Intergovernmental negotiations on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council - 5th IGN plenary, Informal meeting, General Assembly, 80th session General Assembly Date: 19 May 2026 Language: English Transcript: https://transcripts.un.org/en/asset/k1z/k1zxbijcpq Transcripts available through this tool are created by using automatic speech recognition and are not official records nor official documents of the United Nations. Official records and official documents are available on the Official Document System of the United Nations. --- Co-Chair [0:01]: I call to order the 9th informal meeting of the Plenary on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council. My fellow co-chair and I would like to extend a warm welcome to all of you. We would like to thank all delegations for their active and constructive participation during the IGN plenary on 20 April. We would also like to express our gratitude to delegations for their participation during the informal discussion, the Taxol Talks, on 18 May. As indicated in our letter dated 12 May, this meeting will reconvene the discussion on the 5 clusters. As we reconvene the discussion on the 5 clusters, we would also like to briefly reflect on the developments in the IGN over the course of this session. We began this session of the IGN with a discussion on the 5 clusters, and since then we have witnessed active and constructive engagement from member states throughout both the plenary meetings and the informal discussions. In particular, we are pleased to see the presentation of the long-awaited African model. Which was welcomed and appreciated by many delegations as an important contribution to these discussions. In the light of the discussions held in the IGN and the Voice's sense of urgency, the co-chairs also presented a bridging proposal termed fixed regional seats. This proposal aims to give a sense of direction and seeks to safeguard regional interests in the permanent category while also taking into account the framework and parameters contained in the Pact for the Future. That means that principles such as democracy and accountability would be anchored while focusing on flexibility and future-proofing. While such seats would be accompanied by individual member states who are accountable on a national level, the proposal aims to strengthen the representation of regional regions through longer-term seats that have all privileges and responsibilities of the current Under this approach, the Security Council would be expanded by approximately 6 to 7 additional seats allocated on a regional basis, ensuring that the major regional groupings of the United Nations receive more equitable representation within the Council. Importantly, these seats would not be permanently assigned to specific states. Instead, they would be elected through the General Assembly. States occupying these seats would serve longer, renewable terms and could be re-elected. This structure would provide greater continuity and institutional memory within the Council while still preserving accountability to the wider membership. And while no reform model can perfectly realize sovereign equality of states. Fixed regional seats offer perhaps the closest approximation within the institutional framework of the Council. Both to ensure effectiveness and accountability, the model would also include a review clause allowing member states to periodically assess how the new structure is functioning and better and whether adjustments may be deemed necessary. We wish to emphasize that the elements outlined above are intended solely as guiding points to facilitate constructive discussions among member states. A number of important aspects, including, inter alia, the duration of terms, the frequency of re-elections, and other modalities, remain open for further consideration and elaboration by member states, should there be interest in advancing discussions on this matter. The co-chairs remain committed to ensuring that the process continues to be a member-state-driven, transparent and inclusive process. We remain open to engaging further with delegations on all models and proposals, hoping to bring delegations closer together and work towards a consolidated model for reform. For this plenary session, on the debate on the 5 clusters, we posed the following guiding questions to delegations. focusing on the themes that are essential to the final package but have been less highlighted in the previous meetings. These questions should not limit the discussion in any way. What are the views of delegations regarding the working methods of the Council and the size of an enlarged Council? In what way did the parameters as set out in the Pact How do the developments in the Security Council for the future affect the position of delegations with regard to reform of the Security Council, in particular vis-à-vis the parameters in Action 39 and the interim measures outlined in Action 41? Are there any developments in delegations' positions, including new proposals, ideas, or potential areas of convergence that delegations would wish to put forward. Delegations are invited to inscribe on the list of speakers via e-delegate, and the live link to the list of speakers was circulated to all delegations. At this stage, any delegation who wishes to be added to the existing list of speakers should inform the Secretariat table. Any delegation wishing to speak on behalf of a group of states should inform the Secretariat in order to be given priority. We also encourage delegations to adhere to the time limits we have established. Statements delivered on behalf of a group of states will be limited to 5 minutes, and national statements will be limited to 3 minutes. To assist speakers with time management, we have projected the on-screen timer on the screens. We truly look forward to working closely with all delegations this session in a spirit of cooperation, transparency, and collective resolve to advance meaningful progress on Security Council reform. Once the list of speakers is exhausted, we will hold an interactive discussion on the 5 clusters and allow for member states and groups of states to respond to views and proposals put forth during the meetings in a closed meeting without Before we begin, I would like to remind members that delegations are encouraged to email a copy of their statements to estatements@un.org for the publication on the repository website as well as to facilitate interpretation. And I now am happy to give the floor to the distinguished representative of India on behalf of the Group of Four. India · G4 [7:21]: Distinguished co-chairs, Excellencies, and colleagues, I deliver this statement on behalf of G4, a reform-oriented group consisting of Brazil, Germany, Japan, and my own country, India. At the outset, I would like to thank the co-chairs, Brother Ambassador Tariq, the Permanent Representative of Kuwait, and Ambassador Liese, the Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of Netherlands, for the leadership of the IGN in this session. Today's discussion on the 5 clusters is a good platform for a comprehensive stocktaking of the IGN process, including an objective assessment of progress achieved, if any, and charting a realistic way forward to implement meaningful reforms of the UN Security Council. I'd like to make the following points against this backdrop. First, the African model was presented last month in this IGN, and the G4 once again thank our friends from the African continent for their their tireless efforts towards this end. As the African model presentation was earlier projected as a catalyst that could impart momentum to the discussions, conditions are now in place for us to cease the inconsequential repetition of statements and move towards a consolidated model. Second, the G4 kindly requests that the elements paper for the session accurately capture the views and sentiments of a majority of member states in an objective manner. The G4 reiterates that a majority supports expansion in both categories. Further, characterizing this support as merely significant does not accurately reflect the views of the majority. Again, we are hopeful that this will be suitably addressed in the elements paper for this session. Third, the G4 has clearly articulated that a consolidated model must lead to text-based negotiations. Such a model must be drawn up in an objective manner and solely in accordance with the views expressed by various groups and member states in IGN discussions. A consolidated model is a starting point for discussion, not an endpoint designed for consensus or the lowest common denominator. Fourth, it is imperative to avoid procedural hurdles. We have a long-standing practice on UN negotiations as well as a clear mandate before us. We cannot stress enough that possible bridging proposals and hybrid ideas must evolve from discussions among groups and member states on the basis of text negotiation. Efforts to consider such proposals and ideas before the formulation of and discussion on a text would be an instance of placing the cart before the horse. Furthermore, it would mean discarding views and proposals even before the start of a negotiation process. Fifth, the G4 has already underscored its flexibility with regard to the question of veto. Our group emphasizes that there cannot be a subcategory within the permanent category. For this reason, G4 takes the position that new permanent members should, as a principle, have the same responsibilities and obligations as current ones. At the same time, in order to show openness and flexibility on this issue so as to foster constructive negotiations, The G4 proposes that new permanent members would not exercise veto until a decision on the matter is reached during a 15-year review. Sixth, it was evident during the IGN discussions on the presentation of the African model last month that the question of representation of cross-regional groups warrant more in-depth discussions. While G4 reiterates that it is positively disposed towards adequate and continuing representation of SIDS, Aspects such as the treatment of member states with membership in cross-regional groups in addition to their respective regional groups need to be fleshed out. Representation on the basis of faith runs counter to time-tested UN practices. Seventh, working methods cannot be a potential impediment to progress. These methods are enablers that pave the way for seamless conduct of Council functions. Working methods should be fine-tuned as per needs. The effectiveness of an expanded, more representative and legitimate Council could be continually improved by suitably amending the working methods as needed. It bears reiteration in this context that the Rules of Procedure of the Security Council are still provisional in nature. Finally, the G4 strongly emphasizes that the IGM runs the obvious risk of not achieving any real progress till the commencement of text-based negotiations. As a reform-centric group, G4 once again underscores that the IGN must start negotiations on the basis of a text without any further delay. G4 stands fully ready to work actively in close collaboration with the co-chairs and the various groups and member states towards achieving this end. The world has waited far too long for real reform of the UNSC, and we witness the consequences therefore. I thank you, co-chairs. Co-Chair [12:20]: I thank the distinguished representative of India, specifically for his timing, and that was spot on, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. Italy · UFC [12:35]: Thank you. Thank you, distinguished co-chairs. I have the honour to speak on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. The discussions conducted Able to deliver on its primary mandate of maintaining international peace and security, and to respond to evolving global challenges. On the first cluster— on the first cluster, categories of membership, the discussions have made clear that the only convergence among Member States is the expansion of elected Members in the non-permanent category. By contrast, no convergences exist regarding the expansion of the permanent category of membership for different reasons. First, a significant number of Member States have not yet stated their views in the IGN. In this regard, it is important to distinguish between the views expressed by the negotiating groups active in the IGN and those of the wider UN membership, especially considering that some groups have overlapping compositions. Second, it is important to distinguish among different definitions of permanent seats advocated by certain Member States and negotiating groups. In particular, some proposals envision permanent seats of a regional nature, such as those proposed by the African Model. In contrast, other proposals advocate for individual permanent seats that would represent a Member State's national agenda only. Third, others support the creation of new permanent seats, but without veto. At a time of constant geopolitical changes, the requirement to seek re-election by a UN membership strengthens accountability and representativeness. Distinguished Co-Chairs, on the question of the veto, while firmly advocating for its suppression, we should advance tangible measures in the immediate term to limit its use in specific circumstances, such as in cases of mass atrocities, crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, in line with existing initiatives including the Franco-Mexican Political Declaration and the ACT Code of Conduct. The UFC is willing to take an active part in all discussions to this end. Expanding this prerogative to any additional member risks deepening existing structural imbalances and increasing paralysis within the Council. Regarding the third cluster, regional representation in the Council remains a priority. It is our view that each regional group should have fair, predictable, and increased opportunities for its Member States to serve on the Council. The FC fully supports the calls from underrepresented regions such as Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America, and the Caribbean. The FC remains open to the idea of exploring special arrangements for cross-regional groups to improve representation. while preserving the Council's efficiency. We note that the UFS-C proposal to enhance the representation of Small Islands and