(4th plenary meeting) Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24) - 2026 session

Good afternoon. The fourth meeting of the 2026 session of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is called to order. The committee will now begin its consideration of the item entitled Question of Guam. In that context, I wish to draw to your attention— I wish to draw your attention to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for information on this item and contained in Document A AC109/2026/9. The committee will listen today to speakers under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26 June. Does any delegation wish to make a statement on this item. I have no request for the floor. I would like to remind the committee that it had acceded this morning to the request of a petitioner to speak under this agenda item as contained in Aid Memoir 04/26 I would like to invite the petitioner, Ms. Pim Limthiko, to take a seat at the petitioner's table. I remind all petitioners to kindly limit their statements to no more than 4 minutes. Please note that the red light on the microphone will begin to flash when there is 1 minute left before the end of your 4-minute speech. Speaking time. At the end of the 4 minutes, the sound of the microphone will be cut off and it will no longer be possible to be heard. The full statement may be submitted to estatements@un.org with a copy to the Decolonization Unit at dppadecolonizationunit@un.org. The sharing of statements will also facilitate the work of the interpreters and I thank you for your cooperation. I also wish to remind all petitioners to limit their statements strictly to the territory under which they have been approved to be heard. I now give the floor to Ms. Pim Litt Lymthiko to address the Committee. Madam, you have the floor, please.

Please.

Buenas and hafa adai. My name is Pimlim Tiako, and I come on behalf of myself as a Chamorro native of Guam. I would like to thank and acknowledge the C24 for their time and continued efforts in decolonization. I was here in this exact room 8 years ago in 2018 as a petitioner discussing how Guam continues to be impacted by the geopolitics between the US, North Korea, and China. I would like to tell you that not much has changed. We continue to be called the tip of the spear by the US, and it's a deceiving title. We are given the illusion as the first responders to global attacks within the Asia-Pacific region, when in reality, we would be sacrificed first in warfare. But how much have we been sacrificing? Our people have been struggling economically since COVID and from existing federal policies that drive up the cost of living. Our main drinking water sources continue to be contaminated by US military base developments. Many of our elders who suffered through World War II have died not receiving the full return of their ancestral lands that have been occupied by the US military for more than 70 years. And now, The US is eyeing our oceans for exploitation of deep-sea mining at the expense of our marine ecosystems and fisheries, and simply because the US wants to compete with China in mineral acquisition. Even with local government efforts, the US continues to ignore our input, and I urge the C24 to conduct the UN visiting mission that we've been requesting for the last decade. I understand that there have been some obstacles to achieve this, But I truly believe that this visiting mission will provide insight to what our people have been going through. Doing this will not only help facilitate our people towards self-governance, but this would also help the UN achieve its longstanding mission to eradicate colonialism. I come from a lineage of decolonization activists of the Garito Clan of the Harmon Cliff Line, who have petitioned here in the UN since 1997. My family has survived through the atrocities of World War II in the Pacific, And we have been fighting for more than 40 years to get our land back. Now my great-grandmother and grandmother have passed, and our land is still under possession of the U.S. government. How much longer will our people suffer under the grasp of colonization? Will my generation also die without answers? I came here at my own expense and time because my home is that important to me. These issues that I bring up are clearly from complex roots of colonialism, and addressing them are easier said than done. I am simply here to continue to tell our story. But I want to remind you all that we, the people of Guam, are still here. And we are still resilient and still fighting. And I refuse to be the generation that gave up. There's our native saying that goes, "Zeng enti hita pus hadi." Because if not us, then who? Sisu es maasi. Thank you for your time, and we look forward to your visiting mission to Guam.

I thank Miss Pym Lymtiaco. The committee has concluded this stage of its consideration of the item, question of Guam. The Committee will now begin its consideration of the item entitled Question of Montserrat. In that context, I wish to draw your attention to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for information and contained in Document A/AC109/2026/10. The Committee will today listen to the speakers who have requested the floor under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26th June. Does any delegation wish to make a statement on this item? I have no request for the floor. That means the committee has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of the item Question of Montserrat. The committee will now begin its consideration of the item entitled Question of New Caledonia. In that context, I wish to draw your attention to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for Information and contained in Document A/AC109/2026/11. The committee will today Listen to speakers who have requested the floor under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26th June. Thank you for your cooperation. Just give us one minute, please. Thank you for your patience. We will now suspend consideration of this item, the item entitled Question of New Caledonia. We will move to the next item and revert to this item subsequently in this session. Thank you. The committee will now begin its consideration of the item entitled Question of Pitcairn. In that context, I wish to draw your attention to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for information and contained in Document A/AC109/2026/12. The committee will today listen to speakers who have requested the floor under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26 June. Does any delegation wish to make a statement on this item. I have no request for the floor. This means the committee has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of item Question of Pitcairn. The committee will now begin its consideration of the item entitled Question of St. Helena. In that context, I wish to draw your attention to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for information and contained in Document A/AC109/2026/13. The Committee will listen to speakers who have requested the floor under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26 June. Does any delegation wish to make a statement on this item? I have no request for the floor. This means the Committee has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of the item Question of Saint Helena. The Committee will now take up the item entitled Question of the Turks and Caicos Islands. In that context, I wish to draw your attention to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for information on this item and contained in Document A/AC109/2026/15. The Committee will today listen to speakers under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26 June. Does any delegation wish to make a statement? I have no request for the floor. At this point, I would like to remind the Committee that it had acceded this morning to requests of petitioners to speak under this agenda item as contained in Aid Memoir 07/26. I now invite Mr. Benjamin Roberts and Mr. Antoine Walken to take a seat at the petitioner's table and to address the committee. I kindly remind the petitioners to limit their statements to no more than 4 minutes. Mr. Benjamin Roberts, you now have the floor, please.

