also call for collaboration in efforts to build long-term resilience against pandemics through investment in our domestic pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity. By producing essential medicine within Africa, the entire world gained through stronger health security and stable supply chains, especially through faster outbreak response. Mr. President, the fifth opportunity is to promote human rights, peace, and international security. Malawi firmly believes that development, peace and human rights are inextricably linked. We remain deeply committed to upholding the constitutional rights of all our citizens, strengthening our democratic institutions and maintaining an uncompromising stance against corruption. Furthermore, we strongly defend the right to development as an inalienable human right. True freedom cannot exist in condition of extreme poverty and systemic economic exclusion. On the global stage, we view with great alarm the proliferation of violent conflicts and constitutional changes of government, geopolitical fragmentation, and acts of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance. Mr. President, the Malawi nation is not standing alone. As all these alarming developments occur, Malawi continues to play its part in global peace operations, deploying our brave men and women to United Nations peacekeeping missions to safeguard stability on our continent. In this regard, let me reiterate the call for immediate cessation of hostilities in all active conflict zones worldwide. Global resources currently being funneled into destructive warfare should instead be redirected towards eradicating poverty, building schools and financing sustainable development. We also reaffirm our solidarity with global efforts to combat racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. Mr. President, as we take steps to grab these opportunities, we must also recognize the emergence of artificial intelligence, which presents both opportunities and threats to humanity. Malawi welcomes the transformative potential for AI as an expression of human ingenuity and as an increasingly important tool for accelerating sustainable development. For developing countries, including Malawi, AI offers opportunities to strengthen agricultural productivity and food security, improve healthcare and education, enhance climate resilience and disaster preparedness, expand financial inclusion, and improve the efficiency of public service. Malawi believes, however, that technological advancements must remain human-centered. Artificial intelligence should complement and enhance human capabilities rather than diminish the indispensable role of people in shaping their own development. At the same time, Malawi recognizes that the rapid expansion of artificial intelligence presents significant challenges, particularly for developing economies with fragile labor markets and limited technological infrastructure. Automation could disrupt employment and widen existing inequalities, while unequal access to computing capacity, data, digital infrastructure, skills, and financing risks creating a new technological divide between and within countries. Malawi, therefore, calls upon the United Nations to continue promoting an inclusive, ethical, and development-oriented global framework for AI governance. One that safeguards human dignity and employment, builds the technological capacities of developing countries, facilitates equitable access to AI technologies, and ensures that the benefits of innovation contribute directly to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. No country should be left behind in the emerging AI-driven global economy. Mr. President, In conclusion, restoring trust requires honesty, accountability, and action. Managing transformation requires courage, vision, and solidarity. The choices we make today will reverberate for generations to come. We can choose to retreat into isolationism and protectionism, or we can choose to summon the political courage required to build a fairer, more resilient, and inclusive world. Malawi stands ready to play a part. We are transforming our economy, reforming our institutions, and investing in our people. But we cannot do it alone in an unfair global environment. We stand ready to work hand in hand with all Member States to bridge the divide, restore trust in multilateralism, and give a sustainable, dignified future for all humanity. Let this First session of the General Assembly mark the turning point where the United Nations transitions from a forum of speeches to an engine of delivery. Let us build a United Nations that delivers wealth instead of poverty, resilience instead of vulnerability, and peace instead of conflict, a United Nation that truly delivers for all. Thank you very much for your attention.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malawi. I now give the floor to His Excellency Wijetha Herath, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me at the outset to congratulate you, Dr. Khalilur Rahman, on your election as President of the 81st session of the General Assembly. On behalf of the Government of Sri Lanka, I wish you every success and assure you of our fullest support in the discharge of your mandate. We also convey our deep appreciation to your predecessor, Madam Annalena Baerbock, for her able stewardship of the 18th session. Let me also take this opportunity to acknowledge the leadership of Secretary-General Antonio Guterres as he concludes his term. Mr. President, seminal changes are taking place across the world at a pace faster than many institutions are able to adapt or respond. People across the globe are demanding greater clarity, honesty, and action from their leaders and institutions. The theme of this year's general debate, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, A United Nations that delivers for all goes to the heart of this challenge. The erosion of trust is reflected in unresolved conflicts, humanitarian crises that outpace available resources, increasingly frequent climate disasters, widening inequalities, and technological advances that are moving faster than governance. Together, These developments have contributed to a growing perception that global institutions are distant from the people they are meant to resolve. Sri Lanka understands this reality deeply. My country has, on many occasions in the past, experienced the consequences of deficits in trust and breaches of the social contract. Two years ago, marking a watershed moment in our history, the people of Sri Lanka, representing all communities and walks of life, gave a resounding mandate to the government of President M. W. Wickremesinghe to address these challenges and institute meaningful change. Since then, our government has been working with determination to rebuild trust from the ground up. We are building trust through action, not rhetoric, through delivery, discipline, and the courage to confront wrongdoing. Sri Lanka, too, is therefore undergoing a historic transformation and rejuvenation. Despite conflicts in several parts of the world, including in West Asia, and climate calamities, including the cyclone that struck Sri Lanka, my country has restored macroeconomic stability following the economic crisis of 2022. Today, Sri Lanka has been reclassified by the World Bank as an upper-middle-income economy, and ratings agencies have recognized this positive trajectory. However, these developments do not fully reflect the vulnerabilities of countries exposed to debt and external shocks. While we work with our global partners to consolidate this hard-won stability, we remain conscious of the critical need to address the hardships faced by vulnerable communities. Cyclone Dittha was one of the worst natural disasters in Sri Lanka's recent history and devastated several parts of our country. The calamity resulted in the loss of hundreds of lives and affected more than 2 million people. Livelihoods were disrupted and critical infrastructure was destroyed. Having experienced this tragedy, We understand deeply the challenge posed by the Himalayan floods to the people of Nepal and China. We extend our deepest sympathies to the victims. These tragic events demonstrate the enormous human and economic cost of climate change. Sadly, its harshest consequences continue to be borne by countries that have contributed least to global emissions. The call for action on climate impact is not merely immediate. It is overdue. Climate justice must become an urgent reality. For our part, Sri Lanka is on track towards achieving 70% renewable energy by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2050. Mr. President, For three decades, Sri Lanka suffered a protracted conflict that caused enormous loss and suffering to all our communities. Although the guns fell silent 17 years ago, the deep wounds of that conflict remain, and much remains to be done to heal them. We are determined to prevent a recurrence of such a tragedy and to pursue a path towards national unity and reconciliation. In this regard, our government is strengthening national institutions to address outstanding issues. Throughout these two years, we have remained firm in our rejection of racism and religious extremism in all its forms and manifestations. We will continue to work tirelessly to build a nation that is more secure, inclusive, and united, a nation made stronger by the full richness of its diversity. Mr. President, in addition to the consequences of natural calamity, Sri Lanka, like many other countries, is experiencing the severe impact of conflicts in West Asia and elsewhere. As an island nation situated at the crossroads of the Indian Ocean, and as a country with a large number of migrant workers in West Asia, these developments have direct security, economic and social implications for us. I am pleased to note that even during these challenging times, Sri Lanka has continued to uphold its commitments to international law and ensure sanctity of human life and human dignity. Mr. President, in March this year, amidst a highly volatile geopolitical landscape, Sri Lanka found a ship of a party to a conflict in distress close to our territorial waters with many sailors life in peril. We took the difficult path of navigating a wilderness of sensitivities and marshalling our limited nations resources to rescue and look after the wounded and sick. Hard as it was, we went on to rescue hundreds more. We saw human lives in danger and we acted, founding ourselves on international law and on humanity. while safeguarding our neutrality we placed Humanity above all else as president thean has reiterated we will never hesitate to protect Humanity if there are actions that must be taken to protect human lives we will not hesitate to take them under any circumstance this Mr. President is the Sri Lanka we wish to bring before the world, a small island nation with a big heart which believes that even in times of conflict and profound division, there remains space for humanity. And that is also what we wish to see reflected in the world. We need a world where our capacity to uphold humanity grows faster than our capacity to destroy it. That is the transformation we should see. It is for these reasons that we are pained by the developments in Gaza and the occupied Palestinian territories. Mr. President, The global security environment has deteriorated significantly in recent years. It is difficult to accept that. In a world with so much wealth and knowledge, vast resources continue to be spent on weapons while children face starvation and are deprived of medicine and education. Sri Lanka remains deeply concerned by the conflicts in West Asia and by the heavy cost being borne far beyond the region. International law, including international humanitarian law, must be adhered to and respected by all parties. We reaffirm our position that dialogue is the only viable way forward. Sri Lanka continues to support the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination. We are among the countries that first recognized Palestine as a distinct state in the 1980s. We stand in solidarity with the international community in calling for an independent and sovereign state of Palestine. existing side by side with Israel in peace within the pre-1967 borders. We welcome the resolution of the Security Council on a ceasefire in Gaza and urge all parties to uphold it. Humanitarian assistance must reach civilians without obstruction. The recovery and reconstruction of Gaza must be an urgent priority. Mr. President, Sri Lanka is proud of its longstanding contribution to United Nations peacekeeping in pursuit of global peace and security, having deployed more than 21,000 personnel on numerous missions since 1957. Our blue helmets, through their dedication and service over many years, have earned the trust of local communities and the commendation of UN field mission. Today, they continue to serve with distinction in some of the most challenging environments under the UN flag, protecting vulnerable civilians, deterring violence, and helping war-torn communities transition from conflict to stability. Sri Lanka has also long championed multilateral disarmament. from our early call for an Indian Ocean zone of peace to our leadership at the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference. At a time of rising geopolitical tensions and rhetoric of nuclear escalation, We remain firmly convinced that the only real guarantee against these weapons is their total and verifiable elimination. Mr. President, as we approach 2030, we must deliver on the Sustainable Development Goals, which remain our collective blueprint for sustainable development. Sri Lanka once again calls for reform of the international financial system and for fairer rules governing debt and development finance. We welcomed the civil commitment last year, including its call for urgent action to close the $4 trillion financing gap for sustainable development in developing countries. It is now time to translate those commitments into concrete action. We remain steadfast in recognizing poverty and inequality as factors requiring our urgent attention. Our national budget last year made historic allocations to the healthcare and education sectors. We take pride in our longstanding policy of free and universal healthcare and education, and remain committed to strengthening these important pillars of social justice. while actively implementing all SDGs without discrimination. We fully subscribe to and proactively engage with SDG 16, which underscores the importance of just and inclusive institutions that build and restore public trust and treat all people equally. Mr. President, Sri Lanka has long championed and contributed towards a fair and peaceful order at sea under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, a legal regime which we have helped shape. We also support the work of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. We remain committed to preserving the oceans as a shared space for peaceful and sustainable use and for international cooperation. Our nation's prosperity is closely linked to the Indian Ocean. As founding member of the agreement on marine biological diversity of areas beyond nation jurisdiction, the BBNJ agreement, we reaffirm our commitment to safeguarding the oceans as a common heritage of humankind for present and future generations. We look forward to the further operationalization of the agreement, complementing the processes of the International Seabed Authority. Mr. President, one of the key pillars of the decisive mandate given to us by the people of Sri Lanka was to build a transparent and ethical nation. In delivering on this mandate, We have placed good governance, anti-corruption and institutional transparency at the core of a comprehensive national integrity drive that is being vigorously pursued. We have seen all too clearly how corruption weakens democracy and destroys trust. We continue to enforce the law against corruption without fear or favour, irrespective of a person's background or social standing. Investigations and prosecutions continue to progress without political interference. Substantial progress has been made in strengthening the independence of institutions responsible for investigating and prosecuting bribery and corruption. My President, who addressed this Assembly last year, also highlighted how narcotics and related organized crime have become a menace for many countries, as well as our government's comprehensive efforts to address this menace. One year on, our United as a Nation Anti-Narcotics National Program has made significant progress, including through the arrest of key figures in the narcotics supply chain. Mr. President, we reiterate our call on the global community to promote meaningful technology transfers, ensure equitable access for developing nations, bridge the digital divide, and build safe, secure, and trustworthy systems that leave no one behind. Sri Lanka is in the process of building a digital future that includes everyone. We have developed national AI ethical guidelines in line with international frameworks. We must ensure that emerging technologies and artificial intelligence are developed and used responsibly and consistently with international law, including the well-established principles of international humanitarian law. Their development and use must contribute to international peace and security while advancing humanity's collective interests. The interest of humanity must always guide the development and use of these technologies. Mr. President, for Sri Lanka, the United Nations is an indispensable partner. The UN has stood with us in challenging times and supported our development. For many of us in the developing world, the United Nations is also an expression of a fundamental promise that every nation, large or small, has a voice, that every people has a right to dignity and development, and that in an interdependent world, no country should be left to confront global challenges alone. For more than eight decades, amidst its flaws and with much room for improvement, the United Nations has given practical meaning to that promise. However, genuine faith in multilateralism requires the courage to acknowledge where the system has fallen short, the humility to listen to those who feel unheard, and the determination to make our institutions more effective, more representative, and more responsive. In this regard, Sri Lanka supports the UN80 initiative as an opportunity to renew and strengthen the United Nations and advance meaningful reform. Mr. President, Managing transformation cannot mean managing change for some while asking others merely to adapt to its consequences. The transformation taking place in our world must be inclusive. It must narrow rather than deepen the divides between north and south, between those who shape new technologies and those who merely receive them. and between those who possess resilience and those who are most exposed to global shocks. My country comes to this Assembly not with the expectation that the United Nations can solve every problem, but with the conviction that there are problems which no country can solve alone. Our answer must therefore be a renewed faith in multilateralism and a United Nations that listens more closely, represents more fairly, and delivers for all. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Constant Sars Munda, Minister for Foreign Affairs, La Francophonie, and Congolese Abroad of the Congo.

Excellency, President of the 81st session of the General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General. Your Excellencies, heads of state and government, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. Allow me to, before delivering the message of His Excellency Denis Sassou Nguesso, President of the Republic of the Congo, please allow me to express my very deep gratitude for the honor he has bestowed upon me by entrusting me with this mission, and I carry it out with respect loyalty, and a sense of duty, fully aware of the significance of faithfully conveying the national message entrusted to me today. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo congratulates the election of His Excellency, Mr. Halilu Rahman, as President of the 81st session of the General Assembly. We also pay tribute to Her Excellency, Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for her contribution to our work. And we further express our profound gratitude to His Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General of the United Nations, for his advocacy on behalf of Africa, his constant commitment to the Congo Basin, and his support to the peace mediation and dialogue efforts undertaken by our country. And in this regard, the Republic of the Congo is following very closely the selection process for the next UN Secretary-General. We believe that Africa, a continent at the center of many UN challenges and global geopolitical issues, must remain at the heart of the future Secretary-General's agenda. The next Secretary-General must embrace a truly universal vision of the United Nations, one that leaves no continent at the margins and which fully takes into account Africa's place, responsibilities, and legitimate interests. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for the Republic of the Congo, restoring trust and managing transformation of our international institutions is a collective imperative. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, resonates as a call for clarity and courage in a world where trust is eroding, tensions are rising, and double standards and relationships of force threaten to replace both the spirit and the letter of the UN Charter. Humanity has never needed renewed, inclusive, and representative multilateralism more than it does today. A multilateralism that can reflect the realities of a multipolar world in which Africa occupies a rightful place. This renewal requires a deep reform of international institutions, foremost amongst them, the Security Council. Africa strengthened by its history, its demographic dynamism and geopolitical importance, can no longer remain on the sidelines of decisions that shape its destiny. It must become a full and legitimate actor. In accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus, Africa's demand for two permanent Security Council seats with veto power is not a request, but a right, a legitimate right grounded, which reflects the realities of the 21st century. The world has changed, and our institutions must evolve with it. This is an imperative. And Africa is not asking for a favor. It is claiming its rightful place. The Republic of the Congo, as a member of the Committee of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union on Security Council reform, the C-10 Committee, will not compromise on this shared demand. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo reiterates its willingness to serve the international community With your support, we renew our aspiration to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2030-2031 term. This candidacy of ours is rooted in a long diplomatic tradition, our sustained commitment to peace, and a strong sense of international responsibility. For more than five decades, Our diplomacy has contributed constantly and effectively to numerous peace processes on our continent, and which also had global implications. And let me quote the following, our contribution to supporting Namibia's liberation and then the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola through the 1988 Brazzaville Protocol, the efforts to end hostilities in the Central African Republic, Initiatives to promote reconciliation in Libya, where my country leads the African Union High-Level Committee. Also, the peace efforts in the Great Lakes region. Our diplomacy is not a diplomacy of confrontation. It is diplomacy based on dialogue, mediation, mutual respect, and African solutions to African problems. We reaffirm here and now the Pan-African vocation of our diplomacy and our commitment to international law. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, sovereignty is not a rejection of cooperation. Sovereignty is the ability of a people and a nation to freely determine their priorities, to defend their legitimate interests, to choose their partners, and to preserve their independence in decision-making. This is the understanding of sovereignty that the Republic of the Congo upholds. And we intend to continue pursuing a foreign policy based on non-alignment, diversification of partnerships, mutual respect among states, and the rejection of any foreign interference in domestic affairs. We are open to the world, but we intend to remain masters of our choices and our destiny. The Republic of the Congo does not seek to choose one camp against another. Rather, we seek to be a bridge between nations. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo has embarked upon a profound transformation through our national roadmap, which is called Let's Accelerate the March Towards Development. And it includes the following priorities: investing in human capital. Promoting youth employment, strengthening public governance, diversifying the economy, modernizing agriculture and industry.

Expanding infrastructure, accelerating digital transformation and innovation, and consolidating peace and social cohesion. We are building a Congo that does more than export raw materials. We aim to process and add value to our resources domestically. This explains our interest in special economic zones, because we think political sovereignty must go hand in hand with economic sovereignty. Our vision, I would like to point out, aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals, the SDGs, and the 2063 African Union agenda, the Africa we want. But let's be lucid and pragmatic here. The ambitions of our development at the Republic of the Congo and many other African countries are impeded by the burden of debt, inequalities in the international financial system, and the consequences of climate change. Four years before the 2030 SDG deadline, we cannot afford another collective failure. The Republic of the Congo, therefore, calls for an ambitious international action on the issue of developing country debt, including through debt relief and, where appropriate, debt cancellation measures to free resources for SDG-related investments. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Africa is not the world's periphery. It is one of its centers of gravity and a source of multilateral renewal. When Africa speaks with one voice, it advances the international agenda and inspires the world and opens new perspectives. Three major initiatives by my country illustrate this. The United Nations Decade for Afforestation and Reforestation 2027 to 2036, which was promoted by my country, the Republic of the Congo, Resolution 80/250 the transatlantic slave trade, recognizing it as a crime against humanity, which was promoted by Ghana, and the correct the map resolution promoted by Togo. These initiatives show that Africa contributes towards defining the international agenda. It is in this spirit that the Republic of the Congo will continue with its commitment to Africa. The removal of the visas as of the 1st of January 2027 for Africans promotes free movement into African tourists and solidarity amongst African people, making our trade more inclusive, all the while promoting the African Continental Free Trade Area. Ladies and gentlemen, your excellencies, the duty of memory also forces us to look at our history squarely in the eye. We are working on a major historical memorial, the Elongo Bay Memorial. From this region, countless people were torn from their families and homeland through the transatlantic slave trade. Luango must become a place of truth, remembers, reflection, but also a place of renewal. Our ambition here is to make Luango like a Goree in Senegal, like Cape Coast in Ghana, or Ouidah in Benin, should become a bridge between Africa and its diaspora. The people of African descent worldwide can reconnect with a history, identity, and dignity there. This is also the rationale of our 2025 meetings in Harlem or with people of African descent. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, we also reaffirm our determination to mobilize Congolese living abroad. Our diaspora is a human benefit, an intellectual one, scientific and economic one. Its competencies, its experience, its investments, commitment are needed to accelerate our own development. We need all of our children to realize our human capital. The Republic of the Congo is a land of opportunity. It's endowed with natural resources, with critical minerals, with agricultural potential, with tourism potential, which has not yet been developed, our expanding infrastructure, and a strategic location at the heart of Central Africa. And we invite investors and development partners to join us through, for example, mutually beneficial public-private partnerships. We want the partnerships that create added value, develop our national competencies, promote technology transfer, respect our interests. and help us manage and develop our economy. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo also bears a special responsibility for the Congo Basin, which is the world's second largest environmental lung. This exceptional ecosystem contains immense biodiversity and plays a crucial role in regulating the global climate. The Congo Basin is one of Africa's principal contributions to the fight against climate change. We cannot continuously accept that countries preserve these ecosystems on their own, bear the cost alone. Conservation has a cost, and international solidarity must also have a value. We therefore call for fair and predictable compensation for ecosystems and carbon services, for innovative sustainable financing mechanism, increased capitalization of the Blue Fund, and for the recognition of the Congo Basin as a global priority and with the strengthening of international cooperation aimed at preserving it. We support a United Nations institution in the Republic of the Congo dedicated to the preservation of the basin. We also are asking for launching of a decade of the United Nations on afforestation, reforestation, and national plans for the implementation. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, above and beyond our rivers and forests, the tourist of the territory of the country is more than a geographical space. It is the foundation of our nation. the basis of our identity, the territory for our sovereignty. The Republic of the Congo will always defend the integrity of its territory, the security of our borders, mastering our resources and the freedom of our strategic choices. Our sovereignty is not negotiable. It is the responsibility that we owe to future generations, the inheritance that we need to bestow on future generations. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We are a defender of peace internationally, and we are therefore call for negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, for de-escalation in the Strait of Hormuz, a just and lasting political solution in the Middle East and in Palestine. We call for the stabilization of Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, return of the lasting peace in Sudan, continued reconciliation in Libya, lifting of the embargo against Cuba, restoring of peace and stability in the Sahel. We reaffirm that peace is not weakness. that negotiation is not surrender, that dialogue is not capitulation. And in this spirit, we will continue to prioritize mediation, dialogue, and looking for peaceful political solutions so as to build Africa, which is prosperous and in peace from Libya to Sahel, from Sudan to Great Lakes. We reiterate the fact that we are available to accompany our brotherly countries in their work to achieve return to peace and stability. Through our history, we know that peace is difficult to build, but it is the only victory that benefits one and all. Ladies and gentlemen, your excellencies. guided by the same sense of responsibility. The recurring Ebola outbreaks and repeated pandemics have shown that global threats are no longer solely military or economic. Health security has become an essential component of collective security. And here, we will continue supporting the strengthening of the World Health Organization Regional Office for Africa in Brazzaville and will shoulder all of its responsibilities in accordance with the 1952 Headquarters Agreement. We also call for international governance of artificial intelligence in outer space. These technologies must remain in the service of humanity, progress, and the empowerment of peoples. Technological progress must not become a new instrument of domination. Africa must also be a center of creativity, innovation, and digital sovereignty. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, to conclude, the Republic of the Congo remains faithful to its principles, peace, development, sovereignty, good neighborliness, dialogue, cooperation, and mutual respect amongst nations. We will continue to defend our national interests while fulfilling our international responsibilities. We will continue to believe in Africa and in our shared destiny, and we will continue to choose the United Nations as a privileged space for dialogue amongst people. I thank you.

