General Assembly: Intergovernmental negotiations on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council - Informal meeting of the plenary, 80th session

Good morning, everyone. I call to order the seventh informal meeting of the plenary on the question of equitable representation on an increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council. My fellow co-chair and I would like to extend a very warm welcome to all of you. And we would like to thank all delegations for their active and constructive participation during the IGM plenary on April 14th.

As indicated in our letter dated 7 April, at this morning's meeting, we will invite the delegation of Sierra Leone in its capacity as coordinator of the African Union Committee of 10 on United Nations Security Council reform to present the African model. Delegations were invited to inscribe on the list of speakers via e-delegate, and the live link to the list of speakers was circulated to all delegations. At this stage, any delegation who wishes to be added to the existing list of speakers should inform the Secretariat table. Any delegation wishing to speak on behalf of a group of states should inform the Secretariat in order to be given priority. We also encourage delegations to adhere to the time limits we have established. Statements delivered on behalf of a group of states will be limited to five minutes, and national statements will be limited to three minutes. To assist speakers with time management, we have projected the on-screen timer on the screens. We encourage delegations to listen to each other, engage constructively, and seek areas of convergence in our meetings. In that light, we invite delegations to focus their intervention on any evolution in their positions, including new elements they may wish to highlight. Once the list of speakers is exhausted, we will hold an interactive discussion on the African model and allow for member states and groups of states to respond to views and proposals put forth in a closed meeting without webcast.

And before we begin, I would like to remind members that delegations are encouraged to e-mail a copy of their statements to e-statements@un.org for the publication on the repository website, as well as to facilitate interpretation. We will first hear the presentation of the model submitted by Sierra Leone in its capacity as coordinator of the African Union Committee of 10, C10, on United Nations Security Council reform. And I welcome the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone, who is represented here at the podium together with us. And I now invite the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone to proceed with the presentation of the African model. You have the floor.

Thank you very much, Madam Distinguished Co-Chair. Distinguished Co-Chairs, Excellencies, distinguished delegates. I have the honor on behalf of the African member states to introduce the African reform model on United Nations Security Council reform, endorsed at the 39th ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, held from 14 to 15 February 2026 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. I sincerely thank you, distinguished co-chairs, for convening this structured dialogue and for your continued efforts to advance this important Member States-driven process through these dialogues. Africa values the intergovernmental negotiations as the appropriate platform for open, transparent, and substantive engagement on Security Council reform. We also welcome the effort to move this process from general reaffirmations to a more focused engagement on reform models. This is necessary. Indeed, it is long overdue, given the urgency of the reform. Excellencies, the imperative for Security Council reform is no longer in doubt. What remains in question is whether the process is prepared to confront with seriousness and consequence the central injustice at the heart of the current structure of the Council, the continued exclusion and underrepresentation of Africa. This injustice is historical, it is structural, and it is indefensible. Africa was not adequately at the table in 1945 when the Charter was negotiated and when the architecture of the Security Council was established. Most African countries were still under colonial domination and therefore had no voice in shaping the post-war multilateral order. Yet, the United Nations is currently comprised of 54 African member states, making it the largest regional grouping in the organization, and African issues dominate the Security Council's agenda. Africa has not been a mere recipient of the UN support, but an active contributor to its success, and is therefore a key actor for the maintenance of international peace and security. Africa is central to peacekeeping, peacebuilding, mediation, and post-conflict recovery. And still, Africa remains without representation in the permanent category of the Security Council. This reality cannot be justified politically, legally, morally, and it cannot be sustained institutionally. This is why Africa has consistently maintained that any credible reform of the Security Council must, as a matter of priority, redress the historical injustice against Africa and treat Africa as a special case. This is the minimum condition for legitimacy as agreed in the Pact for the Future. As was convincingly captured during the historic Security Council high-level debate on addressing the historical injustice and enhancing Africa's effective representation on the UN Security Council in August 2024, held during Sierra Leone's presidency of the Council, Africa remains permanently on the menu of the Security Council, but not permanently at the table. This distills with clarity the lived contradiction of the present order, a continent that is constantly the subject of deliberation, yet systematically denied equal authority in decision making. This contradiction must end. The formulation that Africa is, and I quote, "permanently on the menu," end of quote, but does not have a permanent seat at the table captures the deeper historical truth underpinning Africa's claim that the continent has endured a long arc of exclusion from slavery and colonialism, the Berlin partition, to the construction of a post-1945 order in which Africa was acted upon more often than it was permitted to act. The injustice, therefore, is not abstract. It is historical, structural, and ongoing. To be clear, the problem is not that the case for Africa has not been made. The case has been made repeatedly, consistently, and convincingly over decades. The problem is that some have too often preferred acknowledgement over action, sympathy over structural correction, and procedural comfort over political courage. Africa comes to this process united and prepared with a clear, coherent, and fully articulated common position for over two decades. The African model now before the membership is not a new position. It is the structured and detailed presentation of the common African position as contained in the Azuwini Consensus and the State Declaration, and further reflected in the 2015 framework document inputs of the African group and reflection of relevant language from Action 39A of the Pact for the Future to treat Africa as a special case and priority in the reform process. Distinguished Co-Chairs, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, let me now briefly present Africa's position across the five IGN clusters, as well as the question of treating Africa as a special case and priority. On categories of membership, Africa's position is clear. Reform limited to the non-permanent category is no reform at all in addressing the historical injustice against Africa and the current structural imbalance in the Council. Africa calls for an enlarged Security Council of no fewer than 26 seats. Within the reform Council, the permanent category should total 11 seats including no fewer than two permanent seats for Africa. The non-permanent category should total no fewer than 15 seats, including five non-permanent seats for Africa. The African Union will select Africa's representative for submission to the General Assembly for election. The two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats for Africa is the minimum required to begin correcting the present injustice. The Assembly must also recognize that Article 23 of the Charter defines only two categories of membership. Proposals that seek to create intermediate, longer-term, or other transitional categories as a substitute for permanent seats for Africa do not resolve the problem, nor do they align with the UN Charter. They merely preserve the inequality in another form. Africa, therefore, reiterates that equitable reform must address both existing categories of membership, not invent alternatives that dilute the question of justice. On regional representation, Africa's position is equally clear and firm. Any reform that seeks to ensure fair and equitable geographical representation in the Security Council must reflect the principles, objectives, and ideals of the Charter including universalism, equity, and regional balance. The current composition of the Council does not accurately reflect the diversity of the United Nations membership, particularly in relation to Africa, which has long been underrepresented in the non-permanent category and excluded from the permanent category. Africa is one of the largest regions in terms of membership, population, and political weight in the multilateral system. The African Union and its member states play an increasingly important role in the maintenance of international peace and security. The African voice is therefore not peripheral to the work of the Council, it is central to it. A Council that continues to marginalize Africa cannot command the legitimacy required for the discharge of its primary responsibility under the Charter. On the size of an enlarged Security Council and working method, Africa strongly support an enlarged Council of at least 26 seats in order to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities and to ensure more representative participation. Africa also maintains that reform cannot be reduced to the question of seats alone. A more representative Council must also be more accessible, more democratic, and more transparent, more accountable, and more responsive to the broader membership. Working methods matter, and significant work continues to be done to improve the working methods, including on equal access to Council documents, an issue advanced by Algeria during its 2024-2025 tenure on the Council, securing the inclusion of new provisions in Note 507 that affirm that all members of the Council shall be afforded the same level of access to documentation. Working methods remain integral to comprehensive reform. But let there be no misunderstanding. Improvement in working methods cannot be offered as a substitute for reform in categories of membership. Processes cannot replace justice. The African model and the 2015 framework document clearly sets out Africa's expectation in this regard. On the question of the veto, Africa's position is longstanding and unambiguous. Africa remains opposed to the veto in principle. However, so long as the veto continues to exist, it cannot remain the exclusive reserve of a few. If it is retained, it must be extended to all permanent members, including the new permanent seats allocated to Africa. There can be no reform that creates a permanent new permanent members, but denies them the right and prerogatives attached to permanent membership. That will not be reform. That will be discrimination by a design. Africa will not accept equality in name and inequality in substance. Now, does Africa see any benefit in postponing discussions of the veto until after agreement on the composition of the council? The veto is interconnected with the other clusters including categories of membership, regional representation, size, and working methods. A genuine reform must therefore address these questions squarely and honestly. On the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, Africa affirms the need for a more amonious, cooperative, and constitutionally balanced relationship between the two principal organs. Both must work closely within their respective mandate under the Charter to address the many challenges facing the international community. Africa supports a relationship that strengthens complementarity, enhances accountability, and preserves the institutional balance intended by the Charter. On this cluster, Africa's position is clearly reflected in the 2015 framework document and the reform model. Distinguished co-chairs, in addition to the five clusters, Africa continues to stress one fundamental political requirement. Africa must be treated as a special case and priority in the reform process. This is not an extraneous issue. It is central to the logic of reform itself. The Pact for the Future has reinforced what Africa has been emphasizing for decades, that the historical injustice against Africa must be addressed as a matter of priority. that must be now translated from declarative language into an operative outcome. Overall, Africa's position is therefore both principled and practical. It is principled because it is rooted in justice, equity, and historical correction. It is practical because it places before this process a clear and comprehensive model across all five clusters. The time has come for the IG to move beyond rhetorical sympathy and towards serious engagement with Africa's proposal. This must be manifested in the consolidated model our leaders agreed to be developed, a model that must take fully into account the common African position in order to be able to move this reform process one step forward in this session. On engaging in tax-based negotiation, we state our position that Africa is only to engage in tax-based negotiation provided there is a prior consensus between member states on the five clusters and a grid framework which broadly addresses the issue of historical injustice that has wide consensus and a model of reform that clearly addresses expansion in both categories of the Security Council. In closing, distinguished co-chairs, excellencies, distinguished delegates, the current structure of the United Nations Security Council reflect a bygone era and does not adequately recognize Africa's important role and the maintenance of international peace and security, including the continent's substantial contributions to peacekeeping and peace support operations. With a population of over 1.4 billion people, Africa remains insufficiently represented in the principal structures of global decision-making, particularly in the Security Council. The African model calls for urgent and meaningful reform to ensure a council that is more inclusive, more representative and more responsive to contemporary global realities. Therefore, welcome your thoughts and question. I thank you.

I thank His Excellency, the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone for his comprehensive briefing. A large part of the puzzle at hand has been put in place. A more comprehensive picture of the way forward is at hand. I now open the floor for discussions and comments on the presentation. Germany, please, you have the floor.

Distinguished Co-Chairs, thank you for your work and thank you for giving me the floor. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the G4, Brazil, India, Japan, and my own country, Germany.

And let me first of all.

Thank our colleague, the ambassador from Sierra Leone, for his briefing on the African model this morning. For decades, the IGN has not made any real progress, but now we have reached an important point. Three years ago, the IGM agreed to move towards concrete discussions of reform models, and today we have crossed an important threshold. Now that the African group has presented its reform model, we can move on to take the next step together. We now have before us all the essential elements to develop a consolidated model as agreed by all in the Pact for the Future on the basis of models presented by member states thus far. As the G4, we fully support the African model. We share the same objective, a meaningful reform of the Council that reflects today's geopolitical realities. We share the same vision for Council reform, which must include an expansion of membership in both the permanent and the non-permanent categories. Both models address the urgent need to redress the historical injustice against Africa and improve the representation of the underrepresented and unrepresented regions in the Security Council. We also note that Africa's model envisioning a Council of "not less than 26 members" is compatible with the G4's model. The African and G4 proposals of enhancing transparency and participation in the work of the Council are converging as well. Even on the issue of veto, our position and that of our African group are also aligned in that new permanent members should, as a principle, have the same responsibilities and obligations as current ones. This alignment is politically very significant. It is a powerful confirmation of the broad convergence that exists among many member states. A clear majority supports expansion in both categories, not only Africa and the G4, but also L69, CARICOM, the Arab Group, Benelux and the Nordics. The direction of the membership is clear and their desire is real. For this very reason, this convergence must now be translated into concrete progress. We cannot continue to circle around established positions forever without trying to achieve progress. The time has come to develop without further delay, a consolidated model on the basis of Member States' proposals that have been presented in the IGN. The consolidated model must faithfully reflect the very strong support for enlargement in both categories, including the rightful representation of Africa, alongside other unrepresented and underrepresented regions in the permanent category. This must be a precursor to text-based negotiations. I thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Germany, and I give the floor to Italy.

