The Rohingya Crisis: A Renewed Call for a Durable Solution from Protracted Displacement, with Justice and Accountability

And therefore, to be able to present this video from Professor Stiglitz, he sends his apologies.

He really wanted to be here and wished he could have been, but we do have a video from him.

Over to Joe.

Excellencies, ministers, ambassadors, distinguished delegates, I'm sorry I cannot be with you today. I would very much have liked to, but I'm following doctor's orders. I know our time is very brief, so I will be very short. I want to begin by thanking the organizing states, Brazil, Norway, South Africa, and Spain, for this opportunity to present the proposal of an International Panel for Inequality, IPI. I recognize the leadership of President Lula of Brazil and President Ramaphosa of South Africa, who both used their G20 leadership to focus on inequality. It is from that powerful platform that the idea of an International Panel on Inequality was born. The IPI stems from two core foresights. First, inequality within and between nations is a collective threat to the functioning of our economies and their ability to support human dignity. I talk primarily here of economic inequality, But we know that inequality affects people differently due to race, gender, social class, ethnicity, and geography. Inequality is not a problem limited to the economy. At a global and national level, it puts extreme stress on our politics, our societies, and the very ecological basis of our civilization. And that leads me to the second insight. This kind of global stress is akin to the crisis of climate change and needs to be very much better understood and studied in the same way. While the IPI will ultimately be designed and run differently, the concept of an Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change is a useful analogy. The IPI would be an independent body of experts who can assess, synthesize, and present trusted knowledge and analysis on inequality, its drivers, nature, consequences, and policy solutions to address it. It's so important for an IPI to be a multilateral body That has the legitimacy to bring us all together to investigate, find consensus, and determine the best way forward. We are pleased to be in discussion with the UNU, which has a strong mandate for academic freedom and credibility. The founding committee I chair is furthermore committed to supporting the establishment of an IPI with a UN resolution that I sincerely hope you will support too. I'm very keen today to listen to your questions and comments. So I will end by posing the questions that I hope will frame our discussion. First, what is your assessment of current efforts to tackle inequality within, and between nations. Secondly, how could a scientific panel such as an IPI be most effective, including sustaining its credibility as a scientific body? Thirdly, how could a scientific panel such as an IPI be most helpful, including to policymakers? And finally, How would you like to be involved in the process to establish an IPI? We on the founding committee very much welcome your participation in establishing an IPI. Thank you for attending this event.

Thank you very much for the video. We have now concluded the high-level opening segment of our meeting. I would like to ask you to remain seated with those few who have requested to leave, like the DSG, to leave, but all of us who can remain and other colleagues who have requested. Thank you, DSG. Thank you.

Okay, thank you.

Thank you. Thank you very much. We will now give the floor to the Prime Minister of Barbados. Her Excellency Miss Mia Motley.

I'd like to thank Brazil, Norway, South Africa and Spain for convening this session that allows us to be able to tee up a resolution that I suspect will become a groundbreaking resolution for this body, recognizing that if we want to be able to guarantee the promise of the UN Charter to our citizens across the world, it will be impossible for us to do without ensuring that we address this fundamental issue of income inequality. We are seeing it get worse, and the promise of AI, while bountiful for some, runs the risk of consolidating persons into a situation where inequality defines their future. We believe that we have to ask, who is it that is really participating in growth? Who owns the assets and who shapes the rules? The distribution of new wealth depends that from our consideration. The G20 expert committee, I know, found that between 2000 and 2024, the richest 1% captures 41% of new global wealth. 41%. The poorest receive just 1%. Equal effort, therefore, does not guarantee equal opportunity. And that's why one of the reasons the mandate upon which my government has been elected is premised on three things. One, to stop poor people from being poor. Two, to fight injustice. And three, to create opportunity, particularly not just for jobs, but for ownership, because wealth is not defined by access to cash alone. We have to address the intergenerational passage that allows people to be lifted out of poverty permanently. The difficulty, of course, is that even when that happens, the promise of future prosperity is taken from us by rules that impair our ability to function as governments, rules that artificially constrain countries in their access to capital and in their access to policy prescriptions that give them the opportunity to fight this real battle. Greed is man-made, and therefore, if it is man-made, it can be unman-made. And the political choices to which the Minister referred to from Norway are political choices that people make with their eyes wide open. insensitive to those who will suffer as a result of those choices. We have to stop. If we condemn slavery, we condemn the notion of people exploiting other human beings in order to make profit. But slavery is just the extreme condition. And as they've come to reflect more and more, the mens rea that informed slavery regrettably is still existent in the modern world, even if the institution of slavery is not here. It is the same mens rea that will easily admit that it is okay for the international financial institutions to not hear the voices of those across Africa or those across the small island developing states that constitute a quarter of the world's states. It is the same mens rea that refuses to accept that it is necessary for the reform of this Security Council. It is the same mens rea that determines that labour rights should be put on the back burner instead of being on the very foundation level for the dignity not only of all people, but also for the prosperity and solidarity that comes therefrom. We have too many battles globally to fight that require all of our effort. and if we continue to divide our population in a half and accept that half of them should not have access to basic rights then the numbers necessary to fight these Global battles are not there I refer to the climate crisis I refer to the prospects of how we save the planet as well as how we save Humanity given the current discussions on AI we accept that AI has the potential for Bounty and for democratization but we equally recognize that AI has the ability to dehumanize the human race and take the human race out, as has been discussed most recently this week. What is important is the evidence. And that is why the bringing together of 350 economists to sign that document is perhaps the most significant event, because this is not the dizzying propaganda of a politician. This is the evidence of the reality of people's lives. And if we don't respond to the evidence economically, it would be like a doctor ignoring all of the evidence brought about by the ultrasound machine or the MRI and leaving the patient to die over the course of time. The cancer of indifference is what Pope Francis warned us is killing our world today. I hope that by supporting this resolution that we will develop to bring before the General Assembly, that we will recognize that if we do not intervene to course correct, then we are literally condemning too many people to a life that cannot be lived properly but more importantly, we weaken humanity's ability to fight the big battles of our time that go beyond country, that go beyond gender, that go beyond those who have power, and those who do not. We live in the same world. I remind us that the mosquito is perhaps the smallest creature in the world but it is equally the most deadly. Let us not repeat the mistakes of history and failed to see people, hear people, and feel people. Let us put them at the center of our development process, and let us bring an end to this global inequality that has now been sold as being the new norm of the world. Thank you.

Thank you very much, Prime Minister. We now go to Germany.

Gentlemen. Recently, the world has seen its first trillionaire. At the same time, 840 million people are affected by extreme poverty. This growing insecurity and the excessive concentration of wealth in the hands of a few threatens social cohesion and democracy. It is therefore a strong political sign that so many global leaders are coming together to fight inequality. As we heard, impact relies on evidence and the IPI will provide the evidence that we need and therefore Germany is very proud to support the panel. We believe that one of the most powerful tools in tackling inequality is a progressive taxation system. When stronger shoulders carry more weight, the whole society benefits. Consequently, Germany makes a point of promoting fair and effective public finance systems worldwide. We are cooperating with more than 30 partner countries to push this forward. Another issue I want to raise is debt. Nearly half of the world's population live in countries which spend more on debt than they spend on health and education. Countries cannot invest in their own development, in their own future, if they are drowning in debt. And therefore, it is very clear that we need to work on a fair international finance architecture. Germany will cooperate closely with the International Panel on Inequality and endorse its vision statement. Together, we can truly provide evidence into action and make a difference in addressing inequality worldwide. Thank you.

Thank you very much, Ms. Randhavan. We now go to Cape Verde.

It thanks the organizations of this timely discussion and welcomes the initiative of establishing an international panel on inequality. Inequality is not only a question of revenue or wealth, it's also reflected in inequal access to opportunities, finance, technology, education, health care, resilience to climate change. For small island developing states, SIDS, inequality is also part of the international system itself. Countries like mine, Cabo Verde, continue to face structural vulnerabilities that are not sufficiently captured by traditional indicators, which are based on income, limiting access to conditional financing despite the resistance to external shocks. We therefore support the efforts to enhance the bank of evidence worldwide about inequality. Inclusive, rigorous, independent research can help to better understand the various interconnected dimensions of inequality and to identify effective political responses. It must guarantee balanced representation of developed and developing countries, including small island developing states, and it must take into account the multidimensional vulnerability, climate impacts, gender inequality, and intergenerational equity. As we implement the Pact for the Future and accelerate progress towards the 2030 Agenda, the question of inequality within and among countries must be essential to multilateralism. But we need a better policy, more equitable international cooperation and more inclusive world governance. Cape Verde approves the declaration of vision on inequalities and fully supports the General Assembly present resolution on this matter. Thank you.