I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs, La Francophonie, and Congolese Abroad of the Congo. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Muhyiddin Salim Ahmed Ibrahim, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Sudan.

In the name of Allah, the most merciful and gracious, peace and blessings be upon our prophet and his family and his companions. Your Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman, President of the General Assembly at its 81st session. Your Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, esteemed delegations. At the outset, I wish to congratulate Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of the General Assembly at its 81st session. I wish him every success in the discharge of his duties. I also extend my appreciation and gratitude to Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her capable stewardship of the previous session. I would be remiss not to express our appreciation to His Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his defense of legitimate causes and his protection of the Charter. He has exerted considerable efforts to advance the reform process and to put forward initiatives aimed at making the United Nations more effective, influential, and representative. I stand today before this distinguished Assembly under deeply regrettable circumstances that Sudan never wished to witness within an organization founded on the principles of sovereign equality among states, respect for international law, and the guarantee of equal participation for all member states. His Excellency, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Chairman of the Transitional Sovereign Council of the Republic of Sudan, was to stand before you today to address the General Assembly on behalf of the Sudanese people and government. However, the host country prevented this by failing to issue the visa required for His Excellency to participate in this high-level segment of the General Assembly. More regrettably still, this situation persisted despite the efforts undertaken by the Secretariat and despite the Secretary-General's request to the host country to issue the entry visa in accordance with its obligations. under the 1947 Headquarters Agreement. Accordingly, the Republic of Sudan calls upon the Secretary-General, the General Assembly, and the Committee on Relations with the Host Country to take the necessary measures to safeguard the sanctity of the Headquarters Agreement. Sudan further requests that this incident be formally documented and examined by the relevant UN mechanisms responsible for the implementation of the Headquarters Agreement. Mr. President, the need remains urgent for comprehensive equitable and expeditious reform of the international system in light of these changes and challenges, as well as for political administration through dialogue, respect for international law, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. There is also need for refraining from the use or threat of use of international relations and avoiding the imposition of coercive sanctions merely on the basis of political disagreements, or the exploitation of these sanctions as instruments to achieve specific political or economic objectives. Sudan has lived under sanctions imposed pursuant to Chapter VII for more than two decades. These sanctions have negatively affected its economy, security, and territorial integrity. They have undermined Sudanese sovereignty and status. exacerbated cycles of violence affecting the protection of civilians and vulnerable sectors, and hindered national reconciliation. The continued disregard for and violation of the purposes and principles of the UN Charter through the use or threat of use of force in international relations, and through interference in the internal affairs of states in various forms, and through disregard for the established principles of international law, threaten confidence in the multilateral international system and in the charter of the United Nations itself. Hence the need for United Nations reform, particularly reform of the Security Council. Africa should be represented by two permanent seats, And the working methods of the Security Council should be improved in line with current developments and realities. The international financial system should be reformed so as to ensure equality of opportunity in accessing finance and in implementing the Millennium and Sustainable Development Goals, as well as climate action. Mr. President, we in Sudan are a peace-loving nation, but we also seek a just peace. Therefore, from this UN hall, we reaffirm that comprehensive, lasting, and just peace in Sudan, in a manner that ensures the non-recurrence of conflict, cannot be achieved without ending persistent external interference, halting the flow of weapons, ammunition, and mercenaries into Sudan, dismantling the terrorist militia, stopping its attacks against civilians, cities, civilian objects, infrastructure, dams, medical centers, and hospitals, disarming this militia, and ensuring that arms remain exclusively in the hands of the state and its established legitimate national institutions. We also call for the support for the steady progress being made by the Sudanese government in the protection of civilians and the peacebuilding process. Mr. President, peace and stability in Sudan cannot be discussed while the destructive war waged by the Darfur terrorist militia against the Sudanese people continues. The international community's silence and its failure to take steps to deter the atrocities and violations committed by the rebel militia in Sudan, despite the availability of documented and credible evidence, and its disregard for legitimate calls to designate it as a terrorist organization, and its failure to take decisive measures to stem the flow of weapons, material, and mercenaries supporting the terrorist militia across our borders are the factors that prolong the war and encourage the militia's continued aggression. Silence regarding the atrocities committed by the terrorist militia in Sudan is not only shameful, unethical, and complicit, it is a betrayal of the civilian victims, of women and girls who have demonstrated unprecedented resilience in enduring suffering beyond description, and a deed of an entire people. Mr. President, The call for a comprehensive, nationally owned Sudanese-Sudanese dialogue to achieve peace represents one of the key pillars of peace and the optimal path for resolving the current crisis. However, a conducive environment must be established to ensure its success and the achievement of its intended outcomes. This should be through the following. Parallel and measurable measures to protect civilians, reduce polarization, de-escalate tensions and contain political estrangement among civilian, political and military forces. Constructive confidence building measures to provide the dialogue with credibility and legitimacy. The dialogue being conducted through a purely Sudanese will, free from external interference and free from bargaining, intimidation and coercion practiced by some parties at present. The implementation of the provisions of the Jeddah Declaration regarding the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, including fundamental obligations under international humanitarian law, the facilitation of humanitarian action, meeting the needs of civilians and affected persons, and ensuring the safe and voluntary passage of civilians leaving areas of hostilities. Mr. President. Past experiences and the wars imposed upon Sudan have taught us that peace is not achieved merely through the signing of peace agreements without addressing the root causes of the crisis and eliminating its underlying drivers, thereby preventing its occurrence. Rather, peace is a process requiring patience, determination, and commitment to addressing the root causes of conflict removing sources of instability, disarming armed groups, restricting arms possession to the state, and building peace. The state has already begun preparations and creating a conducive environment for this dialogue aimed at reaching common ground through free discussion and placing the country on the path towards the most appropriate and inclusive political transition that excludes no one except outlaws and traitors. This transition should ultimately lead to free and fair elections in which all Sudanese participate under international and regional observation, allowing our people to determine who governs them at the conclusion of the democratic transition. Sudan has joined the Borrowers' Platform in recognition of the importance of development financing. We are actively participating in its foundational work in preparation for its first session next October. This is undertaken in support of efforts to implement a roadmap for debt relief. Sudan also seeks to improve relations with international financial institutions, secure the lifting of its temporary suspension from the International Monetary Fund, and establish development partnerships that will enable it to manage the recovery stage. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to the Least Developed Countries Group for the confidence it has placed in us and for electing us as vice chair of the group's International Coordinating Bureau by consensus. We shall work to advance its development interests and economic recovery and ensure a smooth and secure graduation from this category. In the same spirit, Sudan has been among the first countries to join the Global Alliance for South-South and Triangular Cooperation. This reflects our belief in the importance of strengthening solidarity, mutual benefit, and horizontal partnership as an alternative to traditional vertical aid-based relations. We hope that our membership will help leverage the considerable influence of this alliance in preparing the country for the post-war period. including economic recovery and reconstruction. Mr. President, we reaffirm Sudan's openness to any sincere and constructive effort aimed at ending the war imposed on its people, thereby securing peace, preserving the unity, territorial integrity, and political independence of the state, and preventing the outbreak of another armed rebellion. Nevertheless, at the same time, we reiterate our categorical rejection of any attempt to impose solutions, dictates, or external agendas upon our people. The Sudanese people alone are the makers of that decision and will determine their future without influence or pressure in accordance with the principle of national ownership of peacebuilding affirmed in Security Council Resolution 2736. On this basis, We affirm our readiness to cooperate constructively with initiatives aimed at addressing the root causes of the crisis, ending the unjust aggression against our people, preserving national state institutions and sovereignty, supporting efforts to achieve peace and development, and overcoming current challenges. We have supported the efforts of the Secretary-General's personal envoy for Sudan and his consultations with neighboring countries. And we have responded positively to constructive proposals and initiatives aimed at ending the war of aggression. We have also advanced a purely Sudanese effort to overcome the crisis, restore stability, and rebuild the country. This was embodied in the roadmap submitted to the Security Council in December 2025. In parallel, Sudan continues its positive cooperation with the United Nations, including the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict. We continue to cooperate with the Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary General for Children and Armed Conflict, as well as human rights mechanisms. They have enjoyed support from the government of Sudan, whether through the country office or the designated human rights experts on Sudan. We renew our appreciation for and support of the positions of sisterly and friendly countries that support Sudan's sovereignty, unity, and national institutions. We call upon the international community to capitalize on global momentum and show solidarity with Darfur following the Dajlo militias takeover of El Fasher and the compelling evidence and testimony presented by the Sultan of the Masalit people to the Security Council. We call upon you to advance legal accountability processes for the perpetrators. This is one of the effective avenues for the escalation and for curbing the wave of violations committed by the militia with considerable support from its regional and external sponsors. These continued violations alone undermine the credibility of any political partnership in the political wing of the Rapid Support Forces militia during the remainder of the transition period, given its continued and reprehensible complicity. The Security Council has failed to condemn and identify the sponsors, thereby contributing to the concealment of those atrocities. These sponsors have also continued to recruit foreign mercenaries and provided political cover for the militia's political wing, while fabricating accusations against the Sudanese Armed Forces, supported by regionally funded platforms backed by the militia's sponsors that disseminate disinformation baseless allegations and fabricated condemnations aimed at tarnishing the reputation of our professional armed forces. Our armed forces have fought alongside the Allies during World War II. The response has been efforts to undermine and destroy the armed forces. and to impose sanctions on their leaders and expand the Darfur arms embargo to encompass all of Sudan. This paves the way for the victory of the militia and the foreign mercenaries who constitute 60% of its members. Throughout this war of aggression, the Sudanese armed forces have adhered to the following principles. The protection of civilians in accordance with the approved national plan submitted by Sudan to the Security Council. Distinction at all times between combatants and civilians and between civilian objects and military targets. Taking precautionary measures to avoid and minimize incidental harm, refraining from using civilians as human shields. Refraining from recruiting child soldiers. Refraining from enforced disappearances and arbitrary detention of civilians and adhering to humanitarian truces. To end the war. Pressure must be exerted on the regional sponsors and certain neighboring states that have not merely facilitated the transfer of weapons, equipment, and supplies to the militia through their territories, but have also created battlefronts and enabled repeated attacks launched by militias and mercenaries from within their territories in broad daylight and established hospitals along their borders to treat militia casualties. Mr. President, the cause of Palestine remains the central issue in the Middle East. The Palestinian people must be empowered to exercise their right to self-determination and establish their independent state with Jerusalem as its capital, and refugees must be allowed to return in accordance with the resolutions of international legitimacy. Sudan also stresses the importance of stability in the Red Sea, Bab al-Mandab, and the Gulf region, given their impact on the wider region. There is a need to end the current situation in a manner that spares the peoples of the region the scourge of war and its consequences. We reaffirm our full support for the countries of the region in preserving their sovereignty, security, and stability. We underscore the importance of respect for international law and the Charter of the United Nations, and the importance of refraining from interference in the internal affairs of states. Before concluding, allow me to convey to you the greetings of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, who is at this moment among his people as they chant in one voice, one army, one people behind their leader. Peace and the mercy and blessings of God be upon you all.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Sudan. I now give the floor to His Excellency Khalifa bin Shaheen Al Marar, Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emirates.

In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate, Mr. President, our region and the world are undergoing a period of rapid transformation marked by intensifying challenges and divisions. Against this backdrop, the United Arab Emirates stands tall, guided by a clear vision and unwavering determination. to transform challenges into opportunities, to turn ambitions into achievements, and to open new horizons for peace, development, and prosperity for our people, the peoples of the region, and the world. This stems from our principled approach rooted in de-escalation, bridge building, the promotion of diplomacy and dialogue, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the rejection of the unlawful use or threat of use of force, as well as coercion. This approach is grounded in full respect for the sovereignty of states, good neighborly relations, international law, and the UN Charter. These values have long underpinned our domestic and foreign policies. As Iran continues its occupation of the three Emirati islands, Greater Tumb, Lesser Tumb, and Abu Musa, which we reject. The United Arab Emirates has consistently called for a peaceful settlement of this conflict, whether through direct negotiations or by recourse to the International Court of Justice. Amid growing threats to navigation in our region and beyond, my country has continued to emphasize the principles of freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage, We stressed the need to secure and protect the safe flow of supply chains, trade and energy in accordance with international law, including the law of the sea and the principle of state sovereignty, recognizing these as pillars of food security, development and prosperity of nations. We have continued to support every sincere effort to achieve peace, particularly in Yemen, Libya, the Sahel, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar, Haiti, and elsewhere. We have also supported efforts to reach a sustainable political solution to the question of the Moroccan Sahara, based on the Moroccan autonomy initiative, while affirming the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco over the Sahara. Furthermore, we have advocated for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine in accordance with international law and the principles of the UN Charter, including respect for sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. We have remained steadfast in our role as a trusted international mediator, successfully conducting 26 mediations that facilitated the exchange of nearly 8,000 prisoners between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, ensuring their return to their homelands and families. The UAE has also stood ready to support nations undergoing positive transformations, such as Syria and Lebanon, as they move towards a secure and stable future. Regarding Sudan, my country has underscored the need to end the humanitarian catastrophe, securing a permanent and unconditional ceasefire that would bring an end to the civil war. This includes launching a comprehensive and credible political process led by civilians, which would culminate in the formation of a civil government independent of both parties to the conflict and from extremist groups. It is crucial to ensure that neither side of the conflict has a role in the new civilian government. The future of Sudan must be decided solely by the Sudanese people, and the international community must press the leaders of Port Sudan authorities and those of the Rapid Support Forces as parties to the conflict to engage seriously with international initiatives. As for Gaza, The UAE was among the first to support the framework established by the international community to end the horrific war. We have stressed the need to fully implement the comprehensive plan of President Trump to end the conflict in Gaza and the associated roadmap. including the withdrawal of Israel from the Gaza Strip, the disarmament of Hamas, and the advancement of a serious political horizon leading to a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian question based on the two-state solution. This entails the establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We also underscore the importance of ensuring the unification of Gaza and the West Bank under a Palestinian authority that, once reformed, will be capable to fulfill its responsibilities and ensure that arms remain solely under its control. We further underscore the urgent need to halt Israel's dangerous escalation in the West Bank and its settlement activities, accompanied by the rise of settler violence, terrorism, and the siege of Palestinian village, as well as the ongoing in East Jerusalem and at the holy sites, and the attempts to impose a new historical and legal status quo on the ground. My country strongly condemns all these actions. For decades, the UAE's commitment to the Palestinian people has remained unwavering. Today, that commitment continues through our role as the largest provider of humanitarian aid to Gaza, along with our humanitarian and development projects in the West Bank. This role reflects the core values of our foreign policy, which is driven by the spirit of giving through effective international partnerships, while reconfirming the principles of international humanitarian law and protection of civilians. Across all these dossiers, the importance of developing and reforming regional and international multilateral institutions, remains paramount to strengthen their capacity to fulfill their responsibilities, foremost among them, the UN, including the Security Council. The United Nations, as the United Nations prepares to transition to a new leadership, We look forward to the next Secretary-General using his or her good offices to activate preventive and mediation mechanisms before the first signs of crises emerge, rather than merely reacting once they have erupted. Crises should be addressed at their roots, not simply managed. Mr. President. My country has refused to let the crises surrounding us undermine the world-leading achievements we have built over decades. We have pressed ahead with progress across every sector, for this nation was forged not in the absence of challenges, but in defiance of them. The peoples of the region aspire to stability and prosperity. in an environment defined by cooperation, moderation, and tolerance, not by violence, hatred, extremism, or terrorism. The UAE model has demonstrated its resilience and its capacity to deliver tangible results by investing in key pillars of national strength, foremost among them strategic independence, industrial capabilities, advanced defense systems, and world-class infrastructure and logistics. This is complemented by the empowerment of human capital, building a knowledge and innovation-based economy, and the harnessing of the opportunities offered by the comprehensive economic partnership agreements concluded between the UAE and 38 nations and other frameworks to diversify markets and supply chains and to broaden horizons for trade and investment. We will continue to strengthen the UAE's role as a global hub connecting markets and capital, opening ever broader horizons for growth. This is the promise that the UAE makes to its people and to all who call it home. And it is also the bedrock of our international partnerships, particularly with the nations of the global south and the African continent. which have matured into an enduring strategic cooperation rooted in mutual respect and shared interests. The UAE continues to expand its investments in artificial intelligence, emerging technologies, healthcare, and education. We are also strengthening our position as a trusted and responsible leader in the energy sector. balancing the needs of today with bold investment and solutions of tomorrow, and driving the historic commitments of the UAE Consensus toward long-term collective action. This year, the UAE is preparing to co-host with Senegal the UN Water Conference. recognizing the importance of concerted, coordinated international action in confronting the challenges of water, climate, and food security. We are confident that the conference will mark a vital milestone in advancing real, practical solutions for water security. We invite you to participate in the conference and look forward to welcoming you in Abu Dhabi. These efforts embody our firm commitment to turning the challenge of water scarcity into an opportunity for innovation and joint international action, including through the Mohammed bin Zayed Water Initiative, which harnesses innovation, partnership, and investment to deliver lasting, sustainable solutions for present and future generations. Two days ago, Abu Dhabi also hosted the opening of the 15th UN Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, which highlights the need to keep pace with rapid technological advancement and to protect societies from the impacts of crime, violence and exploitation. At the same time, we are investing in the values of tolerance, peaceful coexistence, and inclusion through partnerships that bring together diverse nationalities and religions. We are building a society in which women participate fully, equally, and meaningfully, and in which young people are genuine partners in shaping their future. In conclusion, Mr. President, my country will remain committed to the path of moderation, the rejection of violence and extremism, and the investment in people and in the vast potential with which our region is so richly endowed. We extend our hands to our partners in the region and the world to build rather than destroy and to unite rather than divide. Thank you, President.

I thank the Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emirates.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Kim Song Yong, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, distinguished delegates, Allow me, first of all, to extend my congratulations to you, Mr. Khalilur Rahman, on your election as the President of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. I am confident that your able stewardship will lead this session to an excellent outcome. Mr. President, Last year, we meaningfully celebrated the 80th founding anniversary of the United Nations. As we marked the watershed in UN history, reviewing its past 80 years and looking ahead into the future, mankind ardently desired and aspired to put an immediate end to the current chaos of international relations and regain peace and stability. Unfortunately, however, what the world witnessed every day for the last one year was a harsh reality rampant with unprecedented mutual distrust and confrontation, infringement on sovereignty and military conflicts that led to extreme unrest and disorder globally. The new year started with a most despicable, world-startling act of state-sponsored terrorism, followed by worldwide outbreaks of other appalling incidents and events, which anyone with common sense and knowledge can hardly imagine. Crises causing insecurity and instability increased further with wars and bloody conflicts. The effects of disaster-prone abnormal climate gave rise to a succession of extreme high temperature, droughts, heavy rains and floods in many countries and regions, seriously threatening the survival of mankind. This, coupled with the spread of communicable diseases and hike in oil prices, worsened the socio-economic crisis. Humanity desires that the United Nations should fulfill its mission and responsibility as an organization established to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Regrettably, however, the organization still fails to recover from functional paralysis owing to high-handedness and unilateralism of a handful of countries pursuing only chauvinistic interests. all the crises the international community is faced with point one clear fact: that infringement on sovereignty, threat to security interests, and denial of right to development of other countries are bound to breed regional instability and crisis, and lead to aggression and war. In order to overcome all the existing crises and challenges and promote peace, security and sustainable development, all Member States should seek appropriate solutions to problems while strictly complying with the intrinsic purposes and principles of the UN Charter and giving priority to unity and cooperation among nations. Mr. President, The historic 9th Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea was held with splendor in February this year in Pyongyang, the capital city of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The Congress reviewed with pride the achievements made over the past five years and set out new innovative goals for overall development in the next stage. During the last five years, the existence and development of humankind was severely constrained by the global pandemic, abnormal weather conditions, geopolitical confrontation, and the interlinking economic crisis. They were harsh times for our state too. Yet, we have thoroughly and consistently maintained the characteristic principle and approach of self-reliance, our resilience grew stronger, we overcame all difficulties and challenges before us, and ultimately made remarkable advances by leaps and bounds. The Five-Year Plan for the Development of the National Economy was successfully accomplished. The economic foundation for production boost was reinforced. Numerous monumental projects were completed. Policies for the people that our government invariably pursues are implemented at a higher level. We are seeing the upward trend of comprehensive development conducive to a simultaneous and balanced growth in all sectors, fields and regions of the country. As the first-hand witnesses of the above realities, all our citizens have become all the more confident that the path we have trodden is the most accurate path, and the self-reliance and self-sustenance of our choice are the surest shortcut to prosperity. Under the unique leadership of Comrade Kim Jong Un, President of the State Affairs of the DPRK, our people have now confidently embarked on new massive projects aimed at building on the successes in pioneering a era of comprehensive development and leading it to new heights. The path ahead of us is laden with numerous challenges and difficulties presented by inhumane acts of certain forces that disfavor the DPRK's very existence, let alone her development. Yet, we will surely attain all that we plan to, relying entirely on our own efforts, regardless of changes in the situation. This is the confidence that every Korean is assured of. Mr. President, The sovereignty, security interests, and territorial integrity of sovereign states are ruthlessly trampled upon, and international law and order feebly collapse due to the unilateral high-handedness and tyranny of a hegemonic state. Such a grim reality in international relations teaches us a serious lesson, a lesson that fair advocacy and honest desire for compliance with the law and order alone can hardly defend anything. Like in other parts of the world, A serious landscape of confrontation between justice and injustice, and between hegemonic forces and independent forces, is being witnessed in Northeast Asia this year. The Korean Peninsula and its vicinity, in particular, are faced with extreme instability and further aggravated tension on a level different from that of last year, due to the persistent hostility towards the DPRK and ever-increasing military confrontation of the U.S. and its followers. The U.S.-Japan-ROK military alliance, unmistakably aimed at the DPRK, is being evolved by the United States into a more offensive and aggressive military bloc with a nuclear element. The U.S. is conspiring with its allies to systematically amend and update the anti-DPRK nuclear war scenarios. and to steadily cultivate and master their performance capability through provocative war rehearsals of all hues and military buildup. This year alone, the U.S. staged a series of bilateral and multilateral military exercises, including Freedom Shield and Freedom Edge, simulating a real war scenario. It didn't even bother to cover up its dangerous attempt at military confrontation against the DPRK. The U.S. has approved and encouraging Seoul's ambition to possess nuclear-powered submarines, while relocating and deploying different military hardware, including the latest missiles and drones, on the Korean Peninsula and its vicinity. The current military inclination is further aggravating the already vulnerable security landscape in the region. On the other hand, Japan, an A-class war criminal that inflicted untold sufferings and disasters upon mankind in the last century, is taking advantage of the present international turbulence. It accelerates its attempts at rearmament with an unprecedented commitment, including the revision of the peace constitution, abandonment of exclusive defense, reformation of the military structure, and arms buildup. Such actions are casting war clouds over the entire region. Under the signboard of counterattack capability, Japan has buckled down to the development and possession of long-range attack weapons that put neighboring countries within striking range. Its ambition runs counter to its obligations as a defeated nation, they are in shameless disregard of the UN Charter, and pose a grave challenge to global peace. The global military and political context is worsening day by day, and the unlimited abuse of power has become commonplace. Under such circumstances, the risky military threat of the U.S., Japan, and ROK go beyond precedent. and continue to break the worst records in their scale, intensity, nature, and dangers, creating security instability on the Korean Peninsula on a level different from previous years. Nevertheless, no physical conflict has occurred on and around the Korean Peninsula, a hot spot of the world. and the security index is being maintained at a higher level than any other part of the globe. We owe it to the fact that the DPRK has a war deterrent in place, powerful enough to break anyone's will to start a war of aggression against the DPRK, and that we are thoroughly containing and managing the hostile forces' intention to use force. Thus, the regional balance of power maintained by the DPRK's self-defensive capabilities effectively curbs the risk of an armed conflict. No one can deny such an obvious fact. It further highlights the immutable truth that just power means national sovereignty and prestige and fundamental guarantee of peace and stability. The head of state of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea stated that "Our national sovereignty and security have firmly been ensured by virtue of a great strength so far and will invariably be so in the years ahead. The DPRK's nuclear deterrent is the absolute might and irresistible force designed from A to Z to safeguard the sovereignty, security, and peace against aggression and threat from outside. I'd like to reiterate the official position of the DPRK government, the status of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea as a nuclear weapons state, that has been uncompromisingly and permanently fixed both physically and legally with absolutely no turning point, can never be reversed in any circumstances or by any means, no matter how hard and loudly the hostile forces may deny in chorus with all sorts of rhetoric. The DPRK will continue to strictly control and manage every external threat by dint of its supremacy in overwhelming strength, and be all the more faithful and committed to our mission as a responsible nuclear weapons state to firmly defend the national sovereignty and fundamental interests and to guarantee peace and security of the region and beyond. Mr. President, Large-scale natural calamities claimed tens of thousands of lives in different parts of the world this year. The international community came to realize once again that climate change is a pressing issue that calls for joint action. Artificial intelligence and other new cutting-edge technology are transforming every domain of human life, offering great opportunities, but at the same time, they also carry risks of being misused for sinister purposes. Highly volatile present era urgently calls for a strengthened UN, capable of handling challenges and crises facing humanity in conformity with the common interest of mankind. The most pressing issue to be addressed is none other than building the UN into the UN for all, faithful to the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter and fully guaranteed of impartiality and objectivity in the face of the arbitrary practices of the anti-peace forces that are abusing the UN as a tool for implementing their hegemonic strategy. The United Nations should no longer be misused for the sinister political purposes of specific forces. The United Nations should firmly secure its authority and future by promoting equality and cooperation among sovereign states. It's about time the UN undertook a reform. not the reform centered on specific countries, but the one aimed at democratization of the United Nations in the true sense of the word, so that the organization would represent the views and interests of the entire membership evenly and equally. Gone are the days when an individual member state unilaterally imposed its will on the rest of the world and dominated the international political arena. Instead, multilateralism and multipolarization have emerged as an irresistible aspiration and trend of the times based on justice and equity. The DPRK will always be with anti-imperialist, independent countries aspiring after the building of a just and peaceful world, and is committed to undertaking the historic mission of leading the movement for global independence under the uplifted banner of independence. Mr. President, This year marks the 35th year of the DPRK's entry into the UN. The DPRK joined the UN out of the desire to defend the peace and security of the region and the world, and to achieve common prosperity of mankind together with the entire UN membership. To this end, we have remained faithful to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. As a UN member state, the DPRK government maintains its inviolable stand to actively work towards the establishment of genuine international justice and a new, fair international order in compliance with the UN Charter and international law. In particular, I affirm that the DPRK government, led by the present Head of State of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea,