Thank you, distinguished co-chairs. I make this intervention on behalf of Uniting for Consensus, a pro-reform, cross-regional, and diversified group composed by Argentina, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Italy, Malta, Mexico, Pakistan, Republic of Korea, San Marino, Spain, and Turkey. I wish to thank Sierra Leone for presenting the model for reform of the Security Council on behalf of the C10 African Group. It is a valuable effort to address the long-standing issues surrounding the Council's composition and functioning. The African Group has demonstrated the clear leadership in the process. It was the first negotiating group to articulate a unified position through the adoption of the Sirta Declaration and the Ezulwini Consensus, and most recently, through the submission of its reform model. By putting forward this proposal, Africa has contributed towards shaping a common understanding of a comprehensive reform. UFC, like the African model, supports the call for more equitable and balanced representation of Africa and other underrepresented regions in the Council. This would not only remedy the current geographical imbalance, but also benefit us all by making the reformed Council truly representative to the wider membership. It will be key to implement this common goal without reproducing existing inequalities, but rather ensuring that the Council becomes more representative, democratic, accountable, transparent and effective. In 2024, world leaders recognized the need as a priority to address the historical injustice against Africa, recognizing it as a special case, while also improving the representation of the underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups, such as Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean.

We

support this approach and acknowledge the importance that African countries attach to ensuring the voice of their region is fully

heard.

UFC sympathizes with Africa, whose proposal has been framed as a collective regional effort, fundamentally different from the one driven by individual national ambitions. UFC's position on the expansion of the permanent category and its prerogatives is well known, and we believe that our model has built-in flexibility to adequately accommodate African aspirations in a constructive and forward-looking manner. UFC wishes to engage more closely with Africa to share and understand each other's perspectives and to pursue our common objectives. UFC concurs with the African model on several issues, including the need to improve working methods. We share the view that enlargement alone is insufficient, as any reform must address the Council's effectiveness. Enhancing transparency must remain central. This is why we also support a more inclusive decision-making. Closer cooperation between the Council and the Peacebuilding Commission and the African Union's Peace and Security Council is a priority. Aligned with the Peacebuilding Commission and African Union priorities, equitable decision-making and genuine localization are essential, not just in principle, but in practice. to ensure more effective and sustainable delivery on the ground. Another element of convergence between the two models is the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly. UFC, as well as Africa, has always called for a reform that would strengthen coordination and complementarity between the two organs and guarantee greater accountability. Likewise, we both advocate for greater inclusions of non-council members in the discussions of issues that directly affect them. We would welcome your reflections on the concept of cross-regional representation, especially concerning the possible establishment of cross-regional seats. We would also be interested in understanding how the African model envisions ensuring accountability and periodic review of members that would hypothetically hold permanent seats, given that such a status would not be subject to election. Finally, we would like to request your assessment on the impact of a reduced ratio of elective to permanent members in terms of preserving the democratic character of its decision making. In the spirit of mutual flexibility, we look forward to building on convergences with the African group and other negotiating groups and member states to reach an agreement on a proposal that enjoys the widest possible political acceptance. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Italy. I give the floor to Sweden.

Colleagues, I have the honor to speak on behalf of the Nordic countries, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and my own country, Sweden. Let me begin by expressing our gratitude to you, Ambassador Albanai and Ambassador Gregoire van Haren, for continued efforts as co-chairs of the IGM process. In the Pact for the Future, our leaders decided to encourage the submission of further models with a view to developing a consolidated model in the future. It is now time to deliver on this commitment and support your steadfast leadership towards presenting a consolidated model. We thank the representative of Sierra Leone for the presentation and welcome the submission of the African Union Member States model, and we also thank the African Union Committee for their work. Co-Chairs, equitable representation is an essential part of reform. And we have all agreed to view Africa as a special case. The Nordics support a geographically balanced expansion of the Council. And as part of redressing the historical injustice done to the African continent, we support seats for Africa in both categories of Security Council membership. The Nordic countries have read the African model with great interest and will study it further. We welcome its clear objectives and added detail. With your permission, co-chairs, we have selected a few questions. On categories of membership and regional representation. On the no less than two new permanent seats for Africa to be selected by the African Union, What type of appointments do you foresee to specific countries on fixed seats or rotating regional representation for these two seats? How would the five African non-permanent seats relate to cross-regional representation, both within the regions of Africa and more broadly, including, for example, SIDS or Arab states in Africa? Co-Chairs, on the size of an enlarged Security Council, it is important that an expansion does not negatively impact the full participation of all Council members. We note with interest the proposals under section C, aiming at, among other things, strengthening the Council's collaboration with troop contributing countries and increasing transparency and access to documentation. However, we believe that a decision to expand the Council to a total of not less than 26 members also needs concrete changes to the Council's day-to-day working methods to ensure full participation of all members, including changes in Note 507. Do you foresee to propose any such additional changes? We also welcome the reference to the work of the subsidiary organs. Any thoughts or views on how an enlarged Council could avoid the type of impasse that we currently see regarding allocations of chairmanships? The proposed model seems to suggest that the Council cannot engage on any issue that does not constitute a threat to international peace and security. How does this correspond to the thematic work of the Council and to the Council's authority under Chapter VI? Co-Chairs, The Nordic countries welcome the importance that the African model attaches to the role and authority of the General Assembly in the context of Security Council reform, and we note with interest the priorities listed under section E. The Nordic countries support greater transparency and interaction between the Security Council and the General Assembly, as well as the General Assembly fulfilling its own role on matters of international peace and security, particularly when the Council is unable to act. Finally, the Nordic countries believe that any reform should include a review clause, not as a means to make temporary arrangements, but as to set a moment with a fixed deadline to assess our reforms and make further adjustments as necessary. We would like to ask if a review clause has been considered. Co-chairs, colleagues, the time for reform is now. More than ever, the world needs a Security Council that is better equipped, more representative, more effective. But it is only by bridging our differences with determination and a spirit of compromise that we will be able to deliver meaningful reform. The Nordic countries look forward to continuing this important work together with you. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Sweden.

And I give the floor to the Kingdom of Bahrain.

At the outset, I

wish to express our thanks to the permanent representative of Kuwait, Mr. Tarek Al-Bunay. and the Permanent Representative of the Netherlands, we congratulate you for your stewardship of our work, and we thank you for your efforts to safeguard this important negotiating process. The Arab Group affirms that The presentation of comprehensive models like the African model are steps in the right direction to move from discussions to more precise and realistic approaches to bring together the points of view between states. We welcome the efforts carried out by the C-10 and the African Union to present a unified African position based on consensus like the Cirt Declaration and the Ezewtini Consensus, reflecting a clear vision seeking to correct historic imbalances with regards to the representation of the African continent on the Security Council. Our group takes note of the fact that this model includes advanced elements with regard to dealing with issues such as the category of member and the veto and regional groups. And this model seeks to devote two, at least two permanent seats to Africa, as well as five non-permanent seats, underscoring the principle of equality in law and privileges and rights. and on the veto if this is to be retained and the idea is to ensure more equity in representation on the Council. Now the Arab group, while taking note of this position, believes that any reform model must be based on an essential principle, which is correcting the imbalances in terms of geographic representation and ensuring that the Security Council reflects contemporary international reality. in particular when it comes to underrepresented areas, including the Arab group. So in this context, the Arab group underscores that any expansion of the category of a permanent member must include permanent Arab representation with all necessary privileges in order to reflect the political and demographic weight of our group. We also believe that any expansion in the category of non-permanent seats must take account of the need to ensure that the Arab group is represented in a balanced manner in an expanded council. With regard to the veto, we believe that the position of the African group, which calls for it to be repealed or, if it is to continue, for it to be extended to all permanent members, reflects a principle based on justice and equality. That is a principle that must govern any reform approach. We also underscore that discussions on the veto must be coupled with efforts seeking to strengthen transparency and accountability for its use, for the use of the veto to guarantee more credibility for the Council. With regard to regional representation, now the Arab group underscores the need to recognize its unique characteristics as a political group, as a fully fledged political group, so that Arab representation isn't watered down by a more broader regional group, and this is to guarantee a just balance that reflects the political and geographic realities of the Arab group. We also underscored that the models put forward, in particular the African model, show how important it is to adopt a comprehensive approach that deals with the category of members, regional representation, and the working methods of the Council and relationship with the General Assembly in order to guarantee a comprehensive and not partial reform. By way of conclusion, we reiterate that Security Council reform must be a comprehensive process that is based between balance between justice, representation, and efficacy. Any reform model must contribute to strengthening the capacity of the Council to discharge its role the maintenance of international peace and security, as reflected in the Charter, and we are committed to working constructively in order to reach an understanding that will lead us to a true reform. To conclude, I thank you for your relentless efforts in this process, and I thank the representative of Sierra Leone for presenting the African model. Thank you.

And I give the floor to Saint Lucia.

Thank you, co-chairs. And on behalf of the L69 group, we continue to thank the coaches for their leadership in this process. Today, I have the honor to speak on behalf of the L69 group, and our group takes the opportunity to welcome with genuine appreciation the formal submission of the African model as presented by Ambassador Michael Kanu of Sierra Leone in his capacity as C10 coordinator. We commend the C10 for the clarity and the conviction with which the with which Africa has articulated its position and for the leadership Africa has consistently demonstrated throughout this long and unfinished reform process the l69 group and the C10 do not merely share positions the founding document of this group A/61/L69/Rev.1 was guided from the outset by the same recognition that undergirds the African model, that the Security Council cannot credibly discharge its mandates so as long as the regions most affected by its decisions remain most excluded from its deliberations. The L69 and the C10, constituted by developing countries, are, in this respect, strikingly similar. The L69 group reaffirms unequivocally its full support for the common African position. We recognize and support consistently with our long-standing practice that Africa must have no fewer than two permanent seats with the full prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership. Including the right of veto if the veto continues to exist. And no fewer than five non-permanent seats. The selection of Africa's representatives in both categories must be done by the African Union for submission to the General Assembly for election. On this, the L69 is unambiguous. On the question of veto, the L69 and the African model speak with one voice. Both hold that the veto ought to be abolished. Both hold, but with equal firmness, that so long as it exists, any new permanent members must enjoy it as a matter of elementary justice. A two-tier permanent membership in which some permanent members hold the veto and others do not would not constitute reform. It would entrench a new hierarchy dressed in the language of progress and reform. The L69 group does not accept that outcome. The L69 model proposes a total of 27 seats, with an affirmative vote of 15 required for decision. The African model proposes no fewer than 26. These positions are also aligned. Both proceed from the same logic. Expansion must be genuine. The developing world must be duly represented, and the resulting Council must be capable of acting with legitimacy and The L69 remains open to the precise configuration that best serves these shared objectives. The L69 notes with the extensive convergence between the Africa model and our own positions on working methods and the relationship between the Council and the General Assembly. Both groupings call for a more transparent, democratic and accountable Councils. Both insist on the Charter-mandated prerogatives of the General Assembly and resist the Council's encroachment on the General Assembly's authority. Both call for a more systematic, with troop-contributing countries, responsible invocation of Chapter VII and not treating sanctions as instruments of narrow political interest. There is one element of the L69 model that the Africa model does not address, and we wish to note it not as a point of divergence, but as a complementary contribution to our shared reform agenda. The L69 group advocates for a dedicated rotating non-permanent seat for small island developing states across all regions. This proposal was advanced by CARICOM, itself inspired by the foundation work of the C10, and was subsequently embraced by the L69. It reflects the particular vulnerabilities and perspectives that SIDS bring to questions of international peace and security, most acutely on climate-related security threats. This proposal is not a point of divergence with the African model. It addresses a separate and equally compelling gap in the Council's representational architecture. We note that it has attracted growing support across groupings, and we warmly invite the C-10 to consider whether the Africa model might, in future iterations, find accommodation for it. The L69 group notes with interest the Africa model's affirmation that the selection of Africa's representatives for the permanent categories shall be done by the African Union for submission to the General Assembly for election. The group fully supports this principle. It is consistent with the spirit of the common African position and with Africa's sovereign right to determine its own representation. We raise, in a spirit of cordiality and in anticipation of questions that the wider membership will eventually pose, on one matter that the CTEEN may wish to elaborate upon as the process advances. which is the modalities by which the African Union will identify the two candidates for the permanent category. The L69 group looks forward to the CTEN's further guidance on this question, which we are confident will strengthen the case for reform. In closing, the submission of the African model is a significant moment in this process. The Pact for the Future called for models. Africa has delivered one with precision and authority. The L69 stands alongside the C10 in the conviction that reform is not merely desirable, but necessary, not merely procedural, but moral. We will continue to advance this agenda together. We thank the presenter and co-chairs. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Saint Lucia, and I give the floor to Trinidad and Tobago.