Thank you very much, Cape Verde, for your input. We now go to Japan.

Thank you, Chair, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen.

The widening of Arabs. Arabs. Arabs. Arabs. Arabs. Arabs. Arabs. Arabs. Arabs. In our camp, everybody has a sad story.

Each time my mother tells me her story, she says, "One day, we all will go home in our car." We will live again in our beautiful green village, below which the river runs. We will again hear the birds singing and watch butterflies flying. I believe that is why I want to go home in Arkan. But mother says it is not easy to go back. We need a lot of help. Help me and my family to go back home in Arkan.

So we have heard the voices of the women and children in the camps in Bangladesh. Bangladesh is no stranger to the successive outflows of the Rohingyas since 1978. However, the situation was significantly complicated by the arrival of a large mass in 2017, and Today, Bangladesh hosts 1.2 million forcibly displaced Rohingyas and is the country with the largest single refugee caseload in the world today. The protracted crisis imposes heavy financial, social, and environmental burdens on Bangladesh. Regrettably, the conditions in the Rakhine State continue to deteriorate. Escalating conflict between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army traps civilians in the crossfire, causing further displacement and new arrivals in Bangladesh. Despite the combined efforts, including UN General Assembly, Human Rights Council, and Security Council resolutions, the root causes in Myanmar remain unaddressed, and therefore, no solution is in sight for the Rohingya in the camps in Bangladesh. No progress on return has been made. Meanwhile, severe funding shortfalls in the joint response plan threaten the much-needed humanitarian assistance, even for lifesaving programs. International justice mechanisms remain central to a durable solution. we are awaiting the forthcoming judgment from the International Court of Justice in the case brought by the Gambia against Myanmar. Today's dialogue provides a vital platform to review the collective efforts of Bangladesh, Gambia, and other partners. It is time now to review these efforts, sustain global attention, and identify practical measures towards a durable solution of this protracted crisis. The Rohingyas have constantly and consistently expressed their clear desire to return to their ancestral homes with safety and dignity. And we all look forward to our discussions today on how we can best support that objective. I first have the honor to invite His Excellency Mr. Tarik Rahman, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, to deliver his opening remarks.

Thank you, Madam Chair. Excellencies, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. I thank you all for joining us today here. I sincerely appreciate the Gambia for convening this event with Bangladesh and all co-sponsors for their solidarity. For decades, the Rohingya have faced discrimination, persecution, and exclusion in Myanmar. Bangladesh experience Several major waves of influx in 1978 and through the 1980s. Some repatriation was organized by the government, led by the late President Ziaur Rahman, and subsequently, the late Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia. But the overall crisis situation deteriorated following the violence of 2017 in Myanmar. Ladies and gentlemen, For over nine years, Bangladesh has shouldered an enormous humanitarian responsibility. We continue to host over 1.2 million Rohingya. Regrettably, people continue to flee violence in Myanmar. Thousands of babies are born in the camp every year. They add another generation to this prolonged displacement. Mothers dream about a secure future. Young people are growing with an uncertainty. Old people long for their homes and villages they were forced to leave behind, which we have seen in the documentary. Bangladesh opened its border because humanity demanded it. In the camps in Bangladesh, Rohingyas are provided with food and health services. Their children are receiving education based on the Myanmar curriculum through some 6,000 learning centers. Rohingya youth are receiving capacity building and skills development training. This will equip them for eventual reintegration in Myanmar, Rakhine State. We continue our best to improve the situation in the camps, but they are not an ideal place to live for a long period. Excellencies, the cost of prolonged displacement grows every day, not only for the Rohingyas, but also for the host communities in Cox's Bazar. The social, economic, environmental, and security pressure on Bangladesh are immense. Prolonged uncertainty and disruption are creating new challenges and security risks, including human trafficking, migrant smuggling, drug trafficking, and other transnational crimes. Some people are leaving by boat to Malaysia, endangering their lives. A crisis left unresolved in one country can become a security challenge for an entire region. Yet, even as needs grow, the humanitarian lifeline is shrinking. The Joint Response Plan sought over USD 934 million in 2025. For 2026, the appeal has been scaled down to about USD 710 million, covering only minimum lifesaving needs. This trend cannot continue. We remain deeply grateful to our international partners who continue to stand by Bangladesh. We need their support more than ever. However, humanitarian generosity cannot become an excuse for political inaction. Nor can Bangladesh be expected to shoulder this responsibility indefinitely. Excellencies, the crisis originated in Myanmar. Its solution lies in Myanmar. Sadly, the situation inside Rakhine State remains deeply concerning. The Rohingya continue to face serious violations and abuses, including forced recruitment, arbitrary detention, restriction on movement, forced labour, and other forms of insecurity. Serious violations have been reported by both the Myanmar military and the Rakhine army. As such, the conditions for safe and dignified return remain challenged. Excellencies, the time has come to move for empathy to a search for root cause and their solutions, from promise to action, and from managing displacement to ending it. Given this, allow me to propose urgent actions in five areas. Number one, the international and regional stakeholders must establish a clear and credible roadmap for the early, safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar. The international community and other states must support the stabilization efforts and use their leverage to create conditions within Myanmar that are conducive for return. Second, there must be an end to the violence against civilians, including the Rohingyas, in Myanmar. The fundamental rights and security of the Rohingyas must be guaranteed in their homeland to regain their confidence to return. Third, the international community must ensure adequate and predictable humanitarian support for the Rohingya. Similarly, the host communities must be supported. Their development aspiration should not be deterred by their generous act of hospitality. Fourth, justice and accountability are indispensable for sustainable repatriation. We deeply appreciate the Gambia's leadership in pursuing accountability before the International Court of Justice. We also recognize the important role of the International Criminal Court in pursuing individual criminal accountability alongside other international justice and investigative mechanism. International judicial and investigative mechanisms must receive sustained support. Those responsible for grave crimes must be held accountable. Fifth, regional and international cooperation must be strengthened to combat a narrow, economy, human trafficking, digital scams, illegal arms, and other transboundary crimes that are fueling instability in the region. Excellencies, Bangladesh does not want the Rohingya to remain displaced forever. We want them to return to their homes in Myanmar safely, voluntarily, with dignity and with their rights protected. Bangladesh has carried its responsibility with humanity. Now the international community must carry its responsibility with conviction. If the necessary actions are created, Bangladesh will be ready to facilitate their return. Together, let us ensure that the Rohingya's fate is not another story of persecution, expulsion and displacement. Let it be a story of justice, dignity and hope. And above all, let it begin now. Thank you all.

Thank you, Prime Minister, for your remarks and for putting before us a path forward. Justice and accountability for the atrocities crimes is critical, not only to uphold the Genocide Convention, but for the victims themselves to build a sense of confidence and for the international community to use it as a basis for pursuing return, reconciliation, and non-repetition. I now call on the Vice President, His Excellency, the Vice President, Mohamed Yah Jalo of Gambia to present his remarks.