Madam Chair Rambally and all assembled, I am Benjamin Roberts of Turks and Caicos Forum and I'm pleased to petition here today on matters of Turks and Caicos. I begin by addressing a most horrendous and distressing situation in Turks and Caicos. Some time ago, the local government petitioned the UK for help in asbestos cleanup of a former US Air Force facility on the island of Grand Turk that was allowed in Turks and Caicos by the British in a deal during World War II. This agreement excluded local governance entirely, including particulars, particulars of monies received by the UK or any potential health hazards from the facility. In the 1980s shrinkage of U.S. bases worldwide, this facility was closed and U.S. personnel left. As with arrival, the particulars of this took place absent local governance and was exclusively between the UK and U.S. Not long after, TC government moved a number of its ministry offices to this facility. Now, years later, there are unexplained cases of cancer on the island. And among those whose offices were at this facility. The buildings are currently off-limits for usage, covered with tarpaulin, and deemed an asbestos health hazard, which has since been confirmed. The UK response to this petition last month was to, in a most mocking and conceited manner, throw this problem back to Turks and Caicos Local Government as their responsibility. This despite the UK exclusively signing the US deal at opening and closing, being paid exclusively for this presence in Turks and Caicos, and not providing Turks and Caicos with a sign-off document confirming the facility fit for human usage. Now for the salt in the wound. Turks and Caicos has nothing close to the technology or means to detect, monitor, and clean up hazardous asbestos contamination. Madam Chair and panel, is this what administrative authority and oversight looks like? Is this what your UN Article 73 protections of indigenous people look like? And is this what I have here outlined, been featured in info sent to you by the UK for compiling your COP24 working papers? If the answer If the answer is no to these questions, then I most seriously lament the plight of the Indigenous people of Turks and Caicos. Honourable Chair and panel, after 16 never-ending years, a commission of inquiry called for by the British arrived at sentencing in Turks and Caicos. The official total cost for this exercise as of May 26th is $133 million. The UK decreed at outset that Turks and Caicos, a place they describe as a dependency of theirs, be required to pay for this inquiry called by them. This Turks and Caicos inquiry, a cash cow for the UK, should in no way be paid for by Turks and Caicos and its citizens. If it does, it goes against everything the UN, its Article 73, and its decolonization efforts are attempting to achieve to achieve in the arena of preservation, protection, and relief for colonized peoples. As such, my NGO, Turks and Caicos Forum, and I call for this matter to be fast-tracked to the International Court of Justice for resolution as a judicial matter. In closing, Turks and Caicos Forum asks for a visiting mission to Turks and Caicos. Why? Because what I have outlined most detrimental to our country is beyond comprehension. The last such mission was 20 years ago. Between the 4-minute once-a-year petitioning before your committee and the dubious omitted information provided to your working papers, do you expect—

Can you wrap up?

Wrap up, please.

Go ahead. Do you expect to be fully informed of the true state of affairs in Turks and Caicos? Absolutely not. A visiting mission is paramount at this time. Thank you.

I thank Mr. Benjamin Roberts. I now recognize and give the floor to Mr. Antoine Walken. You have the floor, sir.

Please.

