Humanitarian Diplomacy in Practice: Diplomacy as Enablers of Humanitarian Action

Good afternoon. If you could all please start taking your seats. We're going to get started shortly. We have a lot of speakers today and a short amount of time. So if you could please take your seats and silence your mobile phones. Thank you. Okay, I think we'll just go ahead and start. Welcome, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, to today's interactive panel on Humanitarian Diplomacy in Practice, Diplomacy as an Enabler of Humanitarian Action. I'm Margaret Bashir. I'll be your moderator. I'm a former journalist, and I covered the United Nations for 17 years, both from here at headquarters and in the field. Across today's crises, humanitarian constraints are often not the result of a lack of technical solutions. They persist because access, protection, and basic services are shaped by political choices, conflict dynamics, and fractured relationships. So the practical question for our discussion today is, how can diplomacy help create, protect, and sustain the space for principled humanitarian action? We're not suggesting that diplomacy can replace humanitarian action or political processes. Rather, we want to explore how member states, regional actors, and humanitarian organizations can better connect political engagement with concrete outcomes for civilians, such as safer access, stronger protection, continuity of essential services, and a more predictable environment for humanitarian operations. Our distinguished speakers bring practical experience from a range of contexts, from arrangements that helped widen humanitarian access following the Syria earthquakes to the broader humanitarian implications of the Black Sea Grain Initiative to sustain diplomatic engagement in complex crises across the Middle East and beyond. Ultimately, the test is not whether diplomacy is visible. It is whether it makes a tangible difference for the people in need. With this, I'd like to hand over to His Excellency, Dr. Abdullah Al-Rabia, Supervisor General of the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center in Riyadh for his opening remarks as this event's co-host. And happy National Day.

Thank you.

And for, excuse me, for those who need interpretation, there is Arabic and English available on your earpieces. Thank you.

Thanks, Margaret, not only for the National Day, but for wearing green. Yes.

Thank you.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, EU, and OCHA, I welcome you to our event, Humanitarian Diplomacy in Practice, Diplomacy as Enabler of Humanitarian Action. We gather today because humanitarian work is facing unprecedented challenges from political obstruction, natural disasters, violations of international humanitarian law, funding gap, disregard for humanitarian principles. Today, the primary constraints become increasingly more political than operational. Then I say, and we all must say, we are witnessing crimes against humanity. And I want to take you away from formal official address to a Palestinian. I was actually watching the social media recently. There was a Palestinian father broadcasting on social media asking for the world to help his one-year-old child who is dying from kidney failure. This is only one story. Another story, a child is screaming beneath the rubble. And this is a reality for thousands of children in Gaza, while the humanitarian community finds its hands tied in the face of such immense suffering, compounded by restrictions and violations. Civilians and aid workers are targeted. Humanitarian trucks are attacked. Communities face drone strikes. Children are attacked. Women face sexual violence. And access is not only weaponized, it faces bureaucratic impediments. In today's nearly 120 million people forcibly displaced globally, To confront this harsh reality, diplomacy must be intentionally linked to humanitarian outcome in the Middle East and worldwide. We must act urgently towards a ceasefire, unhindered humanitarian access, and just and a lasting peace. Respect for international humanitarian law is not an optional. The attack against civilians and aid personnel must never be met with silence and impunity. Diplomatic efforts must also be translated into practical humanitarian action, collective diplomatic initiatives, which are essential to support stabilization efforts, foster dialogue, and deliver comprehensive humanitarian response to global challenges. Saudi Arabia has and will continue to support humanitarian goals and also actions. Today, we call for stronger coordination, protected humanitarian access, and decisive action that transforms solidarity into measurable humanitarian results. Humanitarian diplomacy must go hand in hand with all of the relief efforts. Let us work together to save and protect lives. Thank you.

Thank you, Dr. Al-Rabia. I'd like to now invite Her Excellency, Ms. Hajja Labib, the European Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management, to deliver her remarks as co-host.

Thank you, Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends. In every conflict, there are doors that slam shut. A border crossing closes. A road becomes too dangerous for an aid convoy. A box of medicine is stamped "dual use" and stays on a shelf. A humanitarian worker is denied a visa. Behind each of those closed doors, someone is waiting. A mother. A child waiting for food, for medicine, for clean water, for someone to finally reach them. That is the reality we work in. And that is why humanitarian diplomacy matters. It opens doors. I've seen this myself again and again. In Gaza and Sudan, millions of families are barely surviving without food, water, fuel, and medicines. their homes, hospitals, and schools destroyed. Lebanon is still living with serious humanitarian needs after the escalation of hostilities in March. Syria has improved, but reaching people in some parts of the country is still very hard. And the way wars are fought is really changing. In wealthy countries, we now use drones to deliver medicines or foods to people's doorstep. In war zones, the same drones are used to kill people, to destroy roads, to hit the very convoys and aid workers trying to deliver that food. Just last month, a World Food Programme convoy was attacked outside Dilling in Sudan. This is the world humanitarian diplomacy now operates in. And it determines if a truck gets through. a hospital gets medicines, or an aid worker reaches a family before it is too late. Today, those conversations are getting harder. The world is more polarized, political channels are blocked, needs are growing while resources are shrinking. But that is exactly why humanitarian diplomacy matters more, not less. When the political doors close, diplomacy has to keep the humanitarian ones open. Humanitarian diplomacy cannot end a war. It cannot replace a political solution. But it can open doors, secure access, protect aid workers, remove obstacles, and keep humanitarian needs on the political table. I saw this clearly in Lebanon. Last May, I met with our humanitarian partners, and I took what I saw straight into my political meetings. The need to protect civilians, to respect international humanitarian law, and to let aid workers reach people without obstructions. We are doing the same for Gaza. Our message is simple and concrete. We need full humanitarian access. Life-saving supplies cannot stay stuck at the border. NGOs must be able to do their job. Food needs to reach hungry mouths. Medicines need to reach sick people. Aid sitting on the wrong side of a border feeds no one. Humanitarian diplomacy starts with listening. Humanitarians see things diplomats sitting around a negotiating table may not. They know which road has become too dangerous, which hospital is running out of supplies, which red tape is blocking a convoy. That information needs to travel from the field to the rooms where political decisions are made. And that is why I meet our humanitarian partners so often. Their experience shapes our political decisions. But access means little if there is nothing left to deliver. So humanitarian diplomacy is also fighting for funding. In Gaza, Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere, we need sustained and predictable support. Humanitarian organizations cannot plan tomorrow's response if they don't know whether they can keep their operations running next month. more crises, more obstacles, fewer resources. So we need Europe's diplomatic weight and its humanitarian strength working as one. Earlier this year, we adopted a new strategic approach to humanitarian diplomacy. Our goal is to make Europe's humanitarian voice louder and better coordinated. It will bring together our humanitarian, diplomatic and political tools, working more closely with Member States, regional partners and humanitarian organizations, and strengthening coordination among donors. Ladies and gentlemen, when I travel to crisis, I meet people whose lives depend on decisions taken far away, in rooms they will never see, just like this one. They don't care who unlocked the door or how. They care that it opened, that bread reached their table, that medicine reached their child. Together, it is our responsibility to help open those doors. That is why we are all here today. Thank you for everything you do to make it happen. Thank you.