Thank you, co-chairs. I have the honor to deliver this intervention on behalf of the 14 member states of the Caribbean Community, CARICOM. I thank the distinguished delegation of Sierra Leone for the presentation of the African model for reform of the Security Council. as contained in the Izulwini Consensus on Security Declaration. CARICOM reaffirms its support for the African common position on reform of the Security Council. We reiterate that the current imbalance on the Security Council with the non-representation of both the African and Latin American and Caribbean regions in the permanent category of which the Security Council must be addressed in any reform of the said Council. We therefore continue to advocate for a reformed Council that adequately reflects the current membership of the United Nations, which necessitates expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership. This is the only way to address the historical injustice against Africa. Distinguished Co-Chairs, Caricom has taken note of the commonalities between its own model for reform of the Council and the African model, including on the question of the veto and the categories of membership. We have also noted the divergence regarding regional representation, particularly the assertion that Africa is the only region not represented in the permanent category of the Security Council. CARICOM would welcome a further elaboration of this, given that of the five electoral regions from which members of the Security Council are drawn, both Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean are not represented in the permanent category. Importantly as well, the absence of any commentary by Africa on CARICOM's proposal for a rotating seat across all regions that contains SIDS is notable given the implications for the African group as a region as well. CARICOM would therefore welcome Africa's view on this proposal, particularly on how it sees this proposal aligning with its own advocacy for increased non-permanent seats. Distinguished Co-Chairs, I offer one concluding point, that is to express CARICOM's support for any efforts to develop a consolidated model. We believe that this is an important step towards achieving the long overdue reform that we have been seeking in this IGM since 2009. Please be assured that CARICOM will continue to be a constructive partner to this end. I thank you, Co-Chairs.

I thank the distinguished representative of Trinidad and Tobago. I give the floor to the Republic of Korea.

Distinguished Co-Chairs, we express our appreciation for the efforts undertaken by Sierra Leone to coordinate and present the African model on behalf of the African Union. The Republic of Korea aligns itself with the statement made by the Permanent Representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. I would now like to add the following brief points in my national capacity. First, the APEC's position has long been recognized through the Declaration of 1999 and the Consensus of 2005. The Republic of Korea fully shares the view that we must redress the historical injustice against APEC as a priority. And while taking APEC as a special case, improve the representation to other underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups, such as Asia Pacific and Latin America and Caribbean. A Security Council that appears to poorly integrate the voices and leadership of these underrepresented groups simply cannot claim to be truly representative or effective in managing the oversized peace and security challenges of our time. Second, while we continue to strive for representativeness and democracy, these must not be achieved at the expense of the Council's accountability, effectiveness and efficiency. My delegation holds the principled position that expanding the number of permanent members and extending veto power which fundamentally undermine these core values. Thus, we believe that Council reform should be focused on the expansion of the elected non-permanent category. Against this backdrop, we seek to remedy current imbalances by adhering to the principle of equitable geopolitical geographical distribution enshrined in Article 13, paragraph 1 of the Charter. We advocate for reformed Council that include long-term elected seats with the possibility of re-election to foster both inclusivity and continuity. Specifically, to treat Africa as a special case, we envision an enlargement where the African group is assigned the highest number of additional seats, totaling six non-permanent seats, to ensure its rightful and enhanced presence in Council. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea, and I give the floor to France.

Thank you, distinguished co-chairs. Thank you for convening this debate, and I thank the PR of Sierra Leone for presenting the African model, which was long awaited. This is an important moment that will breathe new life into negotiations to lay the foundations for a future single model. France has long supported the goal of the African states to bring about an ambitious reform of the Security Council. We recently reaffirmed this during the strategic France-African Union dialogue on April 13. The President of the Commission of the AU and our Minister of Foreign Affairs agreed, and I quote, "on the urgency of comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more effective and representative in accordance with the goals of the common African position, especially the Ezewini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration." Distinguished co-chairs, we are pleased that the African model for the first time incorporates a position on the size of a future expanded Security Council and the adequate number of new permanent members, that is six. This confirms that the groups supporting an expanded Council and its two membership categories share the same vision and support the same parameters. An expanded Council to allow states that have the capacity and will to do so to contribute to international peacekeeping and security. In this regard, I recall that France has clearly and constantly supported since 2005 the creation of two permanent seats for African states, as well as the candidacy of Germany, India, Japan, and Brazil to the non-permanent member seats that will be created in their geographic groups. Distinguished co-chairs, France also commends the proposals aiming to improve the work of the Security Council for more transparency, inclusiveness, and accountability. As for veto rights, we agree with the African Group on two points. First of all, we believe that it is legitimate for candidates for permanent member status to demand the same prerogatives as the P5, including for veto rights. On the other hand, I also support the comments of Sierra Leone last week. And I quote, he said that, "A responsible and appropriate use of veto rights could contribute to strengthening the credibility and moral authority of the Security Council. It can facilitate more rapid intervention during serious crises, can end atrocities, and help guarantee this exceptional power be used with all the responsibility that accompanies it in a manner that is in keeping with the Charter and international law." This is exactly the goal of the initiative of France and Mexico since 2015 to help regulate the use of the veto in the case of mass atrocities. This is distinct and complementary to our commitment to comprehensive Council reform. And I call on all states that want to effect change, like the 170 that already have done so, to join us in this effort. Thank you.

thank the representative of France for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt

co-chairs I first wish to thank Ambassador Michael Imran Kanu the permanent representative of Sierra Leone coordinator of the African group of 10 for presenting the African model on the reform of the UN Security Council and for all his efforts overseeing it throughout all the stages leading up to today's discussion. Egypt aligns itself with the presentation made by Sierra Leone on behalf of the African Group and wishes to add the following remarks. First, the African model presented today comes after comprehensive and in-depth work and deliberations at the senior officials, ministerial, and summit levels at the African Union. It responds to the call in the Pact for the Future and reflects the continent's answer to the question of Security Council reform, including all the key components of decision 62/557. Second, Africa's position is clear, legitimate and long overdue. The historic injustice suffered by Africa in the composition of the Security Council must be redressed as a matter of priority. No reform of the Council can claim credibility, legitimacy, or balance if it fails to correct the continued exclusion of Africa from permanent representation, despite the fact that the Council's agenda has for decades been heavily focused on African issues. Third, We underscore that the African model is not a partial or a selective proposal. It is a comprehensive and integrated framework. It addresses the categories of membership, regional representation, the question of the veto, the size of an enlarged council, the working methods of the council, and the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly. In this regard, Egypt emphasizes that serious engagement with the African model requires engagement with it in its entirety, not only with the selected elements of it. Fourth, Egypt therefore reiterates its firm support for an expansion of the Council in both categories of membership. In line with the African model, Africa must be allocated no fewer than two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats. The model also makes clear that the selection of Africa's representatives for election to the Security Council shall be undertaken by the African Union for submission to the General Assembly. Egypt stresses that this is an essential component of respecting Africa's collective position and its legitimate right to determine its own representation. This standing issue should not be used as a pretext to delay Security Council reform in any way, as Africa has its tried and tested methods to select its representatives to different bodies across the entire UN system. This selection shall be treated no differently. Fifth, Egypt further stresses the importance of the model's reaffirmation that Africa must be treated as a special case and priority in the reform process. This is fully justified by history, by present realities, and by the long-standing underrepresentation of the continent in the Council structure. Any meaningful reform must therefore place the redress of Africa's injustice at its core, not at the margins. Last but not least, on the question of the veto, Egypt reiterates the principled African position. Africa is opposed to the veto. However, so long as the veto continues to exist, it must be extended to new permanent members. Any reform that creates new permanent members without the same prerogatives and privileges would only institutionalize a new layer of inequality. Africa's claim in this regard is not exceptional treatment, but equality as a matter of common justice. Co-Chairs, in conclusion, Egypt reiterates its full and unwavering support for the African model in all its dimensions. We call on all delegations to engage with this model seriously and constructively, with a view to advancing genuine, comprehensive reform that enhances the representativeness, legitimacy, effectiveness, and accountability of the Security Council. The reform of the Council will remain incomplete unless it fully addresses Africa's rightful and long overdue place in both categories of the membership. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Spain.

Distinguished co-chairs, Spain aligns itself and endorses the statement made by Italy on behalf of the UFC group and we wish to add a few comments in our national capacity. First of all, we thank the co-chairs for convening this meeting of the IGN, that is the single forum for debates and discussions on all aspects related to Security Council reform. We also thank Sierra Leone and the whole of the African Group for presenting their model for Council reform that we have read and studied with a high level of attention and interest. Above all, we're delighted to see that we share a common goal, which is to reform the Security Council to make it better reflect the realities of the 21st century. We agree that this is a highly necessary and urgent reform. Furthermore, Spain reiterates its support to the commitments made in the Pact for the Future. jointly with the African group and the rest of the membership. We thus committed to improving the representation of underrepresented regions and groups, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, or Asia and the Pacific. Furthermore, we appreciate and share some of the ideas and contributions on improving the working methods of a reformed Security Council. and these include an improvement of the flow of information from members of the Security Council to the rest of the membership. Furthermore, we agree on the needs to increase and improve interaction with the General Assembly. In this regard, we fully support the need to ensure that the role and authority entrusted to the General Assembly on issues related to maintenance of peace and security and is ensured. I'd like to ask a question that has already been raised by other delegations and my question is how does the African Group see the representation of cross-regional groups in a reformed Council like the Arab group or the Small Island Developing States, the SIDS, precisely on expanding the representation of these cross-regional groups like the SIDS. This has appeared for the first time in the United for Consensus model. So that's our question. Thank you very much again to Sierra Leone and the African group and distinguished co-chairs. You can certainly count on the participation of my delegation and our commitment to advancing towards a reform of the Security Council that's based on convergence between the different positions.

I thank the distinguished representative of Spain for her statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Austria.

Thank you, Co-Chair, distinguished Co-Chairs, dear Tarek and Lise, Ambassador Cano, dear Michael, colleagues, today marks a significant milestone in our efforts to advance Security Council reform. The presentation of the African model is not a procedural step forward.

It is a powerful political signal.

It reflects the determination, the unity and legitimate demand of the African continent to take its rightful place.

In global governance and be equitably represented on the Security Council.

Allow me to warmly congratulate you, Ambassador Kano, and the entire African group for this achievement. For Austria, Security Council reform remains an urgent and long-standing priority. The question of African representation is not just one element among many, it is a central consideration.

Indeed, it may well be the key to unlocking the broader deadlock that has defined this process.