Madam Chair, good afternoon. Some nations measure their future by the size of their territory, others by the strength of their people. As a representative of the Turks and Caicos Islands, I stand before you to speak about a people whose future, like many territories, must ultimately be determined by their own voice. I wish to begin by expressing my appreciation for the continued work of this special committee in advancing one of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter: the right of all peoples to self-determination. For many around the world, decolonization is viewed as a chapter of history. Yet for the people of the Turks and Caicos, it remains a living and evolving discussion around democracy, governance, and the future we wish to shape for ourselves. The Turks and Caicos has made significant progress over the years. We have augmented our institutions, expanded our economy, and cultivated generations of capable leaders committed to national development. The Turks and Caicos may be small in geography, Madam Speaker, but we have never been small in ambition. Our people have built one of the region's strongest economies, developed resilient institutions, and consistently demonstrated that the strength of a nation is measured not by the size of its landmass, but by the capacity, ingenuity, and determination of its people. However, development alone does not answer the question of self-determination, and economic progress cannot replace a people's right to determine their own political future. Madam Chair, I believe one of the most important conversations surrounding decolonization today is the question of preparedness. Self-determination is not simply an event for memory or constitutional milestones. It's a process that requires civic education, strong institutions, public participation, and a population equipped to make informed decisions regarding its future. Whether a people ultimately choose independence or another constitutional arrangement, that choice must be made freely, democratically, and with a clear understanding of its implications. The legitimacy of self-determination lies not in any particular outcome, but in the ability of a people to genuinely choose. For small island territories such as the Turks and Caicos Islands, this conversation is inseparable from sustainable development. Climate vulnerability, economic dependence on limited industries, and pressures of rapidly changing global environments all influence our capacity to sustain our future. True self-determination requires not only the right to choose, but also the capacity to succeed after that choice has been made, Madam Chair. As one of the youngest voices participating in this dialogue, I believe my generation inherits both the unfinished work of the past and the responsibility of the future. The question before us is not simply what future the Turks and Caicos Islands will hold. The question is whether our people will possess the knowledge, confidence and opportunity necessary to determine that future for themselves. And to every Turks and Caicos Islander at home and across our diaspora, our future will not be determined by circumstance, but by the choices we make, the values we uphold, and the confidence we have in our collective selves. Madam Chair, self-determination is more than a constitutional principle. It's the recognition that the destiny of a people should be authored by the people themselves. It is the enduring conviction that the story of a nation should never be written for the people, but by them. And it is the capacity of that nation to possess the knowledge, confidence, and institutions necessary to write the next chapter for itself. In the Turks and Caicos, our greatest resource has never been the beauty of our islands or the strength of our economy. It has always been our blessed people. Thank you, Madam Chairman.

I thank Mr. Antoine Walken. The committee has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of the item Question of Turks and Caicos Islands. The committee will now resume its consideration of the item entitled Question of New Caledonia. In that context, I wish to draw your attention again to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for information and contained in Document A/AC109/2026/11. The Committee will today listen to speakers who have requested the floor under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26th June. I first give the floor to the distinguished Permanent Representative of France to address the committee on behalf of the administering power. Excellency, you have the floor, please.

Merci. Thank you, Madam Chair. First of all, I wish to extend my greetings to the various representatives of territories that have traveled, uh, to New Caledonia, and we are prepared to listen to them with the greatest attention. Madam Chair, New Caledonia, as the committee knows, is a sui generis collectivity under Article 13 of our convention, resulting from the implementation of the Nouméa Accords of 1998. New Caledonia is engaged in a decolonization process that is rooted in the right to self-determination. The State is committed to that right, which is enshrined in the French Constitution, being exercised by all citizens. It has committed to New Caledonia's path towards emancipation be brought to the knowledge of the United Nations. That commitment is a day-to-day reality. In addition to the participation of this delegation in this session, United Nations observers are are at this very moment on the ground to accompany the revision of the electoral roll before the provincial elections of the 28th of June. Madam Chair, Caledonians face two significant challenges which we must collectively respond to. The state is fully mobilized alongside them to find lasting solutions to the benefit, or in the benefit, for the benefit of all Caledonians. The first challenge is economic recovery. The State is committed alongside Caledonians to ensure long-term prosperity for the archipelago. The 2024 violence had a devastating impact on its economy. Economic and social reconstruction is our priority. That is why the State has launched a re-establishment pact with more than €2 billion over 5 years. The second issue at stake is the need to determine a new institutional long-lasting status for New Caledonia that is shared by and chosen by all Caledonians and which takes into account the diversity of Caledonians and the history of the territory. Since 2022, the State has been maintaining a constant in-depth dialogue among all of the political partners those that favor independence, those that do not, and all of the movements in between. That dialogue on the 12th of July, 2025, led to the so-called Bougival Agreement that was completed by the Élysée-Oudinot Accord. That provided for the establishment of a State of New Caledonia within the national, national whole, and Caledonian nationality that would exist alongside French nationality. That is a never-before-seen status. In April, the National Assembly decided to not pronounce itself on the integration of that agreement into the Constitution. The government has taken note of that, and the dialogue has continued since then with all of the stakeholders under the leadership of the Prime Minister. In the immediate term, the next step is the holding of provincial elections on the 28th of June. Caledonians will elect their local representatives that will have responsibility for the administration of the provinces. Those representatives will, in turn, elect the members of the Congress of New Caledonia, which, in particular, will choose the members of the government of the territory of New Caledonia. The French Parliament recently voted on an amendment to the electoral— body to allow more than 10,000 Calédonians born on the territory to exercise their right to elect their local representatives, uh, a right that they were up until now deprived of. Our objective is to hold this vote in a calm environment without violence, in accordance with the democratic spirit that must prevail. All of the political forces in New Caledonia are currently engaged in a democratic and pluralist campaign. Following those elections, discussions on the future of New Caledonia will resume in July. They will address specific projects concerning the economy, the fight against inequality, the nickel industry, healthcare policy, education, culture, the protection of the environment, global warming, climate change, and the fight against domestic violence. Caledonians will be directly consulted about these projects and democratic debate will take place. Madam Chair, I would like to recall that the state engages in dialogue with all political formations because it is in the service of all Caledonians to find a lasting political pathway that is faithful to our commitments and that respects all sensibilities. It is a question of taking the logic of the historic Nouméa Accords right to the end and to not allow for uncertainty to prevail over the institutional future of the territory. I would like to conclude by reaffirming France's confidence in the constructive role that the C24 can play because we feel that it can help all Caledonian actors to resume dialogue about their future with respect for the principle of self-determination. France reiterates also its readiness to host a mission by the Committee when the Committee feels that is appropriate. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of France. Does any delegation wish to take the floor at this time to make a statement or address a question on this item? I recognize the distinguished Permanent Representative of Fiji. Excellency, you have the floor.