Thank you, Commissioner Labib. Thank you for your commitment and the EU's commitment. Finally, I'd like to ask Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Tom Fletcher, for his opening remarks as our co-host.

Well, colleagues and friends, and it's great to see so many colleagues and friends in the room. Thank you. to our co-hosts, the wonderful Dr. Avia and Hajja, two extraordinary humanitarians. And I want to especially welcome our local leaders. I can see Christian and Mousa and Sami. I can see Mama Noor. You are particularly welcome today and hold us to account. Don't let us deliver a bunch of platitude in the statements and then not follow them through. I can I can be brief, actually, because I think I have the same speechwriter as Dr. Abeer and Hajja. And you put it powerfully and eloquently. And I agree with every word that you've heard and underline every word that you've heard. So I won't repeat those words. Let me say instead that these are choices. Hajja described the choices, crossings open or closed. Clearance is delayed, visas issued or not issued. Scandalously, engine oil classified as something that we cannot bring into a crisis zone unless we film ourselves filling up the tanks with the engine oil to prove that we're putting it in the right fuel tank. These are all restrictions that we're facing right now, day-to-day, and they're all choices. But then everyone in this room particularly member states, has a choice as well. And so we fail today if we all agree violently that we need more humanitarian diplomacy, that we need more access, that we need more defense of international humanitarian law. Because looking around at the friends and colleagues here, I don't think there's anyone here who disagrees with those things. What we need to do is to get really practical right now. And so I've been challenging this week, foreign ministers in particular, to help us deliver 10 things. And if you haven't been ambushed yet, I have more of these in my pocket and you're welcome to them. If we deliver these 10 access agreements, these pieces of real humanitarian diplomacy, then we'll reach 11 million more people this year that we can't currently reach, who are slipping off the map right now. Amidst all of the speeches and handshakes and meetings and activity and social media posts of this week. Wouldn't it be amazing if we could save 11 million lives that we weren't otherwise going to save? So let me just give you these 10 and don't feel you have to write them down. Come and get a copy later. Afghanistan, stop the interference in our work. Let female humanitarians work. We can reach 90,000 more people if our female colleagues are allowed to work and it is a scandal that they're restricted from working. Colombia, we need to open access to Putumayo, Calca, Bolivar, and Caqueta. The DRC, I've just come from a meeting with my friend, the minister from DRC. We need that safe movement for the Ebola response, including into the Haut Plateau. Haiti, we've got to separate out the security questions and the aid questions, and we've got to be allowed, here as elsewhere, to engage all groups. should not have to ask; that should be guaranteed. In Myanmar, we have to get those clearances into the territories that are controlled by non-state armed groups. In all those places, de facto authorities will always try and insist that we operate only where they have authority. That is unacceptable. In Gaza, We have to get the winter plan agreed to support 2.1 million people through the winter. Amy is here, chairing the shelter cluster. We need 90,000 family tents to go into Gaza in the next two weeks. We need the engine oil to go in. We need the heaters, the fuel and the food. CAR has been forced to cut by half the amount of food that is going into Gaza in the period ahead because of funding cuts. We need to reverse that. I have just come from a good meeting with the Board of Peace on this issue. South Sudan, we've got to get access to Jonglei, Upper Nile. I was up in hospitals there recently that have since come under attack and we can no longer access them. Our amazing colleagues at Medecins Sans Frontieres forced back out of those hospitals where they were courageous enough to stay when everyone else left. Sudan, no more one month extensions on the Ajdabiya crossing. We have to make those phone calls, one month, three months, enough. like indefinite opening of the Adre crossing and safe access across Darfur, whoever controls the territory. And many of my colleagues here have of course been in all of these places recently, demonstrating that we can get there and we can deliver. Final two, Ukraine. We've gotta get into the Russian controlled areas as well. Safe passage in for aid, safe passage out for vulnerable people who are stuck there. and Yemen. We've got to get our 73 colleagues out, those who are detained, and we need safe, impartial aid access to all of Yemen, whoever controls that territory. You can all help us with these, because you also have the choice as to whether to pick up the phone and make those calls to the people who can take those decisions. You also have the choice to brief your ministers to raise these issues with those whose decisions can really count. So please don't just say we back humanitarian diplomacy in abstract terms. Deliver the choices that Hajer described and the outcomes that Dr. Rabiee described. Let's follow through with real humanitarian diplomacy, and then let's really be tough in holding each other to account for delivering it. And to close, causing a little bit of fear and pain for people who are blocking our access. Thank you.

Thank you, Under-Secretary-General, and thank you to our other co-hosts. So now we'll move to the next portion of our conversation, and we will focus on how diplomatic engagement can help create the conditions for humanitarian action and deliver practical results for people affected by crises. I'd like to turn first to the acting foreign secretary of Pakistan, Nabeel Munir. Welcome, Mr. Secretary. How can states that have built relationships across political divides use dialogue, mediation, and regional engagement to deliver practical humanitarian outcomes? And what does it take to turn that engagement into more reliable access, better protection, and continuity of essential services? while safeguarding humanitarian independence. Thank you.