Developing States has attracted wide support. We note also that the Arab States and others, such as the OIC, have been mentioned in the IDGN discussions. Distinguished Co-Chairs, a more functional Council is essential to strengthening multilateral cooperation. In this regard, the 4th Cluster on the Sites of an Enlarged Security Council and its working methods plays a fundamental role. We are all convinced that a more efficient and transparent Security Council is needed to regain trust in the United Nations. The Council is a collective body, comprising Member States, all of whom are expected to work together on equal footing. This has been reflected in the request to have a fair burden sharing and equal distribution of penholdership, and sharing of subsidiary bodies among permanent and elected members. Finally, regarding the 5th cluster on the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, we believe that the 2 main political organs of the United Nations should be complementary and mutually reinforcing. In this context, it is essential to have a Council that is representative of the wider membership. And the basic prerequisite for this is the periodic election of non-permanent Council members by the General Assembly. We encourage all delegations, particularly those that have not yet done so, to engage actively in the discussions and to— and consider presenting concrete ideas and proposals that may contribute to identifying areas of convergence and possible compromises capable of bridging existing positions. In this spirit, UFC will continue to participate in the IGM constructively and with flexibility, with the aim of advancing a comprehensive reform that serves the interests of the entire membership. I thank you. Co-Chair [17:16]: I thank the distinguished representative of Italy for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone on behalf of the African Group. Sierra Leone · Africa Group [17:27]: Thank you very much, Madam distinguished co-chair, distinguished co-chairs. Thank you for the floor and for your reflections on the process this morning, including your bridging proposal for which The African group had already commented in the specific IGN session. Let me also seek your indulgence and forbearance in advance on the matter of time. Distinguished co-chairs, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the African member states. We take note of your letter, distinguished co-chairs, dated 12 May 2026, including your guiding questions. We truly appreciate your efforts in this process and the progress made so far during this session. Let me also thank you and indeed the membership for the support and engagement during the introduction and presentation of the African Model on UN Security Council Reform. Allow me also to reiterate Africa's profound thanks and appreciation to member states and interest groups for their continued and unwavering support for the common African position as espoused in the Ezouini Consensus and SEED Declaration. Many delegations over the years, especially during the discussions in this year's sessions— this year's session, have expressed support for an enlarged Security Council in both categories. In light of these considerations, We want to reaffirm Africa's strong support for expanding the Council to at least 26 seats. This enlargement is essential to reflect today's geopolitical realities and to ensure that the Council is more broadly representative and reflects present-day geopolitical realities. However, we also emphasize that reform should not be limited to increasing the number of seats alone. In both categories. A truly effective and fair council must also be more accessible, democratic, transparent, accountable, and responsive to the broader membership. The question regarding working methods relates, in our view, to ensuring, and I quote, prompt and effective action, end of quote, vis-à-vis the primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security conferred on the Security Council by member states of the United Nations. Distinguished co-chairs, regarding the practical aspect of the question of the Security Council's working methods, Africa's position reflected in the African Reform Model proposes, especially in an enlarged format, an accessible, accountable, democratic, Representative and more effective Security Council responding to the exigencies of the times. We acknowledge the effort made so far to improve the working methods of the Security Council, especially the increase in the number of public meetings, briefings, open debates, and consultations between the President of the General Assembly— sorry, excuse me— and the Security Council, and regular updating of Note 507, Meetings with TCCs should be held not only in the drawing up of mandates, but also in their implementation when considering a change, a renewal, and the completion of a mission's mandate, or when there is a rapid deterioration of the situation on the ground. In this context, the Security Council Working Group on Peacekeeping Operations should involve TCCs more frequently and intensively in its deliberations, particularly in the very early stages of mission planning and subsequently throughout the whole implementation process. Second, the Security Council should uphold the primacy and respect of the UN Charter in relation to its functions and powers, and to this end abstain from the practice of engaging and initiating formal and informal discussions on the situation in any member state of the UN or on any issue that does not constitute a threat to international peace and security and which is contrary to the provisions of Article 24 of the Charter. Africa believes that the Security Council should not be used to pursue national political agendas and must ensure the necessity of non-selectivity and impartiality in its work. It should strictly remain within the powers and functions accorded to it by the member states under the UN Charter. Third, on the Security Council subsidiary bodies, Africa believes that the Security Council should establish its subsidiary organs in accordance with the letter and spirit of the UN Charter, and these organs should function in a manner that will provide adequate and timely information on their activities to the general UN membership. In this regard, we are deeply disappointed that an agreement has not been reached in the appointment of subsidiary body chairs for 2026, repeating the regrettable precedent of 2025 and previous years. This is thus a classic example of the need for more targeted working methods reform. Fourth, the Security Council should not resort to Chapter 7 of the Charter as an umbrella for addressing issues that do not necessarily threaten international peace and security. Instead, it should use the provisions of relevant chapters where appropriate, including Chapter 6 and Chapter 8, before invoking Chapter 7, which should be a measure of last resort if and where necessary. Fifth, the Security Council should not use sanctions against any state under the pretext or to achieve the political objective of one or a few states rather than the general interests of the international community. Sixth, Africa notes the Security Council's effort in clarifying its working methods and procedure by notes of the President, particularly of 30 August 2017, and subsequent notes addressing individual topics. This practice should continue without hindrance. Africa's stance on the 5 Cluster is clearly outlined in the 2015 framework document and the African Reform Model. We also recognize the growing convergence based on the Council's working methods and its relations with the General Assembly. We hope to build on this consensus on the other clusters as we move forward. Distinguished co-chairs, regarding the Pact for the Future, we believe the Pact is one of the most significant commitments made by heads of state and government to reforming the Security Council since the 1960s, prioritizing greater representation for historically underrepresented regions, particularly Africa. Hence, in addition to the 5 clusters, Africa will continue to stress one fundamental political requirement of the Pact, specifically Action 39A: Africa must be treated as a special case. And priority in the reform process. This is not a minor issue. It is central to the logic of reform itself. The Pact for the Future has reinforced what Africa has been emphasizing for decades, that the historical injustice against Africa must be addressed as a matter of priority. That must now be translated from promise to action with the necessary political will and the membership's adherence to this commitment. Regarding the interim measures outlined in Action 41 of the Pact, Africa is in a position to support efforts to reinforce the work of the Security Council, make it fit for purpose, and strengthen its relationship with the General Assembly. Hence, some of the viewpoints expressed by Africa in the Africa Reform Model uphold the interlinkages amongst the clusters, in this case the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly to ensure that the General Assembly remains the chief deliberative, policymaking, and representative body of the United Nations. Additionally, we support urgent, timely, and improved implementation of the provisions in Action 41D of the Pact to improve the participation in and access to the work of the Security Council and its subsidiary organs for all members of the General Assembly to enhance the Council's accountability to the membership and increase the transparency of its work. Distinguished co-chairs, it is time for the IGN to move beyond rhetorical support for the common African position and make support for Africa's proposal more concrete and tangible. This will be reflected in the development of the consolidated model that our leaders committed to creating, one that fully integrates the principles outlined in the Ezoueni Consensus and SIDS Declaration, that is based on convergences on the 5 clusters and the models presented by member states as defined in Action 39A of the Pact. Let me conclude, distinguished co-chairs, by reiterating that Africa looks forward to continued engagement with all member states and interest groups. The African reform model calls for urgent, and meaningful reform to ensure a Council that is more inclusive, more representative, and more responsive to contemporary global realities. Let's get to work on this now. I thank you. Co-Chair [27:34]: I thank the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Saint Lucia on behalf of the L69 Group. Saint Lucia · L69 [27:44]: Good morning, and thank you, co-chairs. I apologize for my voice. I trust that it does not compromise in any way the message. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the L69 Group of Developing Countries, a cross-regional coalition united by the conviction that reform of the Security Council is overdue, achievable, and necessary. The Security Council in its current form does not adequately reflect the current membership of the United Nations. It cannot appropriately address the contemporary global challenges and does not command the requisite legitimacy required to undertake its mandated responsibilities. These cannot be addressed until it is comprehensively reformed in a manner that makes it more representative, accountable, comprehensive, and just. Against this backdrop, I will speak on each of the 5 clusters on behalf of the L69 group. With regards to categories of membership, the council must be expanded in both the permanent and non-permanent categories. The L69 calls for 6 additional permanent seats and 6 additional non-permanent seats for a council of 27 members. An expansion in both categories is the shared aspiration of a large number of groups, and this sentiment must be respected fully. Any proposal that expands only the non-permanent category or that creates intermediate or renewable seat arrangements is not comprehensive reform. Permanent category expansion is central to genuine and comprehensive reform, which must address the non-representation and underrepresentation of all regions. We believe the L69 model represents the minimum that genuine reform requires. Under the regional representation cluster, the L69 proposes 2 permanent seats, each for Africa states and Asia-Pacific states, one for Latin America and Caribbean states, and one for Western European and other states. In the non-permanent category, we propose 2 seats for Africa, one each for Asia-Pacific, Eastern Europe, and Latin America and the Caribbean, and one dedicated rotating seat for Small Island Developing States across all regions. The group reaffirms its full and unequivocal support for the common African position as reflected in the African model. Africa must have 2 permanent seats with the full prerogatives of permanent membership and 5 non-permanent seats with its representatives selected by the region for submission to the General Assembly for election. The L69 also draws particular attention to a dedicated rotating seat for Small Island Developing States advanced by CARICOM and embraced by the group and the wider membership. This proposal is distinct in nature and must not be conflated with the case of other groups, particularly cross-regional groups that are not based on geography or member states. The case for SIDS addresses a compelling gap in the Council's representational architecture. Equitable geographic distribution is a foundational principle of the UN Charter. Any reform that does not correct the non-representation or underrepresentation of Africa, Asia-Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean in the permanent category will have failed its most basic test. The Global South, despite being the subject of much of the Council's agenda, remains grossly underrepresented in its permanent category. Further, the historic injustice to Africa is only related to non-representation in the permanent category. This must change. Under Cluster regards size and the working methods. The L69 supports a Council of 27 seats with affirmative vote for 15 required for decisions. Non-member states must have access to the Council's documentation and systematic access to its subsidiary bodies. Legitimacy requires transparency. Articles 31 and 32 of the Charter must continue to be fully implemented. States with a special interest in an issue or that are party to a