Thank you, Madam Chair. At the outset, Fiji expresses its appreciation for the constructive manner in which today's meeting has been conducted. We value and appreciate the important work of this Committee, and we affirm our solidarity with the non-self-governing territories of our Pacific region. Lāmi e to also extend Fiji's acknowledgement to the petitioners who have travelled across the Pacific to be here. We thank them sincerely for their valuable contributions. Our appreciation is extended likewise to the administering power, France, for the statement that has just been delivered. Madam Chair, consistent with the 23rd MSG Leaders' Communiqué adopted in Suva in June 2025, Fiji, as Chair of the MSG, continues to support a peaceful dialogue between New Caledonia and the administering power, France. In this regard, Fiji wishes to highlight 4 points. First, Fiji calls on all parties in New Caledonia—the pro-independence movement, the loyalists, the customary authorities, and the administering power—to sustain inclusive, good-faith engagement in determining the territory's future. This is not an easy road, yet seeking peaceful solutions to such difficulties is a noble burden of humanity, borne for the sake of the people of New Caledonia. Fiji urges all stakeholders to stay united in purpose, even when they differ in view. Secondly, Fiji reaffirms the MSG position that the question of New Caledonia must remain in the United Nations list of non-self-governing territories, and that this committee sustain its momentum in upholding the people's right to self-determination. Thirdly, Fiji reiterates its commitment to the Pacific Island Forum position, in particular its 54th Leaders' Communication of 2025. Following the unrest, our leaders deployed a High-Level Forum Tracker Plus Mission in 2024. We remain committed to collective effort by all New Caledonians and the Government of France towards a lasting solution faithful to the rights and dignity of the Kanak people, and all communities who call New Caledonia home. Fourth, Fiji underscores that the agreed UN visiting mission must take place in appropriate time and with adequate resources, with provincial elections due by 28 June. This Committee should continue to monitor the process closely. Madame Chair, peace is seldom the work of a single moment, but it is a burden worth carrying together for the people of New Caledonia. As I conclude, I thank again the administering power, France, and the people the people and government of New Caledonia and this special committee for the cooperative spirit that continues to guide our shared endeavor.

I thank you. I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Fiji. I now recognize and give the floor to the distinguished Permanent Representative of Papua New Guinea.

Excellency, you have the floor. Madam Chair, Excellencies, and distinguished Delegates and participants, at the outset, Papua New Guinea would like to highly commend you and thank you and your delegation for the excellent leadership you continue to show for the Special Committee and the invaluable contributions you continue to make. We also recognize the important role the Bureau of the Committee has and pledge our support to work with all of you as we steer our work. Madam Chair, let me also take this occasion to reiterate Papua New Guinea's gratitude to the government and the people of Nicaragua for the successful hosting of the Caribbean Regional Seminar in Managua last month. We would also like to thank the Special Committee for the confidence and trust entrusted in Papua New Guinea to serve as the seminar rapporteur yet for another year. Madam Chair, let me also warmly welcome the representatives and petitioners participating in this session, including especially the representatives of the FLNKS, from the Government of New Caledonia, the non-self-governing territories of the Blue Pacific Continent, and other regions of the world. We also acknowledge and thank the administering power for their participation in this session. We also thank the representative of the Government of New Caledonia for the update that we expect to receive and take note of the useful information from them. Madam Chair, as a fellow Melanesian country and close Pacific neighbour, Papua New Guinea continues to follow developments in New Caledonia with particular interest. We reaffirm the inalienable right of the people of New Caledonia to self-determination, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant General Assembly resolutions. We note the fluid and evolving situation in New Caledonia, following the events of May 2024 and welcome the continued efforts of all stakeholders in New Caledonia and the administering power, France, to engage in a peaceful dialogue on the future of the territory and to seek a pathway forward for a lasting and peaceful solution. We also acknowledge the efforts being made to rebuild from the May 2024 events. In this regard, we encourage all concerned parties to continue to listen and to hear and understand each other, and to engage in good faith, drawing inspiration from the spirit of dialogue, compromise, and mutual respect embodied in the Nouméa Accord. Madam Chair, my delegation also notes with interest the recent evolving developments for a pathway forward for New Caledonia. Including the decision of the administering power on the Bougainville Accord on 2 April 2026, and welcomes the ongoing efforts and dialogue on the future for the territory. Papua New Guinea also welcomes the holding of provincial elections on 28 June this year in New Caledonia and urges for peaceful, free and fair polling. We also encourage all parties to respect the outcome of the electoral process. We further note the recent partial opening of the electoral list for the provincial elections and understand the rationale for the measures taken by the administering power and the manner in which this has been received by the people of New Caledonia. The sensitivities around the electoral list will require tact and transparency, and we note the work done by the DPPA, or the Electoral Assistance Mission. Madam Chair, Papua New Guinea is committed to play a supportive role and guided by the wishes of the people of New Caledonia, including from the FLNKS, and in accordance with the Charter mandate, and of course with the role we play as a special committee member. It is in this spirit that my delegation, in close cooperation with our fellow Melanesian and Pacific region neighbour Fiji, as C24 members and as Penholders, are striving to present to the Committee the draft resolution on the question of New Caledonia on Friday. In conclusion, Papua New Guinea reaffirms its support for the people of New Caledonia and their self-determination aspirations, and reiterates its commitment to the objectives of the Special Committee and the UN decolonization process. Finally, I want to pay special tribute once again to the Secretariat team from the Decolonization Unit and from the DGACM for the invaluable contributions and support provided in making the Committee's work noteworthy. Thank you indeed.