Thank you so much, Excellencies and distinguished participants. First of all, let me begin by thanking the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center for convening this timely discussion together with its partners. Let me also congratulate the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for its National Day. I'm also wearing a green tie, although it's not exactly the same green as yours.

I see it the same.

Thank you. CARES relieves important humanitarian work, and Saudi Arabia's wider contribution to dialogue, peace, and humanitarian response demonstrate how diplomacy and humanitarian action can reinforce each other. The premise of today's discussion is compelling. In many contemporary issues, humanitarian constraints are increasingly political rather than merely operational. Diplomacy must therefore help create the space in which humanitarian action becomes possible. For Pakistan, this begins with prevention. The best humanitarian response is one that prevents humanitarian suffering before it occurs. This conviction underpinned Pakistan's initiative that led to the unanimous adoption of Security Council Resolution 2788 last year on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes. The resolution reaffirmed the importance of preventive diplomacy and more effective use of the peaceful settlement mechanisms available under the UN Charter. Pakistan's conduct demonstrates what we have always advocated, preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful settlement of disputes. Most recently, amid the escalating tensions between Iran and the United States, Pakistan, together with its regional partners, used its relationships with both sides to facilitate engagement and de-escalation. Our objective was to prevent further escalation, save lives, avert an even greater humanitarian catastrophe, and create space for a peaceful way forward. The preventive humanitarian diplomacy is evident across the conflicts and productive disputes confronting us today, from Sudan, Syria, and Yemen, to Ukraine, Palestine, and Jammu and Kashmir. These situations differ in their origins and circumstances, but each reminds us of the human cost when diplomacy fails. Conflicts persist and political solutions remain elusive. In Gaza, in particular, the immense suffering of civilians underscores the urgency of translating diplomatic engagement into sustained humanitarian access, protection of civilians, and a credible path towards a just and lasting peace. I would like to highlight four priorities. One, we must move from reactive to preventive humanitarian diplomacy. Mediation, dialogue, and confidence-building measures should be activated early, before conflicts escalate and humanitarian needs become overwhelming. Two, regional countries must serve as the first line of diplomatic enablers. Their proximity, relationships, and understanding of local dynamics should be leveraged to build bridges and facilitate de-escalation. Regional initiatives should reinforce, not replace, multilateral action. Three, the United Nations must remain at the center of these efforts. The Secretary-General's good offices, UN mediation capacities, and humanitarian agencies should work systematically with regional actors to convert diplomatic openings into civilian protection, humanitarian access, and continuity of essential services. And finally, temporary openings must become durable humanitarian engagements. Humanitarian pauses, corridors, and local arrangements must be followed by sustained diplomacy to sustain predictable, safe, and unhindered access, while safeguarding humanitarian independence and operational ownership. I'll just give you the example of what we did during the Iran-U.S. conflict. It was a ceasefire of 48 hours to begin with, and it continued after that, and it still continues, of course, with minor issues. Excellencies, distinguished participants, Pakistan will continue to use dialogue, mediation, and bridge building in the service of peace and humanity. The measure of humanitarian diplomacy is not the agreements we negotiate or the channels we open. It is whether diplomacy reaches people when they need it most, preventing conflict, protecting civilians, and saving lives before it is too late. Thank you.

Thank you, Foreign Secretary. I'd like to ask Ambassador Sadiq Baber Girgin, the Director General of the Humanitarian and Technical Assistance at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, to address the role of how regional actors can convert diplomatic access into real humanitarian action. And if you could maybe draw from your experiences related to Syria and also the Black Sea Grain Initiative?

Good afternoon, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I subscribe to what was said by the speakers before me and join others in congratulating Saudi Arabia on its National Day. You mentioned two very complex cases. I will not narrate what has happened, but try to derive more generic lessons learned out of them. Especially In Syria, in 2023, Turkey experienced a terrible double earthquakes, as you may remember, and Syria was also affected. And that was a very difficult point for us. And despite our own difficulties, we were able to arrange for international humanitarian support to reach Syria as well. On the Black Sea Grain Initiative, of course, from a humanitarian perspective, it was not per se at that moment a humanitarian action, but it was more a preventive measure in order to not to allow grain prices worldwide to skyrocket and adversely affect the humanitarian operations. In both, to different degrees, what was important was, from our perspective, Turkey's geographic and political access to these two problems. we were neighboring Syria and we had access geographically and also in touch with political actors. In the case of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, again, geographically across the sea, we were neighboring the region and had the relationship with both actors and were seen as an honest broker. Another important aspect was cooperating with the UN, with international organizations and with civil society organizations in both cases. Of course, Turkey's institutional capacity and experience, not only diplomatic but in other fields, was also helpful in achieving, in both cases, this access and facilitation. For example, in the Black Sea Grain Initiative, we were able to establish a joint coordination center in Istanbul, where not only Turkish and UN officials, but also officials from both parties were present in order to allow the access for the shipping. And perhaps Very important in our day and age is the high level political commitment and support to these, what we call also leaders diplomacy. The dialogue between decision makers can open access or enable solutions to problems which cannot be handled at the lower levels. So this was the case where our president was also committed. And of course, as in all efforts of problem solving, mediation, formulation of the solution is very important. So when, especially in the Black Sea Grain Initiative, The two sides were convinced that this would create a global effect, not being able to export the grain out of the region. It was a convincing formulation. So not to take more of your time, we would just like to call on all member states to contribute to humanitarian diplomacy based on their capacities and their access. because humanitarian diplomacy is needed more than ever in the conflicts we are facing. Just by looking at the situation in Gaza, where unfortunately humanity is failing. So we call on all of you, of course, civil society is present also here, and all international organizations. and we thank Saudi Arabia and OCHA for organizing this meeting. Thank you very much.

Thank you, Ambassador. I'd like to give the floor now to Mr. Jan Egeland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council. Jan, from your experience on the ground, what are the challenges that humanitarian organizations simply cannot solve on their own, and where is political or diplomatic engagement most needed? And what does meaningful diplomatic support look like in the field?