Excellency, Tariq Rahman, Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, the Excellency, President of the General Assembly, Excellency, Doctor Parham Sali, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Excellencies, distinguished representative, of course, sponsoring countries, international organization, and UN agencies. Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, it is a singular honor to address this important joint event convened by the Republic of the Gambia and the People's Republic of Bangladesh on the margins of the 84th session of the United Nations General Assembly. Through you, Excellency Prime Minister Rahman, the Gambia commends the People's Republic of Bangladesh for its leadership and vigorous support to the cause of the Rohingya refugees as we lay the foundation for international political commitment and sustained engagement on this humanitarian catastrophe. The Gambia expresses its profound gratitude to the United States, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Malaysia, and the European Union for co-sponsoring this important side event. The support Bangladesh and the Gambia receive from this co-sponsorship demonstrates the depth of international concern and the significance of sustained collective engagement in the pursuit of justice, accountability, humanitarian assistance, and lasting solutions for the Rohingya crisis. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, our gathering here marks a moment for reflection, reckoning, and most importantly, a renewed action for the ultimate objective for the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of the Rohingyas to their homeland in Rakhine State. Our two governments are committed to work alongside the international community to improve living conditions for the Rohingya in Myanmar and mitigate the risk of further atrocities. Excellencies, when The Gambia speaks about accountability, we do not do so in abstract terms, but through lived experiences, having endured 22 years of repressive rule. We understand both the promise and the challenges of pursuing justice and accountability. It is in that spirit that the government instituted an action before the International Court of Justice in defense of the Rohingya people of Myanmar, not because they are suffering a court within our borders, but because we believe that obligations owed under international law is a collective responsibility shared by all states committed to prevent and punish atrocities of the gravest crimes known to humanity. and that no nation is too small to uphold them. Accordingly, supporting these legal efforts is an investment for justice for the Rohingya people, to prevent accordance towards a shared resolve to human dignity, international justice, and the rule of law. We continue to commend the international support this case has received, including the intervention and support of OIC member states towards the legal fees and related costs necessary to sustain this vital accountability process as we await the judgment anticipated to be delivered this year. The Gambia believes that this high-level side event has a vital role to play in rallying international action for a comprehensive solution facing the Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar to ensure their safety, security, and dignity in a Myanmar that respects the rights of all of its people. Accountability to ensure justice, reparations, and the non-repetition of atrocity crimes is an essential part of that comprehensive solution, and we appreciate your continued support to that end. Excellencies, responsibility sharing must mean more than expression of sympathy. It must translate into action, predictable financing, sustained diplomacy political engagement and accountability, and ultimately into a durable solution. All of us gathered here today have an important role in ensuring that the Rohingya crisis does not disappear from the international agenda. Addressing and redressing this issue should be taken up as a matter of global concern. We are here because a humanitarian agency nearly a decade ago has now inexorably evolved into one of the world's most protracted political crises. Under this prism, the Gambia is of the strong conviction that refugee status should never become a permanent substitute for a homeland. The Gambia vigorously believes that resolving the protracted Rohingya crisis is a political, legal, and moral responsibility that the international community must collectively bear and shoulder together. Bangladesh cannot be left alone to bear the burden and single-handedly sheltering all these refugees for the past 10 years now. The government is therefore calling on all to adhere to the central message around this platform. The critical task is to move from humanitarian response to sustainable solutions, from solidarity to responsibility sharing and political action, and ultimately from forced displacement to dignified return. Now, this has become more than a humanitarian imperative. The government of The Gambia is attaching the highest priority to the situation, ensuring that the world's attention must remain on the Rohingya refugees. In the call to action and in bringing a sense of urgency to this lingering crisis, The Gambia is of the resolute standpoint that the international community should decisively reinforce collective commitment to addressing the Rohingya crisis. To all member states of the OIC, the OMA, United Nations, and all development partners, the Gambia sends a message of purpose, calling for concerted international efforts to strengthen justice, accountability to address all committed crimes against the Rohingya refugees, and develop a better life and prosperous future for this community, which has just suffered too much and for too long. Thus, and without preempting the judgment in this case, The Government wishes to state that, contingent on the outcome before the Court, it calls on all Member States of the United Nations to support the enforcement of the judgment and to help ensure accountability for the crimes perpetrated against the Rohingya people. Excellencies, to conclude, all of us here must do our utmost part to advance that work and to spread the spirit, as it is the only sustainable way for after a decade of suffering and tribulations. I thank you for your kind attention.

Thank you, Excellency, for your remarks on the international pursuit of justice. The UN General Assembly has been instrumental in keeping the Rohingya crisis at the forefront of the international agenda, as demonstrated by the high-level conference convened during the 80th session. And one of the key figures behind that event is actually His Excellency, the current President of the General Assembly, Dr. Khalilur Rahman. To share his vision on how this political momentum can be sustained, I now have the distinct honor to invite the President of the General Assembly to kindly deliver his remarks.

Thank you for giving me this opportunity. Your Excellency, Mr. Tarique Rahman, Prime Minister of Bangladesh; my dear brother, Your Excellency, Mr. Mohamed B.S. Jallow, Vice President of The Gambia; Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Nearly a year ago, here at the United Nations, we gathered for the High-Level Conference on the Situation of Rohingya. Muslims, and other minorities in Myanmar. In the prior year, the Assembly adopted resolution 79/278, which recognized the sharp rise in human rights violations and the need to sustain international attention. At the conference, which helped put the Rohingya issue high on the international agenda, the Member States of the United Nations agreed on what needs to change. addressing the root cause of the conflict, creating a conducive environment for the safe, dignified, voluntary, and sustainable return of the Rohingya, and responding to immediate humanitarian needs. The message was clear. The Rohingya crisis requires an early and durable solution. Nearly a decade after the mass displacement of the Rohingya, their suffering endures. The atrocities committed against the Rohingya in 2017, killings, sexual and gender-based violence, the burning and destruction of villages, forced displacement, and the systemic denial of fundamental rights remain an open wound. The same patterns of violence and persecution continue to cast a long shadow. In Rakhine State and across Myanmar, civilians face indiscriminate attacks, airstrikes, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, enforced disappearances, forced recruitment, destruction of homes and civilian infrastructure, and the denial of humanitarian assistance. The Myanmar military has been widely documented as carrying out attacks that have inflicted grave harm on civilians, including Rohingya and other minorities, deepening humanitarian needs. I have seen this with my own eyes, up close, in the Rohingya camps, as the High Representative of the Rohingya issue of my government, and I have also appreciated how urgently international solidarity is needed, and how difficult it is to sustain attention when a crisis becomes protracted. I offer four practical priorities. First, sustain political attention. We must keep the Rohingya crisis high on the international agenda, and we are doing this right now here in this room. And we should do this not only when violence escalates or funding gaps become acute. This should be something we should do constantly. We must identify where commitments are falling short and ensure that political engagements leads to collective support, both for refugees and importantly, for the countries and communities hosting them. The Secretary General's visit to Bangladesh in March 2025 was an important demonstration of that solidarity. In Cox's Bazar, where the camps are located, he joined an iftar with some 100,000 Rohingya refugees. Their message was unequivocal. They wish to return to their country of origin, but they want to do so in a safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable manner. The second priority, protection and resilience. We must ensure humanitarian assistance is predictable, sustained, and increasingly linked to resilience. The priority requirement is predictable financing, and here I recognize the efforts, continued efforts by the international community to support the Rohingya and the work done by the UN and UN country team in Bangladesh. Yet the 2025-26 joint response plan falls short of the need. However, I should recognize that the plan reflects an holistic approach, placing emphasis on life-saving support alongside income generation, skills building, and disaster risk reduction measures, including for host communities. This is particularly important for the Rohingya refugees. Their prolonged statelessness makes them more vulnerable to human trafficking, child labor, gender-based violence, recruitment by armed groups, and other forms of exploitation and transnational crime. The consequences of doing anything less are stark. In 2025, an estimated 890 people lost their lives or were reported missing while undertaking maritime journeys from Myanmar to Bangladesh, the deadliest year on record. 280 more have been lost in the first four months of 2026. To be sure, these are parents, grandparents, children, and young people making desperate choices that no family should ever have to face anywhere. We need a strong regional approach linking humanitarian assistance with protection, education, livelihoods, and action against exploitation and transnational organized crime. This brings me to the third priority, justice and accountability. And this must be an integral part of a durable solution. The International Court of Justice has reached the merits stage in the case of Gambia versus Myanmar following a public hearing in January. We must ensure that momentum towards accountability is not lost. Victims deserve to see that we, as an international community, are doing our utmost to avoid a repeat of past horrors. And I appeal to all to ensure that there is full funding in pursuing this case. Fourth and finally, we must bring the Rohingya home. and focus relentlessly on the conditions for safe, voluntary, and dignified return. We are talking about safety from violence, protection from discrimination, access to services and livelihoods, freedom of movement, legal status, and the ability to reclaim homes, land, and property. And there is one essential test. The Rohingya themselves must have a meaningful voice in determining whether the conditions for return exist. Excellencies, political attention, humanitarian assistance, accountability, and return are not separate agendas. They are four parts of the same pathway. The Rohingya have made their aspiration clear again and again and again. They want to return home. Our responsibility is to ensure that their return is not merely possible, but safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable, and the atrocities that forced them from their homes are never repeated, never again. I thank you.

Thank you, Mr. President, for your remarks and for your continued commitment. both as Foreign Minister of Bangladesh and in your current capacity as PGA. I now have the honor to invite Ms. Julie Bishop, the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar, to deliver her remarks.