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Papua New Guinea. I don't recognize any further requests for the floor at this point. I would like to remind the committee that it had acceded this morning to a request of petitioners to speak under this agenda item as contained in Aid Memoir 05/26. I invite the petitioners under this item to take a seat at the petition petitioners' table. Before giving the floor to the first petitioner, I remind all petitioners to kindly limit their statements to no more than 4 minutes. As explained earlier, the red light on the microphone will begin to flash when there is 1 minute left before the end of the 4-minute speaking time. Once the end of the 4 minutes is reached, the sound on the microphone will be cut off and it will no longer be possible to be heard. In order to facilitate the work of interpreters, please submit your statements to estatements@un.org with a copy to the Decolonization Unit at dppa@un.org. I wish also to remind all petitioners to limit their statements strictly to the territory under which they have been approved to be heard. I now invite Mr. James Bakwan to address the committee. Sir, you have the floor. Please go ahead.

The Chair, members of this special committee, petitioners and observers, I greet you in the name of the Triune God and on behalf of the Pacific Conference of Churches and the Pacific Regional NGO Alliance. I come before you again on the question of New Caledonia in solidarity with the people of Kanaky and our member church, the Église protestante de Kanaky-Nouvelle-Calédonie. In 2024, we warned that France could no longer be regarded as a neutral administrator of Kanaky's decolonization. The Pacific Peoples' Mission to Kanaky, New Caledonia, conducted in April last year, confirms that the violence of May 2024 emerged from an unfinished and flawed decolonization process, deep inequity, unfulfilled rebalancing commitments, and repeated breaches of trust. The mission also witnessed how women, customary leaders, churches, and young people restored calm, shared food, reopened local markets, and held communities together, showing that peace in Kanaky is already being woven from within and cannot be imposed from Paris. Recent United Nations findings reinforce this specific evidence. The Human Rights Committee found that the circumstances of the 2021 referendum denied the Kanak people the opportunity to give free, prior, and informed consent. The Committee Against Torture raised concerns over excessive and lethal force, arbitrary arrests, ill-treatment, and the transfer of Kanak detainees to European France. The General Assembly Resolution 1898 reaffirmed the right to self-determination and continuing United Nations responsibility. On 7 May this year, CERD warned that France risks undermining Kanak self-determination and call for effective participation and free, prior and informed consent. These findings cannot remain in separate United Nations files. The C24 and Fourth Committee must integrate them into their working papers, recommendations and resolutions. But institutional coherence must lead to action. Less than 5 years remain in this Fourth International Decade for the eradication of colonialism. This committee must ask whether annual consideration without a visiting mission, measurable benchmarks, or a decolonization timeline is advancing freedom or merely managing delay. Kanaky must not be carried unfinished into another decade. The dismissal of charges against Christian Thien and 13 others raises grave questions about their arrest, transfer, and prolonged separation from their people. Elections cannot substitute for decolonization while the foundational political wound remains open. With provisional elections approaching, the United Nations must urgently assess the electoral environment and ensure that the poll is not used to normalize an unresolved colonial situation, but forms part of a credi— respectable and freely negotiated pathway to self-determination. We therefore call on this committee to accept the Pacific Peoples' Mission report, urgently dispatch a joint C24 and Melanesian Spearhead Group mission, deploy a United Nations electoral assessment mission, call for the release of Kanak political prisoners and the return of Kanaki to detainees transferred to Europe and France, and establish clear decolonization timelines respecting the Número Code and Kanak customary institutions. In a time where multilateralism is under threat, the United Nations must show that findings carry consequence and that its promise to colonize people is more than an annual resolution. Oleti Atikuach, thank you.

I thank Mr. James Bakwan. I now invite Mr. Billy Witewa to address the committee. Sir, you have the floor, please. Microphone, please. For— thank you.