The composition of the Security Council reflects a world that is long gone. The world of 1945, where the majority of African countries were still under colonial rule. Since the historical struggle for liberation and self-determination of African nations, only a partial rectification was achieved in 1963. Action 39 of the Pact of the Future which Austria and Kuwait as then co-chairs of the IGN had the honor to co-facilitate is therefore clear and unambiguous. The historical injustice against Africa must be redressed and Africa must be treated as a special case in the reform. Austria was deeply engaged in shaping this language and we stand firmly and unequivocally behind it. A stronger and more equitable representation for Africa on the Council is not only a matter of inclusivity or a matter of justice, it is a matter of legitimacy and effectiveness of the Council alike. The majority of situations on the Council's agenda, as well as five out of 11 peacekeeping missions, are on the African continent. The continued underrepresentation of Africa on the Council therefore also raises questions on the Council's legitimacy on the long run. Ambassador Kano, turning to the model presented today, Austria welcomes your comprehensive proposal. We find ourselves aligned with many of its elements. The sections on working methods and on strengthening the relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council offer concrete and actionable avenues for progress.

Many of these avenues.

Many of these measures can and should be advanced within the existing framework of the UN Charter, and many of them resonate deeply with us, such as closer consultations with troop-contributing countries and measures to strengthen accountability and transparency of the Council. We look forward to working closely with the African Group on the implementation of these measures. We have the following two questions.

First, regarding regional representation, we would be interested to hear.

Which concrete division of new permanent seats and additional non-permanent seats the African Group envisions between the different regional groups. Would this be similar to the draft resolution A/59/67 presented by the African Group in 2005? And second question, as discussions in the IGN have evolved since 2005, would the African Group be open to a dedicated non-permanent seat for small island developing states as Austria and other countries have supported.

In the IGN.

To conclude, Austria will continue to be supportive of advancing the reform of the Security.

Council and both in an informal and informal settings. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Austria for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Turkey.

Thank you, Co-Chair. We thank you for convening this meeting of the IGM dedicated to the model discussion, one that we have been looking forward to. Turkey fully aligns itself with the statement delivered by the distinguished permanent representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. I would also like to make the following remarks in my national capacity. Distinguished Co-Chairs, at the outset, we wish to thank the distinguished permanent representative of Sierra Leone for presenting on behalf of the African Group its model for Security Council reform. We commend this effort as a substantive and timely contribution to our ongoing IGN discussions. We note the significance of the African Group's long-standing unified position. This collective approach, which is fundamentally different than those motivated by individual ambitions, represents an important milestone in the negotiations. As a strategic partner of the African Union, Turkey fully understands and respects the aspirations of the continent for equitable and strengthened representation in the Council. We also believe this is a well-founded argument for other underrepresented regions. We note with appreciation that there are important areas of convergence between Turkey's approach, the UFC model, and the African proposal. In particular, we fully agree that enlargement alone will not suffice for a meaningful reform. A comprehensive reform must also address and improve the working methods of the Security Council, its relationship with the GA, and its cooperation with regional organizations, including the African Union Peace and Security Council, as well as the Peacebuilding Commission. Turkey has consistently emphasized that any meaningful Security Council reform must address the historical injustices faced by Africa. At the same time, we constantly underlined that reform should not replicate nor prolong existing inequalities. Instead, it must result in a Council that is more democratic, accountable, transparent and effective. Entrenching the current disparity in effectiveness and lack of accountability would be in no one's interest, least of all Africa's, which remains among the regions most negatively affected by the malfunctioning of the Security Council. Therefore, we continue to advocate for an enlargement solely in the non-permanent category, including rotational longer-term elected seats, which would enhance representativeness while improving the democratic nature and flexibility of the Council. Distinguished Co-Chairs, Turkey remains committed to a comprehensive, inclusive and consensus-based reform process. We also stand ready to work with Africa on the issue of UN Security Council reform. with the same spirit of constructive engagement that defines many other aspects of our partnership with the continent to achieve a reform model that can garner the broadest possible support while also addressing the justified concerns of Africa. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Turkey for his statement. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Belgium on behalf of the Benelux countries.

Mr. Chair, Madam Chair. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the Benelux countries, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and my own country, Belgium. We thank the coordinator of the African Union Committee of Ten for the submission of the African model and for his comprehensive presentation. The Benelux countries strongly support Africa's legitimate aspiration to play its rightful role in the maintenance of international peace and security, including through enhanced representation in a reformed council. Consistent with our long-standing position and in line with the commitments set out in the Pact for the Future, the Benelux countries reiterate that Security Council reform must make the Council more representative, democratic, transparent, accountable and effective, reflecting today's geopolitical realities rather than those of 1945. In this regard, we welcome several important elements of the African model. First, the Benelux countries remain supportive of an expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, and we support permanent African representation. On the categories of membership, we would also be open to consider a pragmatic compromise should this proposal form a bridge between groups, provided it enhances representativeness, democratic legitimacy, accountability and effectiveness. Second, we appreciate the strong emphasis placed on improving the working methods of the Council, including greater transparency, enhanced accountability, strengthened engagement with troop and police contributing countries, and closer cooperation between the Security Council and the General Assembly. These priorities closely align with ours and remain indispensable for the effectiveness and legitimacy of a future reformed Council. Madam Chair, Mr. Chair, The Benelux countries would welcome further clarification on the following three aspects of the African model. First, your model indicates that the selection of Africa's representatives to be submitted to a General Assembly for election would be carried out by the African Union. The Benelux countries value the meaningful role of the General Assembly in the election process of UN Security Council members. Could you elaborate on the proposed selection process by the African Union. In addition, would you consider the possibility of presenting more than one candidate per seat for election by the General Assembly? Second, on the size and composition of an enlarged Council, we note a proposal for a Council of no fewer than 26 members. In this context, we would be grateful for the African Group's view on the following question: How does the African Group envisage the allocation of additional seats both permanent and non-permanent, to other regional groups in an enlarged Council, particularly with regard to ensuring appropriate balance among regions, in line with the parameters set out in action 39 of the Pact for the Future, and the meaningful inclusion of developing countries and small and medium-sized States. Third, on categories of membership and the veto, we recognize Africa's principled position that the veto should ideally be abolished, while at the same time insisting that, so long as it exists, it should be extended to all permanent members, including any new African permanent member. In this regard, we wish to pose the following question: How does the African Group intend to manage the potential impact of an extension of the veto on the effectiveness responsiveness and credibility of an expanded Security Council, particularly in light of the frequent calls from the wider membership to restrain or limit the use of the veto, in particular in situations involving mass atrocities. The Benelux countries remain convinced that the question of the veto is central to Security Council reform. Its use has too often prevented the Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. We therefore believe that any reform must carefully consider ways to limit the adverse effects of the veto while preserving the Council's ability to act decisively. Mr. Chair, Madam Chair, in closing, the Benelux countries see the African model as an important and substantial contribution to this process and as a significant building block for the development towards a consolidated reform model. We stand ready to engage constructively with the African Group and all Member States with a view to achieving a reform of the Security Council that effectively redresses underrepresentation, and existing imbalances enhances legitimacy and strengthens the Council's capacity to carry out its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I thank you.

I thank the Distinguished Representative of Belgium for her statement. And I now give the floor to the Distinguished Representative of Indonesia.

Co-Chairs, I thank you for convening this meeting on model discussion as we strive to translate the IGM process into tangible progress. Indonesia thanks the African group for presenting the African model. Today's meeting presents us with a valuable opportunity to identify convergence points to make progress in this negotiation. In light of this, Indonesia remains consistent in its call for a transparent, democratic, efficient, and effective Security Council. Co-Chairs, allow me to raise several points on the African model. First, Indonesia reaffirms its unwavering support for addressing the historical injustice faced by Africa. We welcome and support Africa's position of treating the continent as a special case, which entails granting both permanent and non-permanent seats for Africa in the reform Council. In the same vein, we continue to advocate for a balanced representation from both the Asian and African regions. Second, Indonesia reiterates its position that the veto is inherently undemocratic and contradicts the principle of sovereign equality. The veto must be regulated as a way of phasing it out. Pending its abolition, veto must not be exercised on proven cases of humanitarian issues serious violations of international humanitarian law, and war crimes. Third, we see convergences on the African model regarding the Council's working methods. Indonesia supports the efforts for a full implementation of transparency measures, such as Note 507, and improvements in the pen-holdership mechanism to ensure a more balanced role between permanent and non-permanent members. We take note with interest the African models call to enhance the Council's relationship with troop and police contributing countries, particularly during the early stages of mission planning and mandate implementation. Indonesia also continues to call for a more comprehensive and analytical annual reports by the Security Council to the General Assembly. Co-chairs, this reform process is a chance to ensure the UN remains relevant and fit for purpose. You can count on Indonesia's unwavering commitment to contribute constructively in this endeavor. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Pakistan.

Thank you, co-chairs. Pakistan aligns itself with the statement delivered by Italy on behalf of the UFC. We appreciate the very articulate presentation of the African model by Ambassador Michael Imran Kanu, Permanent Representative of Sierra Leone. Let me start by underlining that Pakistan firmly believes in the principle of sovereign equality, which must remain central in the reform debate as a guarantee for a more democratic, transparent and representative Security Council. And let me reiterate in that context that Pakistan has consistently affirmed its understanding that Africa's call, as articulated in the Asylwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, is not a pursuit of privilege, but a desire for justice and equity. Africa's demand for permanent seats is for the entire region. and is therefore different from other proposals, such as that of the G4, that seek permanent membership for individual states. As we understand it, against the two empowered seats which are sought by Africa, representation on the Council could be from two at a time or through rotation by a larger number of African states under arrangements to be made by Africa itself. Through this, Africa would thus retain the power to ensure accountability on the part of those states which would represent it and act on its behalf in the Council and, by extension, the wider membership. Co-Chairs, on the model presented, I would like to make the following additional points in my national capacity. One. Pakistan opposes the creation of new permanent seats as it is contrary to the universally agreed principles of democracy, accountability and transparency. Our policy is based on principles which seek to democratize the Council through reform, that promotes the interests and aspirations of all UN Member States. We believe that additional elected members will enhance regional representation and ownership, thereby imparting more legitimacy to the Council. Second, we would like to inquire about the total number of permanent seats that this model has envisaged. Are the additional four permanent seats meant for regional groups, and how have they been configured? If Africa aspires for a model based on regional representation, we understand it would have propagated the same for other seats it has proposed, and those should be subject to consensus among the respective groups. Third, we believe that injustice has also been done to other regions such as the Asia Pacific and the Latin American Caribbean regions as well as cross regional groups such as the Arab group, the SEADs and OIC. My own country and many other countries sitting here have experienced colonization and were not even members of the UN when the charter was signed. These regions should also be treated equally in terms of representation. Moreover, speaking hypothetically, according to the current assumption, if the total number of seats allotted to Africa were to be seven, then for other regions which have experienced injustice, it would be legitimate to ask for a similar proportionate increase in the number of seats, thus bringing to the fore the question about the possible size of the Council and its relative efficiency and effectiveness. Asia, for example, with almost equal number of members should also have seven seats. Fourth, we acknowledge the space provided in the model for regional representation. We would like to underline that in line with the commitment of our leaders in the Pact for the Future, there was also an acknowledgement of the need to accommodate the concerns pertaining to the representation of cross-regional groups such as the small island developing states, Arab states, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. And let me recall that UFC was the first group to formally propose a dedicated seat for SIDS. Co-Chairs, the UFC and African positions are compatible in many ways, most notably on regional representation, concept of rotation and consensus. The U.S. proposal has the flexibility to respond to the African desire for stronger and continuing representation on the Council based on regional consensus. Our proposal could also ensure representation of all the subregions of Africa. Similarly, Africa's demand for veto is for and on behalf of the entire African region, not for one or two states. While Pakistan's position on veto is well known, and as we said in the veto discussion on 14th April, mechanisms could be developed to provide Africa with the collective ability to protect its interests and positions as a region, even where there would be no extension of veto in a reformed Council. Most importantly, another commonality between the positions of UFC and that of the African Union is our shared desire to achieve a result based on the broadest possible agreement. African demand, as we see it, has unified the African region and has thus gained understanding and support from the rest of the membership. This support cannot be compared with the aspirants of individual permanent seats whose unilateral claims have led to serious divisions in their respective regions and the wider membership. Co-Chairs, in conclusion, rectifying the injustice suffered by Africa is not a matter of concession, but of principle. Pakistan stands ready to work constructively with Africa and all partners for a just, democratic and representative Council truly reflective of the Charter's promise and responsiveness to the realities of our times. A reform for all, a privilege for none. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan, and I give the floor to India.