will direct positive efforts to promote international justice, co-prosperity, peace and security of the region and beyond, while firmly defending her national sovereignty, security interests and the right to development. Thank you.

I thank the Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Victoria Louise Hallam, Chair of the delegation of New Zealand.

President, over the past week, we have listened to leaders, ministers, and representatives from every region of the world. They have spoken of different priorities and concerns. Yet they have also revealed how much we have in common. We have been reminded that the biggest challenges we face do not respect national borders, and no country, however large or powerful, can address them alone. It is clear we live in a more contested, fragmented, and volatile world. The number of active conflicts in the world has doubled in the past 20 years. The number of conflict-related deaths has reached levels not seen in decades. Fundamental norms governing state behaviour are being violated with increasing impunity, contravening the UN Charter and other universally applicable rules of international law. Core human rights that protect the wellbeing and dignity of our citizens are increasingly being ignored. Humanitarian needs are growing faster than our collective ability to meet them. After decades of progress, hard-won development gains have slowed, and it's clear we will fail to meet most of the Sustainable Development Goals by their 2030 target. Biodiversity loss and pollution are impacting key natural resources in our oceans. Natural disasters and the growing impacts of our changing climate are becoming more severe and more visible. In our region, these pressures are already affecting the lives, livelihoods, and long-term development prospects. All of this is of grave concern to New Zealand. whose sovereignty, security and prosperity depends on a functioning, inclusive multilateral system, grounded in agreed rules and norms, with the UN Charter at its centre. We regard the UN Charter, with its core principles of sovereign equality of states, territorial integrity, the prohibition of the use of force and respect for human rights, as irreplaceable. We continue, therefore, to invest in the United Nations and agreed international rules as an exercise of our sovereignty, because we believe it is essential to our interests and, indeed, the interests of all. In the face of rising volatility, we need the UN's stabilising influence and global solutions more than ever. President, over recent years New Zealand has spoken of the importance of leadership. New Zealand thanks Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his service over the past 10 years. We thank you for your visits to the Blue Pacific and for your attention to the unique situation of Pacific Island countries and other small island developing states. We thank you also for starting the process of essential reform to put this vital organization on a stronger and more sustainable footing to deal with the challenges of the next 80 years. Your assignment has not been easy. As we prepare to appoint the next Secretary-General to lead the UN into the next phase, we should be clear about what this moment requires. First and foremost, we call on the new Secretary-General to be a courageous guardian of the UN Charter and to assert the UN's vital role on peace and security. The United Nations was created to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It is ultimately the responsibility of Member States to prevent and resolve conflicts. We cannot outsource that responsibility. But at the same time, we need a Secretary-General who is active in conflict prevention, mediation, and peacemaking. The Secretary-General should never have to ask permission or forgiveness for acting to prevent or resolve conflict. As a custodian of the UN Charter, you have the right and the obligation to speak up when its core norms are breached. We expect you to do so in an objective, impartial, and consistent manner. We will support you when you do. So we ask you to be active in seeking an end to the horrific conflict in Sudan. You must be bold in pressing for a sustainable and just end to Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine. one that is consistent with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and the core principles of the Charter. You must be determined in your efforts to help alleviate the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. We ask that you use your influence to progress a fragile ceasefire into a sustainable, durable peace. and you must be resolute in preserving conditions for a two-state solution. You must take the initiative, despite the challenges and entrenched views, to achieve a just and lasting resolution, where Israel and Palestine can live side by side within secure and clearly defined borders. We urge you to use your good offices to secure a lasting end to hostilities in the Persian Gulf and restore freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, which is a right guaranteed under international law. Of course, you cannot do this alone. For our part, as member states, we must provide you with the tools, the resources, and above all, the political support to ensure you can play this role effectively. Parties to conflicts must engage with you constructively and in good faith, while global and regional partners with influence must provide the necessary incentive for the parties to do so. The UN Security Council needs to fulfil its responsibilities. Permanent members in particular must act in a manner consistent with their special responsibilities under the Charter. Too frequently has the veto or the threat of the veto been abused to block the Council from fulfilling its responsibilities, to the frustration and sometimes despair of the global community. Inevitably, the costs of this failure are borne by those caught in conflict. This Assembly also has a legitimate and necessary role to play in maintaining peace and security. and we have been pleased to see it step up on occasions when the Security Council has been stymied from acting. For our part, New Zealand will continue to press for a more effective, credible, transparent and representative Security Council. As a demonstration of our continued commitment to collective security and the UN Charter, New Zealand is seeking a seat on the UN Security Council for 2039-40. We ask the next Secretary-General to work with us to preserve the integrity of the global disarmament framework, particularly on weapons of mass destruction. The grave dangers of deterioration of the global non-proliferation regime should alarm us all. New Zealand was deeply disappointed at the failure to reach consensus at this year's Nuclear Non-Proliferation Review Conference. After three consecutive Review Conference failures, we must do all we can to preserve the health of the NPT and indeed strengthen it. This means tackling persistent violations and cases of non-compliance. Iran is not in compliance with its nuclear safeguards obligations. The DPRK's nuclear weapons and missile programs continue to threaten its region and beyond. Halting the NPT's deterioration also requires concrete action from nuclear weapon states, to, at long last, chart a path towards total, verifiable and irreversible nuclear disarmament. We also call on you to safeguard the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the constitution for the oceans, which provides the framework within which all activities in the oceans and seas must be carried out. Compliance with these universally applicable rules is essential, not only for maintaining peace and security, but also for protecting prosperity and food security, given the ocean's vital role in supporting trade. Second, we call on the next Secretary-General to provide strong leadership across the UN's development and human rights pillars. The authors of the UN Charter understood that peace and security cannot be sustained without creating the conditions for member states to provide their citizens with prosperity and the full enjoyment of human rights. With significant changes in the global development cooperation landscape, we ask you to ensure that the UN is clear about where its comparative advantage lies. alongside the role of governments, regional organizations, and international financial institutions. Citizens and donors expect the UN to operate as one, with agencies working together through a strengthened resident coordinator system. We will work with you to ensure the UN is more coordinated and focused on strengthening local capacity and partnerships to address a country's development needs. The UN development system must remain relevant, responsive and accessible to all member states based on need, rather than size, income level or location. We welcome progress in advancing the UN's multidimensional vulnerability index and want to see further work to ensure its practical application across the multilateral development system. In the face of contracting development finance flows and increasing debt levels, we need to ensure our ambitions are matched by more sustainable and predictable financing. This will inevitably involve moving beyond exclusive reliance on traditional sources and approaches. President, as Pacific Island Forum leaders recently reaffirmed in Palau, Climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security, and wellbeing of Pacific peoples. While New Zealand will play its part, our efforts will mean little in the absence of determined action by the world's major emitters. Rising sea levels continue to threaten the viability of many communities and pose a threat to low-lying island states. including some of our Pacific neighbors. The political declaration on sea level rise endorsed this week is a potent demonstration of the UN's ability to address contemporary challenges affecting its members. We particularly welcome the declaration's affirmation of the preservation of maritime zones and the presumption of continued statehood, notwithstanding sea level rise. We also expect the new Secretary-General to defend international humanitarian law and international human rights law and its institutions. The promotion and protection of universal and indivisible human rights is fundamental to the world we live in today and to a collective vision of our future. Societies in which citizens can enjoy their universal human rights have a better chance of avoiding the descent into conflict that tragically impacts so many across the world today. Over the past decade, these norms have often been under threat, sometimes through neglect, sometimes through deliberate and sustained attacks. The rise of attacks on protected individuals, including civilians and humanitarian and medical personnel, needs particular attention. It is now 10 years since New Zealand co-led the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2286 on healthcare in armed conflict. Attacks on medical facilities and personnel in violation of international humanitarian law have grown exponentially worse since then. Few have been held accountable for these flagrant violations of international humanitarian law. We ask you to help us reverse these trends. by drawing on the UN's unique legitimacy to call out egregious and systematic violations of these norms, wherever they may occur and whoever may be perpetrating them, and by providing practical guidance and assistance to help member states meet their obligations. Third, we ask the new Secretary-General to maintain momentum and ambition on UN reform. Confidence in this institution depends on its ability to deliver impact. The next Secretary-General must work with Member States to chart an ambitious vision for the next phase of reform, while ensuring implementation of the decisions already taken. At a time of multiple and overlapping crises and growing constraints, we need a United Nations that is focused on its core tasks disciplined and accountable. One where every dollar delivers maximum impact. One that measures success, not by the number of mandates it creates, or the meetings it holds, but by the difference it makes in people's lives. Meeting this challenge means exercising your powers to achieve the most impact from the resources available. It means demanding a culture of continuous improvement, one that focuses on effective implementation and results. It means setting the highest standards for performance within the secretariat and holding staff accountable for delivering. In this regard, we ask you to demonstrate independence in your senior appointments. New Zealand has never accepted the right of any country to assert ownership of UN positions by virtue of power or status. We encourage Secretary-General candidates to commit publicly to making senior appointments on the basis of merit. Reform is a joint responsibility. We as Member States must avoid the trap of regarding reform as something that others will deliver for us. and instead live up to our own responsibilities in building the organization we need. We cannot expect the UN to continue to lurch on in a state of constant financial crisis. Member states must meet their financial obligations in full, on time, and without conditions, in accordance with their obligations under the Charter. We need to focus our attention on the issues that really matter and that can genuinely deliver benefits for our citizens. Resolution 82/51 equips Member States to tackle the long-standing challenge of mandate accumulation and overload. It commits us all to take a more disciplined approach to setting the organization's priorities. It provides the framework we need to create a more focused, coherent, and impactful UN. Yet its success will depend on whether we are willing to act differently. If we aren't prepared to make the necessary choices, we will be left with an ever-growing set of responsibilities supported by an ever-shrinking pool of resources. That will do nothing to strengthen confidence in the UN's relevance and effectiveness. Reform begins with us. It requires member states to make the decisions that only member states can make. That is the only way we can truly achieve an organization that is fit to meet the challenges that lie before us and that our citizens need and expect. Fourth and finally, we urge the next Secretary-General to ensure that the UN works for all states. The sovereign equality of states is one of the most central principles of the UN Charter. It must be central also to your approach. The fundamental premise of the United Nations is that every state, regardless of size or circumstance, has a stake in shaping our shared future. We also call on the President of the General Assembly to remain a steadfast champion of the voices, prerogatives and interests of the entire UN membership across all pillars of its work. The next Secretary-General's leadership in these areas will be essential, but we must also find it in ourselves to demonstrate leadership. Ultimately, the health, relevance and effectiveness of the United Nations depends primarily on its members, not its Secretary-General. As Member States, we must acknowledge our role in the financial and legitimacy crisis facing the UN. We must ask whether we have the collective will to change our behaviour. Do we have the discipline to focus our attention and resources on the issues that really matter to our citizens and deliver impact to their lives? Do we have the honesty to admit what is working and what is not? Do we have the will to invest in the multilateral system, both politically and financially, to enable it to deliver results where we can truly make a difference? coupled with the courage to make bold and consequent decisions on UN reform that can deliver a more effective organization. Collective action has changed the course of global challenges before. These achievements were not inevitable. They were the result of political leadership, persistence, and a willingness to work together despite differences to build understanding and compromise. The most fundamental step we can all take to revive this organization is to unequivocally recommit ourselves, both in words and deeds, to the principles that the Charter requires us to follow in our relations with other states. Respect for sovereignty, international law, the pursuit of dialogue and cooperation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. At a time when conflict is rising, trust is eroding, and geopolitical competition is intensifying, we should not conclude that multilateralism has failed. We should conclude that it is needed more than ever. Thank you.

I thank the Chair of Delegation of New Zealand. I now give the floor to His Excellency Vypa Hasyev, Chair of Delegation of Turkmenistan.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, I have the honor to convey on behalf of the President of Turkmenistan, His Excellency Mr. Serdar Berdimuhamedov, greetings and wish of peace and prosperity to the peoples of your countries. Allow me to congratulate Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly and to wish every success in discharging these important responsibilities. I would also like to express our appreciation to Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her leadership of the General Assembly during its previous session. Distinguished participants, the current international environment requires all states to demonstrate a high degree of responsibility, political foresight, and readiness for concrete action. Rising conflict potential, the erosion of trust, economic instability, climate risk, and the rapid development of new technologies are becoming increasingly intertwined, directly affecting the security and well-being of peoples. In these circumstances, it's particularly important to uphold the common purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, ensure respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, their sovereign equality and non-interference in their internal affairs, and strengthen the rule of international law. Turkmenistan firmly believes that the United Nations must continue to serve as the universal and legitimate foundation of international cooperation and as the principal mechanism for reconciling interests and developing solutions in the areas of peace, security and sustainable development. It's from this perspective that our country approached the work of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Ladies and gentlemen, ensuring international peace and security remains a key priority for Turkmenistan. The permanent neutrality of our country, recognized three times by the General Assembly, provides a practical foundation for advancing political and diplomatic methods: preventive diplomacy, mediation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We consider it essential to consistently foster a culture of trust and dialogue and to restore the legal and humanistic foundations of international relations. In this regard, Turkmenistan intend to convene under the auspices of the United Nations intergovernmental consultations on the elaboration of a global peace strategy founded on the principles of peace, security, and preventive diplomacy. As a further step in this direction, we propose proclaiming a United Nations decade of dialogue and preventive diplomacy. We believe that such a decade would lend a systematic character to the efforts of states to prevent conflicts, build trust, and establish sustainable channels of political communication. Turkmenistan will also propose the establishment within the United Nations of a group of friends of multilateralism and the sovereign equality of states. Its activities could contribute to safeguarding the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations, strengthening dialogue among equals and preventing the emergence of dividing lines in international cooperation. We attach particular importance to supporting the United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia, headquartered in Ashgabat. The year 2027 will mark the 20th anniversary of its establishment. We regard this milestone as a unique opportunity to take stock of the center's work and identify new avenues for its practical contribution to peace, stability, and cooperation in Central Asia. To this end, during the current session, Turkmenistan will submit a further draft General Assembly resolution on the role of the regional center. We trust that the document will reaffirm our shared interest in further strengthening its mandate and operational capacity. In consistently promoting education and scientific cooperation as important pillars of peace building, Turkmenistan will continue its engagement with the United Nations on the initiative to establish a university of peace and neutrality. As a practical first step, we will begin consultations on the establishment of an academic center for peace, neutrality, and preventive diplomacy at the Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan. Distinguished participants, digital transformation is becoming an increasingly important factor in sustainability and development. Artificial intelligence offers broad opportunities while also requiring responsible international governance to prevent its use and to detriment of peace, security, and trust. In this regard, Turkmenistan proposes the development under the auspices of the United Nations of an international code for the peaceful use of AI in international relations and diplomacy. To support this work, we propose convening in Ashgabat an international expert dialogue on digital trust and the responsible use of AI. Ladies and gentlemen, peace and development are inextricably linked. For Turkmenistan, a key priority in this area is the development of sustainable, safe, and inclusive transport systems. The proclamation at the initiative for Turkmenistan of the United Nations Decade of Sustainable Transport for 2026-2035 has launched an important mechanism for systematic work coordinated by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs to put into practice the Decade's implementation plan within the framework Of this long term undertaking, our country will continue its work toward the creation of a global atlas of sustainable transport connectivity, a comprehensive analytical and international tool for accessing progress, identifying infrastructure gaps, and coordinating international During the 81st session, Turkmenistan will actively support the implementation of the Awaза Programme of Action for Landlocked Developing Countries for the Decade 2024-2034 and the Awaза Political Declaration. In this context, we particularly welcome the election of Turkmenistan as a chair of the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries for 2027-2028. We regard the confidence placed in us as both a greater responsibility and an opportunity to work together with the states of the group to give fresh impetus to the practical implementation of the Awasar program of action in such priority areas as transport and energy connectivity. We proceed from the need to translate the agreements reached into concrete infrastructure, trade, and investment projects. We propose considering the establishment in Turkmenistan, under the auspices of the United Nations, of International Center for Sustainable Trade Logistics and Custom Cooperation. Such a center could serve as a practical platform for harmonizing procedures, exchanging best practices, digitalizing transit, and expanding developing countries' access to global markets. Our country also proposes the establishment, under the auspices of the United Nations, of transregional transport corridor linking South and Central Asia with Europe through the Caspian Sea, Middle Corridor. We are confident that its development would help diversify routes, strengthen connectivity, expand trade, and promote close economic ties among the regions. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, environmental, security, Climate change and the sustainable use of energy resources are integral components of common security. In this area, Turkmenistan will continue to promote multilateral dialogue by proposing the establishment of the Ashgabat Climate Dialogue, an open multilateral platform for regular political and expert engagement, the advancement of practical climate initiatives, and the strengthening of international relationships. We believe particular attention must be paid to strengthening the climate resilience of regions severely affected by drought and water scarcity. This requires coordinated solutions combining modern technologies, financing, data exchange, and regional cooperation. In pursuance of the General Assembly resolution entitled Key Role of Reliable and Stable Energy Connectivity in Ensuring Sustainable Development, Turkmenistan will continue consultations in preparation for the High-Level Forum on Sustainable Energy for All. We view the forum as an effective platform for developing practical approaches to ensuring a reliable, affordable, and sustainable energy supply. In the socio-economic sphere, Turkmenistan will continue its active and responsible work as a member of the United Nations Economic and Social Council for the period 2026-2028 as well as its constructive engagement in the work of the Council's subsidiary bodies. Ladies and gentlemen, Turkmenistan attaches great importance to the humanitarian dimension of international cooperation. Lasting peace is impossible without the full participation of women and young people, the preservation of human dignity, mutual respect, and equal opportunities. Our country will continue to advance the women and peace and security agenda, including by developing the Central Asian Women's Dialogue and expanding its cooperation within the United Nations Peace Building Commission and UN Women. At the same time, we will support the activities of the Central Asian Youth Dialogue and promote the broader and more meaningful participation of young people in international and regional peace initiatives in accordance with the youth and peace and security agenda. Distinguished participants, Turkmenistan regards the strengthening of international law as an essential condition for a just and sustainable international order. We welcome the consensus adoption of the General Assembly resolution initiated by our country, proclaiming 2028 the International Year of Law. As a part of the preparatory process, we propose convening in Turkmenistan in 2027 an international forum devoted to the interrelationship between international law, disarmament, neutrality, preventive diplomacy, and sustainable development. We believe that the forum will help strengthen respect for the Charter of the United Nations, enhance the role of legal mechanisms, and engage the younger generation in the study and development of international law. Mr. President, all initiatives of Turkmenistan are united by a common purpose: to strengthen peace and trust, advance cooperation among equals, and create the conditions for a dignified future for present and succeeding generations. We stand ready to work with all Member States, the United Nations Secretariat, and international partners toward the practical implementation of the proposals outlined above. We are confident that, with political will, mutual respect, and commitment to dialogue, the international community can overcome existing differences and achieve tangible progress towards the purposes of the United Nations. Turkmenistan will continue to firmly uphold the principles of permanent neutrality, good neighborliness, peacefulness, and constructive engagement, contributing to the strengthening of the central role of the United Nations in international affairs. I thank you for your attention.