dispute being discussed by the Council may be invited to participate in the Council's decision of that issue. The L69 also advocates that elected members must participate fully in penholder arrangements, consultation with troop and police contributing countries must be made mandatory across the full cycle of peacekeeping operations. Before invoking Chapter 7, the Council must exhaust other options. The Council must deepen its cooperation with regional organizations, including the African Union. Regards Cluster 4, the question of the veto. The veto should be abolished. It has been used repeatedly to protect narrow interests at the expense of the collective security architecture the Charter was designed to build. Abolition remains the L-69's long-term objective. However, so long as the veto exists, it must be extended to all new permanent members without exception. The 2-tier permanent membership in which existing members retain the veto and new members do not is not reform. Under Cluster 5 regards relationship between the Council and the Council and the General Assembly. The relationship between the Security Council and the GA is the constitutional question, not an administrative one. The balance between these 2 principal organs established by the Charter has been progressively eroded, and it must be restored in any reform outcome. The expanded Council must submit analytical, substantive, and comprehensive reports to the GA in accordance with Article 24. The current practice of largely formal and merely descriptive annual reports must end. General Assembly resolutions 51/193, 58/126, and 59/313 must be fully implemented, and the unfettered application of all the relevant provisions of the Charter must be guaranteed. The Council exercises its primary responsibility on behalf of member states and it must answer to all member states. In closing, co-chairs, thank you for your indulgence. Reform of the Security Council is a moral and political imperative. Success in discharging the UN obligation to maintain international peace and security hinges on it. The Pact for the Future renewed the commitment of world leaders to this process. The L69 welcomes the Africa model and the growing bodies of models before these structured dialogues. These models must feed into a consolidated model based on the models presented by member states that can serve as a basis for genuine text-based negotiations. The L69 is ready. We invite all member states to support this. Thank you, coaches. Thank you, colleagues. Co-Chair [36:14]: I thank the distinguished representative of Saint Lucia for her statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Norway. And I would like to recall the speaking times for 5 minutes for groups and 3 minutes for individual member states. Thank you. Norway · Nordic Group [36:30]: Thank you, coaches, and good morning, colleagues. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Sweden. And my own country, Norway. Now, the Nordic position on all 5 key issues of Security Council reform is underpinned by an overall goal to build a more representative, effective, transparent, and accountable Security Council. One that is better equipped to act and to fulfil its mandate towards the maintenance of international peace and security. This also means building a Council which reflects the world of today and which can address the needs and concerns of people from all regions. So this informs our answer to your first guiding question, Koces. On size, the Nordic countries see expansion of the Council as a means to achieve a more representative Council, but we do not have a fixed position on overall size. We remain flexible to reach this through negotiation of other key issues like regional representation and categories of membership to hopefully lead to a final workable size. Specific working methods would also need to be devised to accommodate a larger council, including for the rotation of Council Presidency, we must find solutions that ensure that all members have the opportunity to hold the Presidency at least once during their tenure. We must also ensure that the expansion does not negatively impact the full participation of all Security Council members in its work, with a particular emphasis on elected members. So, Co-Chairs, on your second question, On the Pact for the Future, we see Action 39 as a basis for our work. It sets out agreed principles for the IGN across all 5 key issue areas. These principles represent common understandings we can build on. The measures outlined in Action 41 of the Pact are significant also to ensure that we are continuous— continuously Absolutely. Reviewing, updating, and improving the working methods of the Council. However, the measures in Action 41 all point to changes that are needed for the Council in its current composition. This may take place outside of the IGN, as all these measures could be furthered without touching the composition of the Security Council. This includes initiatives on ensuring the consistent application of all provisions of the Charter, including Article 27; that the Council is not paralyzed in the face of mass atrocities through the ACT Code of Conduct and the French-Mexican initiative; ensuring also more accountability for the use of veto, including through the veto initiative; initiative, and strengthening the GA's own role in matters of international peace and security. But we must also continue to support and make suggestions to the Council to undertake efforts itself, through its informal Working Group and through updates to Note 507, including on the issues mentioned in Action 41, like penholdership. The Council's cooperation and communication with other bodies like the PBC. And there's more. These Council efforts are vital to ensure an effective and accountable Council and will ultimately support the work we are undertaking here in the IGN. Finally, we must not overlook the significance of Action 42. This action contains our commitment to increase efforts to revitalize the work of the General Assembly with its important complementary power, including when the Security Council is paralyzed. So, dear co-chairs, the Nordic countries have a defined vision of how we view an expanded Council, yet we, we remain open to all ideas that can lead to finding a middle ground. It is only by bridging our differences with determination and the spirit of compromise that we will be able to deliver meaningful reform. The Nordic countries look forward to continuing this important work with you. Thank you. Co-Chair [41:21]: I thank the distinguished representative of Norway for her statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Guyana on behalf of the Caribbean community. Guyana · CARICOM [41:33]: Distinguished Co-Chairs, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the 14 member states of the Caribbean Community, CARICOM. We again thank you for your stewardship of this process and for providing these opportunities to advance our discourse on this critical issue. Co-Chairs, Excellencies, the need for Security Council reform is not in question. In fact, this may be one of the few areas in which there is universal agreement. However, while the diagnosis has been easy, it is the best treatment that continues to be up for debate. In this regard, the Pact for the Future is a critical manual for the restoration and resurgence of multilateralism and an articulation of our shared vision for the future. An important outcome of the Pact was the agreement reached on a set of clear principles for reforming the Security Council. We have within the Pact a clear guide to our negotiations, and it is critical that we do not regress from those outlined actions. CARICOM also sees this collective commitment in the Pact as a duty to not leave this critical task of Security Council reform to future generations. As such, while we have put forward our model of reform, we stand ready to listen, debate, and negotiate. In other words, normalize the IGN process so that real progress can be achieved. Our region is grateful to have been able, through the presentation of our own model, to contribute to expanding the pathways for reform. We welcome the recent presentation of the model by the African Group. And encourage other regions and Member States to put forward their own models. It is through this articulation and debate of ideas that we may find the breakthrough that leads to a consolidated model for reform and text-based negotiations. Co-chairs, the size of the Council and its regional balance is perhaps the area where we see the most significant divergence in reform proposals. Caricom reaffirms her view that the Security Council must reflect the membership of the UN today. We therefore reiterate that a reformed council must be expanded in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership. Reform must also prioritize fair regional representation in both categories of membership. The absence of the Latin American and the Caribbean and African regions from the permanent category. Must be addressed. As was agreed in the Pact for the Future, we must, and I quote, redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority, unquote. Co-chair, Excellencies, while our discussions in large part focus on the Council's structure, reforming the Council's working methods should not be subordinated. Reforming the manner in which the Council conducts its work would enhance its ability to execute its mandate of maintaining international peace and security. Some of these changes can be made without waiting for comprehensive reform. We have witnessed some positive changes, but much more can be done. For example, the process of appointing chairs to subsidiary bodies of the Council has become a little more transparent and inclusive since 2016. Though much more work still needs to be done on this issue, as evidenced by the challenges experienced regarding these appointments over the last 2 years. There have also been some inroads in the access to documentation by all council members. The practice regarding closed consultations of the council requires greater transparency to allow for more formal reporting on the substantive discussions that take place during these consultations. CARICOM also advocates greater transparency Regarding the co-sponsorship of draft Security Council resolutions open to the General Membership, the Council's practice should be aligned with that of the General Assembly. These are but some examples of areas that can be built upon even while we await comprehensive reform. Co-chairs, Excellencies, CARICOM reiterates that it would be best that the veto be abolished. However, Mindful of its likely retention, we are steadfast that new permanent members must have the prerogative of using the veto. There cannot be a system of second-place status between permanent members with respect to the use of the veto. To conclude, Co-Chairs, Excellencies, the Caribbean community reiterates its commitment to advancing a reform process that is inclusive, transparent, and that can drive progress. We, like the vast majority of member states, recognize that reform is urgent and that the best avenue for addressing the proliferation of conflict across the globe is through reshaping the Security Council into a body that accurately reflects the realities of today and not of 80 years ago. CARICOM believes that we can and must shift to a reformed Security Council that can respond to contemporary peace and security challenges. We are committed to playing a constructive role in this endeavor. I thank you. Co-Chair [47:02]: I thank the distinguished representative of Guyana for her statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea. Republic of Korea [47:17]: Distinguished co-chairs, I'd like to begin by expressing our support for your role as able co-chairs. The Republic of Korea aligns itself with the statement made by the distinguished Deputy Permanent Representative of Italy on behalf of the Unifying for Consensus Group. As we engage in today's comprehensive assessment of the 5 clusters, my delegation wishes to articulate 3 fundamental observations in our national capacity. First, all 5 clusters need to be tackled in a comprehensive manner as a single undertaking before we consider the next procedural steps. Navigating through the IGN process, we objectively recognize that meaningful convergences have emerged across certain clusters, notably the shared recognition to expand non-permanencies to rectify the historical underrepresentation of various regional groups. However, it is an undeniable reality that profound divergences persist on our core pillars of reform, specifically the expansion of permanencies and the question of the veto. Considering the profound impact that Security Council reform will impose on the future architecture of global governance, these differences cannot be bypassed or hastily resolved through majority voting. Imposing a piecemeal approach or forcing a premature vote without broad agreement will only endanger irreparable division within the United Nations. Second, to achieve a genuine consensus, the process must guarantee maximum inclusivity. General Assembly Decision 62/557 strictly mandates us to seek a solution that can garner the widest possible political acceptance by member states. To operationalize this crucial mandate, we draw the membership's attention to paragraph D of last year's rule of decision, which expressly encouraged the submission of further models and the revision of already presented ones. In this spirit, we encourage member states and regional groups that have not yet articulated their positions to step forward and present their views. Gathering the broad perspective of member states is a prerequisite before we begin to legitimately develop our future consolidated model. Third, our reform project must remain deeply anchored in the guiding principles agreed upon through the consensus adoption of the Pact for the Future. Through this landmark consensus, our global leaders committed to forging a Security Council that is representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic, and accountable. Our future discussions must ensure that each cluster faithfully reflects these principles. These fundamental Principles seamlessly resonated with the core visions of the UFC Group. Co-chairs, as we navigate the challenging path ahead within the