Many thanks, Margaret. Friends, colleagues, thanks to the Saudi Arabia, EU and UN for organizing this, because indeed, it's a question of life and death for the people we serve and for our frontline humanitarian workers, what we're discussing here today. And the reality is that this week, as next week, as the following week, we will be deprived from serving Hundreds of communities in desperate need because men with guns and power deny us access have additional constraints, additional problems, additional threats against those who try to establish these lifelines. So I'll be concrete. I have five requests. to all of these countries that we are heartened to see and hear are willing and able to support us as frontline humanitarian workers. Number one, please listen to the facts of what is happening on the ground. Listen to the local organizations, the national, international organizations that are there on the ground. Too often there are perceptions and myths of what's the reality. We know what's happening. We're more than willing to share facts on the constraints and the problems and the obstacles, but also on what are the red lines, what we should not end up with. And at times, diplomacy can end up with something which is equally bad or has new constraints on us. Number two, please help mobilise those with the real leverage on the parties. Too often, we find that those who really support us are those who are, in a way, the enemies of the people. that enforce the constraints and they are condemning it and they are supporting us and they have no leverage on the party. We need those who are in contact, who can influence, to lead with the different parties. And some can can influence on the one side in Sudan and some can influence on the other side in Sudan, and it's those who we need to take the lead. We all know who it is, and we all know that very often those who have influence are refraining from saying the right things and putting the right pressure on the parties. I let Some 10 years back, the Humanitarian Task Force on Syria, there were about 10 besieged areas. You will remember people were starving to death inside. They were besieged mostly by government forces. The Humanitarian Task Force was co-chaired by the United States Russia and the United Nations. I was chairing on behalf of the United Nations. At the table were 20 countries, including Iran, that had big influence on the government, Saudi Arabia and Gulf countries that were in contact with the armed opposition groups. All of those who had influence on what happened on the ground sat around the table. It was completely de-linked from the political process and the constitutional process. The whole point was to get access to those who were starving to death inside the besieged areas. We negotiated at times with 10 different armed groups, in addition to the government forces. And we got convoys through because of humanitarian diplomacy. Why is there not a similar humanitarian task force for similar conflicts today, where we need those who have influence to sit at the table and help us get access and protect the civilian population? The third point is to amplify the fact that we cannot make the humanitarian imperatives become part of a political negotiation. And too often that happens. It becomes a bargaining chip. If you give me this, I will give, I will feed the, the, the, the women and children and the population. If we can have progress here, we, the, the civilians that are detained will be released. Cannot accept it. It has, there has to be humanitarian processes that are based on humanitarian principles. 20 years ago, I sat in your chair, Tom, and we had the same access problems to Gaza as many people have mentioned today. And Dr. Abdullah, you talked about the one-year-old child who couldn't live with kidney failure. Even at that point, it was very clear that if one party controlled access to the civilian population on the other side, it was never going to work. It was not, "Let's have a little bit more diplomacy and a little bit more contacts and so on." I proposed at the time, "Hey, you have big confidence as you go through Heathrow and JFK airports. So why don't we really hand over the border crossings to Heathrow Airport? They handle millions of passengers, tens of thousands of tons of cargo, and Israelis and everybody feel safe going through them. The legitimate security concerns of Israel would be maintained. and we would be able to serve the civilian population. Fourth point is, in humanitarian diplomacy, be specific. Too often it is, let's work for peace and let's work for full humanitarian access everywhere and a general ceasefire and so on. We saw that the ALS work, the countries working on Sudan were really successful when they zoomed in on the Adra crossing, already mentioned, and they helped us on that one. Be specific, one by one of the items, and push full force, push and pull until you get through those most important points. And finally, fifth point, engage with all de facto rulers of areas. I'm just back from Afghanistan, discussed with the Taliban leaders in very tough, direct talks. in Kabul and in Kandahar. The women in Afghanistan that has 100 edicts restraining their education, their work, and their freedom of movement, they don't need another seminar in New York or in Geneva, really, with diaspora people. And we all agree they need that we negotiate agreements in the country that NATO countries left five years ago. Engage. It isn't a recognition of any regime. It's recognition that the country exists and the population is there. So come back to Kabul, come back to Sana'a, come back to all of these places where humanitarians feel pretty much alone. We need you there to engage with us. Thank you.

Thank you so much, Jan. I'd like to bring IOM Director General, Amy Pope, into the conversation. Director General Pope, from IOM's experience, what makes a diplomatic opening successful for displaced people and the communities hosting them, and what turns a temporary arrangement into a lasting protection?

Thank you so much, Margaret, and thank you to KS Relief, the European Commission, and OCHA, and all of you who are in this room who help us do what we do and accompany us when we serve people who are in need. We couldn't do it without you. So a couple of things that, and I hope this doesn't sound like a disagreement with you, Jan, but I wanted to take on this idea of whether we bring the humanitarian terms into the negotiation. And I do see that when we're in the middle of, when states are in the negotiating a ceasefire, when they're negotiating a diplomatic agreement, we want to make sure that actually humanitarian terms are embedded in that agreement. So whether it's protections of civilians or for all of us, protections of humanitarian workers, or in my end, that what we look at the free movement of people Ensuring that that's part of the negotiation is actually a way to make sure that that humanitarian terms will ultimately be tracked. There'll be measurable, there'll be timelines. Now, the second piece of that is use the evidence from our agencies and the people we serve to hold the parties accountable and then track the follow through and then don't be afraid to be public about that. Right, we see often unusual movement patterns that will showcase, they'll show up weeks before the crisis has been politically acknowledged, but we can see what's happening, the people we speak to can see what's happening. Let's use those as early warning indicators to then enable faster action. The third point I see is let's align the incentives. Too often we see crises in silos. We see the humanitarian response in a silo. We look at things like trade or development financing. In my world, labor pathways, return agreements. We see these all as completely different streams of work. But for many states who are in the middle of a conflict, actually, they're not so different. So let's bring some of these streams together. Let's think about how a labor pathway might actually be a reason for someone to negotiate a resolution of a conflict. Or let's think about how trade access might be an incentive that hasn't been tapped before. And then finally, and this is really important, I think many of my colleagues have said something similar. Let's build some coalitions and recognize that the coalitions are not always those of us in the room, not all of us who are wearing the proper insignia. We've found really important coalitions with the faith community. We found important coalitions with civil society, with the private sector, with governments. Heck, we can even do coalitions in between all of us, right? I will say, I want to give Tom some credit here. Tom, as our ERC, has really driven an alignment between the various humanitarian actors that has allowed us to be more effective. So when I'm advocating, I'm not just advocating for myself, I'm advocating for colleagues at WFP or UNICEF or other parties. So build these coalitions so that we are stronger together and ultimately can have better outcomes in support of people permanently, not just temporarily.