I thank the Chair of the delegation of Turkmenistan. I now give the floor to His Excellency Walton Alfonso Webson, Chair of the delegation of Antigua and Barbuda.

Mr. President, distinguished ministers of government and representatives, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I am indeed humbled and honored to be asked to deliver the statement by the honorable Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, the right honorable Gaston Brown, on behalf of the government and people of Antigua and Barbuda. Mister President, we meet once again at a moment when history asks difficult questions of this institution. Can multilateralism still protect the weak as well as the strong? Can international law restrain power rather than merely record its consequences? Can development remain a promise for all rather than a privilege for some? For Antigua and Barbuda, These are not philosophical questions. For small island developing states, these are questions of survival. As we begin the 81st session of this General Assembly, we stand between two eras, one ending and another waiting to be shaped. At the end of this year, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, will complete his tenure as Secretary General of the United Nation. Antigua and Barbuda places on record. Our profound appreciation for his service to this organization and to the international community in general. For my country our appreciation is deeply personal. In 2017, Hurricane Irma devastated Barbuda. The entire population had to be evacuated. Homes were destroyed, livelihoods disappeared, an island community was brought to its knees. The Secretary-General, Guterres, came to Antigua and Barbuda. He saw the devastation. He listened to our people. He understood what we small island developing states have been telling the world for decades. Climate change is not waiting for the future. It is already destroying lives, economies, and communities. The Secretary-General continued to stand with SIDS. He returned to Antigua and Barbuda for the Fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States. He championed vulnerable countries and supported the international effort that brought into being the Multi-Vulnerability Index. Whether confronted by climate change, challenging inequalities, or calling for reform, the international financial system, he was a fearless and principled advocate. He never relented in demanding a fairer world and he constantly placed the concerns of small island developing states before the international community. For that solidarity, Antigua and Barbuda thank him. But, Excellencies, gratitude for the past must now match by courage in shaping the future. The next Secretary-General of this institution will inherit a United Nations confronting wars and conflicts that devastate lives and undermine international capability. Deep geopolitical divisions will exist, financial constraints, the climate emergency, and declining trust will test our organization's capacity to respond. Excellencies, the choice before us is about more than selecting an individual. It is about the future direction of this organization. That is why Antigua and Barbuda has nominated Maria Fernandez Espinoza to serve as the next Secretary General. We believe that she is the right leader for this moment. After more than 80 years, no woman has ever served as Secretary General. The time is now. Our case for Ms. Espinoza rests not on gender. It rests on competence, experience, independence, and leadership. At a time of fragmentation, the United Nations needs a credible bridge builder. capable of restoring confidence in multilateralism. Antigua and Barbuda believes that Maria Fernandez Espinoza demonstrated that when she was a leader here of the General Assembly, we believe that she can provide the leadership we need now. Mr. President, multilateralism is under profound strain. Economic uncertainties continue to grow. Technology is racing ahead of governance. Artificial intelligence offers extraordinary possibilities but it also raises profound concerns about who will control its development and share in its benefit. Small island developing states must not be left out as spectators. Nor can we accept an international system in which rules are binding upon the weak but negotiable for the powerful. International law must apply equally. Sovereignty cannot depend upon power nor justice upon one's friends. Antigua and Barbuda commands neither a a a great army nor large markets. International law, cooperation, and multilateralism are fundamental to our security and stability. For us, the United Nation is not optional. It is essential to our survival. We support a more efficient, coherent and accountable United Nations, but efficiency cannot become another word for retreat. The UN80 reform process must be judged by whether this organization serves people better. For SIDS, that means protecting development the development pillar advancing implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda agenda for SIDS, a bus, and bringing effective support closer to those who need it most. Mister President, Trade disputes, tariffs, and economic fragmentation raises the cost of food, transport, and the development. Too often, small island states pay the price for disputes we did not create. We call upon the major economies to choose dialogue and cooperation. Fairness, Mr. President, must also govern international finance. A hurricane does not check GDP before destroying a school. Rising seas does not consult income classification before entering a home or village. That is why the Multi-Vulnerability Index matters. It provides a fairer measure of the structural vulnerabilities that small island states, and it helps GDP because GDP alone cannot provide this measurement. Excellencies, nowhere is the urgency greater than in the climate crisis. For small island developing states like mine, climate change is not a warning about tomorrow. We are experiencing it today. Warmer oceans fuel more destructive hurricanes. Coastlines are retreating. Salt water destroys fresh water and throws upon it, forcing countries like Antigua and Barbuda to spend increasingly more costly means to secure fresh drinking water. The General Assembly's high-level meeting on sea level rise placed before the international community fundamental questions of statehood, sovereignty, Maritime rights, displacement, culture and identity. Climate change must never be allowed to erase a nation's sovereignty, its statehood, or the rights of its people. Antigua and Barbuda and other vulnerable states sought clarity on the obligations of states in relationship to climate change. The International Court of Justice has spoken. Climate obligations are not acts of generosity. They are responsibilities under international law. For small states, international law is more than a moral aspiration. It is our strategic shield. For SIDS, climate justice is survival. Our survival is inseparable from the ocean. The entry into force of BBNJ agreement is therefore an important achievement for multilateralism, but implementation will be the real test. States must share fairly in the benefits arising from marine genetic resources. Capacity building must be meaningful and marine technology must be accessible. Madam President, climate justice cannot be separated from historic justice. The Caribbean did not arrive at this moment on equal terms. Centuries of enslavement and colonial extraction transformed transferred wealth from our societies and denied generations the means to build prosperity. Political independence did not erase those arms. Today, countries that contribute least to climate change must borrow at high cost and rebuild from disaster given overwhelmingly by emissions that we did not have anything but that comes from afar. That is where climate debt meets historic debt. Antigua and Barbuda stands firm with CARICOM and Africa in demanding reparatory justice for people of African descent. Reparatory justice requires acknowledging responsibility, repairing continuing harm, and correcting structures that still reproduce inequality. Expressions of regret are not enough. Justice requires honest dialogue, followed by concrete measures and repair and restoration and development. Reparatory justice is not a favor. It is a claim grounded in responsibility, equality, and human dignity. Madam President, development finds its true meaning in the lives and dignity of people. Non-communicable diseases cut short too many lives and diminishes the quality of lives of too many people in my country and in our region. These diseases detecting them early, and ensuring effective treatment and national development priorities for Antigua and Barbuda. Mental health challenges are increasing. Preventable vision loss denies dozens and dozens of our people opportunities to learn, work, and live independently. Antigua and Barbuda will continue to champion mental health, strengthen our universal health programs to address non-communicable diseases and place eye health firmly within our development priorities. This November, Antigua and Barbuda will host along with the Commonwealth Heads of Government, a global eye health summit the first of its kind, to move the international community from advocacy to action against the growing burden of preventable sight loss. We invite Member States and partners to join us and support an eye health compact that expands access, strengthens prevention and treatment. mobilizes finance and integrates eye health fully into our development strategies. Excellencies, two years ago, the international community gathered in Antigua and Barbuda and adopted the agenda for small island developing states, ABAS. Our 10-year framework for sustainable development and resilient prosperity. Now, Excellencies, becomes the real hard work of implementation. SIDS need finance, technology, capacity, and institutions that will recognize vulnerability and work with us. The SIDS Center of Excellence will help turn Abbas' commitment into practical solutions through the better data, innovation, investment, and support for sustainable development. Abbas must move from commitment to implementation, and SIDS must move from vulnerability towards resilient prosperity. Mr. President, international financial architectures must also change. The Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, which was held in Seville, Spain, placed debt and development finance close to the center of the international agenda. That progress must now become action. Small states cannot develop sustainably when they must repeatedly borrow to rebuild. We cannot fulfill the promise of a bus when carrying unsustainable debts Nor can we build resilience when the cost of capital itself penalizes vulnerability. For too long, the international financial architecture has asked vulnerable countries how much debt can they carry. It must also ask how much development can they achieve. How can countries realize their potential when debt services, repeated shocks, and high borrowing costs consume the resources needed for schools, hospitals, and resilient development and transformation? Finance must create fiscal space for development. Vulnerable states need greater access to long-term, affordable, and predictable financing. Together, the debt solutions that respond to these real-- must respond to these real circumstances. Antigua and Barbuda call for the launch of the intergovernmental process on debt agreed upon in civil. Madam President, there can be no sustainable development without peace. But peace begins long before guns fall silent. It begins when young people see a future, when solidarity provides food, education, employment, and opportunity. and when injustice is addressed before it becomes instability and conflict. In a fractured world, the United Nations must renew both its operational relevance and its moral clarity. It must help forge a new compact between development and developing countries, connect finance to resilience and support local leadership with global solidarity. Development is, Mr. President, an instrument of peace. The United Nations must invest as seriously in preventing wars as it does in responding after they begin. Diplomacy Mediation and development must be central to that work. Throughout every crisis, one principle must remain constant. International law must apply equally to all. The credibility of the international system depends upon this consistency. Madam President, the United Nations reform program must extend

the Security Council, its composition, its decisions and its capacity to act. Antigua and Barbuda welcomes the initiative led by France and Mexico calling on the permanent members to restrain, refrain voluntarily from using the veto but use it especially in situations of mass atrocities. We will join the growing number of member states, last count 127, in supporting this call. The veto must not paralyze the Council's work or prevent it from fulfilling its responsibility to maintaining international peace and security. Reform must also address represent representation. Africa's continued exclusion from the permanent membership is an injustice that must be corrected. Africa must have permanent representation at the Security Council. Small island developing states must also have an assured seat at the table. and we call for a dedicated SIDS seat on a reformed Council. Madam President, the Council's credibility depends equally on its response to those who urgently need its support. The crisis in Haiti is a human tragedy and challenges Caribbean stability and democracy. We call on the Security Council to renew the mandate of the Gang Suppression Force and international partners to provide the personnel, equipment, and sustained finance needed to shape that mandate and make it effective. Excellencies, Excellencies, the hardship facing faced by the Cuban people demands our attention. Antigua and Barbuda call on our friends, the United States of America and Cuba to return to the table of diplomacy and work as good neighbors would towards resolving their long-standing dispute. The Cuban people must not bear the collective punishment for political disagreement. Their well-being must remain central to efforts to find a peaceful, lasting solution. Across our region, our purpose is clear: to protect human dignity, strengthen stability, and ensure that dialogue and cooperation prevail. Excellencies, the world is changing. Its climate, its technology, and its balance of economic power are all changing. The United Nations must change with it. However, its founding principles must endure. The equality of nations, the dignity of people, the sovereignty of states, and the respect for international law must hold fast. Madam President. Let the United Nations reform strengthen multilateralism. Let international law protect every nation. Let finance serve development rather than deepen debts. Let us implement a bus, protect our oceans, and invest in our human dignity. And as this organizations prepare for new leadership, let us choose leadership equal to this moment and these tasks. Excellencies, history will not judge us by the number of resolutions we adopt. It will, however, judge us by whether we acted when the seas rose, when inequality deepened, when international law was violated and when multilateralism faltered. Let us enter this new era with courage in our leadership, fairness in our decisions, and hope in our common future. It is the hope of Antigua and Barbuda that this United Nation can still fulfill the promise of its charter. I thank you.

I thank the chair of delegation of Antigua and Barbuda. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Ingrid Jackson, Chair of Delegation of Grenada.

Mr. President, distinguished heads of states and governments, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Let me thank the government and people of Grenada for this privilege bestowed upon me. And thank Grenada's visionary Prime Minister, honorable Deacon Mitchell for the trust. Grenada congratulates you, mister president, as president of the eighty-first session of the General Assembly. And we thank the former president, Annelina Burbach. Mister President, One year ago, standing at this very podium, the Prime Minister of Grenada addressed this General Assembly not only as a head of government, but as a proud son of the Caribbean. He reminded us that our region continues to literally and figuratively weather storms, yet continues to rise with resilience, dignity, and hope. Today, as I stand before you representing the people of Grenada, I speak of transformation because resilience alone is no longer enough. Our task cannot simply be to survive one crisis after another. We must transform the conditions that make people vulnerable in the first place. We must renew our global systems, strengthen our multilateral partnerships, and summon the collective will necessary to build a world worthy of the next generation. And that transformation must begin with people. Mr. President, Grenada joins CARICOM in calling for the timely renewal of the mandate of the Gang Suppression Force, its full and rapid deployment in close partnership with the Haitian National Police, and the provision of the personnel, financing, equipment, and logistical support necessary for it to fulfill its mandate effectively with appropriate human rights safeguards. These security efforts are essential to creating the conditions for credible, free, fair, and inclusive Haitian-led elections, the strengthening of national institutions, and the restoration of constitutional governance. Haiti is not a failed state. Haiti represents a promise yet to be fulfilled. It is a promise to the Haitian people that the international community must honor, not with pity, but with purpose, not temporarily, but sustainably. And even as we respond to the security crisis, humanitarian assistance must remain at the center of our efforts. Mr. President. Grenada remains deeply concerned about the continuing hardship endured by the Cuban people. Our humanitarian conscience cannot be indifferent to the circumstances of ordinary households, particularly children, the elderly, and other vulnerable persons, whose difficulty deepen with each passing day that the present impasse remains unresolved. We call for constructive engagement that places the well-being of the Cuban people at its center and opens a path toward meaningful relief, improved living conditions, and renewed opportunities. This requires Cuba and the United States of America to address the very difficult but not insurmountable challenges of ending of sanctions, the removal of the embargo and blockade against the Cuban people. And importantly, the necessary reforms required to ensure the continued well-being of the Cuban people. Some of such reforms, Grenada notes are already being undertaken. Mr. President, as we speak of transforming our multilateral system, we must also ensure that its leadership reflects the diversity, experience, and aspirations of the people it serves. Grenada therefore proudly joins the CARICOM family in giving or unequivocal support to the candidacy of Ambassador Carolyn Rodriguez Bickett of Guyana for the position of Secretary General of the United Nations. CARICOM heads of government have endorsed her as the region's candidate. recognizing the experience and leadership she brings to this important moment for global multilateralism. Her distinguished service as Guyana's foreign minister and permanent representative to the United Nations has demonstrated a deep commitment to diplomacy, dialogue, and international cooperation. The Caribbean has long demonstrated that size does not determine the strength of our ideas, the quality of our leadership, or the values of our contribution to the international community. We believe Ambassador Rodriguez Bocket is eminently qualified to serve the entire United Nations membership. Her election would represent a historic milestone for Caribbean region and a powerful affirmation that every region including small island developing states can contribute to leadership at the highest level of a multilateral system. Mister President, We meet at a time of significant global transformation. The challenges before us are complex, but they also present an opportunity to renew our commitment to cooperation and create practical solutions that improve the lives of our people. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, challenges us to move beyond declaration towards delivery. For Grenada, removing trust means demonstrating through our actions that international cooperation produces results. It means listening to one another. It means respecting the voices of small states as much as those of large ones. It means building genuine partnership. And it means ensuring that every country has the opportunity to pursue its legitimate development aspirations. Grenada approaches this general assembly in a spirit of partnership, optimism, and constructive engagement. We remain firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, international law, peaceful dialogue, and the peaceful settlement of dispute. In an increasingly interconnected world, cooperation is not merely desirable, it is indispensable. Mr. President, The transformation we advocate internationally must also take place at home. Grenada is advancing an ambitious long-term road map towards our 75th anniversary of independence. Anchored in our national sustainable development plan of 2020 to 2035, vision 75 charts a transformational course for our nation. Rooted in sustainability, resilience, equity, and opportunity. At the heart of Vision 75 are five strategic pillars: education and skill training, healthcare, agriculture and food security, the environment and energy, and housing. These are not simply sectors of government policy. They are investment in people. We are investing in health and wellness, education and skills, food security, renewable energy, digital innovation, and environmental sustainability. We are creating greater opportunities for young people and preparing them not simply for the jobs that exist today, but for the industry they will define tomorrow. For Grenada, transformation must always be people-centered. It means building resilience while creating opportunities, expanding our economy while protecting our environment, and embracing technology while safeguarding humanity. Mr. President, as a small island developing state, Grenada understands resilience. But experience has also taught us that resilience cannot begin after disaster strikes. We must invest before the storm, prepare before the emergency bill, before the damage is done, and finance resilience before countries are forced to borrow simply to rebuild what they have lost. This requires Greater international cooperation in climate adaptation, disaster preparedness, resilient infrastructure, and accessible financing. Small island developing states should not be viewed simply as victims of climate change. We are also laboratories of resilience. Climate action remains one of the areas in which collective effort can make a profound difference. Grenada remains committed to strengthening resilience and advancing sustainable and low carbon development. But ambition without implementation is merely aspiration. For vulnerable countries, climate commitments must be accompanied by reliable access to the resources required to deliver them. Climate financing must become more accessible, predictable, and responsive. Our objective should not simply be to help vulnerable countries recover from the next disaster. Our objective must be to transform vulnerability into resilience and resilience into sustainable opportunity. Mr. President, this transformation must also take place in the international financial system. Grenada welcomes growing recognition that development and vulnerability cannot be accessed by income alone. The Multidimensional Vulnerability Index offers an important opportunity to better recognize the structural circumstances of small island developing states. Our vulnerabilities are shaped by exposure to climate change, natural disasters, external economic shocks, and other circumstances that cannot adequately be captured through income per capita. Grenada, therefore, encourages Member States, development partners and international financial institutions to advance vulnerability-informed approaches to development financing. Greater access to concessional financing, climate finance, disaster risk financing, and innovative financial instruments can help countries move from vulnerability to resilience and from recovery to sustainable growth. Mr. President, at the center of all of this must be our young people. Their creativity, energy, and ideas are among our greatest national and global assets. Our responsibility is to give them the education, skills, technology, and opportunities necessary to shape the world they will inherit. Digital transformation and emerging technologies, particularly artificial intelligence, offer enormous possibilities for education, healthcare, agriculture, public administration, and economic development. But access must be equitable. The technology shaping humanity's future must not create another divide between those countries that can afford to innovate and those that cannot. and access alone will not be enough. As artificial intelligence becomes increasingly embedded in our economies and societies, we must develop credible AI governance frameworks that encourage innovation while protecting people, privacy, security, democratic values, and public trust. Technology must remain a tool for human development, not a replacement for human responsibility. We must prepare young people not only to use new technologies, but to question them, govern them, and deploy them ethically. Mr. President, Grenada approaches the future with confidence. We recognize the challenges before us, but we also see enormous possibilities. Our Vision 75 embodies our determination to build a stronger, healthier, a more resilient and more prosperous Grenada. Our commitment to the Sustainable Development Goals reflects our belief in shared global progress, and our engagement in this United Nations reflects our conviction that partnership remains one of humanity's greatest sources of strength. But partnership must deliver. So let this Assembly send a clear message. Let us restore hope in Haiti. Let us protect children and civilians wherever conflict threatens their lives. Let us choose dialogue over division. Let us allow cooperation with Cuba and with all nations to be guided by the interests and well-being of people. Let us ensure that small island developing states have fair access to the financing necessary to build resilience before disaster strikes. Let us equip our young people. to lead the technological transformation rather than become casualties of it. Let us protect our oceans and our planet, and let us transform our multilateral institutions so that they deliver not simply promises, but progress. The measure of this United Nations cannot only be the resolutions we adopt. It must be the lives we improve, the children we protect, the conflict we help prevent, the opportunities we create, and the hope we restore. Mr. President, Grenada stands ready to work with all member states and the international partners in advancing a future that is peaceful, resilient, inclusive, and sustainable. One year ago, Grenada came before this assembly with a message about resilience and education. Today, we build upon that message. Resilience gives us the strength to endure. Transformation gives us the power to change. Partnership gives us the ability to do both. Together, through renewed trust and genuine partnership, We can build a United Nation that delivers, a United Nation that protects, a United Nations that listens, a United Nation that acts, and ultimately, a world in which no country, no community, and no person is left behind. May God bless the United Nations. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the Chair of the delegation of Grenada. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Cecilia Adut Majok Adeng, Chair of the delegation of South Sudan.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, I bring you warm greetings and best wishes from His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit, the President of the Republic of South Sudan. And I bring you greetings from the government and the people of South Sudan, together with a message of peace, unity, development, and unwavering commitment to international cooperation. I wish to congratulate Mr. President on your election to preside over the 81st session of this General Assembly. I also express South Sudan's appreciation to the Secretary-General. His Excellency Antonio Guterres has continued his service until the last speech he delivered here early last week. His commitment to the principle of the United Nations Charter stands with us. Mr. President, the theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation that delivers for all, speaks directly to the experience and the aspiration of the people of South Sudan. As the world's youngest nation and the 193rd member of the United Nations, South Sudan understands both the promises and the possibilities of multilateralism. South Sudan also understand that trust is fundamental to peace. trust among citizens, trust between citizens and their institutions, trust among nations, and trust between member states and the international institutions created to serve them. South Sudan remains committed to the United Nations and the purpose and the principle of its charter. We recognize and appreciate the contribution the United Nations has made to South Sudan, from humanitarian assistance and protection of civilians to peacebuilding, development, and institutional support. However, restoring trust also requires honest reflection. Our experience has shown that international institutions can sometimes be slow to adjust to changing circumstances on the ground. Approaches designed to respond to conflict must be capable of evolving as nations move towards peace, recovery, institution building, and ownership. For South Sudan, therefore, restoring trust must mean strengthening partnership between the United Nations and member states, respecting national ownership, recognizing progress while acknowledging remaining challenges, and ensuring that international engagements ultimately strengthen the capacity of the nations to assume the responsibility of their own future. Mr. President, to understand where South Sudan seeks to go, one must understand where South Sudan has came from. The history of South Sudan did not begin with the independence of the 9th of July, 2011. It was shaped by more than half of a century of struggle, sacrifices, displacement, and unwavering desire for freedom and self-determination. Our late Dr. John Garang de Mabior summarized those aspirations of the struggle that when he spoke freedom, liberty, equality, justice, human rights, and democracy. Those aspirations did not end with the independence. They remain part of the ongoing work of nation building. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 provided the political framework that transformed struggles, decades of struggles, into a peaceful exercise of self-determination. South Sudan, therefore, continues to recognize the indispensable contribution of IGAD and our African Union brothers and sisters. as well as the support of the troika, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Norway, and the wider international community. South Sudan also remembers the extraordinary contribution of the churches and faith-based leaders. During some of the darkest years of the conflict, churches remained with the people of South Sudan. They educated children. They assisted displaced communities, they mediated disputes, and kept alive the belief that reconciliation was possible. That tradition continued with the historical and medical pilgrimage of peace to South Sudan by His Holiness Pope Francis, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the moderator of the Church of Scotland. Their message reinforced something that South Sudan has learned through painful experience. The message reinforced something that peace requires political agreement. But lasting peace also requires reconciliation, forgiveness, and courage. Mr. President, His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit belongs to the generation that carried the struggle of liberation. Following the passing of Dr. John Garang Dima Bure, President Kiir assumed the responsibility of safeguarding the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. and leading the people of South Sudan towards the referendum on self-determination. On January 2011, the people of South Sudan overwhelmingly spoke through the ballot. And on the 9th of July 2011, President Kiir stood before the people as the flag of the Republic of South Sudan was raised for the first time. 15 years later, South Sudan has traveled a difficult road. There have been achievements. There also have been setbacks. South Sudan experienced internal conflict shortly after independence. Implementation of the revitalized peace agreement has taken longer than originally intended or anticipated. Economic and humanitarian challenges remain significant. The government does not deny these realities, but neither should these challenges be allowed to erase the progress made or define permanently the identity of the Republic of South Sudan. Throughout the transition period, President Kiir has repeatedly made one commitment clear. He will not take South Sudan back to war. This commitment has guided his approach to peace process and remain fundamental to his vision for the next chapter of South Sudan. The mission before President Kiir is therefore different from the mission of the liberation years. The liberation struggle sought to give the people of South Sudan the right to determine their destiny. The responsibility today is to consolidate peace, strengthen institution, and create conditions through which the people of South Sudan can once again determine their political future through democratic means. Mr. President, when the people of South Sudan voted for the independence, they were voting for more than creation of a new state. They were voting for a dream. They dreamt of a peace after generations of war. They dreamt of schools for their children. health care for their families, roads connecting their communities, food security and economic opportunities, justice and equality, strong institutions, and a government whose authority ultimately drives from the will of its people. The difficulties of the last 15 years have been not extinguished, not to extinguish those dreams. They remain alive among the people of South Sudan. And it's precisely for this reason that His Excellency President Salva remains committed to paving the way towards general elections scheduled for December 2026. These elections are intended to mark the conclusion of the transition period and provide the people of South Sudan the opportunity to choose democratically their own leaders. We recognize the important work ahead. Electoral institutions require adequate resources, political dialogue must continue, security arrangements must advance, civic and voter education must reach communities. Women and young people must participate meaningfully. Refugees and internally displaced persons must not be left out. And an environment must be created to which political competition can occur peacefully. The government remains committed to working towards these objectives. For far too long, South Sudan has often been seen internationally through the lens of conflict, humanitarian needs, and political crisis. President Kiir's vision is to create the condition in which the world can once again see the people of South Sudan for who they truly are, a resilient people who struggled for freedom, voted peacefully for independence, continue to aspire for peace, dignity, democracy, and prosperity. The people of South Sudan must increasingly speak for themselves, and they must speak through the ballot. Our journey, therefore, continues from liberation struggle to comprehensive peace agreement to the referendum to independence, from conflict to peace, and now from transition towards democratic governance. Mr. President, the message of President Kiir remains clear-- South Sudan must not return to war. Political disagreement must not be addressed. Political disagreement must be addressed through dialogue. Political competition must never again become armed confrontation. The ballot must replace the bullets. South Sudan recognizes that conducting peaceful elections requires security and strong institutions. The government bears the primary responsibility for protecting its citizens. maintaining public order, and safeguarding the electoral process. South Sudan, therefore, continues to call for constructive engagements with the Security Council concerning restrictive measures, including the arms embargo. South Sudan's objective is not militarization. The objective is to develop professional, unified, disciplined, and accountable security forces operating under the civilian authority and the rule of law. South Sudan believes that accountability and national capacity should reinforce themselves. We therefore call for the lifting of all the restrictive measures, sanctions, and sanctions must be instruments for achieving clear defined objectives. They should not become permanent substitute for political engagements and institution buildings. Mr. President, South Sudan remains grateful for the contribution of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. We recognize the men and women who serve under the United Nations flag, particularly those who have lost their lives in the service of peace. As South Sudan advances its transition, international engagement must also evolve. President Kiir's vision is not for South Sudan to remain indefinitely dependent upon international peacekeeping. The objective must be a South Sudan capable of sustaining its own peacekeeping. South Sudan, therefore, calls for a greater emphasis on peacebuilding, institutional development, continuous capacity building, and we are also keen to establishing partnership. Invest in South Sudan police and judiciary. Invest in public administration. Invest in education and healthcare. Invest in infrastructure. Invest in women and young people. Invest in institutions that will sustain peace long after peacekeepers have departed. The ultimate measures of a successful peacekeeping should be the establishment of condition under which peacekeeping is no longer required. South Sudan, therefore, seeks a responsible transition from managing crisis towards building a lasting national capacity. Mr. President, peace cannot be sustained without development. At independence, South Sudan inherited extremely limited infrastructure and institutional capacity. Nation building, state building, and service delivery have, therefore, have to proceed simultaneously. President Kiir has placed particular emphasis on agriculture, infrastructure, education, healthcare, and economic diversification. South Sudan possesses millions of hectares of arable land, significant water resources, livestock, fishery, natural resources, and one of the youngest population in the world. South Sudan, therefore, seeks to transition progressively from humanitarian dependency to self reliance, and towards a sustainable development and investment. For a farmer, a road to a market is development. For a child, a functioning school is development. For a mother, access to health care is development. For a young person, employment is development. And for South Sudan, development is one of the strongest foundation for lasting peace. We therefore invite international partners and responsible investors to look beyond South Sudan's current challenges and recognize its potential. Do not ask only what South Sudan needs, ask what South Sudan can offer. Mr. President, South Sudan continues to face severe consequences from climate shocks, despite contributing minimally to global emission. Recurrent floods, droughts, displacement, and food insecurity are affecting millions of South Sudanese. South Sudan, therefore, reiterates its call for predictable and accessible climate financing, investment in adaptation, resilient infrastructure, renewable energy, agriculture, and technology transfer. Climate justice must reflect not only in commitments, but in the implementation. Mr. President, South Sudan and young people, women and young people of South Sudan are essential to President Kiir's vision. The revitalized peace agreement provided 35% representation for women in public institutions. South Sudan continues on working to translate those commitment into meaningful participation at all levels. South Sudan also is an overwhelmingly young population. These young people should not inherit a conflict of previous generation. They should inherit opportunities of peace, education, vocational training, technology, entrepreneurship, agriculture, and sports. That is the future they deserve. Mr. President, decades of conflict scattered South Sudanese across the world. But South Sudanese diaspora should not be viewed only through the history of displacement. It is also an extraordinary national resources. Our national basketball team, the Bright Star, demonstrated this before the world. South Sudanese whose journey had taken them across different countries and continents came together under one flag. Under the leadership of Luol Deng and the South Sudan Basketball Federation, South Sudan qualified for the Basketball World Cup and subsequently the Olympic Games. They showed the world the image of South Sudan, not conflict, not displacement, but talent, discipline, unity, and excellence. This experience offers a model for national development. South Sudan doctors abroad can contribute to health care. Engineers can contribute to infrastructure. Academians can strengthen education. Entrepreneurs can invest and create employment. Technology professionals can conduct, can connect South Sudan to digital economy. And successful South Sudanese around the world can mentor the next generation. To the international community. We need to create a stronger partnership that would enable South Sudan diaspora to transfer their skills and professional experience in order to contribute to the ongoing development in the Republic of South Sudan. To the South Sudanese diaspora, our message is simple. South Sudan needs you. Bring your knowledge home, bring your experience home, bring your investment home, and bring your networks home. Where physical return is not possible, allow your skills and experience to contribute to South Sudan. The same experience, the same spirits that brought South Sudanese athletes from around the world together under one flag can help bring South Sudanese expertise together for one national purpose. South Sudan's greatest resources is ultimately its people, both at home and abroad. Mr. President, South Sudan stand in solidarity with the people of Sudan. South Sudan and Sudan share history, families, economic interests, and one of the longest border in the region. South Sudan, therefore, reiterates its ongoing and continued full support for a lasting peace in the Sudan. South Sudan knows from the experience that military confrontation ultimately requires a political solution. Even the longest conflict must eventually reach a negotiated settlement. South Sudan therefore supports regional and international efforts aimed at achieving peace in Sudan. Outstanding matters arising from the comprehensive peace agreement, including the border issues and the final status of Abyei, also requires a peaceful engagement between South Sudan and Sudan. Mr. President, restoring trust also requires reform of institutions of global governance. The composition of the Security Council does not equitably reflect the realities of today. Africa, with 54 member states, remains without a permanent representation on the Council. South Sudan, therefore, reaffirms its support for the common African position. Africa must be appropriately represented in both permanent and non-permanent categories. Similarly, Developing countries must have a stronger voice in international financial institutions and decisions concerning development, financing, debt, climate, and technology. Reforms do not weaken multilateralism. Reforms strengthen its legitimacy. Mr. President, 15 years after the independence, South Sudan remains a young nation undertaking the difficult work of building a state while consolidating peace and delivering development. The journey has not been easy, but the liberation generation fought for freedom. The generation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement secured the pathway to self-determination. The people of South Sudan chose independence through the ballots. and His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit carried the responsibility of leading South Sudan through referendum and into statehood. Today, President Kiir's vision is directed towards another historical responsibility, to preserve peace, strengthen national institutions, pave the way towards elections through which the people of South Sudan can determine the next chapter of their nation. This ultimately about completing the promise of independence. A South Sudan at peace with itself, a South Sudan governed through strong institutions, a South Sudan where political competition does not lead to war, a South Sudan where women participate fully and where young people have opportunities. where refugees can return home, where the diaspora can contribute to national development, and where children grow up knowing South Sudan not through the memoirs of war, but through the possibilities of peace. Dr. John Garang once challenged the people of South Sudan to unite and dream together. That dream did not end with independence. It continues today. And today, the responsibility of President Kiir is, and his government, is the political leadership, is indeed, is that people of South Sudan must dream and must have a functioning, peaceful, and a prosperous South Sudan. To our international partners who stood with us during our liberation struggle, and during the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and during the referendum, and at independence, We say, stand with South Sudan again. But let this chapter be a partnership that strengthen national ownership, a partnership that build institutions, a partnership that recognizes progress while helping address remaining challenges, a partnership that enables South Sudan progressively to stand on its own. Mr. President, for South Sudan, restoring trust means delivering on the promises of peace. Managing transformation means moving from conflict to institutions, from dependency to national capacity, and from transition towards democratic governance. And a United Nations that deliver for all means ultimately help nations develop the capacity to deliver for their own people. South Sudan remains committed to the United Nations. South Sudan remain committed to Africa. And South Sudan remained committed to peace. And under the leadership of His Excellency, President Salva Kiir Mayardit, South Sudan remains committed to the long journey of transforming the sacrifices of liberation into peace, dignity, development, democratic future for which the people of South Sudan have waited for generations. That is the promise of independence. That is the responsibility of this generation, and that is the future South Sudan seek to build. May the Lord Almighty bless the people of South Sudan, and may the Lord Almighty bless all the nation represented in this Assembly. I thank you for your kind attention.