IGN, the only agreed and accepted platform this process, the Republic of Korea remains fully committed to building broad consensus for credible, comprehensive, and effective Security Council I thank you. Co-Chair [51:20]: I thank the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of France. France [51:30]: Madam and Monsieur les co-présidents, co-chairs, thank you for organizing this 5th debate of the intergovernmental negotiation process on Security Council reform. I wish to applaud the inclusive and constructive working methods that have reigned over our work over the last few months, which has strengthened trust between delegations. Thank you. France's commitment to an ambitious Security Council reform is longstanding, clear, and steadfast. In order to safeguard the legitimacy of the Council, we must strengthen represent— representation. This reform must be carried out by strengthening the decision-making ability of the Council as a vault key of our collective architecture. We reaffirmed this collectively in the Path for the Future. A reformed Security Council will be more effective and its actions will be more up to the mark of contemporary realities. This was recalled by Boutros Boutros-Ghali 30 years ago, saying that the United Nations can only fulfill its mission if it constantly adapts to change— the changing realities of the world. For the first time since 1963, member states have agreed on clear parameters to guide this reform, and this must lead to action. Co-chairs, we believe that the exchanges that have taken place within the framework of the IGN has— have enabled us to allow several points of convergence to emerge that we must now consolidate. First of all, when it comes to the size of the Council, the most recent models as well as the debates of this session show that an expanded council could include between 21 and 27 members. This expansion must reconcile strengthening the representativeness of the council with the need to preserve its efficacy and its decision-making capacity. France believes that an expanded council with 25 members, with new permanent and non-permanent members, would be a balanced approach. Second, this expansion must enable member states with the capacity and willingness required to contribute fully to the maintenance of international peace and security. France is committed to this goal and in favor of a comprehensive reform of the Security Council which must respond to the legitimate expectations of Africa and other underrepresented regions. This is why France has supported for a long time the creation of 2 permanent seats for African states with all the prerogatives associated with that, including the right to veto. This goal must gain a more important place, and this was the focus of the meeting of our Minister of European Foreign Affairs, Mr. Barroso, who co-chaired it during the Africa Forward Summit that took place in Nairobi on the 11th and 12th of May last. At the same time, France supports the candidature of the G4 states for a permanent seat. Third, when it comes to relations between the Security Council and the General Assembly, we believe that the revised document that was disseminated at the end of the 79th session is a useful reflection of the convergences identified in the discussions. The General Assembly and the Council must strengthen each other mutually and act in a complementary manner in line with the mandates entrusted to them by the UN Charter. When it comes to the working methods of the Council, France wishes to reaffirm that these reflect the competence of the Council itself above all. We nevertheless remain committed to more transparency and to more openness and enhanced efficacy of the work of the Council. Finally, France welcomes the growing support for a more responsible use of the veto. This has been illustrated by an increase in the amount of states subscribing to the Franco-Mexican initiative on restricting the veto in cases of mass atrocities. In this regard, we welcome the fact that at the African— Africa Forward Summit, 11 new states officially announced joining this initiative. This is in line with our view on the use of the veto that should be seen as not as a privilege, but rather as a tool that must be used responsibly. It's logical for this initiative to be part of the elements of convergence that were identified within the framework of the IGN. Co-chairs, by way of conclusion, France has recalled this several times. Security Council reform must be carried out based on a draft resolution that would enable us to identify the many points of convergence without getting bogged down in trying to seek unattainable consensus, which, by the way, is not required by the Charter. In this regard, we applaud the African Group for presenting a solid and structured reform during the last debate. The time has come to engage in discussions on a consolidated model, which is an essential basis for our negotiations. Thank you. Co-Chair [56:31]: Representative of France, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt. Egypt [56:40]: Thank you, co-chairs. I wish to thank you for convening this meeting. Thank you, Mr. President, to further exchange views on the 5 clusters of Decision 62/557, and for posing a number of questions that once again put us against the one fundamental question: are we ready for a new Security Council that is not only larger, but fairer, more credible, and more reflective of the realities of our world today? Egypt's position on the size of an enlarged Council remains guided by a simple principle: reform must correct imbalance, not just adjust numbers. A Council that expands without addressing historical injustice would only perpetuate the very same problems, albeit in different forms. For this reason, Egypt supports expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories in accordance with the African common position as espoused in the Izuwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, and in line with the African model for reform which was brought here for discussion last month. Africa must receive no fewer than 2 permanent seats, with all rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto, so long as it continues to exist, in addition to 2 additional non-permanent seats. The Pact for the Future Action 39 confirms the collective commitment to a Council that is more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic, and accountable. From Egypt's perspective, that commitment cannot be fulfilled unless Africa's rightful representation is addressed in a concrete and meaningful way. Africa's absence from permanent membership is a structural injustice. We should also avoid treating effectiveness and representation as opposing objectives. A Council may be small and still be divided and unable to act, pretty much as it stands today. The current challenges facing the Council are not caused simply by its size. They stem from unequal representation, concentrated authority including the veto, and working methods that too often leave the broader membership outside decisions whose consequences they must bear. Improving working methods is therefore essential. The Council must consult earlier, listen more seriously, and involve affected states through contributing countries, relevant regional organizations, and the wider membership in a more consistent manner. This is particularly important when mandates are drafted, renewed, modified, or transitioned. Penholdership should likewise become more inclusive. Council outcomes should not be shaped by a select few members before others are invited merely to react. A Council acting on behalf of the membership must first engage this membership. On new proposals and ideas, Egypt will continue to listen, assess, and engage in good faith on all proposals and ideas aimed at moving the process forward within the clear parameters of the African Common Position. This doesn't necessarily mean embarking on text-based negotiations at this current stage, as the negotiations so far clearly indicate that more time, effort, and effort are needed to reach the bare minimum of an agreement necessary for embarking on text-based negotiations. Hence, we look forward for further discussions towards reaching the widest possible political consensus on all the 5 clusters of the Security Council reform. Thank you, Co-Chair. Co-Chair [1:01:19]: I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Spain. Spain [1:01:28]: Muchas gracias. Thank you very much, Madam Co-Chair. Spain aligns itself with the statement already delivered by Italy on behalf of United for Consensus, and in our national capacity, I wish to share some additional thoughts. The first is on the fundamental and unique place that these intergovernmental negotiations occupy in order for us to debate the reform of the Council. We believe that this is the ideal forum to identify points of convergence and consensus in order to address all of the issues on which there are very different positions to be addressed thoroughly. Secondly, the reform of the Security Council must benefit the whole of the membership and strive to correct historic injustices. To achieve this, we must move towards reform that increases the number of elected seats since the existence of seats in perpetuity is in itself an injustice. We need to increase the number of elected members based on a system of elections and rotation. Further, and in line with the above, we believe that it's necessary to move towards a reform model that empowers the representation of states from regions and groups that are currently underrepresented. Reserving certain seats for different regions could be an adoption that could be met from consensus from all states. When it comes to the veto, We have a position of principle that is in line with what we feel is the general feeling of member states proposing the complete elimination of the veto. And until this goal is achieved, we need to establish clear rules in order to ensure that the veto is used responsibly and the scope and use of this tool can be limited. Finally, we must continue to work to improve and innovate the working methods of the council. There have been different interesting proposals that are convergent where we can identify areas in common, such as the interaction between the Council and the Assembly, and also the role of the Assembly on matters of international peace and security. By way of conclusion, I wish to recognize the colossal work that has been carried out by the co-chairs. Your attitude has always been constructive, fostering dialogue, and also the fact that during the last 2 sessions, you have fostered the presentation of new reform models. We believe that this format is very important, and it has enabled us to identify many areas of convergence. And we urge the groups of states and states individually who have not yet done so to present their reform models so that we can have a debate where we can pull all of the elements that we are putting forward for the reform of the Council. Thank you very much. Co-Chair [1:04:22]: I thank the distinguished representative of Spain for her statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico. Mexico [1:04:33]: Muchas gracias, señora presidenta. Thank you very much, Madam Co-Chair, co-facilitators. Thank you very much for all of your work. Mexico aligns itself with the statement delivered by Italy on behalf of the United for Consensus movement. I'd now like to share some thoughts on our national capacity. The reform of the Security Council of 1965 was the result of progress in the decolonization process and of new members joining the United Nations. With a membership that is currently at 193 member states, The Security Council needs to be more representative and democratic, and its decision— so for its decisions to have more credibility and for its working methods to be more accountable. The Pact for the Future seeks to strengthen the multilateral system in order to tackle current global challenges and existential risks, reaffirming the importance of Moving towards a more representative, transparent, and effective council, including the need to correct the historic underrepresentation of regions like Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Asia-Pacific. For Mexico, expanding the category of non-permanent members remains the most simple way of allowing the Security Council to be able to deal with new realities. Through periodic elections at the General Assembly, we can guarantee democratic legitimacy, transparency, and accountability. The working methods of an expanded Council must promote a more equitable distribution of responsibilities between its member states, including penholders and penholderships and co-penholderships. And also participation in the chairmanship of the subsidiary bodies of this organ. The proposed expanding of the category of elected members enables, on the one hand, to keep the Council operating effectively, and on the other hand, to have a decision-making process that fosters better respect for international law and more credibility vis-à-vis the international community. Mexico observes with concern the use of the veto that continues to paralyze the timely action of the Security Council. The abuse of this prerogative lays even more bare legal inequality between member states during the process to adopt decisions on international peace and security. The call for nonproliferation of the veto must be coupled with the adoption of key measures in order to restrict its use. In particular, when we see grave humanitarian situations that involve mass atrocities. Mexico welcomes the fact that the Franco-Mexican initiative for the voluntary suspension of the veto just a few days saw 11 new states joining this initiative, reaching a total of 118 states. We applaud Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mauritania, Mauritius, Namibia, São Tomé and Príncipe, the Seychelles, Sierra Leone, and Somalia for joining this important initiative. We welcome the fact that Mexico's proposal and the United for Consensus group— the proposal presented originally on allocating a rotating seat to small island developing states was taken up by other countries in negotiating groups, reflecting the possibility of moving towards more significant vergence within the discussions at the IGNs. Thank you very much, Madam Co-Chair. Co-Chair [1:08:24]: I thank