Distinguished co-chairs, excellencies, and colleagues. I thank the co-chairs for convening today's discussion that focuses on the African model of United Nations Security Council reform. India fully aligns with the statements.

Delivered by the PR of Saint Lucia on behalf of L69 and PR of Brazil on behalf of G4. In addition, I would like to deliver the following in my national capacity. At the outset, India wholeheartedly welcomes the presentation of the African model and thanks our friends from the region who.

Worked tirelessly towards its realization.

While reiterating its support for the African model, India would like to underline certain specific points. First, presentation of the African model fully clears the path for undertaking concrete steps towards real reforms. The need to address historical injustice against Africa has been a dominant theme in the IG and discussions over the years.

The presented model not only provides a detailed outline towards addressing this matter, but also offers a clear roadmap to implement reforms in a comprehensive manner across the five clusters. Second, the model calls for expansion in both categories. The call for greater representation of the Global South, particularly in the permanent category, is loud and clear. There must be enhanced representation of the developing world in the Security Council in order to accurately reflect the contemporary geopolitical realities.

The Global South needs to have a more active role and larger representation in the Security Council during the discussions. particularly pertaining to issues that directly affect them. This cannot be achieved without ensuring their enhanced representation in both categories of membership of the Security Council. Third, the size of 26 members in a reformed Security Council aligns well with India's national position, as also articulated in the L69 and G4 models. Working methods must not be cited as an impediment.

As such, UNSC rules of procedure are provisional in nature. They could be modified. They could be modified suitably in order to accommodate 11 more members covering both categories of membership in the Security Council.

Fourth, India takes positive note of the recommendation to strengthen the UNSC's relationship with the TCCs. As a member state with a significant and long-standing contribution to peacekeeping, India strongly advocates a larger role for the TCCs in drawing up of mandates, their implementation and renewal.

The experience that TCCs bring from the field is valuable for this task.

India also welcomes the call to UNSC members to avoid using the Council.

To pursue national political agendas. This is true for the sanctions as well, as alluded to in the African model.

Fifth, African model is unambiguous and categorical in its position on the veto.

There cannot be a subcategory within the permanent category wherein some member states have veto and others do not.

An all or none principle has to be followed.

Existing and new permanent members must have the same privileges and responsibilities. Sixth, as propounded in the African model, UN Security Council and UN General Assembly must work together in a collaborative spirit for the greater good of humanity. A smooth channel of communication and enabling processes must guide these interactions.

Finally, India would like to stress that efforts aimed at achieving.

Expansion in the non-permanent category only would not result in real and substantive reform.

An effort to apply the principle of sovereign equality to an inherently and structurally unequal UN Security Council is a contradiction in terms.

India's endeavor has been to reduce the existing inequities by expanding both categories of membership and thereby increase the representativeness of the Security Council and bring about greater balance between permanent and non-permanent members and change the political dynamics of the Council for better outcomes on peace and security issues.

More representativeness translates to more democracy.

In closing, I am happy to note that the African model fully encapsulates this spirit. I thank you, Co-Chairs.

I thank the distinguished representative of India, and I give the floor to Japan.

Thank you, Co-Chairs. Japan fully aligns with Germany's statement on behalf of G4. I will make additional remarks in my national capacity. Japan welcomes the submission of the African model and would like to express its gratitude for the comprehensive presentation by Sierra Leone. It is of urgent need to reform the Security Council from its current structure, a snapshot of the international environment in 1945, into one that truly reflects the contemporary geopolitical realities, which is crucial to restore confidence in the UN at the center of multilateralism. Japan hopes that submission of the African model will accelerate the process toward developing a consolidated model. As stated in the G4 statement, Japan reiterates its full support for the African model. In particular, Japan emphasized the G4's position and the common African positions are fully aligned on the most critical point, the expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories. The expansion in both categories has been supported by a majority of member states, including the African group, G4, L69, CARICOM, the Berenouk's countries, Nordic countries, and Arab group. This majority voice must be duly reflected in a consolidated model. Co-chairs and African colleagues, Japan would like to reiterate the importance of cooperation between the African group and G4. As shown in the Pact for the Future, it is in consensus of member states, Africa must be treated as a special case from the perspective of addressing the historical injustice against it. At the same time, it is also the consensus of member states, the issue of improving representation of the other underrepresented regions must be addressed. In particular, from the perspective of the Asia-Pacific region, It should be emphasized its representation on the Council remains limited to just one permanent seat and two non-permanent seats, a mere one-fifth of the total, although the Asian-Pacific group comprises 54 UN member states and accounts for more than half of the world's population. Realizing Security Council reform requires support from at least two-thirds of the member states. This is a high hurdle, but it's not possible if we work together to overcome it. In this regard, Japan would like to introduce African proverb often cited in Japan. If you want to go fast, go alone. If we want to go far, go together. Japan remains committed to contributing constructively to further deepen the relationship with the African group and to realize Council reform at the earliest possible timing. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Japan, and I give the floor to the United Kingdom.

Thank you, Co-Chairs. The United Kingdom thanks Sierra Leone for its.

Leadership as coordinator of the African Union Committee of Ten and for circulating the African model.

We recognize the significant work undertaken to develop this model for consideration in these negotiations. The United Kingdom also welcomes the deepening partnership between the African Union and the UN, including close coordination on conflict resolution efforts in Somalia, Sudan, and other contexts.

I saw this myself first-hand as part of the UNSC visit to the AUPSC last October, which were very valuable consultations.

African-led solutions with the support and partnership of the UN and international partners work. The UK is proud to be supporting these. The UK has long been clear on the need for reform of the Security Council. A council that reflects global realities and commands broad support across the membership will be better placed to deliver on its responsibility for international peace and security. Greater African representation is central to that vision. The United Kingdom supports permanent African representation on the Security Council.

Which should be treated as a key element of the reform process.

We note the wide support across the membership, echoed here today, for enhanced African representation on the Council, including among groups whose approaches to reform differ in other aspects. This moment offers a real opportunity to build momentum around this area of convergence. More broadly, the UK supports an expansion of the Council in both the permanent and non-permanent categories. Enlargement should enhance the Council's representativeness and effectiveness, while preserving its ability to take timely decisions. Reform will need to be guided by pragmatism and a spirit of compromise, recognising the diversity of views across the membership. The UK remains committed to engaging constructively with all Member States as discussions continue. We will continue to support serious engagement with the proposals on the table, including the African model. And we continue to believe that text-based negotiations offer the best chance of making progress.

Progress towards a Council that is more representative and better able to respond to the challenges that we face today.

Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom, and I give the floor to Argentina.

Thank you very much, Mr. Co-Chair. Argentina, first of all, wishes to thank Ambassador Kano of Sierra Leone for his briefing. Argentina believes that it's essential to safeguard this open nature of the process and to hear all positions on Security Council reform, which is why we welcome the African group presenting their model today, which contributes to improving the process in an inclusive and transparent framework. Co-Chair Argentina aligns itself with the statement made by Italy on behalf of the UFC group, and we wish to reiterate a few points. Current dysfunction at the Council is closely linked to the way it is set up, its configuration, in particular the existence of permanent members and the use of veto. In this regard, and in line with the relevance of the UFC position, we do not support proposals that involve the creation of new permanent seats or expanding the veto. We underscored that reform must be focused on broadening representation for non-permanent members. This approach can include innovative modalities such as extended terms with the possibility of re-election that enable a higher level of representation with adequate accountability and rotation mechanisms. Given the above, co-chair, we believe that it's premature to move towards text-based negotiations without having received and fully considered the different perspectives, which is why dialogue and interactions like today's one are extremely useful. Argentina reiterates its preparedness to participate constructively in this process in order to strike a balance on the reform and make it viable and fully based on consensus to strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Security Council and to respond to the expectations of the whole of the membership. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina and I give the floor to Zimbabwe.

Thank you, coaches. Zimbabwe expresses its full support for Africa's model for the reform of the United Nations Security Council. It's articulated by the permanent representative of Sierra Leone, Ambassador Michael Imran Kanu. The African model offers a clear and constructive way forward being firmly anchored in the Izwerlani Consensus and the Citi Declaration. At its core is a fair proposal that Africa must be fully represented in both categories of membership, including no fewer than two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats. This is not a privilege. It is about equity and correcting the historical injustice against Africa. It is about ensuring that the decisions affecting our continent are equally informed by those who understand its realities. The African model goes beyond representation. It envisions a council that is more transparent, more accountable, and more inclusive. It underscores the need for the council to act in full respect of the charter, with consistency, impartiality, and without selectivity. Equally important is its emphasis on prevention, mediation, and cooperation. A more effective council must not only respond to crisis, it must also address their root causes. On the question of the veto, Africa's position remains clear. While Africa supports its abolition, so long as it exists, it must be extended to new permanent members, including African states. Anything less than that will perpetuate inequality. We also attach great importance to the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly. Strengthening this relationship is necessary to enhance transparency, accountability, and the collective ownership of decisions by the wider membership. Co-Chairs, Zimbabwe is encouraged by some notable areas of convergence between the African model and other proposals, particularly on key elements under the clusters, categories of membership, the question of the veto, the relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council, regional representation, and working methods. My delegation, however, remains concerned by other proposals advancing longer term or intermediate seats, which fall short of addressing Africa's legitimate aspirations set out in the African model. Denying Africa permanent seats would only entrench existing imbalances and perpetuate historical injustice. Permanent seats must be truly permanent and not be subject to election or rotation. True representation means that all members will enjoy equal rights and privileges, including the veto. Going forward, progress will require constructive engagement and a willingness to build bridges, as reform will require compromise. However, such compromises must not come at the expense of justice or principle. Co-Chairs, Zimbabwe remains committed towards efforts to achieve a reformed Security Council that is more representative, inclusive and effective. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Zimbabwe, and I give the floor to Cuba.

Thank you very much, co-chair. We're grateful for this opportunity to discuss the African model on Security Council reform. We're also grateful to the permanent representative of Sierra Leone for his briefing. We trust that today's debate will contribute to intergovernmental negotiations on this relevant topic. We can see some points of convergence in the model presented by the African colleagues and in terms of the membership of the body, we believe that it's necessary to expand both categories seeking a more balanced makeup that corrects the geographic imbalance. We believe that there should be no less than 26 members, including Non-permanent members, there should be at least 15. In terms of the category of permanent members, we should include, at a very minimum, two countries from Africa, two developing countries from Asia, and two from Latin America and the Caribbean. Now is the time to correct the historic injustice where entire regions, like Africa, in this case, and also Latin America and the Caribbean, are not represented in this category. We also advocate for a more democratic, representative and transparent Security Council. To achieve this, we need to move towards a comprehensive reform of the Council, including its working methods. We also believe that it is right to carry out informal, transparent negotiations and for summary records from closed consultations of the Council to be published, to adopt the rules of procedure that today has only been provisional and the annual report that's presented the General Assembly must be exhaustive and analytical on the work of the council that enables us to evaluate the causes and implications of its decisions and as has been mentioned previously we agreed that The functions and mandates established by the UN Charter must be respected. In this regard, it's necessary to halt the interference of the Security Council in issues that are outside of its remit, in particular when it comes to issues that come under the remit of the General Assembly. As for the veto, we agree broadly with the African model. Cuba is opposed to the existence of the veto. Nevertheless, while it's not eliminated, new posts must be established in the category of permanent members and they must have the same prerogatives and privileges as current members, including the right to veto. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Cuba and I give the floor to Brazil.