Prime Minister Raman, Vice President Jallow, President Raman, Excellencies, as the Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar, I thank the Government of Bangladesh for its leadership and the co-sponsors. It is imperative we continue to keep global attention on the desperate circumstances that Rohingya people face as the world's largest group deemed stateless. Nearly a decade on since the forced mass displacement of 2017, over 1.2 million people are currently seeking safety in Bangladesh. For a newly born refugee in 2017, displacement is now their entire childhood in what is now the world's largest refugee camp in Cox's Bazar. It's estimated over 30,000 children are born into the camp each year. Those who fled the violence in Myanmar do not know when they may return home, and home is Rakhine State, where deprivation, conflict, restrictions, and fear persist. The young are losing hope. Women and girls living in the camps tell me they fear increasing risks, including from armed groups and criminal networks. The international community cannot stand by while Bangladesh continues to host the world's largest refugee camp. Bangladesh is carrying an extraordinary responsibility on behalf of Myanmar and the global community. As I witnessed in Cox's Bazar last year, funding shortfalls threaten food assistance, healthcare and education. This means fewer protection services for women and girls facing gender-based violence, as well as less funding for shelter and disaster preparedness. and exposing refugees to deadly flash flooding and landslides as we've seen this past monsoon season. We acknowledge and appreciate donors who have helped the joint response plan reach 66% funding. The United Nations is committed to transforming humanitarian assistance in the face of a changing funding landscape, but those affected are desperately counting on strengthened support. Without prospects for a safe and dignified life, the Rohingya refugees face greater risks of exploitation, trafficking, forced conscription, and embarking on dangerous sea journeys to seek safety elsewhere. I am deeply troubled by recent reports of a high number of recorded suicides and attempts in the camps, particularly among children. This is yet another desperate call for action. Until returns to Myanmar are possible, assistance must continue. Yet humanitarian assistance alone cannot resolve this crisis. The conditions facing Rohingya refugees today are inseparable from circumstances inside Myanmar. The Rohingya crisis originated in Myanmar, and its durable solution lies there, with guidance from the Rohingya community. It has been stressed to me that Napydoor will resolve matters bilaterally with Daka. I'm advised that Napydoor remains committed to facilitating voluntary returns while continuing a verification process with Bangladesh. Yet, as Napydoor itself acknowledges, it does not control all of Rakhine State. a fiercely contested region where the non-state actor, Arakan Army, now controls most townships. This raises the practical question of what assurances can be given that any bilateral negotiations will lead to a sustainable outcome. In a recent exchange with the Naypyidaw authorities, they recognise that cooperation with the UNHCR is crucial for any repatriation efforts. I've also advocated that addressing the underlying causes of the Rohingya issues in Myanmar must be an integral part of any inclusive political solution to the ongoing crisis. The conditions for a voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return are not yet available, either in Rakhine State or elsewhere in Myanmar, as violent armed conflict persists. Civilians continue to face airstrikes and shelling, the contamination of landmines and unexploded ordnance, displacement, forced recruitment, arbitrary detention, and other grave human rights violations. Those who remain in Rakhine are caught in the fighting between the Myanmar military, the Arakan Army, and other armed actors. Humanitarian access is constrained. Limited healthcare, clean water and sanitation, compounded by the recent cholera outbreak, place vulnerable populations at greater risk. Those who support immediate repatriation are ignoring the risks and could set dangerous precedents. No community should return to renewed danger. Across the region, pushbacks, detention and deportation raise serious protection concerns. More Rohingya are undertaking dangerous sea journeys. Many have died or disappeared. The international community must uphold the right to seek asylum and the principle of non-refoulement. Any return must be safe, dignified, and genuinely voluntary, based on informed choices, and carried out with appropriate protection safeguards in line with international standards. Justice and accountability are indispensable to any durable solution. As has been acknowledged, in 2019, the Gambia, on behalf of the member states of the OIC, commenced proceedings against Myanmar in the ICJ, seeking to apply the Genocide Convention to the 2017 forced mass displacement. The international community must prepare for the pending outcome of those proceedings and the implications for all parties. During regular consultations with Rohingya communities, they have stressed that sustainable peace cannot be built on impunity and that justice is central to rebuilding the trust and confidence to return. As special envoy, I continue to engage stakeholders across the political spectrum in Myanmar and the region. Reflecting both Security Council Resolution 2669 and General Assembly resolutions, I continue to call for an end to violence, civilian protection, humanitarian access, the release of those arbitrarily detained, and an inclusive pathway towards peace. An inclusive Myanmar must guarantee safety, justice, equality, and opportunity for all, with an end to discrimination and exclusion, dismantling policies that deny Rohingya citizenship, movement, and services. building institutions that protect rights, and rejecting exploitation of communal tensions. I will continue to work with Rohingya communities, including in Bangladesh, where I will make another visit next month. To prevent a further deterioration of the Rohingya crisis, our response must be equal to the scale of the challenge. First, we must sustain international support, attention, and political engagement. We need regular follow-up to the 2025 General Assembly high-level conference with measurable action. Second, donors must help close the humanitarian funding gap. Predictable and flexible financing is essential to preserve life-saving services, expand education and livelihood opportunities, and support host communities. Member states, international financial institutions, development partners, private sector actors, and Rohingya-led organizations all have a role to play. Third, regional cooperation must be strengthened. Full implementation of ASEAN's five-point consensus remains paramount. ASEAN, Bangladesh, and neighboring India and China are central to efforts to end violence, protect those fleeing conflict, and encourage the parties in Myanmar to create the conditions for eventual return. I call on the leaders and decision makers, including from the region, the OIC, and other international partners, to join me in collectively exploring concrete steps to support durable solutions in solidarity with the Rohingya people. Fourth, all efforts must meaningfully include the Rohingya. The United Nations stands ready to help align efforts by the new government of Bangladesh and its newly established National Strategy Formulation Committee on Rohingya affairs with international norms and standards. Excellency, time is not on our side, continued armed conflict across Myanmar is pushing durable solutions further away. Hate speech, disinformation and misinformation in Myanmar and the region are also deepening division and anxiety, creating new risks for refugee and host communities alike. The international community has the tools to prevent further suffering, preserve hope and support a pathway towards a durable solution. What is required is political will, coordinated action, and sustained resources. Civilians should not bear the cost of international fatigue. This must not become a forgotten crisis. I thank you.

Thank you, Ms. Bishop, for your remarks. From managing lifesaving operations in the camps To advocating globally for protection and durable solutions for the Rohingya, UNHCR's work is indispensable. To share his perspective on the humanitarian situation and the path forward, I now have the honor to invite Dr. Berhan Saleh, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, to deliver his keynote speech.