the distinguished representative of Mexico for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Bahrain. Bahrain · Arab Group [1:08:40]: Yes, sir. I am honored to deliver the statement on behalf of the Arab Group. I would like to begin by expressing the Arab Group's appreciation for His Excellency Mr. Tareq al-Banna, the Permanent Representative of Kuwait, and Her Excellency Liz Gregoire van Haren, the Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, for their wise leadership of the IJN process during this session. And I applaud their commitment to maintain the momentum in this important negotiation process. Thank you. Distinguished co-chairs, the Arab Group affirms that any discussion of an outcome for this 80th session of the IGN must take into consideration all the positions of member state groupings that have been expressed during the session without exclusion or discrimination. The approach must be balanced and comprehensive, addressing all the 5 clusters in an interdependent manner without any selective approach or partial approach, in a manner that reflects the need to reach a comprehensive and not partial solution to the reform, addressing all the topics of negotiation as per Resolution 62/ 577, which calls, among other things, into a solution that garners the widest possible political acceptance. It is also clear from the interventions of member states and groups that divergence persists with regards to a reform model, as well as with respect to the modalities of the negotiations, and in particularly as relates to the proposal to move to a text-based negotiation. In this context, we emphasize that any progress requires patience and flexibility. The imposition of any measures that do not enjoy consensus will lead to hindering the cohesion of the membership and will undermine the credibility of the IGN. With regards to the consolidated model, the Arab Group finds that any such model must be based on the interdependence of the 5 clusters and that must reflect in a balanced and faithful manner the various positions and proposals by member states. Without marginalizing, excluding, or overlooking any principal position. Furthermore, the Arab Group reiterates that the 5 clusters as per Resolution 62/577 are interdependent and they must all be decided upon in any model that is agreed. This is a prerequisite for the launch of text-based based negotiations. Distinguished co-chairs, the Arab Group reiterates the importance of the issue of the veto and that it is integrally related to the justice of representation in the Council. Accordingly, any credible and meaningful reform must address the structural imbalance, including the continued absence of permanent representation for the Arab Group despite its political weight and its pivotal role in the issues of international peace and security. The Arab Group further reiterates that any expansion in the categories, the category especially of permanent membership, must be based on equality and equity in all privileges, including the veto right if it remains. And we've also believe that increasing transparency and accountability in the use of the veto, including the voluntary restraint in its use in certain situations, may be an important entry point to improve consensus and the performance of the Council. Distinguished co-chairs, the purpose of the reform is not limited to expanding the membership or redistributing the seats. It is rather represented in restoring balance in the structure of the Council to increase its effectiveness, credibility, and its representation of the contemporary world. Accordingly, the Arab Group reaffirms its commitment to constructive engagement in this process and to working with all member states in order to achieve comprehensive and balanced reform in a manner that enjoys the widest possible agreement between member states. Thank you, co-chairs. Co-Chair [1:13:45]: I thank the distinguished representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain and I now give the floor to Turkey. Türkiye [1:13:55]: Thank you, co-chairs. We thank you for convening this meeting of the IGN for a discussion on all 5 clusters. Turkey fully aligns itself I would like to congratulate myself with the statement delivered by distinguished representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. I would also like to make the following remarks in my national capacity. Türkiye is seeking to achieve a comprehensive reform of the Security Council that reflects today's geopolitical realities and responds more effectively, transparently, and democratically to contemporary challenges of international peace and security. Credibility of the UN depends on our collective ability to deliver a reform that enjoys the broadest possible political support among Member States, in line with General Assembly Decision 62/557. Discussions held under your guidance have demonstrated that meaningful convergence can only emerge through a holistic and balanced approach across all 5 clusters. Türkiye continues to believe that these clusters are intrinsically interlinked and should therefore be addressed together comprehensively. Distinguished Co-Chairs, with regard to the first cluster on categories of membership, the clearest and the broadest convergence among Member States Member States is the expansion of elected non-permanent seats. This reflects the understanding that periodic elections are essential to ensure accountability, representativeness, and democratic legitimacy within the Council. At a time of profound geopolitical transformation, rotational participation by the wider membership through regular elections would enhance both the Council's responsiveness and credibility. The requirement for Member States to seek the confidence of the General Assembly through elections remains the most effective mechanism for accountability. Türkiye has consistently underlined that reform should correct existing imbalances rather than create new privileges or deepen existing inequalities. In this regard, Proposals seeking to expand permanent membership raise serious concerns on the path to achieving broader convergence. We also reiterate that it is important to distinguish between different models being proposed, including regional collective approaches put forward by Africa and proposals aimed at creating additional nationally held permanent seats. These approaches are fundamentally different in nature and implication. On the question of the veto, Türkiye reiterates its principled position that the veto constitutes one of the most significant structural deficiencies of the current Security Council architecture. While the ultimate and eventual objective should be the abolition of the veto, the second-best alternative is is to limit its use. Turkey supports measures aimed at restraining veto, particularly in situations involving genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and mass atrocities. However, extending the veto to additional members would neither enhance the Council's effectiveness nor improve its legitimacy. On the contrary, it would likely exacerbate paralysis and deadlock. Regarding regional representations, Turkey attaches particular importance to equitable participation of underrepresented regions to the work of the Council. Reform must ensure increased opportunities for all regional groups, especially Africa, Asia-Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. Turkey recognizes the importance of improving representation of cross-regional groupings, including CEDAW and the OIC, so that the Council can better reflect diversity and plurality. On the fourth cluster, improving transparency, accountability and inclusivity is indispensable. A more representative Council alone will not suffice unless accompanied by substantial improvements. The Council is a collective body and all its members should be able to contribute on equal footing. Greater transparency in decision-making, fairer distribution of penholdership, and equitable allocation of subsidiary body chairmanship is in need. Finally, on the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, Türkiye believes that the 2 principal organs of the UN must function in a complementary and mutually reinforcing manner. Security Council derives its legitimacy from the broader membership represented in the GA. Strengthening this relationship requires a Council that is more responsive to the collective will of the membership. Distinguished Co-Chairs, Türkiye remains committed to engaging constructively and actively in the IGM process. We encourage all Member States, particularly those that have not yet fully articulated their positions, to put forward feasible proposals capable of fostering genuine convergence. The objective before us is not simply to enlarge the Council, but to reform it in a manner that restores confidence in multilateralism and ensures that UN remains fit for today and future. I thank you. Co-Chair [1:19:55]: I thank the distinguished representative of Türkiye and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Romania. Romania [1:20:04]: Thank you very much, Co-Chairs, and I want to applaud your efforts in organizing these meetings and consultations. Co-Chairs, in Action 39 of the Pact for the Future, we committed to pursue a reform of the Security Council, and I think we need to deliver through, through that process. Romania recognizes the need of an enlarged Security Council, making it more representative and reflecting current realities. This process has to be conducive to a more democratic and legitimate decision-making process, not a more cumbersome, multi-layered process. We need to consider a clear, simple enlargement process extending the number of seats for each regional group, with the rotation principle applied within the group. We do not need to confuse things and duplicate with political cross-regional groups. While non-permanent members' addition would follow the current election procedure, assigning permanent membership for specific member states within a regional group would be much more difficult, both politically and time-sensitive. Moreover, proposing different categories of membership, with different mandate time spans such as 3 to 5 years for a new category, would also create confusion and would not serve the objective of further democratization and the transparency of the process. The number of Security Council members should be carefully balanced. While increasing representativity, we need to maintain effectiveness. Recognizing that Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean need to be properly represented, it goes without saying that the Eastern European Group should receive an additional seat. While we strive to make this reform process future-proofed, as part of a comprehensive reform and review of the working methods. We should also consider setting a review clause in 15 years, for example, as for other processes as we have for the Development Goals review. On the question of veto, dear co-chairs and dear colleagues, we know the Security Council has been unable to act on several issues, key important issues on Ukraine, Sudan, the Middle East, and recently the Strait of Hormuz. The veto comes by design with huge responsibility, including the responsibility of self-restraint. And we should encourage extending the number of elected members, not increase divisions by creating new categories of members with veto power. In the current framework of— in the current operating environment, we need to establish not just a set of limitations, but also proper accountability mechanisms to discourage blocking decisions by imposing political costs. And this should be approached as critical in situations when a permanent member is party to a dispute, as stipulated in Article 27.3 of the Charter. And so we have a limitation already embedded in the Charter which is reflected in self-restraint, and 2 members of the Security Council have been using that for the past 30— almost 7 years. And member states as well, we could consider additional limitations or deterrence to the use of veto. Thank you very much. Co-Chair [1:22:56]: I thank the distinguished representative of Romania and I give the floor to the representative of Indonesia. Indonesia [1:23:05]: Thank you, co-chairs. Allow me as well to thank you for convening this 5th Plenary Meeting and for your continued efforts to guide our discussions with clarity, transparency, and a results-oriented approach. The guiding questions you circulated provide a useful framework Thank you, Mr. President. As a co-chair for today's deliberations, allow me to share Indonesia's views. First, on working methods, any reform must strengthen a Council that is transparent, democratic, and accountable to the wider membership. We continue to support improvement to the Council working methods, including full implementation of Note 507, greater transparency in penholderships, and enhanced engagement with troop and police contributing countries. On the size of an enlarged Council, Indonesia believes that expansion must reflect equitable geographic representations, particularly for Africa, Asia-Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. A Council that continues to underrepresent the Global South cannot claim democratic legitimacy. Second, Indonesia welcomes the parameters contained in the PEC for the future. This includes Action 39, and the interim measures under Action 41. These parameters reinforce the need for a council that is more representative and more effective. We see these parameters as an opportunity to narrow divergence, particularly on membership categories and the regulation of the veto. Indonesia maintains that the veto is inherently undemocratic and must be regulated as a transitional step towards its eventual abolition. Third, Indonesia welcomes the constructive spirit shown by many delegations in recent sessions. We see growing convergence on several fronts, including shared interest in strengthening the Council's accountability to the member states through the General Assembly. Indonesia stands ready to engage with all proposals that move us closer to a Council that is representative, effective, and fit for purpose. Co-chairs, the credibility of our multilateral systems depends on our ability to deliver meaningful progress. Indonesia remains fully committed to working with all delegations in a spirit of