Thank you. Mr. Co-Chair, distinguished Co-Chairs, colleagues, my delegation aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the G4 and L69. Brazil expresses its appreciation for the comprehensive presentation on the African model for the reform of the Security Council, and we attach the highest importance to the submission of this model. We share strong and historic ties with Africa. and fully support the model presented as a means of ensuring the continent's rightful representation in the Security Council. We note with satisfaction the convergences between the African model and the positions of the groups to which Brazil

belongs, namely the G4 and L69.

Both approaches clearly envisage the expansion of the Security Council in the two categories of membership, We also concur that should the veto remain in place, it should, as a matter of justice, be extended to all permanent members. The pursuit of greater transparency and accountability in the Council's work also finds a strong resonance in the Brazilian position. Enhancing the representation of the Global South in the Security Council requires addressing the historical injustice against Africa as well as ensuring the rightful participation of the other two underrepresented or unrepresented regions in both categories of membership. The African model clearly strengthens the existing broad, clear convergence among member states in favor of reform based on the expansion of the Council in both categories. This majority must be duly recognized. Dear co-chairs, colleagues, the presentation of the African model today allows us to move forward toward the development of a consolidated model that reflects the various positions presented by member states or groups thereof. The moment of meaningful action to move from repetitive exchanges of views to creating the conditions for actual negotiations is now. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Brazil, and I give the floor to the Russian Federation.

Distinguished Co-Chairs, we note your decision to convene a discussion of specific models for Security Council reform. We believe that this initiative is in line with efforts to reconcile positions on the five thematic clusters under G resolution 62/557. The Russian Federation welcomes the presentation of the African reform model. We greatly value the coordinating role of Sierra Leone in the C10 of the African Union and the additional explanations provided today by the PR of Sierra Leone, Michael Kanu. We note that the common African position, as laid out in the Azawini Consensus and Sere Declaration, remains the only reform package proposed on behalf of all countries of one of the most underrepresented regions in the Council. In this regard, we affirm that one of the main outcomes of reform ought to be the elimination of the historic injustice done to the African continent. In concrete terms, this goal should be achieved by increasing representation in the Council of the Global South countries, including Africa. Upon considering the model presented, we would like to make a number of comments and request for clarification. First of all, it's crucially important to maintain the compact size of the Council, the total number of seats not exceeding the low 20s. We are convinced that it is only this configuration of the Council that will allow the Council to continue to react in a timely manner to urgent crises, while each of its members can contribute in a real way to its efforts. We believe that this formula does not counter the interests of the African peoples to eliminate the vestiges of colonialism, especially if it leads to a qualitative increase in the proportion of African representatives. Expanding the Council to 25 or more seats is something we cannot support. Secondly, it is critically important for us to uphold the principle of equitable geographical representation. We welcome initiatives to expand representation in the Council of countries from Africa, Latin America, and Asia, and only from these regions. The idea of creating within the Council additional seats for Western states, which are already overrepresented in both categories, is not only unrealistic, it contradicts the very course of global history in which the page has long been-- should long have been turned on colonial supremacy of one people or peoples over others. Given the lack of detailed parameters in regional representation in the model, we would like to ask our African partners if they have any preferences as to a representation in an updated council of other regions besides Africa. In addition, we'd be interested in a further explanation from the authors about how they view the process of candidate selection for the permanent seats that would putatively go toward Africa. Thirdly, we believe an important part of ending the historic injustice against Africa is democratizing the Institute of informal penholdership in the Council on country and regional files. The vast majority of African files are handled by Western former colonial powers, who often use their penholder status to strengthen their own influence over their former colonies. The situation is indefensible. Thanks to Russian efforts within the Council, this unjust state of affairs is already actively changing, including through regular updates to Note 507. However, We believe that within the IGN, we also could develop a framework to strengthen the role of regional actors in the consideration of questions before the Council that concern them directly. Distinguished co-chairs, in conclusion, following the meetings that already took place during the last two IGN sessions dedicated to discussion of the models, we still do not see a universal solution that could satisfy everyone or at least almost everyone. In this regard, we call on all participants of the negotiation process to continue their patient and step-by-step work to seek compromise, potentially develop new or updated models, And we hope that to maintain existing progress, these efforts will continue without the establishing of arbitrary deadlines or imposition of predetermined modalities. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation, and I give the floor to Colombia.

Co-facilitators. I'd like to begin by recognizing you for your work and to reiterate how important this meeting is. The voice and experience of Africa have undeniable strength and legitimacy when it comes to the functioning of the Security Council. Colombia aligns itself with the statement made by the Permanent Representative of Italy on behalf of the UFC group, and I wish to underscore the following Comments in our national capacity. For the government of Colombia, correcting the historic injustice against Africa is at the very heart of the objectives of Security Council reform. We need to leave once and for all behind us the dynamics of imperial and colonialist power that have been consolidated and normalized over the global south. Acting requires determination, and we need to include the worldviews of our peoples, to dynamize trade and cooperation between us, to combat colonialism and its current manifestations, and talk about the transatlantic slave trade, which is an historic crime which binds us together and that was imposed on us. We need to also talk about historic reparations. It's in this spirit that we welcome the High-Level Forum with Africa in Bogota, and we need to continue to discuss these issues that have an effect on our citizens. Co-facilitate a Security Council reform must prioritize the representation of underrepresented regions, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Asia Pacific, because our visions and experiences and our paths to peace provide perspective and enrich deliberations and discussions and improve the efficacy of the Council. Although we differ on expanding the permanent category and the veto that is not aligned with the historic principled position of my country, we do recognize the profound process of regional consultations put forward in the African model. We agree on valuable positions such as better cooperation with countries that contribute contingents, cooperation with countries affected, substantive reparations, and also harmonious. interactive relations with the General Assembly Africa treated as a specific case does not it is something that's supported by the overwhelming majority of the membership and will contribute to preserving international peace and security co-facilitator Colombia remains committed to reform that serves to include Africa and more representation in general. This will make the Council more democratic, transparent, with mechanisms that are open to the whole of the membership. Thank you very much for your attention.

Distinguished representative of Colombia for his statement. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Portugal.

Thank you, co-chairs. At the outset, Portugal thanks the African Group and in particular the C10 for circulating its model, and also to Pierre of Sierra Leone for the presentation and explanations. It is indeed an important political moment in this process, and we also like to commend the African Group continued leadership and unity on this matter. Excellencies, Portugal has consistently supported the common African position as reflected in the Azawini Consensus and the C declaration. We recognize the historic injustice faced by Africa and its special case as expressed in the Pact of the Future. We therefore fully acknowledge the need to redress its underrepresentation in the Security Council. In this regard, the call for two permanent and five non-permanent seats for Africa is an essential contribution to the reform discussions. Besides, we also welcome the African model's comprehensive approach. It addresses not only categories of membership and size, but also working methods and the relationship between the Council and the General Assembly. We see clear merit in its emphasis on transparency, accountability, and inclusiveness. This includes stronger engagement with troop-contributing countries and improved access to information, priorities Portugal has long supported. On the question of the veto, Portugal reiterates that it entails not only prerogatives but also responsibilities. We support initiatives that promote restraint, and transparency in its use. At the same time, as long as the veto exists, concerns related to equity and legitimacy must be clearly considered, including those stated by the Common African Position. We believe that, for now, a constructive path forward is to strengthen safeguards, political accountability, and increase the cost of its use. This can be achieved through initiatives such as the ACT Code of Conduct, the Franco-Mexican initiative and the General Assembly's veto initiative. Finally, Portugal underlines the importance of balancing ambition with realism. We remain open to engaging constructively with all models and as also expressed in the Pact for the Future, look forward to a consolidated model based on convergences on the five clusters and the models that have now been presented by Member States. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Portugal for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Namibia.

Thank you, Co-Chairs. My delegation aligns itself with the statement delivered by the representative of Sierra Leone, presenting the African Union model on the reform of the United Nations Security Council for consideration by the intergovernmental negotiation process. The presentation of the AU model is a significant and timely contribution to the reform debate. The model provides clarity, coherence and substance to Africa's long-standing position and reflects the collective will of an entire continent that has remained unified, consistent and principled throughout this process. It also represents Africa's collective minimum demand and the only credible basis for redressing the continent's historical exclusion from permanent decision-making. The AU model is not an abstract proposal. It is rooted in historical reality and contemporary necessity. Eight years after the founding of this organization, Africa remains the only region without permanent representation on the Council, despite constituting over a quarter of the membership of this organization, hosting the majority of peace and security situations before the Council, and contributing substantially to peacekeeping and conflict prevention efforts. This imbalance is neither sustainable nor defensible. The model gives concrete expression to Africa's demand for full and effective representation. Its parameters are not maximalist. They represent a minimum necessary correction to a structural injustice that has persisted since 1945. Namibia therefore emphasizes that any reform outcome that falls short of these parameters will neither correct the historical injustice suffered by Africa nor deliver a truly representative and democratic Security Council. This includes any reform outcome that entrenches inequality by preserving veto privileges for some while denying them to others. The AU model rightly exposes this contradiction and insists on equality in rights and responsibilities. Namibia emphasizes that the African model does not seek to weaken the United Nations, nor to destabilize the Security Council. Rather, it seeks to strengthen multilateralism, enhance the Council's legitimacy, and ensure that decisions relating to international peace and security benefit from the perspective of those most directly affected by them. Co-Chairs, we wish to underscore that the Pact for the Future's call to treat Africa as a special case is not a request for preferential treatment, but a recognition of unique historical and political circumstances. When the United Nations was created, the vast African majority states, African states and others were denied the ability to participate in shaping the international system. That exclusion continues to reverberate through the current composition of the Security Council. The presentation of the AU model should mark a turning point in the IG and process. After years of general statements, and repetitive exchanges, the time has come to move decisively towards concrete negotiations. The credibility of this process depends on our collective willingness to engage substantively and transparently without artificial constraints or selective ambition. Namibia stresses that Africa has demonstrated both patience and good faith. However, patience must not be mistaken for acquiescence. Reform that does not meaningfully address Africa's underrepresentation will fail the test of legitimacy and will ultimately weaken the Security Council. In conclusion, the reform of the Security Council is not an end in itself. It is a means to ensure the collective representative democratic and effective United Nations. That objective cannot be realized without Africa's full inclusion. We urge all member states to engage with this model constructively, honestly, and with the urgency that this moment demands. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Namibia for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Poland.

Distinguished Co-Chair, thank you for convening this meeting. I would like to express Poland's appreciation to the African Group for submitting the African model of the Security Council reform. This contribution responds to the commitments enshrined in the Pact for the Future. Co-Chair, the current composition of the Security Council, especially within the category of permanent membership, does not reflect today's realities. In line with the Pact for the Future, one of our tasks in reforming the Council is clear: to redress the historical injustice against Africa, while treating Africa as a special case to improve its representation. At the same time, the UN Charter establishes that equitable geographical distribution is to be ensured through the election of non-permanent members. In accordance with both the Charter and the Pact, it is therefore evident that an expansion of the non-permanent category is necessary. Representation matters. It directly affects the trust and legitimacy of the Council. For this reason, we support increasing the number of Council members from African states. At the same time, adjustments should be made to enhance the representation of the Asian group, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Eastern European group. However, we must ensure that the Council remains, above all, effective in fulfilling its mandate. Co-Chair, it is important to recall that the creation of permanent membership was not intended to ensure geographical representation. In practice, the current permanent members do not represent the respective regions, and the use of the veto does not reflect the will of regional groups. In this context, we should focus on limiting the use of the veto and ensuring implementation of existing legal frameworks, in particular Article 27 of the Charter. Extending the veto does not create equality. Rather, it risks deepening imbalance by granting special power to individual states, not to regional groups. Culturally, we welcome the proposals contained in the African model to improve cooperation with troop contributing countries. This step could be further expanded to include major financial contributors. We also support the proposed improvements in the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly. I thank Sir Ali Lohana for presenting the model. We indeed need a reform that ensures appropriate representation of the diverse African continent, while also advancing the democratization of the Council and avoiding the replication of existing challenges. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Poland for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico.