I thank the chair of delegation of South Sudan. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Christina Marcus Lassen, Chair of Delegation of Denmark.

Madam President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates. A compass does not change with the weather. It helps you find a way in fair weather as well as in storm. 81 years ago, the world gave itself a compass. We named it the United Nations Charter. It has helped us stay the course, even when the seas have been anything but calm. It has pointed us toward a world of equal rights, self-determination of peoples, and territorial integrity of all states. large and small, towards a rules-based international order. The progress has been real. More than a billion people lifted out of poverty, standards of living transformed, colonial empires brought to an end, independent nations emerged, peoples gained the right to shape their own future. That progress was made possible because we kept consulting the compass. because we stayed the course. Today, it seems we are losing our way. Wars and conflicts are at the highest level since World War II. Extreme poverty is on the rise. Extreme weather and climate-related disasters are hitting record highs. Mistrust, polarization, and divisions are growing, both among states and within societies. Even the most basic principles of international law, including international humanitarian law, are violated with impunity. To get back on track, we must turn our attention to the compass. Excellencies, respect for the Charter, for human rights, for international law, is not a courtesy we extend when convenient. These are binding obligations we all agree to. Respecting them is the precondition for international peace and security. We see this clearly in Ukraine. Russia's illegal war of choice could end tomorrow if Russia withdrew to its own territory and stopped trying to redraw borders by force. The vast majority of UN member states and the UN Secretary-General support calls for an immediate and comprehensive ceasefire in Ukraine. It is the only basis for good faith talks aimed at a just and lasting peace in line with international law, including the UN Charter. Ukraine has been offering this for a year now. Denmark's support to Ukraine will remain steadfast. This is not only a matter of helping Ukraine defend itself. It is a matter of defending the universal principles upon which this organization was built. Excellencies, in Sudan, the war continues to inflict immense human suffering. Millions are displaced. Famine has been confirmed. And the international community has been warned of mass atrocities over and over again, but has failed to act. The responsibility for this horrific war lies in the hand of the warring parties, yet it is fueled by outside actors and permitted by international inaction. We must act now to prevent further mass atrocities against the Sudanese people. We must put our political will and weight behind a stronger demand for peace and accountability. The warring parties must come to the negotiation table, engage in dialogue, and agree to a much-needed truce. Denmark fully supports the Quint's efforts to advance a civilian-led political process and welcomes the improved coordination among mediators. Excellencies, in Syria, the fall of the brutal Assad regime offers a historic opportunity to build a brighter future for all Syrians. Denmark is committed to supporting the people of Syria in a Syrian-led and owned transition. It is a glimpse of hope in a troubled region, and a stark contrast to the destabilizing actions of Iran, whose consequences are felt far beyond the region. Denmark's position remains clear. Iran must never be allowed to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. We strongly support continued diplomatic efforts to restore effective international verification of Iran's nuclear program. And we deeply regret the unwillingness of a few Council members to acknowledge that sanctions measures have been reinstated in full accordance with Security Council Resolution 2231. At the same time, We urge Iran to comply fully with Resolution 2817, cease attacks against countries in the region, and refrain from any actions or threats that undermine the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Excellencies, last year, this Assembly endorsed the New York Declaration, a roadmap towards the two-state solution, a path to lasting peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians. Since then, The comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict has been endorsed by the Security Council. Now it must be implemented in full. We call on all parties to stay committed to the plan. Yet in Gaza, civilians continue to pay the price. Far more must be done to secure humanitarian access and long-term peace. And in the occupied West Bank, settler violence and settlement expansion threaten the daily lives of Palestinians, and undermine the prospects for a future Palestinian state. This has to stop. Excellencies, as an elected member of the Security Council, Denmark strives to ensure that the Council fulfills its mandate. At times, we succeed. This June, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2823 on accountability for crimes against UN peacekeepers led by Denmark and Pakistan, and backed by a record 153 Member States. A clear signal of commitment to the safety and security of the brave men and women who serve under the UN flag. And a clear demonstration that the Council can still come together and speak with one voice. Too often, however, the Security Council is blocked by geopolitical divisions, unable to act. Meanwhile, the costs of inaction are felt by the civilians across the world as the disrespect for international humanitarian law is allowed to fester. Excellencies, our collective inability to halt the killings, suffering, and injustices in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, and beyond must not prompt us to surrender to a world ruled by brute force. On the contrary, it must inspire us to work harder to sustain and strengthen the structures, instruments and mechanisms we have built over the last 81 years. To Denmark, this includes maintaining our firm support for the ICJ and the ICC as core international justice institutions. This year, Denmark nominated its first ever candidate for judge at the ICC, reaffirming our unwavering support for the Court at a critical time. It also means continuing to meet the UN target of providing 0.7% of GNI for official development assistance. For more than 45 years, Denmark has consistently delivered on that goal. We do so not as an act of altruism, but because it's in our shared interest. It creates jobs, opportunities, and hope where people live, allowing them to build a future at home increasing stability and mutual prosperity. We call on fellow member states to join us. At the current juncture, however, sustaining an order with the UN as its core means working for reform. Reform is how we keep this organization fit for the world we live in. Denmark continues to call for a fundamental Security Council reform. We wish to expand the Council with more members in both categories, including permanent seat, for underrepresented regions. And we wish to commence text-based negotiations. Only then can we begin to redress historical injustices. Denmark also strongly supports the UN80 reform process. We applaud the results so far and call for ambitions to be raised. We must strive to build a more efficient and inclusive UN, a UN that delivers better on its core mandates and underground where it matters most. To enable this, we call on all UN member states to meet their financial obligations to the UN in full and on time. Excellencies, let's be real. We need the UN, not for the sake of the UN, but in order to address challenges that face us all. Because no single country can manage climate change, global health threats, or the governance of emerging technologies on its own. The climate crisis makes the point starkly. We see it in droughts and wildfires, in record-breaking heat, and in the growing pressure on food, water, and energy accessibility and security. The challenge before us is no longer a lack of solutions. We have the solutions. We know what's required. Now we need to deliver. Therefore, COP31 must be a COP of implementation, turning ambition into action and real-world results, delivering on the objectives of the Paris Agreement and its 1.5 degrees Celsius temperature goal. With only four years left to 2030, we must also be honest about where we stand on sustainable development goals, both in terms of achievements and challenges. Let's make the upcoming SDG Summit a turning point, 2030 must not be a missed deadline. Excellencies, this year we will be selecting a new Secretary-General. Denmark thanks Secretary-General Guterres for a decade of dedicated service to this Organization, often under exceptionally difficult circumstances. The next Secretary-General will take over an Organization under strain and under scrutiny. To bring the UN safely into the future, we must select a person who can work to restore global trust in the UN and among its Member States. Excellencies, in closing, I am happy to inform you that last week, in this very building, Denmark, Greenland and the United States signed an agreement on security which strengthens the defence of Greenland, the NATO area and the American continent. The agreement is good for Greenland, for Denmark, for the United States, for NATO and Europe, and for international peace and security. Progress can still be made when we consult the COMPASS. I thank you.

I thank the chair of delegation of Denmark. I now give the floor to his Excellency Boris Vazir, Mark, Johnny Carrero, chair of delegation of Costa Rica.

Mr. President. With a great sense of humility and respect, I address you and the excellencies here in this illustrious hall. More than eight decades ago, the founders of the United Nations understood that no peace built on brute force could stand the test of time. They opted instead for law, cooperation, and dialogue as pillars of a new international order. Today, this conviction is facing one of the toughest tests it has faced since the organization's foundation. The world stands at a period of deep-rooted fragmentation. The world is deeply polarized. Armed conflicts are dragging on longer than before. Transnational organized crime is broadening its capacity to act. Its tentacles are growing longer. The effects of climate change are growing ever more intense. Development divides remain, and the technological transformation is posing unprecedented challenges to our institutions. At the same time, trust in multilateralism is waning precisely when we need it most. Standing before this landscape, Costa Rica reaffirms its belief that no state, no state can alone address challenges that are common to us all. Multilateralism is a prerequisite for the preservation of peace, to promote sustainable development and to protect human dignity. However, multilateralism will only preserve its dignity if it proves able to yield tangible results, specific results for people, for human beings. Costa Rica champions a United Nations which is more agile, more efficient, more transparent, and more accountable to its member states. organization should establish priorities, do away with overlaps, make prudent use of its resources and measure its results. President, international peace and security are facing increasingly complex threats. Transnational organized crime, drug trafficking, trafficking in persons, weapons smuggling, asset laundering, cybercrime and illegal mining transcend national borders and undermine democratic stability, development and the rule of law. Costa Rica has first-hand experience of these threats. Illegal mining, spearheaded by transnational criminal organizations on our border with Nicaragua, has wrought havoc on the environment, and is producing risks to public health, the economy, and regional security. These organizations dispute territory. They fuel illegal economies. They wage attacks against democratic institutions and directly affect the rights and dignity of persons. Artificial intelligence can boost cyber terrorism and other crimes that we cannot yet envisage. Costa Rica, according to Microsoft system use data, is the Latin American country that makes greatest use of artificial intelligence. We use it 58% more than the world on average. These threats require greater international cooperation, information exchange, stronger institutions, and a renewed commitment to international law and international humanitarian law. Mr. President, Costa Rica has demonstrated that environmental leadership is not measured by the size of a country's territory, but rather by how unstinting its commitment is to both present and future generations. For decades, we have championed a vision whereby economic prosperity and the protection of nature are not mutually exclusive goals, rather they complement each other. Climate change is dealing a particularly heavy blow to the most vulnerable among us. At the same time, biodiversity loss is picking up pace, as is ecosystem degradation, the pollution of our water resources, and the pressures on our oceans. These are not isolated challenges. They converge in one global crisis that is imperiling food security, public health, and development opportunities for millions and millions of people. President, there can be no lasting security in a world where we see the erosion of democratic institutions. There can be no sustainable development when we violate human rights. Our response must have human beings at its heart. Costa Rica will continue championing the dignity and human rights of all persons, paying particular attention to the inclusion, autonomy, empowerment and effective participation of persons with disabilities, including of persons with autism. Against this backdrop, we reiterate our grave concern at the situation in Nicaragua. The erosion of fundamental freedoms, the persecution of dissenting voices, the shutdown of civic space, religious persecution, and reports of human rights violations continue to draw the country further and further away from democratic principles. As a neighboring nation that has welcomed hundreds and hundreds of thousands of Nicaraguan citizens, we remain staunchly committed to defending their rights and to the restoration of the rule of law in Nicaragua. We also note the situation in Cuba with concern, and we once again hear appeal for the full respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We also continue to closely follow the situation in Venezuela as it unfolds. We harbor the hope that dialogue will prevail along with the respect for the people's will, the restoration of democratic institution, and the provision of care and services to particularly vulnerable individuals. President, 81 years after the adoption of the Charter, the best way to defend the United Nations is to defend its ability to discharge its mandates. We need a UN which is more effective, transparent and agile, able to prevent conflicts, forge consensus, even In times of deeply rooted polarization, we need a UN able to offer tangible responses to the challenges of the 21st century. For this reason, Costa Rica has... presented the candidacy of Ms. Rebecca Greenspan to the position of Secretary General of the United Nations. She is a Latin American woman with a wealth of political, economic experience and experience in the multilateral arena. She has a proven track record of leadership. She knows the United Nations from the inside and from outside, and she understands that knowing an institution intimately and serving it also involves having the courage to reform it. Her candidacy is rooted in a simple but powerful idea. Defending the United Nations means and requires having the courage to reform it. Today, we need a leader able to unite the membership, strengthen the organization, and renew trust in international cooperation. We need a UN that does what it is called upon to do in its founding charter, that is, maintain international peace and security, ensure respect for human rights, and advance development. Costa Rica firmly believes that the next Secretary-General must be a Latin American woman. More than that, it must be Rebecca Greenspan. Costa Rica abolished its army more than seven decades ago. We did that because we believed that international law could offer greater security than weapons. I wish to repeat that. Costa Rica abolished its army more than seven decades ago because it believed that international law could offer greater security than weapons. We will continue to build bridges, crafting consensus and defending the conviction that was the very life force behind this organization. That is, that dialogue will be more powerful than belligerence, law will last longer than brute force, and cooperation is the only way that we can achieve genuine, lasting peace. The future of the United Nations will not depend solely on the strength of its charter. Rather, it will depend upon our collective courage to implement and uphold that charter. To conclude, President Excellencies, one and all, Costa Rica wishes peace, health, and blessings to each and every one of you. And we extend to you brotherly greetings, that is, you, the Costa Rican people. Thank you.