Thank you, Director General Pope. I next welcome Laura Leiser, Secretary General of Medecins Sans Frontieres International. Secretary General, when parties to a conflict do not abide by rules of war, it makes it much harder for humanitarians to do their work. How can states and other actors use their influence to improve respect for IHL and protect aid workers while leaving space for the private conversations that can help achieve practical results.

Thank you, and also a big thank you from my side for actually giving the space to these important topics today. And I think a lot has been said already, but I would like to take a slightly different angle and maybe a little bit more controversial question here on the ground, which is, Is diplomacy being placed at the service of humanitarian action, or is sometimes humanitarian action also being placed at the service of diplomacy, or potentially even narrow political interests? And I'm putting that out there because I do think that there might be a risk that sometimes lines do get blurred. that the roles of actors sometimes get blurred, and humanitarian organizations such as MSF and some of the others here, they need to do negotiations in terms of access to protect their people, to have access to patients and populations, to ensure safety, to keep health facility functioning, in our case, every single day. This is what we do all the time. But we do them within constraints. And these constraints are often-- are actually never created by us. And we often cannot change them. And so this is where the other role comes in, and that's the role of the states. And it is the role of the states to actually use their power and their influence. And in fact, it is their responsibility to remove those constraints so that we and others can work on the ground. It is your responsibility to uphold international humanitarian law, to protect civilians, and to pursue political solutions, and also adequately fund emergency responses. And within that, I would like to raise three points, which is around access, around protection, and around funding. On access, particularly, and we've heard quite a bit about some of the constraints that humanitarian organizations are facing on the ground and the impact that is having on the people. It is unfortunately an everyday reality that we witness authorities withholding permits, that supplies are not allowed to pass, that armed actors close crossings, that our staff is threatened, that our hospitals are attacked, and civilians are prevented from reaching care. A lot of these constraints are-- or all of these constraints are man-made, and a lot of the time, they're intentional. and systematic. This has increased over the recent years. This is something that we unfortunately have been witnessing in many of the conflicts that we work in. There is a risk that access to specific crisis and specific segments of population as part of humanitarian diplomacy might also be a low-hanging fruit of a stalled political process, a confidence-building measure potentially, an inducement of dialogue, and maybe a modest success, while the bigger issues, the underlying consequences creating the suffering in the first place, are not being tackled. Gaza was mentioned several times today. We have witnessed that the attention has narrowed to counting the number of trucks, to talking about if fuel can enter, and now we have the cases, as mentioned already, that it's engine oil that cannot enter. However, that is not what it is about. Of course, it makes a difference to the people who need access to food and supplies, and to us to be able to deliver humanitarian aid, but those things are marginal and often temporary. The next blockage just shifts a little bit and we are in the same situation again. The UK Government is avoiding the harder conversations that should be happening and the harder task of using leverage to end restrictions. and the violence that is actually driving the needs in the first place. Sudan, again mentioned today as well, the cross-border access to Darfur that is so important from Chad through Adre. This shouldn't be about temporary authorizations. We should not congratulate ourselves on that. This should be about the responsibility of every state to allow unhindered humanitarian access. This is what is needed. There's also potentially a wider danger here, that humanitarian diplomacy can be used to actually negotiate and to looking at the smaller things and negotiating, for example, a convoy and focusing all of the energy on that rather than confronting the real underlying needs. And it's hard and it takes courage, and especially if it's allies. that we are talking about here. Humanitarian diplomacy must not become an alibi for the absence of more ambitious diplomacy. Second, on protection. Like I said, humanitarian organizations do negotiate access every single day with all of the stakeholders on the ground, and we have to adapt our operations accordingly. But what we cannot do is we cannot protect civilians. Again, this is where states need to come in. We need civilians to be protected from airstrikes. We need weapons to stop reaching the parties that repeatedly violate international humanitarian law or impose consequences for attacks on hospitals and aid workers. And those responsibilities lie with other actors than with humanitarian organizations and the parties to the parties in the conflict and states, but also to those who might just be turning away from them. and not reacting if others are not upholding international humanitarian law. So there is a contradiction when states that arm, finance, and shield those responsible for serious violations then also present calls for protection, tactical facilitation of aid as humanitarian diplomacies. States have leverage. You have to use it. You can collectively and individually, and you must, where violence persists, ensure that there is accountability. Otherwise, appeals for compliance just become background noise. Third, on funding, and I'm guessing that most of you know that MSF does not accept governmental funding, albeit in very rare exceptions, so this is not something I'm saying on our behalf, but diplomatic engagement might remove some obstructions, but it cannot purchase medicines, it cannot pay medical staff or rebuild destroyed clinics, and states cannot cut their contributions on the one hand and then expect diplomacy to make the difference. Funding is needed. A lot of people are in need of humanitarian aid. Therefore, just to summarize again, effective diplomacy in the service of humanitarian action must go beyond operational troubleshoot It must defend the laws, the norms, and the very conditions on which humanitarian work depends. And this enables us to actually do our work on the ground. Thank you.

Thank you so much, Secretary General. So thank you to our distinguished panel for your input. I'm going to just mention a few of the takeaways I think I got from that conversation. That the world's most vulnerable are counting on you. Use your leverage. You're stronger together when diplomats and humanitarians work together to lift constraints, to break down silos, to build coalitions, and there must be more respect for IHL, that's for sure. We're going to move to the interactive portion of our conversation now. We have about a half an hour left. There are many delegations that have asked for the floor. So I would like to ask each of you to keep your interventions to two minutes, a maximum of two minutes. I urge you to add practical lessons, a question, or a commitment rather than general statements. Our first intervention is from the Sovereign Order of Malta.