Thank you so very much, Madam Ambassador. Your Excellency, Prime Minister Rahman, Vice President Yallow, and Excellencies, distinguished participants, members of the Rohingya community, colleagues, and friends, thank you to Bangladesh and Gambia for bringing us together. The Rohingyas have endured years of persecution and displacement, and their situation remains one of the world's most protracted and complex displacement crisis. Nine years after the mass displacement of 2017, nearly 1.2 million Rohingya refugees remain in Bangladesh. An entire generation is growing up in exile. Conflicts continue in Myanmar. Conditions for voluntary, safe, and dignified and sustainable return do not exist at the moment. Humanitarian resources are shrinking, and people are increasingly risking their lives in search of a future. We know all of this. We have discussed this crisis year after year. We have adopted resolutions, held conferences, made appeals, And yet the fundamental situation has not changed. So the question before us today is not whether the international community understands the Rohingya crisis. It is whether we are prepared to act with the political determination required to solve it. First, we must recognize the extraordinary responsibility Bangladesh has carried. When people fled horrific violence in 2017, Bangladesh opened its borders and it has provided refuge to Rohingyas fleeing earlier waves of violence too. Today, it continues to provide that refuge. Other countries across the region have also provided protection over many years. But generosity cannot become a permanent substitute for responsibility sharing. Bangladesh cannot be expected to carry indefinitely a crisis it did not create. and humanitarian agencies cannot be expected to compensate indefinitely for the absence of a political solution. The humanitarian response is already being stretched to its limits. This year's appeal was reduced substantially, not because needs declined, but because we knew resources would not be there. Even that reduced appeal remains significantly underfunded. When funding disappears, needs do not disappear. with it. There is less food, less education, fewer opportunities, greater pressure on health and other essential services, more desperation for families already living with extraordinary uncertainty. Today, more than half of those living in camps in Bangladesh are children. Think about it, what nine years means for them. We have allowed generations to grow up believing that a refugee camp is the extent of what the world can offer to them. And increasingly, people are searching for another way out. This year alone, more than 5,800 Rohingyas have taken to the sea. More than 800 have been reported dead or missing. People do not put themselves and their children onto dangerous boats because they have good choices. They do it because they believe they have none. So humanitarian support must be sustained. But let us also be clear. Humanitarian assistance is keeping barely people alive. It is not resolving their displacement. The ultimate solution to this crisis lies in Myanmar. In our consultations, many Rohingya refugees have spoken of their hope to return home. But return cannot simply mean crossing a border. It must mean returning voluntarily, safely, and with dignity. It also means returning with rights, being able to move freely, to go to school, to work, to access services. the ability to live alongside other communities without fear, and critically, to have a pathway to citizenship. Without those conditions, there can be no sustainable returns. That requires political action. It requires an end to violence and protection of civilians. It requires meaningful humanitarian access inside Myanmar. It requires addressing discrimination, statelessness, and denial of rights that drove displacement in the first place. And it requires justice and accountability. But while we work toward that future, we also have obligations to people living through the crisis today. We cannot ask an entire generation to put their lives on hold until politics catches up. Refugees need education, skills, livelihoods. and greater self-reliance and pathways to third countries for those who can benefit from them. These are not alternatives to return. They are investments in people so that when returns become possible, they can rebuild their communities rather than return having lost another decade of their lives. This is also why responsibility sharing matters. We are grateful to the host countries, donors and partners whose support has helped refugees and host communities throughout these years. Donors must sustain humanitarian assistance, but development institutions and international financial institutions must also strengthen their investment. Countries must expand opportunities for education, employment, resettlement and complementary pathways, and the perspective and experiences of Rohingya refugees must be integral to this work. We need meaningful and sustained participation by members of the Rohingya communities in the discussions and decisions that affect their lives. But I believe we need to go further. We do not need another meeting that ends when we leave the room. We need a process that continues after we do. We need a more sustained platform to bring together host and neighboring countries, donor states and international financial institutions, and civil societies, and members of the Rohingya communities around a common agenda, a solution. It is purpose is not to enable another forum for describing the problem. It should be a mechanism for solving it. This is an idea, I believe, we should explore in the coming weeks. I'll be speaking with relevant governments and members of the Rohingya communities and other partners on such platforms that we could build on. How could we add values and how we could help turn a collective community into a sustained action? The objective should be clear. Support conditions for voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return. strengthen self-reliance while displacement continues, and expand other opportunities, including third country opportunities. Ensure the responsibility carried by Bangladesh and other host countries is genuinely shared. This is precisely the change we are relying on to drive through the UNHCR 50x35 vision, moving beyond managing displacement into indefinitely and putting solutions back at the center of the international response. And there are few places that can shift from urgently needed than here. There has to be a solution to this problem. We have to work to make sure that people have the real option of returning home with dignity, safety, and their rights being regarded. This is a call for the international community, for the neighbors, to really work together to make ensure that that can be possible. To the members of the Rohingya communities here today and to the refugees in Bangladesh and across the region, you have waited long enough. You deserve a future beyond survival. The opportunity to learn, to work, to build your lives and when conditions allow, and hopefully soon, return voluntarily home safely, with dignity, and with rights. Our responsibility is to help make that future possible. Nine years on, we know what needs to change. Let this be the year when the international community partners stop asking how we sustain this crisis for another year and really start organizing seriously about how to end it, how to resolve it. This cannot go on for much longer. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen.

Thank you, Mr. High Commissioner, for clearly highlighting not just the problem, nor the solution, but a pathway for moving towards the solution. We will now turn to interventions from the co-hosts and other member states. Unfortunately, we have 45 minutes and about 15 or so speakers. So if I could request everyone to be as precise as possible, preferably around two minutes, but certainly not more than three minutes. Otherwise, I might have to use the General Assembly rule here. So, if I could first start with Her Excellency Hajia Labib, the European Union Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management.

Thank you, dear Excellencies. Thank you, Prime Minister, for bringing us together today. We know what happened nearly a decade ago with Myanmar military's campaign and the consequences on the Rohingya families. But what should be underlined today is that violence continues inside Myanmar and Rohingya families are still fleeing, caught between both the military and armed groups. I was in Cox's Bazar last year and what stayed with me was the look in the eyes of a boy who had just arrived in Cox's Bazar camp. He looked about eight years old, something like that, but actually he was 16, 16 years old, and he was carrying the responsibility of his entire family. He was with his grandmother, his sister, his brother, and because his parents have lost their life long time ago. And I had never seen so much fear in the eyes of children, children who had been forced to grow up far too soon. And I went there with one single but important message. The European Union stands with the Rohingya people and with the Bangladeshi that is hosting them. And that will continue. We are one of Bangladesh's biggest and most reliable partners, including in the Rohingya response. Since 2017, the EU has committed more than half a billion euros in humanitarian development support for the Rohingya crisis across the region. But of course, money alone cannot solve this crisis. conditions inside Myanmar are getting worse, we will continue to support host countries and help meet urgent humanitarian needs. But we have to be very clear, there can be no lasting, dignified return of the Rohingya without a political solution in Myanmar. The European Union condemns the ongoing violence and human rights violations in Myanmar. We support international efforts to hold those responsible to account. Together with the UN, the ASEAN, and our international partners, we will continue working towards a lasting, peaceful, and inclusive resolution of the crisis. And I welcome Bangladesh's consistent position that any repatriation of Rohingya refugees must be safe, voluntary, sustainable, and dignified. But until that return becomes possible, we have a responsibility to the people living in Cox's Bazar today. A child growing up in Cox's Bazar cannot spend their whole life or their childhood waiting for a political solution. They need more than bread on their plate and a roof over their head. They need a chance to learn, to support themselves and to make choices about their future. Dignity is about more than surviving another day. It is also about imagining tomorrow. So a sustainable response cannot rely on humanitarian funding alone. We also need to create opportunities for people to support themselves and support their families to have access to livelihood. The Rohingya have already lost too many years to violence and displacement. They deserve more than a life spent waiting. They deserve a future. They can picture a classroom that lets somewhere and a home that is theirs. And one day, the chance to walk back into Myanmar, not as refugees, but as citizens, safe and free. Thank you.

Thanks. Thank you, Ms. Labib. I now call on Alison ****** Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs of the United States of America.

Thank you so very much. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for this opportunity to address all of you and for your continued interest and concern on this issue. Let me start by thanking the co-hosts, Bangladesh and the Gambia, and also the fellow co-sponsors and all of today's participants. The United States is proud to support this effort. We value the work of member states, regional organizations, and civil society partners working to address the Rohingya crisis and advance a durable solution. For years, the Rohingya have endured extraordinary suffering. violence, displacement, and the loss of family, land, and community. Many families have faced repeated cycles of persecution and displacement over decades. And that suffering continues today, as we've heard about from many of our participants and co-sponsors, and as was presented at the beginning of this session. Violence, displacement, loss of family, community, as I just said, all of that suffering continues, and we remain deeply concerned by continued reports of forced displacement and atrocities, particularly in Rakhine State, where civilians continue to hear to bear the cost of conflict. The international community cannot allow this crisis to become permanent. Protecting civilians and ensuring humanitarian access remain urgent priorities. But ultimately, we must create the conditions for a safe, voluntary, and dignified return. Getting there will require serious dialogue and the participation of communities, governments, civil society, and international partners, including many of those represented in this room today. I want to speak directly to our friends from Bangladesh. For years, Bangladesh has carried an extraordinary burden, hosting more than a million Rohingya refugees. That generosity deserves more than praise from the international community. It deserves meaningful support. Since 2017, the United States has contributed more than $2.5 billion to the Rohingya response, more than any other country. But this administration, the Trump administration, is taking a different approach to foreign assistance. American leadership cannot mean that America pays the bill while others stand back. While we will continue to support this effort, and we're very proud to be doing that and involved in that, we also expect others to carry their share of the burden. Regional powers, traditional donors, and every government represented here should be prepared to make a meaningful contribution. We have already seen that sustained diplomacy can bring more partners to the table. That progress is welcome, but we need more. We are asking every government here today to back that support with something concrete, a new pledge, an increased contribution, or a renewed commitment to the response. Alongside greater burden sharing, we have a responsibility to make better use of the resources already being provided. That's why the United States is pushing for greater efficiency, stronger accountability, and lower overhead across the UN system. Every dollar lost to unnecessary bureaucracy is a dollar that does not reach a Rohingya family in need. Bangladesh's OCHA-managed pooled funds show what a more disciplined approach can look like: better coordination, greater transparency, and lower costs. Combined with our broader work with the UN agencies and partners on the ground, these reforms are expected to save more than $100 million under the 2026 joint response. We should demand the same discipline across the broader humanitarian system. Let me close by saying, ultimately, however, humanitarian assistance cannot substitute for a political solution, as has already been highlighted. We must continue to work toward conditions that will allow the Rohingya to return home safely, with dignity, and toward greater stability in the region. I look forward to continue working with all of you towards this goal. Thank you very much.