I thank the Chair of Delegation of Costa Rica. I now give the floor to His Excellency Odo Tevi, Chair of Delegation of Vanuatu.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Mr. President, I have the honor to address this Assembly on behalf of the government and the people of the Republic of Vanuatu. I bring with me the voice of a nation of more than 80 islands, of many indigenous communities and languages, and a nation whose identity has been shaped by the ocean, by custom, by faith, by resilience, and above all, by commitment to peace. Mr. Secretary-General, this session also carries a particular significance for us because it is the final high-level General Assembly of your tenure as Secretary-General of the United Nations. On behalf of the government and people of Vanuatu, I wish to convey a profound appreciation for your service to the United Nations and your engagement with the people of the Pacific. Your visits to our region reflect an understanding that the concerns of small island development states deserve to be heard at a higher level. Over the course of your tenure, You have led United Nations through some of the most tumultuous periods in recent international history. You have stood consistently for multilateralism at a time when multilateralism itself was under enormous pressure. Vanuatu hopes that the next Secretary-General will carry forward that same commitment to all member states, large or small. Mr. President, Fernando comes to this 81st session of the General Assembly with a simple message: the world needs the United Nations more than ever, and the United Nations must deliver for the people who depend on it. The theme of this session, "Restoring trust, managing transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all," therefore comes at an important moment. The 81st session opened against a backdrop of profound geopolitical uncertainty and rapid transformation. For Vanuatu, developments in international system are never distant or abstract. The effects reach our villages, our markets, our schools, our hospitals, our oceans, and our homes. Mr. President, the international political and security environment is becoming increasingly difficult. We are witnessing geopolitical competition, strategic rivalry, armed conflicts, growing military expenditures, economic fragmentation, technological disruption, and a weakening of confidence in the multilateral institutions. The rules that were designed to provide predictability and stability are increasingly being tested. The prohibition against the use of force is being challenged. The international humanitarian law is being tested. The peaceful settlements of dispute is being undermined, and the authority of international institution is being questioned. For small states, this is deeply concerning. Small states do not possess the military, economic, or technological capabilities of major powers. We do not have the ability to impose our will through cohesion. Our security depends fundamentally on something else, international law, multilateral institutions, diplomacy, and the equal sovereignty of states. This is why Vanuatu has a profound interest in the success of the United Nations. The Charter begins with a commitment to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and reaffirms the equal rights of nations, large and small. It establishes sovereign equality, peaceful settlement of disputes, and the prohibition or the threat or use of force as fundamental principles of international relations. These are not merely legal concepts for Vanuatu. They are our security architecture. When international law is respected, a small nation has protection. When the Charter is respected, a small state has a voice. When disputes are resolved peacefully, a small state does not have to choose between submission and confrontation. And when sovereignty is respected, independence has meaning. We therefore cannot accept a world in which international law applies differently according to the size, military strength, or economic power of a state. The Charter must apply equally to all. Mr. President, the security environment is also changing in ways that are particularly important for the Pacific region. The Pacific Islands are increasingly viewed through the lens of strategic competition. There is growing interest in our maritime spaces, our sea lanes, our resources, and our geopolitical location. We welcome genuine partnerships, but we also say clearly, the Pacific must not become an arena for great power competition at the expense of Pacific priorities. The security of the Pacific is not simply about military deployments or strategic competition. For us, security also means food security, energy security, water security, health security, economic security, cybersecurity, environmental security, and the security of our people from the impacts of climate change. For Vanuatu, a cyclone that destroys a school is a security issue. A rise in food and energy prices, as recently experienced by Middle East conflict is a security issue. A disrupted shipping route is a security issue. A cyber attack against critical infrastructure is a security issue. Sea level rise also raises fundamental questions on sovereignty, identity, and security. Vanuatu joins its Pacific colleagues in affirming the continuity of statehood and the preservation of maritime zone and sovereign rights in the face of sea level rise. The rights and dignity of affected persons must remain at the center of international response. These are realities faced by small island developing states. We therefore call for a broader understanding of international peace and security, one that reflects the realities of small island developing states. And we hope that these security concerns are well understood here at the United Nations. Mr. President, What happens here in New York does not remain here in New York. The decisions taken by major powers affect the smallest economies. A conflict thousands of kilometers away can increase the price of oil in Vanuatu. A disruption in international shipping can increase the price of food in our islands. A change in global interest rates can increase the cost of borrowing. A crisis in international development finance can delay a school, a hospital, a road or a climate resilience project. And global economic uncertainty can affect tourism, investment, employment and government revenue. For Vanuatu, therefore, foreign policy and domestic development are inseparable. Our international diplomacy is ultimately about our people. It is about whether a child in Tanna can attend school, whether a farmer in Malekula can bring a produce to market, whether a family in Toba has access to reliable electricity, whether a community in Penama can recover quickly after a natural disaster. and whether our young people can find meaningful opportunities at home rather than being forced to leave in search of them. Mr. President, this year, as Vanuatu celebrated its 46th independence anniversary, we reflected on how far our country has come since 1980. Our independence was not given to us in a golden place. It was achieved through the determination, courage and sacrifice of our people, supported by our brothers and sisters in the Pacific. At our independence celebrations, we were reminded once again of the importance of solidarity, including the historic support of Papua New Guinea during our struggle for independence. Our 46th Independence anniversary was therefore not simply a celebration of the past. It was a call to build the future. The message of a national celebration was one of unity, national pride, resilience, and determination to build a stronger, more prosperous Vanuatu for future generations. And this is important in the context of our discussions today. Vanuatu has experienced cyclones, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and economic shocks and other disasters. Yet we continue to stand. We rebuild, we adapt, and we move forward. Resilience is not simply something Vanuatu speaks about. It is something our people practice every day. But resilience also requires international solidarity. A small island country cannot finance all of its resilient needs alone. We cannot rebuild every road, bridge, school, and hospital after every disaster from domestic resources alone. We cannot absorb indefinitely the economic consequences of external shocks, and we cannot protect our people from a changing climate without a meaningful international cooperation. Therefore, when we speak about climate finance, development finance, disaster resilience, and sustainable development, we are not asking merely for charity. We are asking for partnership, fairness, and the fulfillment of international commitments. That partnership must include predictable and accessible finance for adaptation and for addressing loss and damage. Access to such finance must be made easier for the small island developing island state and must respond to the needs of our communities. We invite partners to support our Pacific Resilience Facility in bringing the necessary resources to support resilience efforts in the Pacific. At the same time, keeping 1.5 degrees Celsius is vital for the Pacific. In light of the International Court's advisory opinion, we urge all members to give effect to their legal obligations through stronger climate actions and international cooperation. Mr. President, we are also deeply concerned by the developing strong El Nino event in the Pacific, which threatens to bring more extreme heat, disrupted rainfall, drought, and flooding across the region. For Pacific Island countries, these are not simply meteorological events. They affect food and water security, agriculture, fisheries, health, livelihoods, and the resilience of already vulnerable communities. The international community must act before disaster strikes. We call for stronger regional early warning system, pre-positioned humanitarian assistance, rapid access to climate and disaster financing, and greater investment in resilient infrastructure and food and water security. The Pacific does not ask the world to prevent El Nino. We ask the world to help us to prepare for it, withstand its impacts, and recover with dignity. Mr. President, the ocean is central to Vanuatu's identity, culture, food security, and prosperity. Protection of it is essential for the future of our people. Climate change, damage to the ocean and loss of biodiversity are linked. We must address them together. Vanuatu welcomes the entry into force of the BBNJ Agreement. It is an important achievement for ocean governance and multilateral cooperation. For a nation whose identity, culture, and prosperity are inseparable from the ocean, the BBNJ Agreement represents an important step towards protecting marine biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction and ensuring that the benefits of a common ocean heritage are shared fairly and sustainably. Vanuatu stands ready to contribute to its effective implementation and to strengthening international cooperation for the protection of our oceans for generations to come. Since the agreement entered into force on 17 January 2026, following its ratification by more than 60 states, including Vanuatu and our Pacific neighbors, the international community has moved into a critical implementation phase. One ought to look forward to the first conference of the parties advancing the operationalization of marine protected areas, environmental impact assessments, and the fair and equitable sharing of benefits from marine genetic resources. And we call on all states yet to ratify the agreement to do so without delay. The implementation of the BBNJ Agreement must respect sovereign rights and take full account of the special circumstances and capacity constraints of small island developing states. It must enable countries to participate effectively and equally benefit from it. The hosting of the inaugural Melanesian Ocean Summit in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea, this year arrives at a critical juncture where, on one hand, we are faced with daily mounting challenges of the detrimental effects of climate change, the alarming degradation of our marine biodiversity, pervasive marine pollution, and the over-exploitation of our vital marine resources. Yet, some of these global issues have already escalated to a level where ensuring sustainability for future generations has become a critical concern, highlighting the urgent need for improved management of our ocean resources. In today's world, science and technology and economic opportunities must also work closely with our traditional custodians in our vast coastal area to maintain respect for nature. Our culture and tradition are deeply rooted in the ocean, and hence our collective wisdom and collaboration to address the core issues affecting our people's livelihoods today and reshape the future of our ocean and communities is extremely paramount. Mr. President, the world is entering a period of extraordinary transformation. Artificial intelligence is changing economies and societies. Digital technologies are changing the way governments operate. Energy systems are changing. Global trade is changing. Demographic patterns are changing. And climate change is transforming the physical environment in which many of our societies exist. The question before us is, us is not whether transformation will occur. It will. The question is, who will shape the transformation and who will benefit from it? For Vanuatu, the answer must be clear. Transformation must not create a new hierarchy between those who possess technology, capital and influence, and those who merely experience the consequences. We need an international system in which developing countries and small states are participants in transformation, not simply consumers of made elsewhere. Artificial intelligence provides one example. AI offers enormous opportunities for education, healthcare, public administration, agriculture, climate forecasting and economic development. But without appropriate governance, it could also deepen existing inequalities. Small states need access to technology. We need digital infrastructure. We need skills and capacity. We need access to data and computing. And we need a meaningful voice in establishing the international norms that govern emerging technologies. The digital future must not become another form of dependency. Mr. President. There is a tendency to describe small states primarily in terms of our vulnerabilities. We are small, we are geographically dispersed, we are economically vulnerable, we have limited institutional capacity, we depend on international markets, we depend on development partners, we depend on international shipping, we depend on imported fuel, food, and manufactured goods. And yes, in many respects, we are dependent on the international system, but dependence must not be confused with powerlessness. Small states can lead. Indeed, history has shown that some of the most important developments in international law and global governance have emerged because small and vulnerable states refuse to remain silent. Vanuatu is proud of its commitment to the global climate debate. We are proud of our advocacy for climate justice. We are proud of our role in advancing the recognition of the legal dimensions of climate change, and we remain committed to ensuring that the voices of those most vulnerable to climate change are heard in international decision-making. In this vein, the Vanuatu government wholeheartedly thank all the UN members who have supported us in this journey, especially here at the UN General Assembly and the International Court of Justice. Our experience demonstrates an important principle, influence is not determined solely by population, territory, or military power. Influence can come from ideas. It can come from moral authority. It can come from coalition building. It can come from persistence. It can come from international law. And it can come from the ability to bring different regions and groups together around a common cause. This is the strength of the General Assembly. Every Member State has a voice. Every Member State has a vote. And every Member State, large or small, has a responsibility to contribute. The General Assembly is the most representative body of the United Nations, bringing together all 193 members on the basis of sovereign equality. For countries such as Vanuatu, this principle is fundamental. Mr. President. The imposition of coercive economic measures, including unilateral sanctions against developing countries, is unfair and unjust. Such measures are in violation with the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and adversely affect sustainable development outcomes of countries such as Cuba. In this respect, we consistently call for the uplift of the economic embargo on the Republic of Cuba. Mr. President, peace and security cannot be separated from human rights. Vanuatu remains deeply concerned about reports of serious human rights violations affecting indigenous Papuans in West Papua. United Nations special procedures have also raised concerns regarding indigenous rights, displacement, cultural rights, environmental impacts, and the treatment of human rights defenders in Papua. The call from the Pacific Forum leaders for the UN human rights commissioner visit to West Papua remains unheeded and needs to be actioned. Mr. President, Vanuatu reaffirms its unwavering support for the decolonization of Kanaky, New Caledonia, which remains a non-self-governing territory under the purview of the United Nations. We reiterate the inalienable right of the Indigenous Kanak people to self-determination and call for a peaceful, inclusive, transparent, and credible process consistent with the Charter of the United Nations and relevant General Assembly resolutions. We remain concerned by the persistent social economic disparities affecting the Kanak people, including inequalities in employment, education, income, and access to economic opportunities. These long-standing structural imbalances continue to constrain the full and equitable enjoyment of economic, social, and cultural rights by Indigenous Kanaks, notwithstanding the territory's considerable natural resources and economic potential. Reports from the case supported by independent assessment point to the enduring effects of economic marginalization and uneven development, which may be understood as forms of structural violence insofar as they limit meaningful participation in and inequitable benefit from the territory's development. Addressing these disparities is essential to fostering social cohesion and advancing a just, inclusive, and sustainable decolonization process. In this regard, Vanuatu calls for the full implementation of relevant United Nations resolutions on the question of New Caledonia and encourages continued engagement and constructive dialogue among all stakeholders, including the administering power and the representatives of the Kanak people. We further reaffirm the important role of the Special Committee on Decolonization and the Fourth Committee in advancing the realization of self-determination and ensuring that the rights, aspirations, and interests of the Kanak people remain at the center of decolonization process. Mr. President, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umanek and Umanek Leke Islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they call in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are an integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, longstanding historical connections, indigenous ownership, and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognize France as a steadfast champion of the international rules-based order, and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions, France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France's leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the Court. Mr. President. Trust is important for the United Nations' credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small ahead, and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in the multilateral in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations and therefore needs to be managed diligently. FANU supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations, but reform must preserve what is most important, the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the forces of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Finally, calls for a UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent, and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political, a renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. The Charter does not need to be reinvented, it needs to be respected. Mr. President, Excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. It tells us, and it reminds us, that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development and cooperation, and it is better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of our people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity. It means and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law. And that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. President, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international systems. institutions. Yet, I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents, and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today, the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this A/15 session, "Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all," reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us, therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world We can build a better world. Vanuatu stands ready to do its part. Thank you.

I thank the Chair of the delegation of Vanuatu. I would now give the floor to His Excellency Marc-Herman Nianadou Araba, Chair of the delegation of Benin.

President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Excellencies, Heads of Delegation, ladies and gentlemen, It is a great honor for me to be speaking before this august Assembly. I would like to convey to you the warmest greetings of the Beninese people and to carry before you the voice of these people, a voice resolutely committed to peace, dialogue and multilateralism, a voice which yearns to fully partake in our collective reflection about the future of our organization and the future of our world. If I may, at the outset, I would like to pay a glowing tribute to His Excellency Antonio Guterres. This is his last General Assembly as Secretary-General of the United Nations. At a time when the temptation to withdraw to turn inwards is strong, when many are saying that in the face of crises, We must do so. No nation can build lasting security and prosperity through isolation. I would like to extend to Mr. Guterres our heartfelt gratitude. Thank you for your commitment to serving humanity. I also wish to extend our heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency Khalilur Rahman, President of this 81st session. We wish you every success as you discharge your duties. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, there are moments in history where we are compelled to choose not just what we want to do, but also what we want to become. It is with this reflection in mind that Benin is taking part in this session, driven by a deep-seated conviction. You can't just wait for the future. You have to prepare for it. Now, this conviction serves as a guide for Benin. It's also inspired been in Vision 2060, which is propelling our nation towards the centenary of our independence. But this ambition does not apply only to the fate of our nation. It will also determine the way in which we view the world, the world which today stands at a crossroads. We are seeing wars dragging on, terrorist threats making inroads, persistent geopolitical tensions. worsening inequality, debt levels which are reducing the room for maneuver available to many states, as well as climate upheaval, which is hitting the most vulnerable the hardest. At the same time, we're witnessing technological transformation on a vast scale. It's accelerating. AI is already transforming knowledge, work, our economies, education and information. Never has humanity had so many different means to shape its fate. However, nor has humanity ever been so acutely aware of the need to make collective decisions about how these means should be used to serve the common good. This is why the theme of this 81st session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a UN that delivers for all, resonates so strongly. The true challenge of our time is not just managing a succession of crises, but it is restoring our collective capacity to anticipate, to make decisions, to act. before these crises become irreversible. Mr. President, Benin believes in multilateralism. We believe not because we harbor nostalgia for the world of 1945, but because in 2026, the world more than ever needs a forum where states can talk to one another, listen to one another, and act in concert. Defending multilateralism also means taking a lucid look at the United Nations Organization. Trust, indeed, is not something you can order. It takes shape when our organization can respond to the expectations of our people, the people it serves, when the organization can deliver concrete results. It is in this spirit that Benin supports the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 initiative. We need to achieve greater efficiency, coherence, transparency and responsibility. Nonetheless, we should remain cognizant of a key requirement. Reforming the UN doesn't simply mean cutting costs. What it should mean is boosting the organization's impact. A more effective United Nations should be better positioned to prevent conflicts, to respond to humanitarian crises, to shore up development, and anticipate the transformations which are already shaping our future. It should also remain true to the principles which underpin its legitimacy, universality, the sovereign equality of states, solidarity, and respect for the UN Charter. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, there is one reform without which all the others will remain incomplete. the reform of the stewardship of international peace and security. The Security Council, for the most part, reflects a balance of forces, the balance of forces in a world which is no longer today's world. Africa does not have a permanent seat. This situation raises issues of justice, equity, and the legitimacy. It calls into question the very legitimacy of the entire multilateral system. Benin would like to reaffirm its unswerving support for the common African position set forth in the Izolwini Consensus and the Siet Declaration. We're not demanding a privilege. We're demanding for the stewardship of international peace and security, for that stewardship to be in keeping with the world we claim to serve. Mr. President, for Benin, the issue of security has a very concrete, a very tangible dimension. Terrorism has hit our subregion. It seeks to exploit our vulnerability, to take advantage of our borders and to progressively extend its clutches to new areas. Benin understands full well just how grave this threat is. On this note, I'd like to solemnly commend the bravery and commitment of our defense and security forces, as well as the resilience of the people of Benin. Our response is resolute. We are strengthening our defense and security capabilities. We are bolstering the surveillance of our territory and our borders. We are also stepping up our cooperation with our neighbors and our partners. However, our region's experience has taught us one very important lesson. When faced with the fast-evolving threat, we must act very quickly. before that threat becomes a crisis. For that reason, prevention, early warning and upstream action should all be part and parcel of our security policy. This requires better intelligence sharing, strengthening cross-border cooperation, improving coordination between national, sub-regional and continent-wide mechanisms. interstate solidarity, regional cooperation, the action of the African Union, the support of the United Nations. We need all of the above to be better coordinated. Education, employment, infrastructure, and the opportunities offered up to our young people are also part and parcel of our efforts aimed at preventing the vulnerabilities very vulnerabilities which terrorist groups seek to exploit. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, collective security can only last if we also have economic and financial security. There is indeed another source of fragility at the international level, and that is the fragility of development financing. Many developing countries are facing a particularly difficult equation. They must accelerate their development and at the same time fund their energy transition as well as adapt to climate change, on top of investing in health, education, the digital sphere, and meeting growing social needs. However, these requirements are piling up against the backdrop of a context where access to funding is increasingly costly, where fiscal space is shrinking. Such a situation is no more sustainable than it is equitable. Therefore, Benin calls for ongoing transformation of the international financial architecture, the objective being to allow developing countries to access more accessible, predictable financing, financing that is better tailored to their development trajectories. We must also have the ambition of investing more in development because investing in development is tantamount to investing in peace, security, and stability. Mr. President, The climate issue is an excellent illustration of this demand for justice. Africa contributes relatively little to global greenhouse gas emissions, and yet we are already bearing the full brunt of climate change. We're not asking for the right to pollute. We're asking for the right to development. We would like for adaptation. building resilience and the issue of loss and damage for all of these to be addressed urgently, given the urgency of the reality our people are already facing. We also want for the energy transition to be an opportunity to industrialize, to create jobs and bolster access to energy. The way we see it, climate justice is not about pitting development and transition against one another. It's about allowing developing countries to build a growth model that's more resilient, inclusive and sustainable. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we must also prepare for the next great transformation, that of artificial intelligence, AI, which could become one of the greatest accelerators of human development. AI can broaden access to knowledge, improve health systems, support agricultural workers, and make state administrations more efficient. Having said that, AI can also amplify or exacerbate existing divides. If Africa was to solely consume technologies designed and controlled outside the continent, a new form of dependence could emerge linked to data infrastructure, computing power, and critical technologies. We must avoid this scenario. Therefore, Benin is in favor of international AI governance that's inclusive, responsible, and development-oriented. Africa should not just be a market for frontier technologies. It should also be a platform for design, innovation, and production. This is the prerequisite for AI to become not a new driver of divisions, but a tool for achieving emancipation, progress, and shared development. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, trust in international institutions is also linked to the trust people bestow upon their own institutions. For its part, Benin is continuing the process of consolidating our institutions and our democratic framework with full respect for our constitution and our legal order. We deem stability, public responsibility and citizen participation, we deem them essential preconditions for sustainable development. Our experience confirms our conviction: robust institutions, are one of the pillars of peace infrastructure. We stand convinced that while we might have different national trajectories, these trajectories should nevertheless converge towards the same end goal, giving all people the necessary conditions for them to be able to forge their future, living in peace, dignity, and stability. Mr. President, if I may, I would now like to address a dimension that lies at the very heart of Benin's identity. Benin is a land of memory, forged from greatness and resistance. But we also have a very tragic, painful history, that of daughters and sons torn away from their land, separated from their families, and sent to different parts of the world, scattered. This history has left very deep wounds. It also, through generations, created a diaspora. whose link with the continent has never been extinguished. We cannot rewrite this history, nor can we erase the wounds of the past, but we can decide what we do with that past. And Benin has chosen to build a bridge. We want to give all those who wish to do so the opportunity to rekindle their ties with African history, an opportunity to rebuild a thriving bond with the continent. with the land of their ancestors from which they were uprooted. The possibility, under conditions enshrined in our legislation, to acquire the nationality of Benin, that is what we're offering. And this is a dimension that goes beyond a simple administrative procedure. It is part and parcel of a desire to rebuild a relationship, to rekindle ties, and to transform a very painful memory into a forward-looking relationship. To this diaspora, living all over the world, looking to Africa, to this diaspora, Benin would like to say the following. You inherited a very painful history, but you can become the agents of a new page in our history, in which memory will not just be the memory of something we've lost, but the starting point from which you can build something new. It is with this in mind that Benin intends to reconnect with peoples of African descent. This will not be a simple return to the past, but a step towards a shared future. Benin doesn't just want to be a land of memory. We want to be a land of reunions, of transmission to future generations, a land of the future. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we often tempted to look to the future with disquiet, but let's look to the future with clarity, confidence, and above all, responsibility. We already know a great deal about what the future has in store. The climate will continue to change. Technologies will continue to transform our societies and our economies. Africa will have greater weight in global demographic and economic equilibria. Security threats will continue to try and cross borders. But we know one thing more than anything. No state will be able to tackle these challenges on its own. So let's prepare. Let's prepare our countries. Let's prepare our institutions. Let's get multilateralism ready. Above all, let's prepare ourselves to pass the baton because The responsibility of a generation is not just to receive the world bequeathed to them from those who came before, it is also to have the courage, the vision, the determination to hand down a better world to those who come after you. This is the responsibility that Benin intends to shoulder for us, for Africa, and the United Nations. Let's restore trust, rebuild our capacity for working together. Let's manage these transformations, and that means deciding to prepare for them rather than simply enduring them. Let's ensure that the United Nations serves us all, which means that multilateralism once again becomes a source of strength, that it is of use for the people of the world. This is the basis for multilateralism's legitimacy, and Benin intends to contribute to this effort. I thank you.