Madame la Présidente, Madam Chair, ladies and gentlemen, members of the special committee, Greetings from the Protestant Church of Kanaky, New Caledonia. Since 1979, our church has been speaking out in favor of the independence of the Kanak people while affirming the dignity of other communities. Affirming the existence of the Kanaks does not deny the rights of others. The justice that we are pursuing is not targeted at anyone, but rather is in favor of the life, peace, and dignity for all. 40 years after New Caledonia was reinscribed on the list of non-self-governing territories, the United Nations must be up to this critical moment. Since May 2024, our people has been going through a deep-rooted crisis. We are not only here to describe a political conflict, but also to uphold the voices of families, women, mothers, young people, customary leaders, churches, and communities that still face, um, violence today. The peoples of the Pacific have concluded that the 2024 uprising was not an isolated event, but rather the consequence of a failed decolonization process, the failed impartiality of the state, persistent socioeconomic injustice, and the collapse of confidence in the administering power and the political power. The organs of the United Nations and France agree on 3 points. Article 5 of the Nouméa Accord is irreversible. The consent of the Kanaks is required and structural discrimination and the disproportionate use of force persists. Behind each report, there is a human life. Families are living on one meal a day. Parents have lost their jobs. Children are struggling to get back to school. Workers are not able to move around because transport has collapsed. People are not asking for privileges, but rather dignity. Order without justice is not peace. Silence under pressure does not constitute consent. The figures from the French Human Rights Commission itself denounce the system. There's mass poverty, educational inequalities, and the overrepresentation of Kanaks in prisons. The Kanaks fill up prisons, but they are absent from decision-making places, and that is not just a social crisis. It is also a moral and political warning. The rejection of accusations of insurrection by the French justice system make clear what is at stake here. Militants remain in detention. Families continue to be wounded. And the people who died in May 2024 still require truth and accountability. Elections organized without a comprehensive political agreement and with a modified electoral body and electorate without The free prior and informed consent of the Kanak people cannot restore confidence. They will only exacerbate divisions. We therefore call upon this committee to accept the report of the Mission of the Peoples of the Pacific, to urgently dispatch a joint C24 mission to deploy an election evaluation mission by the United Nations, to demand the release of political prisoners and the return of detainees that were transported to mainland France, and to establish a clear timeline for decolonization that respects the Nouméa Accords and the customary institutions. Madame Chair, this committee was not created just to document colonial injustice. It was created to put an end to it. The Fourth International Decade for the Elimination of Colonialism must take the form of concrete action. Our Church is not calling for hate or vengeance, but rather for truth, justice, and peace. Real peace does not lie in forgetting our injuries, but rather in recognizing them, repairing them, and restoring dignity. This committee today must hear the cry of a people, the prayer of a Church, and a call for freedom for more than 40 years now.

Thank you. I thank Mr. Billy Witteri. I now invite Mr. Jerome Bouquet Alkaim. You have the floor to address the committee.

Thank you, Madame le Président, Madam Chair, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I am speaking on behalf of the customary Senate of New Caledonia. Representation is only possible thanks to international solidarity from the non-self-governing Territories of Brittany, Catalonia, Scotland, Venezia, and Guyana. We have seen a degradation of the humanitarian, social, and economic and political situation in the territory of Nouvelle-Calédonie, New Caledonia, Kanaky. The French government has faced with the international people and the colonized Kanak people and the Calédonians themselves turned their backs on reason and on good faith and on the rule of law. We are talking about saving the decolonization process while avoiding a new crisis. The only economic recovery alone will not be enough to do this. The special committee, however, can play a role. The issue is centrally a political one. The future of self-determination for the territory is at stake. We have attacks and the human cost has been high. French justice made a ruling for the benefit of all Kanak prisoners that had been accused of organizing an uprising in 2024. We since have learned that this crisis was just an expression of despair and was caused by the marginalization of the Kanak people on their own land and the breakdown of the commitment of the French state. This decision continued, but for the legal framework of decolonization to be recalled to France, we'd have to go to the Committee of Human Rights. And the CERD also recalled the need to follow Article 5 of the Nouméa Accords in terms of preserving the decolonization process. The Special Committee has the power to bring France to adhere to human rights and guarantee the integrity of the decolonization process. We believe that this is the case, and we believe that this can be envisaged through a resolution recalling the legal framework that is imposed on France in terms of decolonization of the territory. In this regard, we would recommend that the Special Committee envisage a draft resolution for the GA, including the resolutions of the treaty bodies asking the Special Committee to ensure follow-up and implementation, and telling France that New Caledonia will remain a non-self-governing territory and enjoys the rights of non-self-governing peoples, and inviting France to cooperate with the Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples and Human Rights mechanisms, authorizing them I'm also to request an advisory opinion from the ICJ in application of Article 17, paragraph 2 of the Charter of the United Nations in order to assess the Nouméa Accords as an international treaty and the administering powers that follow as a result, the act of possession of France and also the question of the territorial process of decolonization and the, other customary, uh, rulings. The draft resolution could also look at interpretation of Article 5 of the Nouméa Accords and resolutions, uh, 1541, and the consideration that, uh, New Caledonia is only, uh, considered non-self-governing under Articles 6 and 7. And thus giving rise to free, prior, and informed consent. The resolution could also invite the Special Committee to explore a new agreement with new modalities for supervision and support, including technical assistance, mediation, and good offices of the United Nations. You could also strongly recall that this is an erga omnes obligation. I thank you.

I thank Mr. Jerome Bouquet El-Karim, and may I kindly request all petitioners to limit their statements to issues pertaining to the territory under consideration. I thank you for that cooperation. I now invite Mr. Federic Auger to address the Committee. You have the floor, please.