flexibility, cooperation, and collective resolve. And I thank you, Co-chairs. Co-Chair [1:25:23]: I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Pakistan. Pakistan [1:25:32]: Thank you, coaches. At the outset, I would like to extend my apologies because I think your command for us to limit our statements to 3 minutes, we've not been able to really abide by that, not been able to honor that. And maybe, you know, I would like to have some coaching classes from the distinguished Permanent Representative of Romania and our colleague from Indonesia who spoke before me, because really, I, I mean, I even tried AI and I, I asked it, can I do this statement in 3 minutes? And you know what response I got? Are you kidding? So please bear with me. I would like to thank you, both of you, uh, co-chairs, for your active and skillful stewardship. Of this process and Pakistan aligns with the statement delivered by Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. I would like to start by underlining that all 5 clusters are inseparably linked and a selective or piecemeal approach will not deliver meaningful reform. A credible and durable outcome can only emerge through through a comprehensive approach based on widest possible agreement, that is consensus on the 5 clusters as mandated by the foundational documents on Security Council reform, that is GA Resolution 53/30 and Decision 62557. Our guiding reference must be these documents. We know there is the Pact for for the future, which we think should be viewed in the continuum as earlier UN outcome documents including 2005 World Summit outcome and the 2015 outcome document. So co-chairs on categories of membership, Pakistan's position remains clear and principled. We do not support expansion in the permanent category with or without veto. Permanence does not equate to representation. Rather, it institutionalizes presence frozen in time. No state can credibly claim to represent an entire region and certainly not in perpetuity. Genuine representation derives from periodic elections, equitable geographical distribution, and rotation. A reformed Council must derive its authority not from the permanence of a few, but from accountability to and confidence of the wider membership. We have been hearing references made by the aspirants for permanent membership to contemporary geopolitical realities. These select countries imply that they have greater capacity and willingness to contribute to international peace and security, Pakistan believes that there are many more than just these few states, a sizable number of middle and small states, and many of which are even today making significant contributions to international peace and security. Pakistan therefore supports expansion in the elected category of membership Periodic elections ensure accountability, and accountability ensures legitimacy, all in respect of the principle of sovereign equality of states without any discrimination between member states. We believe representation and accountability are two sides of the same coin. One cannot exist without the other. Representation ceases when there is no accountability. These twin principles exist only in the elected category. Coaches, the veto remains one of the most serious sources of Council's paralysis and loss of credibility. The overwhelming sentiment, therefore, is opposed to this undemocratic power to its misuse and favors serious restrictions and curtailment of veto, if not possible abolishment altogether. At the very least, veto must not be extended to any new members. If the existing veto already obstructs action Multiplying it would not be reform; it would be institutionalizing further deadlock. Regional representation must be addressed in a balanced and equitable manner. We are sensitive to and supportive of Africa's legitimate quest to rectify historic injustice, as reflected in the African Common Position. This consensus-based continental position is fundamentally different from the divisive national ambitions of the other aspirants for permanent membership. This historic injustice must therefore be redressed, as must similar injustices against the members of the OIC, the Arab Group, the Small States, SIDS, and Latin America. Co-chairs on size and working methods, enlargement must be meaningful. The extremely limited scope for expansion makes it imperative that every additional seat should strengthen the representation of the broader membership. Within such a framework, there can be no justification for the permanent allocation of seats to individual countries. Additional seats must expand access for the wider membership. Working methods must continue to be improved to make the Council more transparent, inclusive, and accountable, and more effective functioning of the subsidiary bodies and stronger engagement with non-Council members. Experience has shown that these objectives can best be achieved not by enlarging the coterie of the powerful few, but by strengthening democratic representation, role, and influence of the general membership of the UN in the Security Council. And that is at the heart of the question about relationship between the Council and the General Assembly, which must be be strengthened. As the Council acts on behalf of the membership, it must remain answerable to the membership. Co-chairs, we believe it is time to redress, not exacerbate, the anomalies and inequities of the past in the structure of a reformed Security Council. Reform must unite, not divide. IGN remains the only legitimate membership driven platform to undertake this process. Before I conclude, let me recall that the Pact for the Future seeks early reform and does not set any artificial or arbitrary deadline for a decision in this regard. Moreover, a consolidated model should be based on the convergences in all the 5 internal linked clusters. Now, this will entail flexibility and compromise by all sides, as well as exploration of new ideas such as those presented by you yourselves, the co-facilitators. Therefore, the existing divergences need to be overcome and reconciled through the IGN process before a consolidated model can be formulated. So evidently time is not ripe for any text-based negotiations. Co-chairs, Pakistan stands ready to work constructively with you and all member states for a reformed Security Council that is more democratic, more representative, and more effective. Reform for all, privilege for none. Thank you. Co-Chair [1:34:27]: I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan. Triple the allotted time, but that's not— it's just a guide. We actually look forward to all your statements, especially if they are elaborated, so thank you very much. Distinguished representative of Germany, you have the floor. Germany [1:34:47]: Thank you, co-chairs, and thank you for your efforts. Thank you for leading this discussion. It is very important. Of course, Germany fully aligns itself with the statement delivered by India this morning on behalf of the G4, and so I will be brief with a few additional points in my national capacity on the questions that you set. First, on the size of an enlarged Council. We do not think this is only a question of numbers. It's also a question of how members work together, and in a larger Council, cooperation among groups will become even more important. We can already see useful examples of this today, whether in the cooperation of the A3, A3+, or in the coordination among the European members. So for us, enlargement and efficiency can and must go hand in hand, and working methods need to adapt accordingly. Secondly, on the Pact of the Future, which, as everyone knows, we had the honour to co-facilitate with Namibia, we see the Pact as a highly significant agreement because it contains forward-looking language in many senses, but also on this question of reform, and it's clearly the result of a hard-fought compromise, and that's precisely why it matters. However, at this— and at the same time, it is important to recognize that all negotiating groups remain convinced that their own models meet the parameters set out in the Pact. So the Pact gives us a common political framework, but it does not in itself settle the debate which we need to have. And thirdly, on developments in positions and on new proposals. Yes, we do see movement. One example is the G4 proposal mentioned this morning for a review. Over the last 2 years, this idea has gained noticeable broader support, and some other models have now taken up this element as well. There are more. The representation of the CARICOM model one year ago has also shown that support for expansion in both categories is growing. The African model, as presented by Sierra Leone last month, demonstrated clearly that a majority of member states supports this approach to reform. So, co-chairs, colleagues, it is now time to move towards a consolidated model that reflects these majority positions. Thank you very much. Co-Chair [1:37:07]: I thank the distinguished representative of Germany and thank you for being extra brief. Appreciate it. Distinguished representative of Kenya, you have the floor. Kenya [1:37:21]: Thank you, co-chairs. Kenya aligns itself with the statement delivered by Sierra Leone. On behalf of the African Group. At the outset, Kenya reaffirms its steadfast support for the, the common African position as articulated in the Nsruin Consensus and the Silti Declaration, which reflects a principled and historically grounded call to address longstanding structural imbalances and persistent inequalities in global governance. We appreciate the opportunity to join today's discussion on each of the clusters for comprehensive Security Council reform. On regional representation, we recall the political commitment reflected in Action 39 of the Pact for the Future to redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority. And reiterate that comprehensive Security Council reform must adequately address the longstanding underrepresentation of the continent. Improving the effective representation and the voice of the underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups in the Security Council could demand— could command the confidence of the wider membership and enhance its legitimacy. On the categories of membership, Kenya observes that Africa's absence from the permanent category is a consequence of historical circumstances prevailing at the founding of the organization when much of the continent was under colonial domination and unable to participate fully in shaping the architecture of the global governance. It is precisely for this reason that the common African position correctly frames Africa's demand as the rectification of historical injustices. Action 39 of the Pact for the Future lends us the credence by acknowledging the need to retrace— to address Africa as a special case within the broader reform process. According to the resolution, Kenya supports Africa's united call for no fewer than 2 permanent seats with all the prerogatives and privileges of the permanent membership, including the veto if it continues to exist, as well as 5 additional non-permanent seats. A council whose composition better reflects today's realities will enjoy greater credibility, broader ownership, and enhanced authority in the discharge of its responsibility under the Charter. On the veto, Kenya supports Africa and other groups fundamentally opposed to the veto in principle and its eventual abolition. However, So long as it continues to exist, it must be made available to all permanent members, including Africa, on equal basis. We reiterate that admitting new members while denying them equivalent rights and privileges accorded to existing permanent members could institutionalize second tier of permanence and perpetuate inequality within a reformed Council. At the same time, we remain supportive of efforts aimed at improving the accountability, transparency, and responsible use of the veto in line with the broader objective of strengthening the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Council. On the size of an enlarged Council and the working methods, Kenya supports expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of the membership to make it sufficiently representative. The expansion should be accompanied by corresponding improvements in transparency, accountability, and working methods to ensure that the Council remains both effective and credible. Reforming the Council's working methods is indispensable to democratizing its functioning and strengthening of collective ownership. We therefore support measures to deepen engagement with troop and police contributing countries and regional organizations, including the African Union, and promoting the greater transparency in sanctions committees and subsidiary bodies. On the relations between the, the G8 and the Security Council. As the UN's most representative organ, the G8 must continue to play a role in shaping reform outcome and reinforcing the legitimacy of the multilateral system. We therefore support measures to enhance the Council's reporting obligation to the G8 aimed at strengthening its accountability to the wider membership, including the use of the veto. In conclusion, we reiterate the importance of advancing an inclusive and member-state-driven process with a view to achieving meaningful progress on this longstanding issue of central importance to the multilateral system. We owe it to the present and the future generation to present— to build Security Council that reflects the principles upon which this organization was founded. I thank you. Co-Chair [1:43:14]: I thank the distinguished representative of Kenya, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Brazil. Brazil [1:43:25]: Distinguished co-chairs, thank you very much for convening this meeting. As usual, my delegation aligns itself with statements delivered on behalf of the G4 and L69. Brazil notes the work undertaken so far during the current IGEN session and appreciates the presentation of the African model. Conditions are now in place for us to finally make progress towards a meaningful reform that will result in a more representative, equitable, accountable and legitimate Security Council. The next steps have been clearly and explicitly agreed by the membership: the preparation of a consolidated model based on convergences— and I stress, models