I thank the Chair of delegation of Benin. We have heard the last speaker in the general debate. I will now deliver my closing remarks. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, six days

I asked whether we were prepared to confront some hard truths about this organization. I call for honesty, realism, and pragmatism to guide our discussions. Over the course of this general debate, you have answered, sometimes with different perspectives, but always with the conviction that the challenges before us demand action and that the United Nations remain indispensable. 194 delegations spoke at this rostrum, including 113 heads of state and government, one crown prince, 11 vice presidents, seven deputy prime ministers, and 48 ministers. We have also heard from our Secretary-General, Mr. Antonio Guterres. Across your statements, one word came before all others, peace. But peace was spoken of less as a distant aspiration than as an urgent defense of the United Nations Charter, international law, and the protection of civilians. We heard anguish over the continued human suffering in Gaza, over the plight of the Rohingyas, and we heard frustration over persistent conflict conflicts across the Middle East, in Ukraine, Sudan, and Myanmar. Speakers pointed out that effects of conflicts do not stay where they happen. Their impacts reverberate throughout the world. We heard demands for civilian protection, humanitarian access, accountability, and political solutions grounded in international law and international humanitarian law. We heard that the maintenance of peace and security, one of the three pillars of the Organization, meant more than containing violence. It requires prevention, mediation and diplomacy, respect for sovereignty and rights, adherence to international law, and investment in the conditions that sustain peace. We have heard that this also requires United Nations Security Council able and willing to discharge the responsibility entrusted to it. As I said at the opening of this debate, in the eyes of the world, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. Excellencies, development, another pillar of the United Nations featured prominently throughout the debate, but the message was clear. Time is running out and promises remain unfilled. We heard that only a few of the sustainable development goals are on track. We heard that progress has stalled. And we heard the question that should trouble us all. Should we have done much more? The answer must be a resounding yes. The burden is not shared equally. Those speaking most urgently about development were often the countries facing the heaviest debt burdens, the narrowest fiscal space, the greatest climate vulnerability, and the least voice in the institutions that shape the global economy. Debt was spoken of more forcefully by those who bear it, not by those with the greatest ability to resolve it. We have heard that we must honor the CVA commitment reform the international financial architecture, provide affordable and accessible finance, expand fiscal space, strengthen productive capacities, and invest in people. And we must deliver on the promise of Paris. Climate disasters are erasing hard-earned development gains and deepening inequality. For small island developing states, low-lying coastal countries, least developed countries, and climate-vulnerable nations, adaptation and resilience are not optional expenditures. World leaders have pointed out that these are matters of survival. Excellencies, human rights, the third pillar of the organization, was another clear thread throughout the general debate. The test of our commitment to human rights is not when they're easy to defend. it is when defending them is difficult. We see the test wherever civilians are dehumanized, wherever minorities face hatred, wherever migrants and refugees are denied dignity, and wherever women and girls are excluded from education, employment, and public life. It was clear from the debate that gender equality cannot remain peripheral to our agenda. They go to the heart of the principles we have gathered here to uphold and defend. Excellencies, the human rights agenda is also moving rapidly into the digital space. Rights must be protected online as they are offline. Member states were clear. Incendiary rhetoric and hate speech, the first step towards dehumanization and violence, are spreading rapidly and taking root across global societies. with hostile actors using automated tools to falsify narratives. We must balance robust protection for vulnerable communities while safeguarding accountability and legitimate expression. Coordinated interventions by governments, companies, civil societies, indeed all of us, are needed to push back against hate. Excellencies, While peace and security, human rights and sustainable development are perennial concerns in this hall, artificial intelligence, including artificial general intelligence, has moved from the margins of our discussions to the center. Four years ago, AI was raised in this hall by only five delegations. This year, 128 delegations addressed it. And this number was more than those who spoke on climate change and human rights. Leader after leader recognized the extraordinary potential of AI to transform public services, accelerate scientific discovery, advance sustainable development, and expand access to knowledge while pointing out potential risks arriving from it. Many framed AI as a question of governance. Who designs it? Who benefits? Who bears the risk? And who is accountable when harm occurs? A delegation emphasized a principle that should guide us all. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. That is the right starting point. AI governance must be human-centered, inclusive, and attentive to the needs of developing countries. It must prevent a new divide in which a smaller number of countries and companies control the data, computing power, and rules that shape everyone's future. Member states must remain at the heart of this work, but they cannot act alone. We must engage industries, scientists, researchers, civil society, academia, young people, the companies building this system, and the people using them. Let us carry that ambition into the global dialogue on AI governance in 2027. Excellencies, the world leaders also spoke clearly about reforming the United Nations. Reform is not an exercise in rearranging structures or reducing budgets or rearranging budget lines. Its measure is whether this organization delivers better, faster, and more fairly for the people it serves. We will build on the UN 80 initiative and the mandate implementation review. But administrative reform cannot substitute for deeper political reform truly led by member states. In this regard, Africa's exclusion from permanent membership of Security Council is a continuing injustice. The common African position is clear. No reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing this longstanding inequity in the Security Council. Excellencies, The appointment of the next Secretary-General also emerged as one of this Assembly's most consequential responsibilities at a time when the Organization is facing complex issues and challenges. The Charter is clear about the selection process, that the Security Council will recommend and the General Assembly will appoint the next Secretary-General. Member States called for a process that is transparent inclusive and merit-based. The selection process must strengthen, not diminish, the legitimacy, independence, and moral authority of the office. Excellencies, I chose restoring trust as the principal focus of my presidency. It resonated widely with the speakers during this high-level week and the general debate. We heard of a crisis of institutional trust We were reminded that trust cannot be taken for granted, and we heard a vigorous defense of multilateralism, but not as an end in itself. A delegation observed that the test of multilateralism is not how many resolutions we adopt or how many meetings we hold. Its test is whether collective action changes realities on the ground. All this goes to the heart of the theme of our 81st session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that Delivers for All. Trust cannot be commanded, it must be earned through consistency between words and deeds, equal application of international law, fulfillment of commitments, genuine representation, transparency, accountability, and results. Restoring trust, therefore, means making our institutions worthy of that trust. Meaningful and often painful reforms need to underpin efforts to rebuild trust. These hall, where grievances are aired, differences negotiated, and agreements forged, is one of the humanity's greatest achievements. Dialogue can be difficult, it can be frustrating, but it is always better than a world in which we stop talking and take up arms. So I thank you and your delegations for showing up, for articulating your positions, for listening to others, and for trying relentlessly to advance peace, development, and human rights. As we close the general debate, let us remember that our work does not stop today or with the end of the high-level week. This is only the beginning of the session. The hard work will continue in the committees, in the major processes underway from COP31 to SDG Summit, and will continue in this hall, in the committee rooms, in the lounges and cafeterias, in the corridors of diplomacy. So I call on you, in the spirit of restoring trust, to make this session count. Let us stubbornly refuse to give up on peace. Let us resolutely commit to delivering sustainable development. Let us passionately stand behind human rights principles without selectivity. Let us govern and promote technological transformation in the service of humanity. Let us pursue reform that is meaningful, representative, and fair. and let us restore trust by rebuilding our organization that delivers for all. I thank you. I now come to right of reply. The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. The President has proposed that the time limits for statements in the exercise of the right of reply under this meeting be limited to five minutes for the first intervention and to three minutes for the second intervention. I will now invite the delegation of Finland, who has informed the Secretariat of its objection to this proposal. Accordingly, the proposed speaking time limit will not be applied to the exercise of the right of reply for this meeting, may I nonetheless remind delegations that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to 5 minutes for the second intervention and should be made by delegations from their seats. Now I call on the representative of Thailand. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. President. My delegation would like to exercise its right of reply in response to the statement made by the delegation of Cambodia. More than nine months have passed since the ceasefire came into effect. It is deeply regrettable that Cambodia continues to disseminate unfounded allegations against Thailand. Such actions contradict what the Prime Minister of Thailand and Cambodia agreed upon in Cebu during the ASEAN Summit and represent yet another attempt to portray Thailand in a negative light. These accusations are not new, nor are they supported by the facts. In fact, the facts tell a very different story. They compel us to recall how this conflict came about in the first place. When Cambodia leaked a private telephone conversation between our leaders, when Thai soldiers lost their limbs to newly planted Cambodian landmines, and when Cambodian rockets struck Thai territory and killed innocent Thai civilians including women and children. The ensuing conflict brought immense suffering to the peoples on both sides. In Thailand, hundreds of thousands of people were displaced by the hostilities, and the Thai government provided them with shelter and assistance. But let me set the record straight. The Cambodian displaced persons, including the remaining 20,000 internally displaced persons as referenced by Cambodia, were in fact Cambodians residing in areas that Thailand originally opened as temporary shelters in the 1970s. This is well documented. Cambodia knows it, so do we. Their failure to return to Cambodia, despite our repeated protests, constitutes an encroachment on Thai territory. Mr. President, dialogue and diplomacy have always been Thailand's first choice. We remain fully committed to the ceasefire agreement and continue to exercise the utmost restraint. all measures undertaken by the Thai authorities are fully consistent with the joint statement agreed by both sides on 27 of December 2025. We wanted to give bilateral dialogue with Cambodia a chance to resolve our differences over the maritime boundary. However, Cambodia chose a different path by pursuing the compulsory conciliation. Thailand nevertheless continues and will continue to engage constructively in that process in the hope that it can serve as a confidence-building measure between our two countries. As reiterated by our Prime Minister, our shared border with Cambodia should and must be a place of prosperity, not one defined by the scars of conflict. Hence, our priority is to turn the page and move forward. We must therefore ask, when will Cambodia break free from this vicious cycle, move forward, and join us in opening a new chapter in our relations? And for this to happen, Thailand expects genuine sincerity from Cambodia. That begins with demonstrating goodwill in international forums, refraining from provocative action along the border, and pursuing concrete cooperation to ensure border security, particularly through humanitarian demining and joint efforts to combat cross-border crime, including, of course, online scams. Mr. President, Thailand and Cambodia are neighbors. We cannot change that geography. Certainly, we can choose what kind of neighbors we want to be. Our shared responsibility is to move forward with trust and confidence in pursuit of lasting and durable peace. I thank you.

I now call on the representative of Islamic Republic of Iran.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Mr. President, in response to the UAE representative, the Islamic Republic of Iran reiterates its full sovereignty over the Iranian islands of Abu Musa, Quriyat al-Tum, and Lesser Tum in the Persian Gulf. They have been, are, and will remain integral parts of our territory, and our sovereignty over them is not negotiable. We therefore categorically reject any claim to the country. I must also stress that Persian Gulf is the only true geographical designation for the body of water lying between Iran and the Arabian Peninsula. This name has been used since the dawn of history has been endorsed by the United Nations system and must therefore be respected by all. Regarding Iran's lawful defensive acts against the US military facilities in the region, I must refer to this Assembly's resolution on the definition of aggression. It declares that the action of a State in allowing its territory, which it has placed at the disposal of another state to be used by that state for perpetrating an act of aggression against a third state constitutes an act of aggression, period. Under international law, any state that knowingly makes its territory available for the commission of an act of aggression must bear all the consequences and legal responsibilities for its internationally wrongful act. The missiles that killed 168 children at a primary school in Minab and struck the Lamed sports complex during the US-Israeli regime's joint aggression against Iran were launched from neighboring territory. These are only two of many such examples. Our defensive acts against the US military infrastructure were carried out in the exercise of our inherent right to self-defense. Yet, to date, Iran has exercised the utmost restraint in conducting such lawful acts. Our response was confined to the U.S. military installation and assets. Any further aggression against Iran from regional countries will be met with the most devastating response. Dear Mr. President, regarding the Canadian representative's remarks, I must underscore that the real affront to international law is to make a desperate attempt through disinformation, misdirection, demonization, and the labeling of a country as the so-called principal threat to peace and security to whitewash the Israeli regime's crimes. The biggest lie of the century is that in his address to the UN General Assembly, the notorious prime minister of the Israeli regime labeled his genocide in Gaza as the biggest lie of the century. But neither his words nor Canadian representatives' remarks can erase documented realities, nullify court findings and orders, whitewash crimes witnessed by the world, or change the reality that the Israeli regime is the exclusive principal threat to the peace and security. Furthermore, no amount of fabrication and falsehoods can absolve Canada and other Western countries, particularly the US, of their international responsibilities and individual criminal responsibilities of their officials for the complicity in crimes committed by the Israeli regime in our region. I thank you.

The next speaker on my list is Sudan. I call on the representative of Sudan.

In the name of God, the most for the compassionate. Thank you, Mr. President. My country's delegation wishes to exercise its right of reply to the statement delivered by the representative of the UAE, the humanitarian, the worst in humanitarian crisis in the Sudan, which the representative of the UAE referred to, the UAE participated in creating and worsening through continuous support to the terrorist militia. This was documented by by the panel working on 1591 and the fact-finding mission, which works on documenting the effects of mercenaries and the crimes that happened in the Blue Nile, White Nile, Fashir, and other areas. Their claim to be neutral and innocent will not aid in covering their crimes and their atrocities, where they are in a bloodied partnership with the RSF, the UAE. Every time we do not say something, we are forced to say something against them. Sudan has a long history in the revolutions and in politics. We ask the UAE to work on their own political regimes so that they are more representative of their people instead of being a familial government, governing regime headed by military officials. The UAE is holding a campaign, international campaign, to target the Sudanese armed forces, which are currently working against the mercenaries attacks, referring to the Sudanese government as the poor Sudan. government as used by the representative of the UAE does not befit this international forum where the charter talks about equality between members. And we do not refer to the UAE as the Abu Dhabi regime or worse than that. But this forum, the General Assembly, is not a platform for such language. We could have used derogatory terms and to refer to their regime as belonging to a family, but in the end we work based on our manners and our ethics. The UAE's behavior is leading towards the stability. and they are trying to replace the rules of international order which should apply to everyone. The UAE does not support the RSF just by weapons, but also they work on disintegration of the various Sudanese components through the role they are playing to destabilize the region using sectarian and sectarian strife and hatred, and also by destabilizing our role in different institutions and by trying to destroy our neighborly relationship using media campaigns and using artificial intelligence and targeting the dignity of the Sudanese people. and trying to have a parallel administration in Nyala, and using ethnic cleansing, and using foreign mercenaries that attack Sudanese armed forces, also by counterfeiting Sudanese currency, and smuggling critical minerals, and disrupting energy, electricity, and water networks, and other acts of vandalism that target dams and food storage facilities, and using disinformation, and using about using chemical weapons. This is the main point of the external support network for the RSF. This is documented in many international reports. Members of companies registered in the UAE contract and purchase the services of these foreign mercenaries and convey and transport the military materiel. We have serious security information that says that members of the RSF and these mercenaries were critically trained on how to use drones and artillery and advanced aerial defense before they were moved to Sudan is this is in line with previous exports by the UAE. The weapons used by the RSF militia are in line with weapons that were exported by the UAE, such as the Houser Hounds 55-millimeter gauge. which they use some of which we saw when Khartoum was liberated as well as the KF-2000 which were used in February and in July and UAVs and attack UAVs of CH and FH-95, CH-95 which were used in Fasher, Nyala and Oweit. These reports linked repeated flights from UAE to Chad. and that the UAE delegations have facilities in Chad that are used as transit for Illusion 1176 planes to move mercenaries and weapons, and then move on to Nyala Airport. Despite the reports and this documentation, however, the mission that prepared these reports, and which has proven that individuals and entities are working out of the UAE and are tied to the UAE, and they had a major role to play in networks that recruited mercenaries and financed them and provided them with military support that was benefited by the RSF. The UAE, based on due diligence and the combating of international crimes, are responsible for stopping these crimes that are based and launched from its territory. The number of Colombian fighters is about 2,000 fighters, including the Diab al-Sahra and other fighters from neighboring countries, which means the RSF no longer have any national characteristic. And it means that the UAE support is an external aggression led by mercenary networks that transcend borders. Thank you.

I now call on the representative of China.

President, China would like to exercise its right of reply in response to the statements by Japan and the Philippines. In a statement on September 20, Second, Japan stated that as a peace-loving nation, it is committed to its exclusively defense-oriented policy and calls for the deletion of the enemy state clauses from the UN Charter. China firmly opposes this. Rather than what Japan says, the international community should care more about what Japan does. In the course of history, Japanese militarists brazenly launched wars of aggression and committed numerous heinous crimes, including the illegal occupation of China's islands and reefs in the South China Sea, inflicting immense suffering on the people of China and the region. Back then, Japan joined the UN after recognizing its militarist crimes and accepting the UN Charter in its entirety. The post-war country for peace image that Japan seeks to establish can only be realized by repenting its history and making a clear break from militarism. However, more than 80 years later, the Takeuchi government turns a blind eye to Japan's historical crimes. Instead of self-reflection, it has spared no effort to glorify and whitewash them by fabricating narratives about threats from neighboring countries. Among others, it attempts to cover up its ongoing expansion of military capacities. In recent years, Japan has been drastically increasing military spending, relaxing restrictions on export of lethal weapons, advancing the deployment of intermediate and long-range missiles, strengthening offensive military capacities. stockpiling large amounts of sensitive nuclear materials, pushing for amending its pacifist constitution, attempting to break free from the three non-nuclear principles, and even clamoring for becoming a war-capable nation. All these facts are proof that Japan's remilitarization has become a real threat to regional and global peace and stability. Upholding the post-war international order, Defending the outcomes of the victory of World War II and maintaining regional peace and stability are the shared responsibility of the international community. The enemy state clauses in the UN Charter are a vital institutional arrangement aimed at preventing fascism and militarism from threatening international peace and security ever again. They provide important institutional safeguards for defending the postwar international order and remain extremely relevant today. Any attempt to deny or glorify the history of aggression, revive militarism, or challenge the postwar international order run counter to peace and justice and will be firmly rejected by all peace-loving nations and people. This year marks the 81st anniversary of the founding of the UN and the 80th anniversary of the beginning of the Tokyo Trials. China hereby issues its stern warning to Japan's right-wing forces that Japan's only correct path is to strictly abide by its international obligations, make a clean break from militarism and stick to peaceful development. Those running the Japanese government should face history squarely, conduct deep reflections, and earn the trust of its Asian neighbors and the international community through concrete actions. China will work with all the peace-loving nations in the world to resolutely contain Japan's neo-militarism under the cloak of becoming a normal country and prevent it from getting rampant and from destabilizing and disrupting the region and the world. Regarding the statement by the Philippines on September 26th, China's consistently maintained that the UN is not the appropriate forum to discuss the South China Sea issue. However, China finds it necessary to issue a solemn response to the relevant erroneous claims by the Philippines. China's position on the South China Sea arbitration is consistent and clear. The Philippines in electoral initiation of the so-called arbitration violated such basic principles of international law as state consent and pacta sunt servanda, and violated international law, including UNCLOS. In rendering the award, the arbitral tribunal exceeded its authority and abused its jurisdiction. The award is illegal now and void. It has seriously undermined the principles and spirit of the convention and substantially impaired the authority and integrity of the international law of the sea. China neither accepts nor recognizes the so-called award and opposes and will never accept any claim or action arising from it. This is both to safeguard China's own territorial maritime rights and interests and to uphold the international law of the sea and a fair and equitable international maritime order. The Philippines attempt to play up the fact that a decade has passed since the so-called award is utterly meaningless. The fact is that the award not only cannot solve maritime issues between China and the Philippines, but has increasingly become a tool for the Philippines to expand its territorial and maritime claims, aggravating regional tension and becoming a stumbling block to China-Philippines relations and to peace and stability in the South China Sea. On territorial issues and maritime delimitation disputes, China does not accept any dispute settlement solution imposed upon it, and has consistently advocated resolving disputes through negotiation and consultation with the countries directly concerned. China will continue to work with ASEAN countries to jointly safeguard peace and stability in the South China Sea. Thank you, President.

I now call on the representative of Burundi.

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, the delegation of Burundi thanks you for having given us the floor to exercise our right of reply, so that we might bring the necessary clarification to the remarks made by Rwanda. Burundi firmly repudiates the allegation issued by the delegation of Rwanda, according to which the National Defence Forces of Burundi operating in the DRC are supposedly have been aligned to the FLDR. This information has no legal foundation, has no foundation whatsoever. The presence of Burundian forces in the DRC has a clear legal underpinning. That is the bilateral cooperation agreement for defence signed on the 6th of March 2023 in Bujumbura. That was signed between the government of Burundi and the government of the DRC. This agreement also authorizes, as appropriate, the conduct of joint operations The deployment of the FDNB in the DRC is thus being conducted at the request of and with the explicit consent of the Congolese authorities, in accordance with the provisions of this agreement. It is important to underscore that this legal and consent-based presence cannot be likened to that of the LDF. whose military engagement in the DRC is being conducted without the authorization of the Congolese state and in other terms is in a violation of its sovereignty and the notion of the inviolability of its borders. Any attempt to establish a parallel between official cooperation between the Burundi and the DRC and activities conducted by armed groups such as the FDLR is an act of defamation, a distortion of reality. Burundi is not in line with any armed group operating against a neighboring state Burundi remains committed to Regional stability to the fight against armed groups and to stringent compliance with the principle of the sovereignty of States its cooperation with the DRC is state to state cooperation based on formal agreements made between two sovereign governments Burundi reaffirms that its military presence in the DRC is something that falls within the exclusive purview of a bilateral framework and has no direct or indirect link to the FDLR. Faithful to the principles of the United Nations Charter, Burundi remains committed to dialogue, regional cooperation and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Thank you, Mr. President.