His Excellency, His Distinguished Representative, I first wish to express my appreciation to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for convening this important discussion. Across every region of the world, countless people are requiring urgent, effective, and sustainable humanitarian assistance as a result of conflict, natural disaster, and other crises. In light of these realities, the call for strengthened humanitarian diplomacy could not be more timely. While the principle of obstacles are a breakdown in dialogue, the absence of credible mediation, the human cost is immense. Humanitarian diplomacy, therefore, has a practical purpose. It is about creating and preserving the space in which humanitarian action can take place. It is about building the relationship, dialogue, confidence and practical arrangements necessary to secure access. protect civilians, uphold humanitarian principles, and translate diplomatic engagement into tangible improvement on the ground. Our experience demonstrates that humanitarian diplomacy is not an abstract concept; it is an essential enabler of practical humanitarian action. in Kenya, in Gaza, in Lebanon, in Syria. Wherever there is a need, we are there to serve whoever needs our help in the spirit of neutrality and impartiality. We are present in 130 countries of the world, and everywhere we work with this spirit. But humanitarian action depends not only on what humanitarian organizations are capable of delivering, but also on whether it is possible to reach those who are in need. Humanitarian diplomacy is therefore critical. We should aspire to a future in which disputes are addressed before they develop into humanitarian catastrophe, in which greater resources are invested in dialogue, credible mediation, de-escalation, stabilization, and conflict prevention. Let us therefore commit ourselves to diplomacy that opens doors rather than close them, to engagement that creates space for humanitarian action, and to international cooperation that ensure that assistance can reach those who need it most. Above all, let us work towards a future in which human suffering is not accepted as inevitable, and in which the protection of human life and dignity remains at the center of our collective efforts. I thank you.

Thank you so much. I'd like to give the floor next to the representative of Sudan.

I have to begin by expressing and extending our thanks and appreciation for the organizers for bringing us here together to share information and speak about humanitarian diplomacy. And I just want to share some information about the position of Sudan and Sudanese people towards the humanitarian diplomacy. And I think when we talk about humanitarian diplomacy, mainly we speak about access, protection, and providing assistance. So in this context, first, I just want to assure you all the commitment of the government of Sudan in fully cooperating and coordinating with the international community and especially all the United Nations agencies working in Sudan. We are fully committed to work together because we are a member of the United Nations, and we see those people are humanitarian partners and friends to the Sudanese people. So thank you all for coming to support the Sudanese people. especially in this period. The government of Sudan actually working hard to coordinate closely with all the United Nations agencies in Sudan and beside the international NGOs also existing in Sudan. And we are trying our best to facilitate their mission and their work in Sudan by issuing all requested visas, giving travel permits all over Sudan, including areas under the control of the militia of RSF, and also giving the travel permits to all parts of Sudan, including Darfur. And I think our friend Tom Fletcher has visited Darfur, and we have given him the permission. My friend, Carl, just last week, he came back from Sudan, and he visited also Darfur. So we are committed to provide travel permit to all over Sudan, because even the people existing in areas under the control of the militia are Sudanese people, and they are in need for support and for assistance. The second thing, I think the most important, which exists in your 10 asks for other crossing border. So we have been continually allowing the other crossing to be open, although we have many, many concerns, and we have shared that with the resident coordinator in Sudan. because the militia have been misusing the Adre crossing as a passage for their supply for weapons to Darfur. But besides that, we have been allowing the Adre crossing border to be open. And in last July, we have provided and suggested to the United Nations for other crossing to be indefinitely open, but we have to form a joint oversight committee from Sudan, government of Chad, United Nations, and Spain to be oversight committee to just for the control of the border. And still, we are waiting for the reply from the United Nations about our suggestion. I think that shows how we are coordinating and cooperating with the international community. For the protection, as you see, the government of Sudan also, one of its obligation is to protect their civilians. And since 2024, the government of Sudan has formed the national mechanism for protection of civilians, including all the government agencies and departments, to look after how to protect civilians, not only from the fight, but also for other services, including education, the health sector, water sector, all the departments, to how to work together to provide services for the people of Sudan, because that is part of the protection of the civilians. And we have a quarter report, and we have been sharing that with the United Nations. And I think last month we have submitted that report to the United Nations and to your office also in Sudan. And we still are working on the protection of civilians. And the big sign, I think, for the international community to witness that, we can see how the Sudanese people flee the areas where the militia of RSF exists. and seek shelter and seek protection in the areas where the Sudanese military forces exist. And that is very, very clear. I think even from Darfur now, you can see people seek protection in the areas where the Sudanese military forces exist. So we are committed for the protection of the civilians. For the assistance, we really do appreciate the support that we have been receiving from the international community and from all the United Nations agencies working in Sudan. Really, they are doing a great job to help and to support the Sudanese people in this period. And we appreciate even the visits from high senior officials who's coming to see the situation in Sudan. We appreciate that. But at the same time, I think it is high time for the Sudanese people to move forward from emergency assistance to recovery and sustainable development, because now the big number of Sudanese people are coming back, returning to their homes, to their places, because most of the country now is safe. And now people, they want to resume their normal lives in Sudan, and they need support for sustainable development. They need support to rebuild their infrastructure, to rebuild projects that can help them to depend on themselves and to rebuild their country. So thank you very much. And I assure you that we are part of you and we work closely with you for the benefit of the the people of Sudan, the benefit of all the human beings in the world. Thank you.

Thank you for that update from Sudan. Next, we'll go to World Food Programme. We have Deputy Executive Director, Karl Skau, with us. Karl.