Thank you very much. My country aligns itself with the statement made by Italy on behalf of the UFC, and we thank the permanent representative of Sierra Leone for his presentation on behalf of the member states of the African Union. Mexico appreciates this effort. It is a concrete contribution to the intergovernmental negotiations to advance common understandings on the five clusters of Security Council reform established in decision 62/557 of the UN General Assembly. My country believes that it is necessary to correct the representativity deficits of underrepresented regions in the current Council. This is the case of Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and small island developing states, in addition to the Asia-Pacific region. On the SIDS, it's important to recognize that the Mexico's and the UFC's model is recognized as a to have have them recognized with a rotating seat allocated for the first time. And furthermore, my country recognizes and supports the African vision on the needs to correct the historic injustice when it comes to African representation at the Security Council. We believe that this regional representation must be inclusive and subject to accountability by the General Assembly of this organization in order to ensure that the current and successive geopolitical realities are better reflected. In this regard, Mexico believes that only expanding the number of elected members, subject to a periodic election by the General Assembly, is the right way to achieve a more representative, inclusive, efficient, transparent and democratic Council. Co-facilitator, we welcome the elements of convergence between the African model and the reform model presented by Mexico and the UFC group. For example, the need to strengthen the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, in particular through mechanisms that strengthen transparency, accountability, and the representative nature of the decisions of the Council vis-a-vis the membership of the organization as a whole. Furthermore, Mexico agrees with the importance of improving the working methods of the Council, geared towards ensuring a higher level of participation of elected members, as well as more inclusive, efficient and transparent practices for the fulfillment of the mandate. Mexico recognizes the position of Africa and other groups with respect to the need to abolish the veto. This prerogative is incompatible with the principles of legal equality between states, accountability and democracy. Mexico, as Latin American country understands the aspirations of the African group to achieve more representation at the council that would enable them to play their rightful role in this body and we believe that this legitimate demand is an expression of the strength that they have thanks to unity and consensus and not an individual aspiration of power or privilege that's why we believe that the path towards any reform must be paved through broadening the category of elected members, through feasible alternatives that enable more continuity, immediate re-election and a high level of participation of the States that have the desire and aspiration to contribute to the work of the Council without sacrificing the principles of equity, rotation and responsibility entrusted to the General Assembly. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Mexico for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of China.

Thank you, Co-Chairs. China welcomes the reconvening of this round of the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. We support the co-chairs in organizing in-depth discussions amongst the general membership and reform models submitted by various parties, and we thank the permanent representative of Sierra Leone for the detailed presentation of the African model. It has been more than 20 years since African countries formulated the common African position based on the Aswan consensus, and the strong leadership of the C10 and through the joint efforts of all African countries, Africa has participated in the IGM as a united and constructive actor, actively seeking understanding and support from the international community and demonstrating the continent's unity and strength. Derived from the common African position, the African model enjoys unanimous support amongst member African countries and merits thorough discussion by all parties. and question of the Security Council reform, China has always been on the side of Africa in firm support of redressing the historical injustices suffered by the continent. President Xi Jinping took the lead in proposing that special arrangements be made to meet Africa's aspirations as a priority. China wishes to offer three suggestions regarding discussions on the African model. First, we must uphold the goal of enhancing the representation of developing countries, which is the only correct direction for security council reform. Over the past 80 years since the founding of the UN, developing countries, particularly those in Africa, have successively achieved independence and development. In the course of pursuing modernization through unity and self-strengthening, they have continuously worked to redress the injustices against them. This is an inevitable trend of the times and an imperative for upholding international fairness and justice. As the core of the collective security mechanism, The Security Council must have followed the tide of history toward multipolarization and the democratization of international relations by genuinely enhancing the representation and voice of developing countries, inter alia that of African countries, and thereby strengthening its own authority and effectiveness. Discussions on the African model should focus on Africa's own aspirations, uphold African unity, and prevent those with ulterior motives whose agendas run counter to the of the times from free riding on Africa's legitimate demands. Second, we must focus on correcting the historical injustices against Africa, which is a widely shared consensus amongst all parties. The common African position is grounded in a shared interest of the entire continent and fully reflects the legitimacy and rationality of Africa's aspirations. Against the backdrop of the over-representation of developed countries on the Security Council, models that seek to further increase seats for them or serve the narrow interests of individual states clearly run counter to the purpose of the Security Council reform. Meanwhile, To render the Security Council's decision-making more democratic and scientific, more and more countries support rotating seats on a regional basis and oppose "permanent seats" resulting from direct elections. The co-chairs have also put forward the innovative idea of "fixed regional seats." These ideas all merit further exploration and refinement. Third, we should reaffirm the priority special arrangement for Africa, which enjoys a solid foundation. Over the years, all parties have jointly upheld the central role of the IGM, engaged in in-depth dialogue and consultation, and ultimately agreed to incorporate the priority special arrangement for Africa into the Pact for the Future and the Co-Chairs' Elements Paper, representing the latest outcomes of the IGM process. China calls on all parties to build on the existing outcomes, actively explore feasible pathways for implementing the priority special

arrangement for Africa, and

to continue to garner broader consensus.

At the same time,

China notes that the Pact for the Future encourages member states to conduct in-depth discussions based on the reform proposals proposed by various parties and further build consensus on the five key clusters of the Security Council reform. The relevant decisions adopted at the 2026 AU Summit also stress that launching text-based negotiations must be premised on consensus among all parties under five clusters. Discussions on the African model must adhere to full democratic consultation. Russia to produce a "consolidated model", imposing an artificial timeline for reform, or even threatening to "reinvent" the wheel at the General Assembly, violate GA resolution 62/557 and the spirit of the Pact for the Future. These actions could only create division and confrontation among Member States and undermine the healthy momentum for the Security Council reform, with a precaution to membership to remain vigilant. China stands ready to continue supporting efforts to redress the historical injustices suffered by Africa, effectively enhance Africa's representation and voice in international affairs, and push the global governance system towards greater fairness and equity. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of China for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa.

Co-Chairs, South Africa aligns with the statement delivered on behalf of the L69. We appreciate the commitment by the Co-Chairs to the implementation of undertakings contained in the Pact of the Future on Security Council reform, including action 40, where our leaders encouraged the submission of further models. and the revision of already presented models by States and groups of States for the structured dialogues to develop a consolidated reform model based on convergences on the five clusters. Our plenary debate today should move the process forward based on emerging consensus and convergences within the five clusters. Co-Chairs, the early reform of the Security Council, as set out in the Common African Position, remains of utmost importance to South Africa. The current geopolitical environment and inability by the Security Council to ensure prompt and effective action on matters of international peace and security are proof that reform can no longer be delayed. Equitable geographical representation remains a key element in Security Council reform to redress the historical injustice against Africa. The non-representation of Africa in the permanent membership and under-representation in the non-permanent membership of the Security Council needs to be rectified. We also note that there is an increasing convergence within this IGN on this important issue for the African continent. The Pact of the Future is also specific on the priority of this redress and treating Africa as a special case, while improving the representation of the unrepresented and underrepresented regions and groups, such as the Asia-Pacific and Latin and American and Caribbean countries. Co-Chairs, South Africa remains in full support of models that are aligned with the common African position and the position of the L69 in calling for the expansion of membership of the Council in both categories. This should include representation of Africa with not less than two permanent seats and a total of five non-permanent seats. The position of South Africa, which is premised on that of the African-- which is premised on that of the common African position and the position of the L69 is that the veto should cease to exist. However, while it remains, all permanent members should have the same prerogatives and privileges, including the right of the veto. Co-Chairs, regarding the relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council, we believe that resolution 79327 on the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly provides the basis for reform on this question. The resolution is explicit in its reaffirmation of the role and authority of the General Assembly in matters related to the maintenance of international peace and security as provided for by several articles in the Charter. It also sets out clear actions to strengthen this relationship. Furthermore, Articles 24.1 and 24.3 provide the details on the interaction between the General Assembly and the Security Council. South Africa will continue to support efforts to improve the working methods of the Council for better transparency and inclusivity. In conclusion, co-chairs, we stress the importance of undertaking text-based negotiations and consider it necessary to move us towards the realization of the early reform of the Security Council. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa for her statement. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein.

Thank you very much, Madam co-chair. We want to thank the African Group for presenting their model today.

This is a very important step for the IGM and the process we're undertaking.

And I want to commend our colleague from for presenting the model this morning.

The situation with respect to the African Group is indeed a special one, as is reflected in the Pact for the Future, that the Security Council and its composition are obviously no longer a reflection of the world.

As they were in 1945 or 1963, respectively, is clear anyway.

But with respect to Africa, that is certainly compounded by the fact that only one member of that group was.

In fact, a founding member of the UN.

So we certainly very much acknowledge and appreciate, um, this and, uh, uh, please read our comments also against the background of this general comment.

Uh, now turning to the model under A and B categories of membership.

We do not think that is, we do think it is the prerogative of the African Union, obviously, to agree on member states to be submitted.

To the General Assembly for election, but we would caution against formalizing this principle, which could interfere with the right.

Of states to run for election should they so wish. We do believe that in practice this is not.

A major issue, as in any case, it would be very difficult for those without endorsement from the African Union to prevail in an election.

On the C2, we do see that the working methods laid out in the model place a strong emphasis on timely sharing of information to the GAVI, agree with the need for a more accessible, democratic, representative, accountable, and more effective Security Council. laid out for example in points three and seven on the veto we do not see the veto as a right we see it as.

A privilege and the power that the permanent members have under the Charter.

Nor does it nor does equality necessitate common justice in.

Our view, we do agree, of course, that justice must be sought, while, of course, we must necessarily work within the constraints that the Charter provides.

I think it is a well-known position that we do not support the creation of new vetoes, but rather that we believe that the existing vetoes should be restricted and brought back to the intentions of the.

Of the drafters of the UN Charter, instead of compounding the problem that we already have. On the relationship between the Council and the GA, we believe this is a particularly strong part of the model.

We do not believe that revitalization of the GA constitutes Council reform. Has the group, the African group, considered the way in which recent GA revitalization resolutions, notably 79 through 327, may have superseded previous resolutions laid out in point one and touch upon some of the other points. Finally, we note that points two and three here are given an example in resolution 76262, also known as the veto initiative, in which special reports have been invited and issued on every relevant occasion so far, and that it provides a platform of the implementation of point six on enabling the GA to take urgent action in line with its role and authority.

And I thank you. I.

Thank the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein for his statement. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria.

Thank you, co-chair. Algeria fully aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the African Union member states. But we wish to offer the following remarks on our national capacity. I will not elaborate on the African reform model of the Security Council, which derives its legitimacy from the common African position as clearly articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirt Declaration. I will only focus my intervention on the following key points. First, the African position on Security Council reform is very well known. It is for this reason that Africa's legitimacy and rightful aspirations must be fully addressed in order to correct the historical injustice endured by our continent. To this end, we call for an expansion in both categories on the Security Council membership. an expansion that grants Africa no fewer than two permanent seats with all prerogative, including the veto, as well as five non-permanent seats. Second, co-chair, in order to enhance the representation of underrepresented region or groups. We must adhere to both the letter and the spirit of the Pact of the Future, in particular Article 39A. In this regard, it is imperative that Africa be treated as a special case. in this reform process. This means that the common African position must be fully and faithfully addressed. Let me make it clear. These aspirations constitute a legitimate right for Africa. The common African position is not negotiable. We will show Africa, we will show no flexibility and no concession at this stage from our part in this reform process. Third, Chair, regarding the way forward, the preparation of a consolidated model does not necessarily entail the commencement of text-based negotiations. There is a considerable distance to cover in achieving a genuine, meaningful, and comprehensive reform of the Security Council, a reform that addresses all five clusters of the IG in on a nickel footing, which entails that no cluster should be excluded. Finally, co-chair, it is necessary and allow me to reiterate Africa's position. that Algeria fully support and endorses on engaging in text-based negotiation. Africa will not engage in text-based negotiations unless there is a prior consensus, a prior consensus between member states on the five clusters And then agreed framework that broadly address the issue of historical injustice that has wide consensus among us. And also a model of reform that clearly, clearly address expansion of both categories of membership in the Security Council. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Algeria for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Somalia.