presented by member states. Decades of exchanges, not negotiations, which have never taken place, as we know, have proved unable to yield results. The reform process demands a qualitative shift from procedural inertia to genuine political engagement on the basis of positions by Member States or groups of Member States. As my delegation has already stated, proposals not presented by Member States may be useful at a later stage, not now, especially if such proposals exclude key positions of the majority of the membership before negotiations have even begun and conflate concepts as clear and well-established in the Charter and in practice, such as permanent and non-permanent seats in the Security Council. Distinguished co-chairs, you now have in front of you several models presented by member states. Let us make good use of them in accordance with the mandate adopted by the General Assembly, which is the legitimate source of substantive and procedural decision-making in the matter at hand. I thank you. Co-Chair [1:45:41]: I thank the distinguished representative of Brazil. And I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Argentina. Argentina [1:45:51]: Buenos días. A very good morning. Argentina thanks the co-facilitators, distinguished colleagues Lise and Tarek. Thank you for organizing this 5th meeting of the IGN on the 5 clusters established under Decision 62/557. We also thank you for your dedicated ongoing work. Thank you. My delegation aligns itself with the statement made by Italy on behalf of United for Consensus, and we wish to add the following comments in our national capacity. As for the categories of members, for Argentina, Security Council reform must not only consist of an expansion of the different categories or privileges. Rather, it must strengthen the legitimacy representativity and response capacity of the body to the expectations of member states and the international community. The creation of new permanent seats and the expansion of special treatment would not correct current imbalances. Rather, it could consolidate them. As for the veto, the current international situation leads us once again to reflect on the functioning of the Security Council. And there is convergence on the need for, first of all at least, limiting the use of the veto based on the understanding that the veto limits the functioning of the body, the body that is tasked with the maintenance of international peace and security. Furthermore, my country understands that the United Nations will not be able to tackle present and future challenges if the Security Council continues to assign special powers in contradiction of the principle of sovereign equality laid down in Article 2.1 of the UN Charter. As for regional representation, for us, any reform must contemplate more equitable and democratic representation of the different regions and groups of states. In this regard, we wish to point to the historic underrepresentation of regions such as Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia-Pacific. My region, Latin America and the Caribbean, for example, brought close to 40% of the founding states of the United Nations, and we remain underrepresented at this body. Now, with regards to the size of the Security Council and its working methods, We believe that we need a council that acts swiftly and efficiently in response to issues that imperil international peace and security. Argentina believes that it's fundamental to move towards more transparent and inclusive working methods and open to effective participation of the membership as a whole, thus strengthening the legitimacy and accountability of the body. Finally, when it comes to the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, Argentina understands that the reform process must fully safeguard its intergovernmental nature based on seeking the broadest consensus possible between member states. Attempting to artificially accelerate the process or to move towards text-based negotiations without prior agreement— without sufficient prior agreements could entrench existing divisions and move us further from the perspective of a truly representative and sustainable reform. The legitimacy of any reform will depend not only on its content, but also on the way in which it is achieved. Thank you very much. Co-Chair [1:49:32]: I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina. The floor is to the distinguished representative of Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyzstan [1:49:42]: Co-chairs, let me express my gratitude for convening today's meeting. Thank you, Mr. President, and thanking the Permanent Representatives of Kuwait and Netherlands for their dedicated leadership on this process. The questions you have posed are the right ones. They set the right tone of the meaningful discussion. We firmly believe that the IGN remains the legitimate forum for advancing Security Council reform. This is where the voice of the all-member states, large and small, must be heard. For chairs, I would like to highlight a few points in my national capacity on the membership. The Security Council in the current form, it does not reflect the current geopolitical realities. The world has changed, the new powers have emerged, new threats— climate change, terrorism, food insecurity— demand collective response. Yet the structure of the Council remains largely frozen in the logic of 1945. This gap undermines its credibility and its ability to act effectively. We want to highlight some— something that is often overlooked in the debate. Africa is the largest continent grouping in the UN, yet holds no permanent seats in the Council. This is a historical injustice, and it must be corrected. Kyrgyzstan firmly supports the legitimate aspirations of African states for enhancing representation in the enlarged Council, and we welcome the submission of the African model. But reform must go further. Small states carry a heavy burden. LLDCs, LLDCs, they suffer the most global crises, yet they have virtually no voice at the table security and peace. Over 60 UN member states have never been elected to the Security Council. This is not just a statistical imbalance. This is a structural problem that weakens the Council's legitimacy. An enlarged Council with both permanent and non-permanent seats, expanded on the basis of fair regional representation, would make the Council more inclusive, more balanced and ultimately more effective. The Pact for the Future has set important parameters through Actions 39 and 41. Now we must translate those commitments into the real actions. Kyrgyzstan calls to all delegations to come to these sessions with a genuine political will. A reformed Council is the one that reflects the diversity of our membership and responds to today's realities. Kyrgyzstan is firmly committed to this process. We believe that a stronger, more representative, and more effective Council serves the interests of all member states. And I thank you. Co-Chair [1:52:36]: I thank the distinguished representative of Kyrgyzstan, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. Russian Federation [1:52:54]: Distinguished co-chairs, distinguished co-chairs, we welcome the convening of this latest informal meeting of the General Assembly as part of the IGN. on UN Security Council reform. Today's topic of the meeting, thematic clusters, is very important. It allows us to look at the reform process comprehensively and to evaluate its development in line with GA Resolution 72557 and monitor the pinch points that are holding back progress to find compromises. We note that the format proposed by the co-chairs 2 years ago to look at different models for a renewed Council have given the discussion new impetus. It allowed for a comparative analysis of different concepts and helped present the ramifications of implementing these in practice. From this standpoint, we have to note that none of the proposed models, although some did have some advantages, received broad support. None of them received broad support from member states. We do not believe that any of these models can form the basis of a final reform decision in such a way that it can be adopted by consensus, or as a minimum by the overwhelming majority of delegations. In this regard, there is no alternative still to consistent work to find points of convergence on the different thematic clusters regarding the idea of developing a consolidated model, we should recall that such a unified concept must be based not only on models presented by member states, but also on elements of convergence of positions on the 5 thematic clusters. As we've seen in terms of how the IGN has developed on the 3 out of 5 clusters, namely categories of membership, size of the Council, and the veto, there are still few points of convergence. All of the— all of them propose expanding the composition of the body to more than 25 countries. We have repeatedly underscored that this would lead to a lack of a Security Council properly functioning, an increase in the time taken for meetings, a decrease in the added value of its members, and also extensions of the length of agreement on documents. We welcome the efforts by the co-chairs of the the IGN to find compromises that would involve Interalia allocating a new permanent category for regional fixed seats. At the moment, we believe this is promising, a promising proposal that should be considered from different angles. At the same time, we note that we must talk solely about those regions that really are underrepresented. If the expansion were to cover regions that are already enjoying a numerical advantage in the Council that would not only strip our efforts of any meaning but would enshrine the vestiges of the colonial era in the Council. In concrete terms, as part of the work on the co-chairs' elements this year, we propose defining overrepresented and sufficiently represented regional groups. For us, it's clear that the first category, for example, must include WIAG. For example, we believe that incorporating such an element would allow us to narrow the area of challenges facing the IGN. I thank you. Co-Chair [1:56:37]: I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Portugal. Portugal [1:56:46]: Thank you, co-chairs. The Pact for the Future sent a clear political message that Security Council reform is necessary to preserve the credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations. In Action 39, our heads of state and government committed to advancing a Council that is more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic and accountable. We believe, as a country, that the composition of the Security Council created in 1945 and last reformed in 1965 no longer reflects the world— today's world and geopolitical realities. Reform must include expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories with better representation, underrepresented regions, with a special focus in Africa and in full support, in our view, of the Common African Position as seen in our last IGN meeting. At the same time, reform is not only about categories and members— and numbers. Working methods remain central to the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Council. Portugal has long defended, and will continue to do so, a more transparent, inclusive and accountable Council, including through our engagement in the ACT Group and our previous chairmanship of the informal Working Group on documentation and other procedural matters. A more representative Council must also be a Council that engages more systematically with the wider membership. Greater transparency should be the norm, not the exception. Open briefings, regular wrap-up and wrap-up sessions, timely monthly assessments, stronger interaction with affected countries, troop and police contributing countries, regional organizations, and also civil society all contribute to more informed and credible decision-making. We also believe elected members should continue to play a strong role in shaping the Council's work, including through a fairer distribution of penholderships and subsidiary body shares. The Council benefits when responsibility is shared more broadly across its membership. Portugal also sees the reform discussion as an opportunity to strengthen the relationship between the Security Council and the GA. On one side, we look forward to the upcoming adoption of the Council's annual report and its substantive discussion in the GA. On the other, the Veto Initiative has demonstrated that the wider membership expects greater accountability and political explanation when the veto is used. In this regard, we also take positive note of the inclusion of recommendations for action in the PGA's summaries of veto initiative debates, as was done following the meeting of 16 April, which may provide useful elements for future consideration by the General Assembly and/or the Council. We also reiterate Our support for initiatives promoting restraint in the use of veto, including the ACT Code of Conduct and the Franco-Mexican initiative. The veto carries particular responsibility, especially in situations involving mass atrocities. Co-chairs, after many years of discussion, the membership expects progress. While differences remain, there are also areas where convergence is is increasingly visible. Portugal remains committed to engaging constructively with all delegations in a spirit of dialogue, flexibility, and bridge-building. I thank you. Co-Chair [2:00:31]: I thank the distinguished representative of Portugal, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Namibia. Namibia [2:00:40]: Co-chairs, Namibia applauds you at the manner at which you have been steering our deliberations And thank you for organizing this meeting looking at the 5 clusters in relation to the comprehensive reform of the Security Council. Namibia aligns itself with the statement delivered by Sierra Leone on behalf of the African Group and wishes to underscore in its national capacity the urgency and weight we attach to the work before us. Nearly 80 years after the establishment of the United Nations, the Security Council current configuration across the 5 clusters continues to mirror an outdated global order. This reality is no longer defensible. The delay in Reforming the Council undermines its legitimacy, erodes trust and multilateralism, and weakens its ability to