Can you hear me? Yeah, now we go. Well, thanks for convening and thanks for calling on us, WFP, a true frontline humanitarian agency. As other speakers have said, this conversation is really about people and people in need, about tools to ensure that they receive assistance as conflict theaters become more dangerous, IHL disregarded, geopolitical dynamics changing, and about ensuring conditions for principled action providing support for people in need without taking sides, facing political influence or obstruction. The people we serve have never been in need of humanitarian diplomacy more. More humanitarians are targeted or collateral. A WFP convoy hit just a couple of weeks ago in dealing in southern parts of Sudan. 73 of our UN staff are still detained in Yemen. and in Afghanistan, our female staff can't even enter our offices. We also see increased disregard for IHL. Access to people in need are being withheld, often with political manipulation or bureaucratic impediments. And now, new disruptions and impact from geopolitical shocks, including the unfolding events in Bab el Mandeb, the Black Sea, and the Strait of Hormuz. I just saw what this looks like in practice, as Ambassador Jaffar said two weeks ago, in Tawila in Sudan. In Tawila, 950,000 people now with nothing. women and children who survived the atrocities of El-Fasher last year, who walked that journey of days with their children and now living in this ocean of grass huts, never-ending ocean of grass huts without the basic services and also in an area that is now hit by drought. Our teams are on the ground, but really struggling to reach them all in safety and at scale. Part of this is definitely funding, no doubt, but also access continues to be a challenge. Thanks to the support from the government, I was able to travel to El Obeid, the front line in the Kordofan, but also to El Fasher in Darfur. But between El Obeid and El Fasher, it's a road that before the war took about six hours. For me, it took three days to get there, including three flights and some 25 hours in cars. So we welcome the improvements, uh, that, um, uh, the representative, Ambassador Jafar spoke about when it comes to visas, permissions, the border crossing of other, of course, but we're now in discussion also. with authorities, how we can expand cross-line access to make sure that our convoys can take the shortest and cheapest routes to reach more people, how we can have staff and offices throughout the country, how we can have effective deconfliction also in the areas of ongoing fighting, and how we can expand UNHAS, including into Darfur. Because we have seen what it looks like when some of these impediments are removed, including in a place like Gaza, where we saw famine last year. With improved access for food assistance, I will insist, food security has now improved. While completely dependent, of course, on the aid that is now coming through, progress has been possible. So humanitarians need more political cover, more diplomatic cover, and targeted support. So I call on Member States today to scale up on three key actions to make our assistance possible. First, Focus your influence, your convening power, your leverage to advocate for humanitarian operations, to protect humanitarian access, space, and personnel. Second, use your influence and political relationships to help us solve practical frontline access and safety challenges. There are new and trusted brokers that can help us unlock safe passage. And three, Respond quickly when humanitarians are harmed. Use diplomatic and political tools to call out the perpetrators, challenge false allegations, and press for the release of detained colleagues and the respect for applicable privileges and immunities. I thank you.

Thank you very much, Karl, and thank you to WFP for all the work you guys do everywhere. I next pass it to the Ambassador of Yemen.

I will speak in Arabic.

Thank you very much. Your Excellency, Dr. Abdullah Al Rabea. Mr. Tom Fletcher. First, I'd like to thank you for organizing this side event and for giving us this important opportunity to discuss humanitarian diplomacy in enabling humanitarian work. I take this opportunity to express our congratulations to the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, its leadership, government, and people on occasion of their national day. The experience of the Republic of Yemen in terms of humanitarian diplomacy, we stress that alleviating humanitarian suffering is closely tied to establishing security and stability and providing the right environment for humanitarian work. The Yemeni government is committed to its constitutional and legal obligations and the protection of civilians throughout the governorates of Yemen, and we will work on upholding the rights and fulfilling our obligations towards international humanitarian law. We will continue to work with the United Nations agencies working in Yemen and with donor states to facilitate humanitarian aid delivery to those who need them throughout the governorates of the Republic with no discrimination. We'll work on providing the necessary conditions to enable the UN agencies working in Yemen to perform their humanitarian duties. The Yemeni government chose the path of peace and dealt responsibly and positively with the efforts of the United Nations and regional and international efforts. We have exhibited the highest levels of flexibility and self-restraint because we believe that alleviating the suffering of Yemenis must be a priority, must remain a priority, and a just and lasting peace is the only path to ending the conflict, a peace that does not have the existence of militias outside the state institutions, a peace where weapons are exclusively held by the state of Yemen. And despite the flexibility that was exhibited by the Yemeni government by facilitating the entrance of oil tankers through the port of Al-Hodeida, facilitating flights through Sana'a airports in a unilateral manner during the truce announced by the United Nations that was sponsored by the United Nations in 2023, which was testimony to the ability of humanitarian aid to make achievements, even if they were limited, and to alleviate and improve the livelihoods and the living conditions of those who need it. However, these gains remained limited and unsustainable because the terrorist Houthi militias continued to violate this truce and continued to escalate at different fronts. And this was accompanied by violations perpetrated against United Nations staff, The Houthi militias are currently holding 73 of staff of the United Nations, international organizations, and civil society humanitarian organizations. They continue to hold employees of diplomatic missions. And in addition to the continued Houthi escalation, and of course, we demand unequivocally the release of these UN staff being held. Those persons are performing humanitarian work to alleviate the suffering of the Yemeni people in this conflict and in this war that's being waged by the Houthi militias, a war that is not simply a threat to Yemen, but a threat to the security and peace of the region and the world. In addition to this Houthi escalation that continues on the west coast and in Bab el-Mandeb, and the repercussions this has had on the lives of civilians and the cause of displacement and the threat to seaports and the supply chains. These increase the dangers posed to food security and increase the prices of basic goods, which deepens humanitarian suffering and makes the burden laid upon the Yemeni people even heavier. The most important lessons we've learned in Yemen and from humanitarian diplomacy is that this diplomacy must not be restricted to conflict management and containing the repercussions. Rather, this diplomacy must deal with the root causes of conflict to avoid its recurrence. We support continued we thank the continued humanitarian support provided by the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, as represented by the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center, the EU, as well as the UNDP. the United Nations Office on Coordinating Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA, and we thank them for their efforts to alleviate the suffering of Yemen and to enhance response to humanitarian needs. We stress that the need for continued support in addition to guarantee sustained and predictable funding that would enable the vulnerable societies to continue. to work. Thank you, sir.

That's because we're running low on time. I'd like to give the floor next to the representative of Germany.