I now call upon His Excellency Chris Elmore, Minister for the Americas, Multilateral, and Human Rights of the United Kingdom.

Thank you very much. For nearly a decade, more than 1 million Rohingya refugees have been unable to return home, while Bangladesh has carried an enormous responsibility on behalf of the international community. The UK recognises the extraordinary generosity that Bangladesh has shown in hosting more than 1 million Rohingya refugees since 2017. Over that period, the UK has provided more than 457 million to support refugees and host communities. But if there is one thing we should remember today, it is this: the heart of this crisis is in Rakhine, and that is where its solution must be found. We must focus on three actions. First, we must improve conditions on the ground. The situation in Rakhine is becoming more difficult by the day. Conflict is growing, aid is harder to deliver, and more people are being left without the support and protection they need. If we want to create the conditions for refugees to return home safely, voluntarily and with dignity, we must focus on improving conditions on the ground. That includes support for humanitarian access, cross-border aid and trade, and greater stability along the border. Second, we must offer practical opportunities for the long term. For more than 1 million Rohingya in Bangladesh, this crisis means years of uncertainty. It means children growing up away from home, and it means families unable to plan for the future. While we work towards a long-term solution, we must continue to support refugees and host communities with food, healthcare, education, protection and opportunities to build better futures. Third, we must put Rohingya voices at the heart of our efforts. The people most affected by this crisis must be part of the conversation. Their voices and perspectives matter. They also deserve justice and accountability. That is why the UK supports the International Court of Justice consideration on the case brought against Myanmar. Of course, any formal determination on whether genocide has occurred should be made by the court. A lasting solution will require all of us to play our part. Bangladesh and Myanmar have a critical role, but so do ASEAN member states, China, the United Nations and the wider international community. By working together, we can help create the conditions for a safer and more hopeful future for the Rohingya people. This crisis has gone on for far too long. Together, we must meet the needs of today while building the conditions for a future in which the Rohingya families can return home freely, safely, and with hope. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr. Elmore. I now call upon His Excellency Dr. Abdullah Abdulaziz Al Rabea. Advisor of the Royal Court and Supervisor General of the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Thank you. Your Excellencies, Prime Minister Tariq Rahman, Vice President Mohamed Jalloh, Excellencies, respected participants, Saudi Arabia would like to extend its gratitude to the organizers of this important event. and for continuing efforts to keep the humanitarian needs to the Rohingya people front and the center in the eyes of the world. The humanitarian situation for these people remains deeply concerning. More than 1 million Rohingya refugees remaining in Bangladesh and more in other also countries. Many of them are still entirely dependent on humanitarian assistance. The growing scale of humanitarian needs comes at a time when available financial resources are limited. The international community must stand together to ensure that all needs are met and also with the protection of the international humanitarian law and ensure that all civilians, particularly women and children, who continue to face the serious risks and from violations. As we have read in the recent report of the United Nations for human rights, the situation is unbearable and must stop these heinous actions. Saudi Arabia remains committed to supporting the Rohingya people and communities hosting them. Since 2017, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has provided more than 177 million U.S. dollars to ease of the effects on the Rohingya refugee crisis. These efforts continue today through KS Relief as it works closely with its international partners to meet urgent needs. We can see this commitment reflected in our partnership with the United Kingdom FCDO on two very important projects in Bangladesh to support food security and also the WASH projects. We must also recognize that humanitarian assistance alone is not enough. We must also work towards creating the conditions in Myanmar that will allow for safe, voluntary, sustainable return of the Rohingya people to their homeland with respect and dignity. Saudi Arabia will continue to work alongside all partners to respond to urgent humanitarian needs and also support host communities and help pave the way for a safe, sustainable future for the Rohingya people. Thank you.

Thank you, Excellency. I now call upon His Excellency Mr. Ismail Al-Sheikh Ahmed, the Secretary-General of the OIC.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Your Excellency, Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Mr. Tarik Rahman; Your Excellency, Vice President of the Gambia, Muhammad Jallow; Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, let me first thank the government of Bangladesh, the Gambia, and the Saudi Arabia for convening this important meeting. And today, level of attendance is very encouraging, and I hope this brings this issue to the light finally, because it has been really forgotten by the world. Let me again also express our appreciation in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation for the government of Bangladesh for their generosity and the burden they have been putting on themselves with over 1.2 million refugees during all these years. And of course, we strongly also support the government of the Gambia on their effort to take this to the international justice and to make sure that those making crimes are held to their accountability. The Rohingya crisis remains a profound concern for the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and for the international community as a whole. For far too long, the Rohingya people have endured displacement, insecurity, and uncertainty, while host communities continue to shoulder a significant humanitarian burden. The OIC remains firmly committed to supporting the Rohingya and advancing the comprehensive and durable solution that addresses the roots of their displacement and protects their fundamental rights and dignity. We reaffirm that the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of the Rohingya to Myanmar must remain at the heart of our collective efforts. Such a return requires an environment in which their safety, rights, citizenship, access to essential services, and livelihoods are effectively guaranteed. At the same time, justice and accountability must remain an essential element of any lasting solution. The international community must continue to support credible efforts to address violations of international law and ensure that the rights of the Rohingya are not overlooked. The OIC will continue to stand with the Rohingya people and to mobilize international support for a just and lasting resolution of this crisis. We call for sustained humanitarian assistance, greater international burden sharing, and certain diplomatic engagement with Myanmar and all the relevant regional international stakeholders. I join my voice to Mr. Ibrahim Saleh calling for this continuous funding of the humanitarian assistance, which has fallen unfortunately during the last few years. We must move beyond managing a protracted crisis towards creating the condition for a durable political solution, and that enables the Rohingya to return to their homeland in safety, dignity, and security and contribute to lasting peace and stability in the region. Thank you. As-salamu alaykum.

Thank you, Excellency. I now call on Her Excellency Baris Ekinci, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey.

Thank you. Distinguished Prime Minister, Excellencies, allow me to begin by thanking Bangladesh for convening this timely meeting. By sustaining international attention and advocating for the well-being of Rohingya community, Bangladesh continues to fulfill a responsibility that extends well beyond providing refuge for the vulnerable. Last month marked the ninth anniversary of the mass displacement of Rohingyas from Myanmar. Yet, those who still live in Myanmar continue to face violence, discrimination, and the denial of fundamental rights. Meanwhile, international attention is regrettably waning and humanitarian assistance is declining, though the Rohingya community remains as the most persecuted minority in the world, as the United Nations has described. Excellencies, Bangladesh has been shouldering a heavy humanitarian burden by providing refuge to over 1.2 million Rohingyas. Her generosity has offered protection to a displaced population for nearly a decade, despite considerable pressure on their national resources, public services, and host communities. We commend Bangladesh's steadfast efforts both to meet immediate humanitarian needs of the Rohingyas and to pursue a durable solution. We call on the international community to support these efforts on the base of equitable sharing of responsibility. Turkey's vast experience in hosting refugees gives us a clear understanding of these needs. We urge the international community to ensure adequate, predictable, and sustained humanitarian assistance to preserve the dignity of refugees and ease the pressure on host communities. Since the outset of the crisis, Turkish government institutions and NGOs have contributed substantially to humanitarian activities in Myanmar and beyond. Our assistance spends healthcare, housing, infrastructure, education, and food support, as well as capacity building and livelihood projects. In Bangladesh, we work closely with the authorities and UN agencies on the ground. His Excellency Hakan Fidan, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, visited the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar last June and assessed the situation first hand. We are also working on income generating projects to help the Rohingya community to become more self-reliant. Excellencies, humanitarian assistance cannot substitute for a political solution. The ultimate solution to the Rohingya crisis lies in Myanmar. The voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of Rohingya community to their places of origin must remain our common objective. A durable solution also requires credible progress towards conditions that enable refugees to return and rebuild their lives. The must be recognized as an integral part of Myanmar society, with their fundamental rights respected and the opportunity to participate fully in the life of their country. Thus, we call upon the Myanmar authorities and all relevant actors to protect civilians, ensure safe and unhindered humanitarian access, and respect international humanitarian and international human rights law. The suffering endured by the Rohingya must neither be forgotten nor remain unaddressed. This protracted crisis demands perseverance in our collective efforts and an unwavering commitment to a lasting solution. Turkey will remain steadfast in its solidarity with the Rohingya Muslims and work with all partners to advance a durable solution. Thank you.