I now call on the representative of Japan.

Thank you, Mr. President. It is unfortunate that I am compelled to exercise my right of reply in response to the statements by North Korea and China, which made just now the statement. Regarding Japan's national security policy, the defense capabilities Japan maintains are kept to the minimum necessary to ensure Japan's security in the face of the most severe and complex security environment since the end of World War II. Under the Constitution's Japan adheres to the basic policy of exclusively maintaining national defense-oriented policy without becoming a military power that poses a threat to other countries. Also, Japan firmly maintains the three non-nuclear principles. Japan will never change the course it has taken as a peace-loving nation. Regarding so-called enemy state clauses in the UN charters, UNGA Resolution 50/52, adopted with overwhelming support, including that of China in 1995, recognized these clauses as obsolete. Furthermore, UNGA Resolution 60/1, adopted by consensus, including the leaders of China, in 2005, resolved to defeat references to enemy states from the UN Charter. Regarding the issues relating to history, I must make it clear. All nations must be humble about their history, and Japan has squarely faced its history. As former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe clearly stated in his statement on 14th August 2015, that Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apologies for its action during the war, and that such position articulated by previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future. The current administration has upheld in its entirety the positions of previous cabinets in history, including their prime minister's statements, and will continue to do so. Reflecting upon the past eight decades, Japan has consistently walked the path of a peace-loving nation and has consistently contributed to peace and prosperity in the international community since the end of World War II. This is widely and accurately recognized and highly appreciated by the international community. Freedom, democracy, and fundamental human rights remain unshakable foundations of Japan's every decisions and action. Guided by these principles, Japan has made assiduous efforts to promote the rule of law in international society, stressing the importance of compliance with international law, including the UN Charter. I thank you.

I call on the representative of Indonesia.

Mr. President, my delegation takes the floor to exercise its right of reply to the statements made by the representatives of Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. Indonesia takes all credible allegations of human rights violations seriously. Our national institutions and legal mechanisms including the independent National Human Rights Commission, is working continuously to address such allegations. Indonesia's record of engagement with the international human rights system speaks for itself. Indonesia is currently serving as the president of the UN Human Rights Council. After serving six terms as a member of the Council, reflecting the highest level of trust from the international community to Indonesia. That record alone reflects sustained engagement, not a selective one when it's convenient. We also wish to note that arrangements for any visit by the High Commissioner should be agreed between the host state and the Office of the High Commissioner, as applied to every member state. They are not set by a third date or any regional body. Mr. President, any serious discussion of Papua must reflect the full picture. Innocent civilians, teachers, health workers, and many others have fallen victim to violence by armed criminal groups. In recent weeks, Three civil servants were massacred after delivering livestock assistance to the locals. A civilian driver transporting basic commodities was also killed. Nine women and children were abducted by an armed group. These are not acts of peaceful political expression. Attacking innocent civilians and murdering civil servants are criminal acts. Indonesia has a responsibility to protect all of its citizens. Law enforcement must and will remain subject to Indonesia's laws and our international human rights obligations. We therefore categorically reject any attempt to present disinformation or misinformation about human rights situations in Indonesia. Indonesia will continue to engage constructively through relevant mechanism. Some countries chose to omit facts about civilian victims from its narrative while advancing sweeping allegations towards Indonesia. Such selectivity undermines the credibility of its stated concern for human rights. Human rights concerns deserve serious discussion, but it should never be used as a tool to justify violence or advocate separatism. Let me quote the statement delivered by Foreign Minister Sugiono just a few days ago. "From Aceh to Papua, from Miangas to Rote, Indonesia is one people. Indonesia is one nation. To our neighbors, friends, and partners, Let there be no doubt, Indonesia stands strong today, grounded firmly in democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. And furthermore, dear neighbors and friends, Indonesia has always been and will always be your trusted partner in the maintenance of peace and security, the promotion of democracy and human rights, and the advancement of sustainable development. I thank you, Mr. President.

Philippines.

Mr. President, the Philippines exercises its right of reply to the statement of the delegation of China concerning the 2016 South China Sea Arbitral Award. Mr. President, this year marks the 10th anniversary of the award. The Philippines recalls the UNCLOS and the award are the twin anchors for our policy and actions in the South China Sea. UNCLOS establishes the legal framework within which all activities in the oceans and seas must be carried out. The award rendered by an arbitral tribunal constituted under Annex VII of UNCLOS is final and binding upon the parties pursuant to Article 296 of the convention in Article 11 of Annex VII. The tribunal affirmed that UNCLOS comprehensively allocates maritime entitlements and that claims to historic rights to resources within the sea areas falling within the so-called nine-dash line are contrary to the convention and without lawful effect to the extent that they exceed the geographic and substantive limits of China's maritime entitlements under UNCLOS. The tribunal further upheld the Philippine sovereign rights in its exclusive economic zone and found that certain actions therein violated those rights. These propositions are at the core of the Philippines' longstanding position on the award. Mr. President, developments 10 years after the award demonstrate its continuing relevance of complying and respecting the award. The award also affirmed the traditional fishing rights of Filipino fishermen at the shoal. Here is a clear case where environmental protection cannot be invoked as a basis for measures inconsistent with these rights and with the applicable rules of international law. The Philippines rejects China's measures and calls for compliance with UNCLOS and the award. Mr. President, the Philippines reiterates that the award did not create rights for the Philippines beyond those provided by UNCLOS. It authoritatively applied the convention to the dispute submitted to the tribunal. To respect the award is therefore to respect UNCLOS and the integrity of the legal order established by the convention. This is an interest shared by the entire international community. The certainty and predictability provided by UNCLOS underpinned the freedoms of navigation and overflight and other internationally lawful uses of the sea and enable the unimpeded flow of lawful commerce through the world's waterways. The integrity of this legal order depends upon states respecting the rights of others and faithfully performing the obligations they have assumed under the convention. The Philippines will continue to exercise its rights and discharge its obligations in accordance with international law. We call on China to do the same and to comply with UNCLOS and the final and binding 2016 South China Sea Arbitral Award. This landmark decision continues to stand as the defining affirmation of the Philippines' commitment to international law and the bedrock of a stable, rules-based maritime order. Thank you, Mr. President.

I now call on the representative of Chad.

President, my delegation wishes to exercise its right of reply following the remarks issued a few moments ago by the representative of Sudan. First of all, My delegation recalls that the position held by Chad regarding the war in Sudan was reaffirmed clearly during the statement issued by Chad before this Assembly on 22 September 2026, following the remarks made by the representative of Sudan. I wish to once again recall the following: The war in Sudan has now entered its fourth year. allegations lacking any basis are repeatedly reiterated by the representative of Sudan in international fora or relayed through media outlets. They seek to install ideas according to which Chad would be involved in one way or another in the conflict in Sudan. That's the narrative they're trying to push. We categorically reject in the strongest terms these fallacious allegations. Chad recalls that since the onset of this war, we have remained stringently in adherence with the principle of neutrality. That remains unchanged. we in no case authorize the use of our national territory or our infrastructure to further the interests of any party to the conflict underway in Sudan. Since the onset of this war, the Sudanese war, Chad has ceaselessly called the warring parties to cease hostilities, to facilitate unfettered humanitarian access to the millions of civilians that have fallen victim to this war, and to heed the countless appeals of the international community that have thus far remained unheeded, appeals for a dialogue which should bring about a solution to this war. Finally, Chad reaffirms its unstinting commitment to peace in Sudan and we are closely following any initiative aiming to bring about dialogue between the warring parties with a view to putting an end to the conflict. Chad is suffering from that very same. Thank you.

I call on the representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Thank you, Mr. President, for giving me the floor. My delegation is taking the exercise of right of reply in response to the statement made by Japan. We categorically reject the absurd remark made by Japan. It is a shameful and brazen faced for Japan to spread deceptive and false narratives in this August forum. Japan, a world criminal state, is accelerating its transformation into a world state against the background of growing geopolitical tensions and block confrontation. In line with the updated 2026 defense white paper, Japan is frantically enforcing militarist policies such as the highest ever military expenditure, introduction of AI into the self-defense force commanding system, and reshuffle of the structure of the Ministry of Defense, to name just a few. On the other hand, it is widely known that Japan formulated the possession of preemptive attack capabilities by revising the national security strategy in 2022 and is now speeding up purchase and development of long-range missiles. While hellbent on deploying long-range strike means, Japan is equally involved in bilateral and multilateral joint military exercises with the United States and its vessel forces. To all intents and purposes, such Japan's moves are aimed at rounding off its real war capabilities against the DPRK and other neighboring countries. What is worse, the political circles in Japan are spelling out such extremely bellicose remarks as a nuclear sharing with the United States, possession of nuclear submarines, and reexamination of the three non-nuclear principles. Japan in public talks about the world without nuclear weapons under the signboard of the world's only atomic-bombed country, and actually behind the scenes works hard to go nuclear. Such shameless and double-faced act of Japan is the greatest threat to be rejected by international community with a vigilance. Japan has so far described itself as a peace-loving nation in the international arenas, while branding neighboring countries' measures for bolstering up their self-defense capabilities as threats and provocations. It is now clear that such moves were and are, after all, a camouflage tactic to cover up its moves for remilitarization. No matter how hard Japan tries to camouflage its real intention for aggression as defense, It will never conceal its true colors as a root cause of endangering peace and escalating tensions in the region. Japan remains an enemy state in the Charter of the United Nations. It is shameful and ridiculous for Japan to call for the deletion of such clause in the Charter of the United Nations. The international community should sharpen vigilance against and strongly oppose and reject Japan's increasingly dangerous neo-militarist moves to seriously destroy regional peace and security. I thank you, Mr. President.

I now call on the representative of United Arab Emirates.

Mr. President, My delegation would like to exercise the right of reply in response to the statement delivered by the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Greater Tomb, the Lesser Tomb, and Abu Musa of the Arab Gulf are islands that are part of the UAE and are under Iranian occupation. We completely reject continued Iranian occupation of the three islands. Any attempt to paint this as an internal Iranian matter does not change the fact that this is an occupied land and should not be under Iran's sovereignty. This occupation runs counter to the UN Charter and international law. We continue to call upon Iran to abide by the UN Charter and international law, to resolve this matter through bilateral negotiations or through resorting to, uh, the ICJ. As for the statement delivered by the delegation of Sudan, speaking

On behalf of the Port Sudan Authority, which is a party to the conflict in Sudan, we completely reject the false and baseless accusations leveled at us. We emphasize that the UAE does not need to be given lessons and lectures from the representative of a criminal regime that is committing war crimes against its own people. a regime that should be held accountable for its crimes against the Sudanese people. The crisis and the tragedy being suffered by the civilians calls upon the international community to make their aspirations for peace and freedom and dignity the absolute priority. Their suffering should under no circumstance be subject to the narrow interests of the warring parties. Our delegation emphasizes that the parties to the conflict have full responsibility for their actions and the violations they've committed against civilians. No party can shirk its obligations or take any pretext as a justification to reject the efforts to reach a humanitarian truce. We have consistently condemned the atrocities committed against civilians and civilian infrastructure and those working in the humanitarian field. We emphasize the importance of all parties abiding the provisions of the international humanitarian law. We emphasize that perpetrators should be held accountable. Mr. President, the immediate priority is to reach an immediate and unconditional humanitarian truce that paves the way for a permanent ceasefire. The Quartet with the leadership of the US has called for this as well in order to ensure that humanitarian assistance is quickly provided unimpeded to those that need it without hindrance to efforts to establish peace. We also renew our call to expand the embargo to include all of Sudan, which limits the flow of weapons. And this is the direction in which all international efforts should be walking. As for the statements delivered by Sudan, we emphasize that Sudan has continued to exacerbate the suffering of its own people and has refused both a humanitarian truce and a ceasefire. International reports and international investigations are being supported by more and more evidence that proves internationally prohibited chemical weapons were used by the Sudanese regime in this conflict in a blatant violation of the international law and the complete prohibition on the use of chemical weapons this is a war crime against the Sudanese people Mr. President the Sudanese people alone have the right to determine the future of Sudan through a comprehensive and credible political process with an independent civilian leadership that is not connected to the parties to the conflict. This should lead to an independent civilian government that fulfills Sudan's aspirations to peace and prosperity. Thank you, Mr. President.

I now call on the representative of China for a second intervention.

President, China will again exercise its right of reply. The Japanese representative's feeble arguments cannot conceal the historical truth, whitewash its present-day acts, or disguise the complete collapse of Japan's image as a so-called peace-loving nation. Decades ago, Japan joined the UN after recognizing its military's crimes and accepted the charter in its entirety. In recent years, Japan has made frequent moves in military and security sectors to break free from the constraints of post-war system, expand military capacities, and send dangerous signals. laying bare its true intention to depart from the path of peaceful development in pursuit of military expansion. That Japan's new militarism is gaining a concerning momentum. It is an indisputable fact. The suite of moves is well observed, well evidenced, and plain for all to see. It poses a real threat to regional peace and stability. The enemy state clauses are an indispensable part of the Charter. Given recent years negative moves of Japan, its historic and present significance is further highlighted, and they should not be altered or deleted. Japan must make a serious choice. Will it continue to disregard the lessons of history and allow the remnants of militarism to resurface, or will it face up to the history of aggression, honor commitment to peace, and earn the trust of international community through sincere reflection. Will it continue to distort facts, spread disinformation, and challenge the post-war international order, or will it honor its commitment to peace through concrete actions? To forget history is to betray the past. To deny culpability is to spell recidivism. China urges Japan to draw profound lessons from history and immediately stop its dangerous acts of remilitarization. China also calls upon the international community to distinguish right from wrong, remain vigilant, jointly uphold the outcome of victory in World War II, and safeguard world peace and stability. In response to the statement of the Philippines, China once again reiterates that the award in the South China Sea arbitration is illegal, null, and void. First, the China-Philippines dispute in South China Sea are in essence issues of territorial and maritime delimitation. Territorial issues are not regulated by the UNCLOS. While maritime delimitation has been excluded from compulsory procedures by a declaration made by China, The arbitral tribunal overstepped its jurisdiction, and its award is a result of the poisonous tree and has no validity whatsoever. Second, the convention has never denied historic rights. Many countries have historic rights and historic fishing practices. The award completely denies historic rights, fully demonstrating its illegality and invalidity. Third, the award misinterprets Article 122 of the Convention and illegally raised the bar for the island status recognition, deviating gravely from the Convention and the general state practice. It is extremely absurd and erroneous. The South China Sea arbitration is a natural example in international law of the sea, no matter how the Philippines portrays or whitewash it, the fact of it being illegal, null and void, ultra virus and reactionary in nature remains unchanged. We urge the Philippines to stop playing up the issue in the multilateral fora, return promptly to the right track of bilateral consultations, work with China to manage differences in the South China Sea, and work together to safeguard peace and stability in the South China Sea. Thank you, President.

Sudan for a second intervention.

Thank you, Mr. President. With regards to the response by the representative of Chad, I would like to draw his attention to the report of the independent fact-finding mission, report AHRC/63/23, September 2026, titled igniting the conflict in Sudan, external to the paragraphs 47, 54, 80, 84, 72, 86, 98, 125, 88. All of these paragraphs are related to the countries that are worsening the conflict and at the head of them is the country of evil, the UAE. As for your allegations, the representative of the UAE that Sudan used chemical weapons, this allegation, which was adopted by the UAE intelligence services, that the Sudanese government used chemical weapons, this is part of the targeting that we are being subject to without any technical standards. and this is by forces that are allied with the UAE. What are the technical standards that you have, representative of the UAE, what do you have that you can use to convince me and to prove that we use chemical weapons? Do you have any technical legal proof? What are the standards by the CCW which the Sudan is part of and is a member of the executive council, have, did you photograph the scene of the crime? This location has been photographed through a location in the UAE by taking samples. Did you take samples from the soil, from the water? Did you have a chemical and biological examination of the victims? Where are the victims? Are they alive? Are they dead? Did you look for the biomarkers? in urine and in blood samples to see the deterioration of nerve agents? Have you used the chain of custody? We have everything that has been documented until we're reaching the lab. The analysis is in approved labs which belong to the organization of the CCW. Any false allegation outside of this is a political not scientific nor legal allegation and this is what is obvious from the false allegations of the UAE which they reiterate to Target the saf which are fighting against militia funded by the UAE that kill their people rape their weapon rape their women destroy their infrastructure and use uavs against them day and night therefore You must be disgraced for this. You must feel shame. Thank you, Mr. President.

I now call on the representative of Japan for a second intervention.

Thank you, Mr. President. This is my second intervention in response to the interventions made by North Korea and China. I will not repeat here what I said. Japan has regarded the facts of history with humility and sincerely addressed various issues for over 80 years since the end of World War II. Having served as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council 12 times over the last 70 years since Japan joined the UN, Japan has actively contributed to international peace and security. I thank you.

I now give the floor to the Philippines for a second intervention.

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, the Philippines takes the floor once again in exercise of its right of reply. We have taken note of the statement made in response to our earlier intervention. and the Philippines does not intend to engage in prolonged exchange. It is necessary, however, to place several matters clearly on the record. The legal position is well established. The 2016 South China Sea arbitral award was rendered by a tribunal constituted pursuant to Annex VII of the UNCLOS. Under Article 296 of UNCLOS and Article 11 of Annex VII, The award is final and shall be complied with by the parties to the dispute. The tribunal acted authoritatively within its jurisdiction over matters governed by the UNCLOS. States have joined the Philippines in reiterating that the award is final, legally binding, and definitive between the Philippines and China concerning the maritime entitlements and claims decided by the tribunal. Further, There is no legal basis for China's expansive maritime claims, including claims based on historic rights, and that the freedom of navigation, overflight, and other lawful uses of the sea under UNCLOS must be respected. Moreover, the states oppose coercive or destabilizing conduct, including the use of coast guard, military, or maritime militia forces to harass or obstruct lawful operations. and the parties should abide by the award and resolve disputes peacefully in accordance with international law. The fact that one party does not accept the award does not alter its legal character or the obligations arising from it, nor can unilateral assertions or subsequent domestic measures modify the maritime entitlements established under UNCLOS. The Philippines likewise rejects any suggestion that its lawful exercise of sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction constitutes provocation. The relevant question is whether the conduct of states is consistent with their obligations under international law. In this regard, the Philippines remains concerned by actions at sea that interfere with the exercise of its rights and jurisdiction in its maritime zones. and that create risks to Philippine vessels and personnel. These concerns are not resolved by competing assertions of sovereignty or by the characterization of Philippine activities under another state's domestic law. The Philippines' position remains unchanged. Maritime claims and entitlements in the South China Sea must be determined in accordance with UNCLOS. and disputes must be addressed through peaceful means consistent with the charter of the United Nations and international law. The Philippines remains committed to dialogue and diplomacy. Such engagement must proceed on the basis of international law and with full respect for the rights and obligations of all states concerned. Thank you, Mr. President.

I now give the floor to the representative of Chad for a second intervention.

Mr. President, my delegation would like to once again exercise a right of reply following the statement delivered by the representative of Sudan. Chad once again categorically rejects with the greatest firmness these absolutely groundless allegations. Chad has already responded to the report that was alluded to, which provides no material evidence and which does nothing but peddle allegations that come from dubious sources. We reiterate that ever since this war was declared, we've been unswervingly upholding our neutrality. We also wish to reaffirm that our territory has never been used, nor has our infrastructure been used by any of the parties to the conflict. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, Chad has itself been the victim of the war in Sudan, as we're feeling the brunt of the consequences, both humanitarian, socioeconomic, but also security consequences. Since April of 2023, over one and a half million Sudanese refugees crossed our eastern border. fleeing a deadly conflict. What's more is the territory of Chad has not been spared from attacks linked to the Sudanese conflict. Another attack was recently recorded linked to the Sudan conflict. Chad firmly condemns these new incursions. These are and an unacceptable violation of our territorial integrity, we reserve the right to take all the necessary measures in accordance with international law, with a view to protecting our sovereignty in case these attacks were to be repeated. I thank you.

I now give the floor to the representative of United Arab Emirates for a second intervention.

Sayid Rais.

Mr. President, we take the floor in exercising our right of reply against the Sudan, which is talking on behalf of one of the parties of the civil war in Sudan, which is the party which rejects being a part of regional and international initiatives to bring about peace, and which rejects every humanitarian truce that has been presented to them and commits atrocities and uses internationally prohibited chemical weapons against civilians. Based on this record, we must wonder how can one of the parties of the war to misuse international forums to refuse their personalities, their responsibilities. This is not a cover for their actions, and this is not also a forum for them to distract from the actions of the Port Sudan authorities to prolong the suffering of the Sudanese people and the war. We emphasize that the priority must be for ending the fighting, protecting civilians, and supporting efforts aimed at reaching a humanitarian truce and a permanent ceasefire, leading to a credible political process that leads to an independent to a political government independent of both parties of the civil war. We do not respond to curse words with curse words, but we use facts and the law. It is which the Sudanese representative does not seem to be able to respond to. Thank you, Mr. President.

I now call upon the representative of Democratic People's Republic of Korea. for a second intervention.

Thank you, Mr. President, for giving me the floor again. My delegation is prepared to exercise its second right of reply in response to the absurd remark made by Japan. We categorically reject once again Japan's remark. Japan, an A-class war criminal state that inflicted untold sufferings and disasters upon mankind in the last century, is taking advantage of the present international turbulence to accelerate its attempts at rearmament with an unprecedented commitment, including the revision of the peace constitution, abandonment of exclusive defense, reformation of the military structures and arms buildup. Such actions are casting war clouds over the entire region. Under the signboard of a counter-attack capability, Japan has buckled down to the development and possession of long-range attack weapons that put neighboring countries within striking range. Its ambition runs counter to its obligations as a defeated nation, and Japan is in shameless disregard of the UN Charter and poses a grave challenge to global peace. On every opportunity available, Japan is accusing neighboring countries of illegitimate to exercise of the inherent right to self-defense. It is obviously aimed at covering up its criminal identity of undermining the foundation of security in the region while establishing legal and institutional mechanisms and expanding aggressive strike capabilities as a war state. Obviously speaking, Japan is a defeated nation and listed as an enemy state in the Charter of the United Nations. The reality proves that Japan's political climate and intrinsic nature marked by a gene of aggression remains unchanged and are mutating into more dangerous forms with each passing day. The international community should never tolerate Japan's neo-militarist and dangerous rearmament moves, which pose serious security challenges in the Asia Pacific region, including the Korean Peninsula. I thank you, Mr. President.

I have no more speaker on the list. May I take it that it is the wish of the Assembly to conclude its consideration of the agenda item 8. It is so decided. The meeting is adjourned.