Madame la Présidente, Madame la Présidente, ladies and gentlemen, I'm speaking on behalf of the Breton National Transitional Council and Breton Living State on the issue of the territory of Kanaky, called New Caledonia by the colonizing state. The support and solidarity of the Breton living people to the people of Kanaky beyond this petition is formalized by a treaty of perpetual alliance signed with Inatne Kanaky, the alliance of Kanak kingdoms. The indigenous Kanak people, the legitimate owners of their lands, have always been organized into sovereign kingdoms and not chiefdoms as the colonial state calls them, which— the colonial state which through rhetorical means such as this one and through administrative means also subjugates the Kanak people and erases their Kanak identity by replacing it with a compulsory French identity. The elimination of colonialism in all places without exception in all its forms is the goal of the fourth decade for the eradication of colonialism. The Kanak people must no longer be subject to any colonial state whatsoever in any form. In Kanaki and elsewhere, the French colonial empire has continued its practices of aggression, territorial occupation, its fraudulent maneuvers, has continued to subdue peoples through grabbing land and the practice of inflation that impoverishes population, the prohibition of trade and private travel between the islands through the use forced propaganda, diplomatic threats, and censorship to intimidate or silence those whom the French call— French Republic calls citizens but considers its slaves. The special rapporteurs of the Human Rights Committee, the Committee Against Torture, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CRD, all denounced the fact the French government is hindering decolonization, the self-determination of the indigenous Kanak people, and violating human rights and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, it is also necessary to call out the militarization of New Caledonia and all the non-self-governing territories under French administration. The recent French military programming law promulgated in August 2023 creates a regime of exception and threatens all people subject to the French Republic. It should not apply under any circumstances to non-self-governing territories under French administration overseas, colonies such as Kanabki or metropolitan colonies such as ours. We recall the rights of peoples to self-determination is an erga omnes obligation under international law. It derives from the charters and resolutions of the United Nations and from the decisions of the ICJ. Implementation is an imperative and is a matter of law and justice. It is not a political one. Most of the non-self-governing territories annexed by the French Kingdom, the French Empire, the various French republics since 1532 have been illegal, either in the name of discriminatory doctrines such as the theory of discovery or terra nullius, or in violation of the law of treaties and/or the sovereignty of peoples annexed to France. A recent restitution by France, the act of taking possession of Kanak in New Caledonia, reflects recognition of the sovereignty of the Kanak people and the fraud or harm and illegality associated with their subjugation. Until their sovereignty is fully restored, the The Special Committee on Decolonization should propose that Kanaky New Caledonia continue to be listed as a non-self-governing territory and that it continue to be monitored until the next GA resolution. The Special Committee on Decolonization should also pay particular attention to the fundamental rights situation and the legal situation of non-self-governing territories. The Special Committee should register or maintain listed all territories to be colonized whose the annexation to France has been carried out since 1532 in violation of jus cogens, and whose indigenous people such as the Kanaki in Brittany and others are the spiritual guardians and owners of their lands. Finally, in order to achieve the goal of eradicating colonialism everywhere and without exception, this presupposed addressing the question of the illegality of annexation processes, including that of Kanaky, and we should consider where it was born in Europe. The credibility of the United Nations is at stake. I thank you.

I thank Miss Federic Auger, but may I also kindly remind participants to speak at a reasonable pace in order to facilitate the work of the interpreters, so that we could communicate your statements effectively. And may I also kindly request petitioners to limit their statements to issues pertaining to the territory under consideration. Given the short time that you have, I would prefer not to interrupt, but we would request that you stick to the issues pertaining to the territory under consideration. I thank you for your cooperation. I now invite Miss Lucia Cotia to address the committee. Madam, you have the floor, please.