Thank you, Excellency. I now ask Mr. Craig-- sorry, I ask Mrs. Eksiri Pinteruch, the Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Thailand to take the floor. Thank you.

Thank you, Madam Chair. Prime Ministers, Vice Presidents, and High Commissioners, and Excellencies, I would like to extend my sincere appreciations to Bangladesh and Gambia, as well as the co-sponsor for convening this side event. Today's event remind us that the Rohingya crisis continue to be one of the largest protracted crisis that deserves sustained international attentions and action. Thailand recognize the immense hardship faced by the Rohingya populations. The challenges faced by Bangladesh as host countries are also overwhelming. The scale of need is staggering, while the joint response plan for the Rohingya humanitarian crisis continue to be underfunded. As a neighbor to both Bangladesh and Myanmar, Thailand has continuously support efforts in providing humanitarian assistance to the Rohingya populations in Bangladesh and inside the Rakhine State in Myanmar to enhance preparedness for safe, dignified, and durable returns. We have also worked closely with international organizations to alleviate the plight of the Rohingyas, including the provisions of financial contribution to UNICEF Bangladesh office and assistance on food security for the Rohingya populations in Bangladesh through the World Food Program. As a transit country, Thailand's received Rohingya's influx from both maritime and land channels. We will continue to provide assistance to those in distress in accordance with humanitarian principles. Thailand has also adopted an alternative to immigration detentions for Rohingya's children. which is founded on community-based approach to better protect their rights and access to services. We have designated four provinces, including Bangkok, to implement this ATD approach. At the same time, we continue to call upon the international community to do their part in line with the principles of burden and responsibility sharing by contributing meaningfully to the humanitarian assistance for displaced populations. However, we concur with many speakers before that as that durable solution must come from the country of origin, Myanmar. in providing conducive environment for the voluntary, safe, and dignified return for the Rohingya. And in this regard, Thailand will continue to work closely with our regional and international partners in support to why pushing forward the implementations of ASEAN five-point consensus and in support of Myanmar's efforts towards sustainable solution. Thank you.

Thank you, Mrs. Pintochuri. May I now call upon Mr. Craig Chittick, First Assistant Secretary, Pacific Strategy Division of Australia.

Prime Minister, Vice President, Excellencies, colleagues, nine years have passed since the Myanmar military's attacks against the Rohingya triggered the most significant displacement crisis in our region. The international community cannot afford to lose focus on this crisis. Australia recognises the extraordinary generosity of the government and people of Bangladesh in hosting 1.2 million Rohingya refugees. Almost 80% of the Rohingya population living in Bangladesh are women and children. An entire generation of Rohingya youth face ongoing insecurity and limited prospects for their future. We must do more to respond to their immediate needs and to help them shape their future. Australia is proud to be the third largest humanitarian donor to the Rohingya response, committing over $1.2 billion in assistance for displaced Rohingya in Bangladesh, their host communities, and the people of Myanmar since 2017. We encourage all partners to make additional humanitarian contributions to this effort. We know that the Rohingya do not just want to rely on humanitarian assistance. They seek opportunities for education, skills development, livelihoods and self-reliance to take charge of their own wellbeing. And Australia remains steadfast in our support for the Rohingya people and their right to return to Myanmar voluntarily, safely, sustainably and with dignity. Sustainable repatriation will only be possible when the root causes of displacement are addressed and when Rohingya can return as equal members of the Myanmar society. We must ensure that Rohingya voices are at the centre of decisions that affect their future. Australia continues to strongly support ASEAN's efforts to resolve the crisis in Myanmar and urge the full implementation of the five-point consensus. We call on an immediate cessation of violence, the release of those unjustly detained, safe, unhindered humanitarian access and inclusive dialogue amongst all stakeholders. Australia's long-standing position is that it is appropriate for courts and tribunals to make a determination that the crime of genocide has been committed. The question of Myanmar's compliance with the Genocide Convention is currently being assessed by the International Court of Justice in proceedings brought by the Gambia. We follow this case closely and await the court's judgement on Myanmar's conduct. In the meantime, we continue to urge Myanmar to comply with its international obligations, and Australia stands in solidarity with the Rohingya people. Australia stands with the Rohingya people, with Bangladesh, and with international partners as we pursue dignity, justice, accountability, and a durable solution. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr. Chittick. May I now call on Ambassador Muhammad Shuhada Usman, the High Commissioner of Malaysia to Bangladesh?

Malaysia thanks Bangladesh and the Gambia for convening this timely discussion. We wish to also commend Bangladesh for providing refuge to the Rohingya, despite the pressures on its people and resources. Nine years after the mass displacement of 2017, the situation remains deeply troubling. some 1.2 million Rohingya remain in Bangladesh. Earlier this month, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, IIMM, informed the Human Rights Council that more than 154,000 Rohingya had crossed into Bangladesh since early 2024. These continued arrivals remind us that the conditions driving the displacement remain unresolved. We must renew our collective efforts to address the root causes of the crisis and turn our commitments into practical action. In this regard, Malaysia wishes to highlight the following. First, our immediate task is to sustain political attention and turn it into practical action. The commitments made at last year's High Level Conference has laid the foundation. What is required now is regular follow-up and measurable progress. Regular discussions among interested member states, the United Nations, ASEAN and the OIC, with meaningful participation by Rohingya representatives, remain crucial in this regard. These discussions, guided by ASEAN's five-point consensus, should review progress, identify obstacles, and agree on a manageable set of actions with clear responsibilities and timelines. Second, While we pursue the lasting solution, humanitarian support must remain dependable. Malaysia supports the Joint Response Plan as a common framework for meeting the essential needs of Rohingya refugees and host communities. More predictable support, including longer-term commitments, can avoid disruptions to basic necessities. As a country also hosting Rohingya refugees, Malaysia reiterates that burden and responsibility sharing must translate into tangible support for receiving countries and communities. Third, justice and accountability remain important elements of a lasting solution. Malaysia notes the proceedings initiated by the Gambia against Myanmar before the International Court of Justice in 2019 concerning alleged breaches of the Genocide Convention, and remains committed to supporting constructive efforts towards durable solutions for the Rohingya. We support compliance with the Court's provisional measures and effective follow-up to its judgment. Continued cooperation with the IIMM is also essential to preserve, analyse and share evidence with courts and prosecutors, while ensuring safe access to willing witnesses and safeguarding their consent and well-being. Excellencies, The crisis originated in Myanmar, and its lasting solution lies there. Host countries cannot shoulder its consequences indefinitely, yet prolonged displacement must never become an accepted fate. Malaysia reaffirms that the return of Rohingya must be safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable. This requires clear assurances and a safe passage, security and well-being upon return, supported by conditions on the ground that make those assurances credible. Malaysia stands ready to work with all partners towards finding a durable solution to the crisis. I thank you.

Thank you, High Commissioner Osman. That brings us to the end of the list of speakers speaking on behalf of governments. We still have speakers, of course, from international organizations and from civil society and others. So if I could ask those that I call on now to be shorter than three minutes, if you can limit yourselves to two minutes, that would be helpful and we could get through everyone on the list. The next speaker is Carl Skow, the acting executive director of the World Food Program.

Thank you, Chair, and thank you very much. First, thanks to the Government of Bangladesh, but really to all co-hosts here for bringing renewed attention to this crisis, one of the world's most protected but also underfunded crisis. Like others, let me start by really acknowledging the generosity of Bangladesh for years having provided protection and sanctuary to one of the largest refugee populations in the world, while also managing the impact on local communities, on their public services, on livelihoods and resources. But this is really a global responsibility. Bangladesh must not carry this burden alone. WFP has stepped up from the start of this crisis and have been a critical partner since then, because food assistance is really at the foundation of this humanitarian response. 95% of the Rohingya households could not eat a basic diet without our assistance. And also, when food assistance scales back, People eat less because they have nowhere really else to turn to. Malnutrition comes up and we see negative coping mechanisms and strategies. We saw that in 2023 when we were forced to cut rations. And so food assistance is really more about more than just hunger in this context. It's an investment also in stability because less food assistance means more risk to protection and less social cohesion. It increases vulnerable people's exposure to exploitation, abuse, and child labor. And so if more arguments are needed, this is also one of the most innovative and cost-effective refugee responses that we have globally. Our digital e-voucher system reaching 1.2 million refugees with access with food, but also with dignity and choice. This model supports local markets and is highly efficient and accountable. The ultimate long-term solution is, of course, ending the conflict and the violence in Myanmar. That is what would pave way for safe and dignified return that we should all be promoting. But in the meantime, critical to sustain food assistance at scale to maintain the stability and well-being of the Rohingya population. So we really look to the Member States in this room, to all donors, to step up and support our programs. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr. Skou. The next speaker is Dr. Catherine Beem, Assistant Secretary-General of UNFPA.