Allow me to first express my thanks and gratitude to the co-hosts who have gathered us here today. And I'd like to express my gratitude for the productive exchange on humanitarian diplomacy. It has become, I think, very clear that we have to engage and continue to engage in humanitarian diplomacy because we need to reach the people in need. To achieve that, I think the discussion has discovered three main requirements. The first one is we need to have humanitarian access to people in need. and that access needs to be unhindered. Second, we need the protection of humanitarian workers by all parties active on the ground. Attacks on humanitarian workers are simply not acceptable. And third, humanitarian crises are so multifaceted that each requires a tailored approach by humanitarian diplomacy. Germany is active in several regions where humanitarian diplomacy is necessary. Be it Gaza, be it Syria, where we support the One Syria, One UN approach, be it Lebanon, in particular in the south, or be it Yemen, where we work to re-establishing humanitarian spaces, or be it Sudan, which we have heard just now about. where we have held the Berlin Conference, and you were asking, Madam, for a pledge. There were many pledges at the Berlin Conference, and we will follow up on the implementation. Thank you very much.

Thank you. We appreciate that. Next, I'd like to give the floor to UNICEF.

Thank you, Excellency, colleagues, good afternoon, and thank you for inviting us and for giving us this opportunity. In Sudan, in the State of Palestine, in Yemen, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, in Ukraine and beyond, children continue to be killed and maimed, deprived of education and denied lifesaving assistance. For the third consecutive year, the Secretary-General in his yearly report on children and conflict has reported the highest number of children affected by grave violations, and for the first time, its member states, its states will be responsible for the majority of those grave violations against children. Humanitarian diplomacy is a practical tool for changing this reality, to give hope to those children, and we welcome its growing attention. At its best, it can unlock access, protect civilians, and deliver life-saving results for children, but as also my predecessors, said is only the tip of the iceberg. We saw this in Gaza in 2024, when actually I was working there, when negotiated humanitarian poses enabled children to be vaccinated against polio, a disease we had not been present for more than 25 years in the Gaza Strip. And we saw it again with greater access to humanitarian access, commercial supply helped reverse famine since the ceasefire exactly a year ago. We also seen it in Sudan. where keeping the crossing open has sustained a life-saving of critical supplies, and where diplomatic pressure and engagement has further averted escalation and protected civilians. This experience points to several lessons, and allow me to say three things in terms of what we have learned. First of all, we need coordinated messages and outreach. Second, coalition of actors. The executive director of IOM mentioned the coalition of actors, of partnership, a common voice, and number three, we need also to have a focus on issue that can bridge the political divide, and the survival and depression of children can allow that space. At UNICEF, together with Member States and humanitarian partners, we are strengthening our humanitarian diplomacy to protect children, as well as supply, services and front-line workers that depend on it. As part of the UN80, we are strengthening our joint inter-agency effort in this regard. I will close with two asks, two asks to all of you. First of all, use your collective political influence to uphold international humanitarian law and protect children, speaking with clarity, consistency, and unity, and translating words into action. And number two, humanitarian diplomacy must be accompanied by political action. This is essential to address the drivers of conflict and provide longer-term solution, and not only short-term band-aids. Too many children are growing up under fire, cut off from the education and protection and hope. We cannot allow this to become normal. We cannot allow the Secretary General this year for the fourth consecutive time to mention it is the highest number of children affected. We must do more than help children survive in crisis. We must protect their dignity, their childhood, and their future. Thank you.

Thank you so much to UNICEF and for all the great work that you do. Our final intervention will be from Brazil as we're nearly out of time.

Thank you very much. So I had to leave for another committee, so I lost part of the discussion, but I was here in the beginning of the discussion. And I will depart from my speaker notes to say just two points. First, I wanted to come back to reiterate Brazil's commitment to a principled, inclusive, accountable, and responsible system of humanitarian response, one that respects the principles of solidarity, humanity, impartiality, neutrality, independence. Brazil does not have a lot of resources. We are not able to act very widely in terms of humanitarian action, but even the small efforts that we made have difficulties of access in many situations. And we have benefited a lot from the experience of other countries that have more experience in humanitarian diplomacy, as well as international institutions, the ICRC, have LAM and other institutions that have helped us in those situations. What we have been able to do is to create humanitarian visas to support situations in areas where people are facing difficulties. So we received in the last years, numbers of huge number of people from Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ukraine, and Afghanistan. Sometimes when no other countries were granting that kinds of visas, we were able to issue those simplified process visas, and that's a way that we were proud to be able to help everybody. I think that we need to join efforts, as most people here said, and make sure that the humanitarian access gets where the humanitarian aid goes to where it's most needed. Thank you.

Thank you so much. We have about three minutes. Dr. Al-Rudayr, I'd like to ask you to give us some final closing thoughts.

Thank you. I will be shorter than three minutes. And let me start by thanking the EU and the United Nations and the respected speakers on this table and on the floor. I started with the story of the children, and I will go back to the children. The child whose father was calling for help because of renal failure in Gaza, the child under the rebels in Gaza, the thousands of children in Gaza and elsewhere are talking to us here today, and they have two questions. First question is, What crime did we commit that you don't help us? The second question they have is, what's the difference between us and your children that they have the opportunity and we do not? Taking that in mind, I'll summarize what we discussed today. And I thank all the speakers because I think we all agree that, number one, we have to stop conflict. And that's priority number one. We have to open corridors. We have to stop violence against the innocent. And we have to respect the international humanitarian law. And also, people have dignity, and we have to respect that dignity. We have to open the future for those children who are calling us. We have also to respect the dignity of women who are under those crises. We have to stop detaining, attacking, and killing humanitarian workers who are implementing with the ground. We have also to allow free, quick, easy issuance of permits for humanitarian workers. We have to convert dialogue to action, and that we agree on, and I think we all agree that we have to take the influence that we have to action into a higher level. And the last sentence is that these 10 golden rules have to be applied and implemented universally, whether it is in Afghanistan, in Yemen, in Sudan, South Sudan, Gaza and the West Bank, Africa, everywhere, Congo, Somalia, Chad, Congo, and you name it, in Ukraine, Haiti, and elsewhere. If we don't do that, then we are denying those children who are pleading to us from under the rebels, and we are just ignoring them. Thank you.

Thank you so much, Dr. Al-Rabiah. Thank you to everyone. I apologize to those of you who didn't get to make an intervention. I hope you all leave here with a renewed sense of mission. Have a great rest of your high-level week. Thank you. Thank you.