Distinguished Co-Chairs, Excellencies, distinguished delegates. Somali thanks the cultures, Kuwait, and Netherlands for convening this important plenary and for your continued distribution of the intergovernmental negotiations. We also welcome the former transmission of the African model by Sierra Leone, the coordinator of the AU Committee 10, a step that reflects Africa's constructive engagement and our shared commitment to an inclusive, transparent, and member-driven process. Somalia reaffirms its commitment to the principles of the General Assembly decision 62/557, including good faith negotiations, mutual respect, and pursuit of the broadest possible political acceptance. Today's discussion provides an opportunity to deepen understanding of the proposals before us, including the African model, and to identify areas where convergence can be strengthened. Excellencies, Africa remains the only region without representation in the permanent category and continues to be underrepresented in the non-permanent category. This imbalance is not only a historical injustice, it's a structural division that undermines the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Council. The African model grounded in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirta Declaration, offers a coherent, principled, and comprehensive framework to address this imbalance. It calls for no fewer than two permanent seats for Africa with all the prerogatives of the permanent membership, including the veto if it continues to exist, and five non-permanent seats. Somalia believes that the African model aligns fully with the principles of the universality, equity, and the regional balance that underpin the UN Charter and with the commitment made by world leaders in 2005 and reiterated in the Pact for the Future. Treating Africa as a special case is not a request for privilege, it is a requirement for justice and credibility. We also note growing convergences on several classes, including the relationship between the Council and the General Assembly, working methods, and the recognition of Africa's special case. Excellencies, the credibility of the United Nations depends on our ability to deliver a Security Council that reflects today's geopolitical realities. Reform is not An abstract exercise is an essential to ensuring that the Council can respond effectively to global challenges and maintain confidence of the wider membership. Somalia urges all delegations to engage the African model with seriousness and openness, which provides clarity on Africa's expectations and a solid basis for meaningful engagement with other proposals. In conclusion, Somalia reaffirms its unwavering commitment to a reformed Security Council that is more representative, more legitimate, and more effective. We stand ready to work with all delegations to ensure that this session contributes meaningfully to that shared objective.

I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Somalia for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Philippines.

Thank you, co-chair. The Philippines commends the African group through Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of 10 for putting forward the African model, a comprehensive and consolidated proposal that reflects a longstanding and unified position. We also thank the Permanent Representative of Sierra Leone for his presentation. Over time, Member States have repeatedly underscored the importance of African solutions for African problems and the need for approaches that are African-led and African-owned. In this regard, the model should be seen as a concrete step towards realizing these principles within the framework of Security Council reform and consistent with the commitments under the Pact for the Future. The Philippines also recognizes Africa's call to address its historical underrepresentation in the Security Council, particularly through enhanced representation in the Council. As articulated by President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. in his statement at a special session of the General Assembly last month, the Philippines supports efforts to ensure that Africa is more adequately represented in the Security Council, including in the permanent category. We consider this an important step towards a more equitable and representative Security Council that is attuned to current geopolitical realities. We further recognize that the model provides a substantive basis for structured engagement across all five clusters and contributes to ongoing efforts to move the IGN towards a more focused discussion. Against this backdrop, the Philippines sees areas of convergence that may help advance discussions. These include proposals to improve the Council's working methods, especially through greater transparency and inclusivity of the Council's decision-making processes. We also emphasize strengthening the relationship between the Security Council and General Assembly, including through reports which are more analytical and improving coordination between the two UN organs. There is also growing convergence among member states on the need to expand the size of the Council to enhance its representativeness, even as differences remain on the modalities of such expansion. Ultimately, the Council's effectiveness in addressing issues affecting international peace and security should be the main aim. In closing, Madam Co-Chair, the Philippines underscores the importance of translating areas of convergence into tangible progress, aiming at a Security Council that is more representative, effective, and responsive to the needs of the membership of the United Nations. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Philippines for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Thank you, co-chair. I'll start by expressing my appreciation for your sincere efforts to promote constructive process for IG on the Security Council reform by initiating structured dialogue. The African model provide a good opportunity for effectively discussing the key issues of the Security Council reform. Among the five clusters, the most important is the size of the Security Council, as it is closely linked to the category of the membership, regional representation, and working method of the Council. We are of the view that African model comprehensively reflecting the demand of the member states to make Security Council more representative, democratic, and transparent. Central to these demands is the imperative to redress historical injustice suffered by African countries. Africa's exclusion from permanent seat of the Security Council is not only institutional imbalance, but also a matter of fairness and legitimacy. As such, addressing this injustice must be treated as a priority in any meaningful reform process. From this point of view, my delegation fully supports African model. Expansion of the membership of the Security Council is important. However, even more important is which country are included in Security Council. because the reason the Security Council is currently failing to fulfill its responsibility of maintaining international peace and security is that the seats of the Security Council are occupied by a country that does not prioritize the issue of international peace and security. Therefore, an expansion of the permanent member states must be approached with great caution. A country like Japan, which glorifies its history of aggression, cannot be considered for permanent membership. In the past, Japan invaded many countries across Asia and the Pacific, and inflicted unspeakable suffering to the peoples of those countries. During its colonial rule of Korea, Japan forcibly abducted more than 8 million Korean people, massacred 1 million innocent civilians, and enslaved 200,000 Korean women as sexual labor for the Japanese army. A sincere apology for victims is an essential first step toward acknowledging the past wrongdoings and ensuring that such crimes are never repeated. However, Japan continues to glorify its history of aggression and colonial rule through the distortion and revision of the textbooks used in primary and middle schools, while simultaneously pursuing a revision of its peace constitution and moving towards becoming a military power. This clearly demonstrates that Japan has absolutely no qualification to seek a permanent seat on the Security Council. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Thailand. I apologize. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Nigeria.

Thank you, co-chairs. Nigeria aligns with the statement and the African model presented by the Permanent Representative of Sierra Leone on behalf of the African Member States, as well as the statement delivered on behalf of the LSIS9 group by Saint Lucia. to make the following remarks in national capacity. In nearly two decades, we have deliberated on the need and how best to reform the Security Council. Today, with the formal submission of the African model by the coordinator of the African Committee of Ten, Africa has a proposal that is clear, comprehensive, principled, and actionable. We recall that the Pact for the Future called for structured dialogue on models, and Africa has responded with this clear and concrete contribution to that endeavour. Nigeria trusts that all Member States will accord the proposal with the same seriousness and substantive engagement it merits, and we are pleased with the feedback from delegations and groups. What remains to be determined is whether member states possess the political will to translate decades of deliberation into a reformed council that is representative, democratic, accountable, and effective. Africa has demonstrated that will. Nigeria stands firmly behind it, and we call upon all member states to approach this structured dialogue with the same resolve. Allow me to highlight elements of the African model that Nigeria considers essential to any credible reform outcome. With respect to categories of membership, the African model calls for no less than two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats for Africa. This is not an aspirational figure. It is a minimum necessary to begin correcting a historical injustice that has left the continent with the largest regional membership in the United Nations excluded from permanent on the Security Council. If Africa accounts for the largest share of items on the Council's agenda and contributes significantly to UN peacekeeping operations, the case for permanent African representation should be beyond dispute. Furthermore, the African model rightly frame Africa's representation as a matter of treating Africa as a special case and a priority in the reform process. The Pact for the Future itself recognized the urgent need to make the Council more representative and to redress the historical injustice against Africa. Nigeria firmly supports this framing and reiterates Africa's circumstances, its demography, and contribution to global peace and security, as well as its long exclusion from the permanent category warrants treatment that engages directly with the principle of equity. On the question of the veto, Africa is of the unmistaken belief that the veto should be abolished. However, so long as it exists, it must be extended to all permanent members and including the African permanent members. This is a matter of common justice. It is worthy of note that a reform that grants permanent seats without the attendant prerogatives would create a two-tier system with a permanent category itself, and that would not be equitable and also sustainable. Co-Chairs, the African model insists on fair and equitable geographical representation in the Security Council, taking into account the principles, objectives and ideals of the UN Charter. These principles, enshrined in Article 23 of the Charter, have been honoured more in rhetoric than in practice. A reformed Council of not less than 26 members, as proposed by the African model, would go a long way towards reflecting the realities of the 21st century, rather than the power arrangement of 1945. Nigeria believes that a Security Council that does not reflect the world as it is today cannot credibly claim to act on its behalf. The Africa Model is a carefully considered, continent-wide consensus that has been developed, debated, and endorsed at the highest levels of the African Union, most recently by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government at the African Union 39th Ordinary Session in Addis Ababa in February 2026. It carries the weight and the will of over a million people. To conclude, Nigeria reaffirms its unwavering commitment to achieving genuine, meaningful, and comprehensive reform of the Security Council. We stand ready to engage with all delegations and groups who share the conviction that the Council must, at last, be made fit for the century in which we live. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Nigeria for his statement, and now we I give the floor to Azerbaijan, who is the last speaker on the list for this morning. Azerbaijan.

Thank you, co-chair.

We express our appreciation to the permanent representative of Sierra Leone for presenting the African model and for reaffirming Africa's strong commitment to meaningful and comprehensive reform. Azerbaijan believes that despite existing differences, further progress in the negotiations is achievable by building on areas of convergence. These include in particular the legitimate aspirations of African countries to play their rightful role on the global stage, the need to rectify the historical imbalance in composition from the global south, and to enhance the representation of developing countries, small states, cross regional groups, and other underrepresented groups, strengthening the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, and improving the working methods of the Council. In the Pact for the Future, the heads of state and government committed to reforming the Security Council to make it more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic, and accountable. while recognizing the need to redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority and a special case.

As noted in the revised Co-Chairs' Elements Paper, there is a broad support among Member States for increased representation of African countries in the Security Council. Azerbaijan has consistently upheld this position and has further strengthened and deepened.

Its dialogue and partnership with.

African countries across a wide range of areas, including peace and security, sustainable development, and humanitarian cooperation.

We share the position reflected in the African model that the Security Council should not be.

Used to advance national political agendas, nor should it engage in matters that do not constitute a threat to international.

Peace and security. The issue of a veto remains one of the central elements of Security Council reform.

We take note.

Of the various options put forward and discussed by member states, including those reflected in the African model. In this regard, we reiterate the need for a careful, in-depth and comprehensive analysis both to assess the impact of the veto on the effectiveness of the Council in discharging its mandate in accordance with the UN Charter, and to evaluate the potential risks, imbalances, and implications for equality that any modification might entail.

We also welcome the practical proposals contained in the African model to improve the working methods of the Security Council and its relationship with the General Assembly.

We share Africa's view that the Security Council and the General Assembly should work closely together within their respective mandates, fostering a cooperative and harmonious relationship while avoiding any encroachment on each other's responsibilities.

We look forward to continued progress in the negotiations.

Building on the work already undertaken and the advances made thus far in a spirit of good faith, flexibility, constructiveness, and mutual respect.

I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Azerbaijan for his statement. And we now heard the last speaker of this morning. I would like to recall for this afternoon that the time limits for national statements are three minutes and for group statements, five minutes. We will reconvene this afternoon at 3 p.m. in this hall to continue the discussion. We hope to have a very lively, interactive discussion afterwards in a closed, interactive dialogue without webcast. So the meeting is adjourned. I noticed you added the.