Madame la présidente, Madam Chair, distinguished members of the committee, allow me first of all to express our gratitude to the government and people of Nicaragua for for the warm welcome that we received during the C24 seminar held last May. I'm addressing you as a petitioner and as a coordinator of the Collectif Justice 13 Mai, May 13th Justice Collective, created in the midst of May 2024 to document the serious violations of fundamental rights that disproportionately affect the Kanak people, a territory that remains listed on the United Nations list of non-self-governing territories. Beyond the recent crisis, the situation in Kanaky New Caledonia is rooted in a long history of colonization. This is marked by land dispossession, exploitation of resources, and political marginalization of the Kanak people. Decolonization is not limited to simple institutional adjustments. Decolonization requires recognition of the historic harms and implementation of measures including economic debt cancellation that weighs on the country in order to enable the Kanak people to fully exercise exercise their right to self-determination. The crisis of May 2024 is the result of an incomplete process of decolonization. The holding of the third referendum in 2021, despite a year of customary mourning, followed by the attempt to unfreeze the provincial electoral roll unilaterally, were experienced as a profound challenge to the Nouméa Accords. In May 2024, the use of force led to the deaths of at least 14 people, most of them Kanak civilians. Whereas hundreds of people, the vast majority of them Kanak, were arrested amidst allegations of arbitrary detention, ill-treatment. The prison situations further aggravated these violations: overcrowding, degrading conditions at Nouméa prison, the overwhelming overrepresentation of Kanak people amongst the detainees, and the large-scale transfer of Kanak prisoners to metropolitan France at a time when armed anti-independence militias were mounting roadblocks and creating climate of fear. On the 5th of June, investigating judges in Paris ordered a full dismissal of proceedings in favor of the 14 Kanak activists. This decision confirms the deeply political, not criminal, nature of the repression targeting the Kanak pro-independence movement, while those responsible for the deaths of the 12 Kanak people, for the violence committed by the law enforcement and militia, remains largely unpunished. Madam Chair, we have 4 requests First, we ask you to find that the conditions under which the third referendum of 2021 was held did not allow for free and informed expression of the will of the Kanak people. We ask you to recommend that there should be a new consultation process with the FLNKS in accordance with international standards on decolonization. Second, we ask you to condemn the violence and the repression of demonstrations and to call for an open, independent, swift effective investigation into deaths and violence and human rights violations committed in Kanaky, New Caledonia, so that truth and justice may finally be delivered to the Kanak people, and so the families of those killed may have access to reparations. Thirdly, we ask you to recommend that France publicly acknowledge that the accusations brought against the 14 Kanak activists were unfounded, and to establish measures of reparation, including compensation for unjustified detention and transfers that they were subjected to. Fourth, we ask you to recall that decolonization cannot be effected without recognition of the collective rights of the Kanak people over their lands, their resources, and their institutions, and that we require guaranteeing good detention conditions that comply with international standards, ending arbitrary transfers to metropolitan France, and ensuring the return of all prisoners who wish to return. I thank you.

I thank Ms. Lucia Kitau. I believe that's our last speaker. The Committee has concluded this stage of its consideration of the item question of New Caledonia. The committee will now begin its consideration of the item entitled Question of the United States Virgin Islands. In that context, I wish to draw your attention to a working paper prepared by the Secretariat for Information and contained in Document A/AC109/2026/AC109. 16. The committee will today listen to the speakers who have requested the floor under this item and take action on the related draft resolution at its plenary meetings scheduled on Friday, 26 June. Does any delegation wish to make a statement on this item? I have no request for the floor at this point. I would like to remind the committee that it had acceded this morning to the request of a petitioner to speak under this agenda item contained in Aid Memoir 08/26. I now invite Mr. Russell Christopher to take a seat at the petitioner's table. And address the committee. I remind the petitioner to kindly limit his statement to 4 minutes. Mr. Christopher, you now have the floor. Please proceed. Microphone for the petitioner, please.

Please proceed.

Good afternoon, Honorable Chair and members of the committee. On behalf of the ancestral and native Virgin Islanders, I submit this petition to the Special Committee on Decolonization to address the ongoing colonial status of what is known as the U.S. Virgin Islands and the systemic deprivation of our rights to self-determine through neocolonialism. We formally challenge the plenary power exercised by the United States government over what is known as the USVI. This unilateral authority rooted in the 1917 Treaty of Cession treats our people and land as mere property. Self-determination is an inherent right that cannot be governed or restricted by laws of the colonizer under the banner of an imperialistic flag. The current administrative framework is a direct violation of UN Resolution 1514 and other related UN resolutions and Chapter 11 of the UN Charter. We assert that the people of the USVI have already expressed our legitimate will through our 2009 Constitutional Convention. This document, drafted by elected delegates, reflects our genuine interest and is in full harmony with international law, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples. We reject any external interference or misinformation that seeks to sabotage the self-determination process from the colonizer and missioned neocolonialists. The administering power continues to disseminate propaganda suggesting that what is known as the USVI is a self-governing territory under an act directed by the U.S. Congress. We bring to this committee's attention the persistent exclusion of native voices from critical decision-making bodies and the ongoing economic exploitation that characterizes our current status.— a regressive deterioration of non-sustainable economy, catastrophic decline of our hospital systems, a lamentable worsening of our school systems, and a dire regression of the infrastructure and utility systems. As the USVI is one of the few remaining non-self-governing territories, we urge the C-24 to immediately dispatch a formal visiting mission to our islands as the formal and current procedure for the invite of the visiting mission would have to be initiated by the colonizer. Such a mission is vital to gather firsthand evidence of the political, social, and economic realities on the ground, bypassing the filtered narratives provided by the administering power. The legacy of the 1917 sale of our islands from Denmark to United States remains a profound scar. We demand that the United Nations fulfill its mandate to eradicate colonialism in all its forms and all its manifestations by the end of this decade and support what is known as the USVI in achieving a full measure of self-government through, but not limited to, the recommendations suggested by Resolution 1514, 1541, 26-25, 21-31, 26-49, and 27-87, or any related options. That is to be determined solely by the native ancestral people of the Virgin Islands. Respectfully, Russell Christopher. Thank you.

I thank Mr. Russell Christopher. The Committee has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of the item Question of the United States Virgin Islands. In accordance with our program of work, the Committee will next meet tomorrow morning at 10:00 a.m. in this conference room to commence its consideration of the item entitled Question of Western Sahara. This meeting is adjourned.