Thank you, Excellencies, and especially the Government of Bangladesh and The Gambia, here for convening this vital dialogue to sustain international attention to this important protected crisis. Let me, from UNFPA's perspective, emphasize that the Rohingya crisis is disproportionately a crisis for women and girls, with daily struggles and battles for survival, dignity, and bodily autonomy. 51% of the refugees are women and girls, and over one-third are adolescents and youth. Every year, approximately 22,000 babies are born into the profound uncertainty of the camps. The severe resource constraints have devastating human costs. While UNFPA supported midwives facilitated approximately 13,000 births just in the first quarter of this year, we still lose two to three mothers every single month to preventable causes. We cannot let women who survived displacement in 2017 die in childbirth in 2026, just because the world failed to pay for midwives. The intensification of military operations in Rakhine is leading to further internal displacement and pressure on the borders. Support on the ground now is critical to prevent further escalation. UNFPA acknowledges the continued efforts of the Government of Bangladesh and all partners to find durable political solutions for the Rohingya people. We extend our gratitude to the donor nations and international partners whose financial contributions sustain lifesaving health and protection operations in the meantime. We urge the international community to bridge the 2026 funding gaps and sustain support into 2027 in global solidarity with Bangladesh and, most importantly, the Rohingya people, ensuring that they are protected until they can finally return home in peace and dignity. I thank you.

Thank you, Madam. My next speaker is Claudia Fuentes Julio, Assistant Secretary General from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Thank you, Chair.

Excellencies, dear friends, the situation of the Rohingya community in Myanmar is a human rights catastrophe. OHCHR, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, has reported details in terms of how Rohingya in Rakhine are subject to widespread and systematic human rights violations and abuses, including arbitrary arrest, torture, sexual and gender-based violence, and forced disappearance, forced labor, and recruitment by both the military and the Arakan Army. This human rights crisis goes far beyond the continued exodus of refugees. Illegal mines, scam centers, instability, and lawlessness have an impact on people, economies, and ecosystems across the region. Rohingya have the right to citizenship in Myanmar and the right to return in a safe, dignified, and voluntary manner. However, there can be no question of returning Rohingya and other refugees to Myanmar at a time of such insecurity and danger. We call on all states to extend their strong support to Bangladesh, which has hosted over a million refugees for the past decade. Accountability is essential, and the International Court of Justice's upcoming determination on the merits of the case of genocide brought by the Gambia and others will be vitally important. The International Criminal Court is also seized of the forced displacement of Rohingya from Myanmar into Bangladesh. We further welcome the pursuit of justice by several states in their own courts under universal jurisdiction. But long-term sustainable solutions to this crisis must be based on fulfilling the human rights of all Myanmar people, including the Rohingya. They continue to demand safety, justice, and rights as a precondition for return. All countries need to press for change and progress through all possible pathways. The strong political and financial support of the international community is essential. We call on states to take meaningful actions to end the violence in Rakhine, including by ceasing arms transfer and using the leverage to ensure humanitarian access to areas in need. They must support the protection of refugees, promote a just and durable solution for Rohingya men, women, and children. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr. Julio. Ms. Ugochi Daniel, the Deputy Director General of IOM, you have the floor, madam.

Thank you very much. I join previous speakers in expressing my profound appreciation to the Government and people of Bangladesh for the extraordinary generosity and solidarity toward the Rohingya people. Last month, I returned to Cox's Bazar after four years. I witnessed the remarkable resilience of Rohingya women, men, and young people. They're not asking for sympathy. They are asking for opportunity. Yet uncertainty is deepening, and prospects for durable solutions remain limited. As hope diminishes, vulnerability and desperation grow. People are falling prey to traffickers and fraudulent recruiters. Families are resorting to harmful coping mechanisms, including early marriage and kidnapping. And as we've already heard, others are undertaking perilous journeys by land and sea, exposing themselves to exploitation, trafficking, and loss of life. These are not isolated tragedies. They are a collective warning that the cost of inaction is rising. We cannot manage this crisis indefinitely, nor can Bangladesh be expected to shoulder this responsibility alone. The international community must renew its commitment to durable solutions for the Rohingya people. This requires stronger regional cooperation, equitable responsibility sharing, enhanced protection, and coordinated action along migration routes. Humanitarian assistance, protection, migration management, and solutions must reinforce one another. My visit reinforced one clear message: we cannot allow an entire generation to be lost. Let us therefore sustain support, share responsibility, and act with renewed urgency to create the conditions for Rohingya people to return voluntarily, safely, and with dignity, with the skills and resilience needed to rebuild their lives. I thank you.

Thank you, Madam. The last word, quite appropriately, goes to Kelly Curry, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar. Madam, if you could please restrict your comments to a minute, because we are almost at the end of this session.

Your excellency, other excellencies, all protocols observed. I am new in my mandate, and so this will be my first time publicly speaking, actually, as the Special Rapporteur, so I'm honored to be here with you today. I am also especially grateful to Bangladesh for accepting my request to conduct a country visit to Bangladesh to look at the situation of the Rohingya refugees there this year, and look forward to traveling traveling to Bangladesh in November. As other speakers have noted, the conditions for safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return do not exist currently in Myanmar. The solution to the problem that the Rohingya people face is not necessarily just in Rakhine State, but also in Naypyidaw and in towns along the Thai-Burma border, where other armed actors and government actors and others are working to try to either build a new Myanmar that respects human rights or retain power in the old way in Myanmar that denies human rights and oppresses the people of the country and commits genocide. and crimes against humanity and more crimes against the people of Myanmar. I believe that it is important to for all member states to take seriously their responsibilities when it comes to the people of Myanmar, not to support those who are terrorizing them, and to also to carry out their responsibilities under international law, not to Rafal Myanmar refugees who will face persecution and abuse if they are returned to a situation where their safety, dignity, and sustainable livelihood cannot be ensured. We know that today Humanitarian access is restricted. Monitoring and evaluation of the situation on the ground for UN agencies is tightly restricted by the regime. We also know that in Rakhine State in particular, armed actors from across the conflict spectrum are targeting the Rohingya population. It is not just the NPA-based authorities, but also other armed groups, including the Arakan Army, that are targeting the Rohingya people. I urge member states to work with UN agencies and with special procedures to engage in creative and practical solutions that can reduce the level of violence directed against civilians on the ground. We know that this can be done, and we've seen it done in other contexts. And this and a true political solution that respects the rights of the people, all of the people of Myanmar, and guarantees the rights of full citizenship to Rohingya people is the only true path that will for a durable solution to this long-running crisis. Thank you for your attention.

Thank you, Ms. Curry. Unfortunately, we have to close the session now, not because we have run out of speakers, but because we have to move on, and we know that there are many important people in this room who have a lot to do. So first of all, I would like to thank all of you for spending the time, for coming here, and for putting concrete ideas on the table, not just recognizing the problem that exists. Just as we began with the words of the Rohingya, we will also end with some visuals, because often pictures speak louder than words. We have heard a lot of words. Now I hope we will take back with us some images of of the Rohingya themselves that will inspire us to continue to keep alive our commitment to find a solution to this terrible humanitarian crisis so if we could just yes there we are then that will end the event.

I first visited these camps in 1991 I remember the bleakness this is not new But on the 25th of August 2017, it became something else entirely. Nine years later, there is still no end in sight. Bangladesh has hosted more than a million Rohingyas, and at a great cost. That burden has never been matched by the world's attention or its funding. This is not a story of passive waiting. Bangladesh has survived the crisis, even where the world's response has too often treated it as an inconvenience, not an asset. And still, what little permanence people manage to rebuild gets torn through again and again. For a child born here, this is not temporary displacement. It is simply childhood. This is not an appeal for sympathy. It is an argument for repatriation that is safe, voluntary and dignified. For justice sustained, for funding that doesn't age out of the news cycle, for political will that is enforced, not symbolic. Bangladesh is not appealing to the world. Bangladesh is convening it.

Thank you everyone for coming here. And we call on the I would like to thank everyone and end this event by calling on the international community to fulfill its responsibilities and turn today's solidarity into lasting solutions. Thank you very much. English testing, English testing.