respond timely and effectively to today's complex and interconnected challenges. The reform of the Council is not a matter of convenience. It is a matter of justice, credibility, political will. On the categories of membership, Namibia is unequivocal. Expansion must be pursued in both permanent and non-permanent categories to ensure a comprehensive and balanced outcome. We reiterate in this regard with clarity and conviction that Africa's common position as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Our commitment continues. Exclusion from permanent membership persists despite decades of acknowledgment. This reaffirmation in a landmark Pact for the Future, which Namibia facilitated with Germany, and the recognition of Africa's special case constitute a historic shift in the discourse of the reform of the Council. Africa is home to 54 member states, represents over 1.5 billion people, and is central to the Council's agenda. These undeniable facts cannot be overlooked or marginalized when shaping the Council's new permanent decision-making structure. Africa's representation must urgently be treated as a priority. On the question of the veto, Nayib reiterates that the veto is inherently undemocratic and incompatible with the principles of sovereign equality. However, it is in the interest of of the entire membership that the veto be either extended to all the new permanent members on a non-discriminatory basis or abolished for all. A reform that institutionalizes inequality or creates new categories of exclusion is fundamentally incompatible with justice for Africa and undermines the very purpose of this process. Co-chairs, Namibia emphasizes that equity must be at the core of the reform. A Security Council that does not reflect current geopolitical and demographic realities cannot claim legitimacy. Africa's underrepresentation is the most glaring example. It is not only the one. Other developing countries, regions also remain insufficiently represented. Reform must address these imbalances comprehensively and fairly. On the size of the Council and its working methods, Namibia supports the meaningful expansion that enhances both representation and effectiveness. Concerns about efficiency cannot be used as a pretext to preserve an exclusive status quo. Decision-making must be more transparent, more accountable, and more inclusive so that the views of affected countries, troop-contributing countries, and the broader membership substantively incorporated. Namibia also underscores the need to restore institutional balance between the Security Council and the General Assembly. The General Assembly is the most representative and democratic organ of this organization, yet its role in matters of international peace and security remains constrained. We must all demonstrate our political will to go beyond the current limitations and strengthen the Assembly's role. Finally, co-chairs, the adoption of the Pact for the Future has created renewed political opportunity. After more than a decade of intergovernmental negotiations, we must consider now moving decisively towards text-based negotiations. The absence of a negotiating text only delays progress, entrenches existing positions. The IGN cannot continue as an annual exercise in repetition. The world expects results. Namibia remains firmly committed to comprehensive reform across all 5 clusters. in an integrated and balanced manner that does not dilute the legitimate aspirations of Africa and the wider membership. I thank you, Co-Chairs. Co-Chair [2:07:03]: I thank the distinguished representative of Namibia and I give the floor to Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste [2:07:13]: Co-Chairs, at the outset we wish to reiterate our sincere appreciation for your leadership in this process. Thank you, Mr. President. My delegation wishes to express its alignment with the statement delivered on behalf of the L69 Group on all 5 clusters under today's debate. As a nation whose path to peace was forged in close partnership with the United Nations, Timor-Leste holds an enduring faith in the virtues of multilateralism. It is precisely out of our deep reverence of this institution We advocate for a Security Council that mirrors the contemporary world. Guterres, the reform of the Security Council is a profound ethical and strategic necessity. The adoption of the Pact of the Future serves as a meaningful renewal of our collective promise to revitalize this essential organ. And it is incumbent upon us to translate that goodwill into tangible progress. To that end, Timor-Leste welcomes the African model presented recently and all the constructive body of proposals put forward thus far. We believe the time has come for this diverse perspective to converge into a single consolidated framework that can serve as the foundation for genuine text-based negotiations. For small island developing states like Timor-Leste navigating complex non-traditional security challenges such as climate change, A truly representative Council is of the essence. Co-chairs, the period of preliminary deliberation has served us well, but the moment has arrived to take the next step. Timor-Leste looks forward to an opportunity for all delegations to match their desire for reform with the shared political courage required to build a more equitable, accountable and harmonious international order. Thank you. Co-Chair [2:09:15]: I thank the distinguished representative of Timor-Leste and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Austria. Austria [2:09:25]: Thank you very much, distinguished co-chairs, Excellencies, colleagues. Thank you very much for convening today's debate on the 5 clusters of reform. As this session of the IGN draws to a close, let me reiterate that Austria remains fully committed to the urgent priority of Security Council reform. As we have said on previous occasions, the absence of reform of the Security Council is not a technical issue; it is a political failure that weighs heavily on the credibility of this organization. The IGN remains the most legitimate way to address this issue, and during this session we have already made considerable headway, especially with the presentation of the African Model of Reform last month, and we would like to thank the C10 for presenting their model. The voice of Africa must be at the center of this reform. If this process is to remain credible, we must focus our efforts to maintain the momentum of this session. We therefore continue to encourage the co-chairs to use the Pact for the Future as a political compass and to steer this session towards a consolidated model for reform. A consolidated model would enable delegations to define more clearly where the room for compromise lies. Excellencies, dear colleagues, on the concrete topic of today's discussion, we would like to emphasize that the parameters of reform as set out in Action 39 of the Pact for the Future and the interim measures as outlined in Action 41 have considerably contributed to refining Austria's position on reform but also led to increased clarity where the reform process is headed. Let me give you a few examples. First, the Council must become more representative to be more legitimate. The Council needs to be enlarged to increase the representation of developing countries and small and medium-sized states, including small island developing states, as agreed to in the Pact of the Future. This is a clear yardstick and must guide future future discussions. Second, with a view to regional representation, many regions of this world, not least Africa, but also GRULAC and the APG, are severely underrepresented in the Council's current power balance. The historical injustice against Africa must be urgently redressed and Africa treated as a special case, as recognized by the Pact for the Future. Austria also strongly supports improving the representation of the APG and GRULAC as agreed to in the Pact. With a view to the representation of APG and GRULAC, Austria notes that most models presented so far foresee 3 additional seats for APG and 2 additional seats for GRULAC, notwithstanding differences in categories. This is an emerging convergence in numbers that Austria would be able to support. On the issue of the size of the Reform Council, Austria is of the view that under any of the current models that have been presented, A reformed Council would be somewhere between 25 and 27 members. This, in our opinion, fulfils the requirement of ensuring a balance between representativeness and efficiency of the Council that was laid out in the Pact. On the issue of the veto, Austria strongly supports an in-depth discussion on possible limitations as mandated by the Pact. The dedicated meeting on the veto held this session helped to refine this discussion. Finally, the working methods of the reformed Council must be improved and democratized, in addition to ongoing incremental improvements to increase the transparency, effectiveness, and accountability of the Council. Action 41 of the Pact mentions many important areas of work, including penholdership, increasing the Council's transparency, inclusivity, and accountability, as well as enhancing its relationship with the GA, the PBC, and the ECOSOC. All these areas— all these are areas that Austria supports and will continue to be committed to improving. Excellencies, colleagues, Austria stands ready to remain a partner for reform and contribute to moving this process forward to a successful conclusion as soon as possible. I thank you. Co-Chair [2:13:46]: I thank the distinguished representative of Austria and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of China. China [2:13:56]: Co-chairs, China welcomes the convening of today's meeting. During this session of the GA, the IAGN on Security Council reform have conducted multiple rounds of in-depth discussions on the 5 clusters of issues through frank and open discussion We appreciate and support the leadership role played by the co-chairs. The 5 clusters of issues concerning Security Council reform are closely interconnected and should be addressed through a package solution. We should continue to carry out frank and open discussions to bridge differences and build consensus among member states. Expanding the size of Security Council should be the result of the reform, not an end in itself. Priority should be given to increasing the representation of developing countries in the Council, in particular the representation of African countries, so as to be in line with the historical trend towards a multipolar world, greater democracy in international relations, and collective rise of the Global South. At the same time, due consideration must be given to the relationship between size and efficiency while continuously improving working methods to ensure the Council can effectively fulfill its responsibilities. To ensure that Security Council's working method keep pace with the times, the most important task is to strengthen unity and cooperation. Members of the Security Council must respect one another, engage in consultations on an equal footing, accommodate each other's legitimate concerns, and support the Council in taking effective action and ensure that resolutions adopted contribute to political settlements and are effectively implemented. The Security Council should also attach importance to listening to the voices of the countries concerned, regional countries, and regional organizations, so as to pool wisdom and efforts to jointly seeking solutions. Co-chairs, some colleagues have mentioned the provisions regarding the veto contained in the Pact for the Future. China believes that the veto is a unique component of the institutional design of the United Nations. Born out of the painful lessons of war and historical experience. In essence, it is intended to encourage communication and coordination among major powers, promote consensus, safeguard international peace and security, and uphold international fairness and justice. In practice, the veto has also played an important role in restraining the impulse of the Council to authorize the use of force lightly and preserving space for diplomatic mediation. The veto is not a privilege, but a special responsibility conferred by the UN Charter. Permanent members of the Security Council should take the lead in fulfilling the responsibilities under the Charter and exercise the veto prudently and responsibly. The key is to uphold an objective and impartial position and stand on the sides of international justice. As a permanent member of the Security Council, China has always adopted a prudent and responsible approach on the question of the veto. China has consistently worked to uphold international fairness and justice, promote political settlement of disputes, and securing the final window of opportunity for diplomatic mediation. China's exercise of the veto power stands the test of time and history. Co-chairs, the current international situation The world is complex and ever-changing, with security challenges constantly emerging. The Security Council must fulfill the primary responsibility entrusted to it by the UN Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security. This requires us to approach the reform process with a strategic vision and long-term perspective. In recent years, more and more countries have opposed the idea of one election giving permanent terms and have shown openness towards establishment of regional or rotating This reflects the latest thinking of member states and thereby merits further discussions and refinement during the IGN. China will continue to support the work of the co-chairs and IGN process and will work to maintain the right direction of the Security Council reform process. Thank you. Co-Chair [2:18:10]: I thank the distinguished representatives. Thank you, distinguished representative of China, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa. South Africa [2:18:24]: Thank you, co-chairs. South Africa aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the groups it belongs to, namely the African Group and the L69. We express our sincere appreciation for this intergovernmental negotiation session dedicated to the 5 clusters and with the particular emphasis on Actions 39 and 41 of the Pact of the Future, as indicated in the guiding questions provided for this session. Co-chairs, Action 39A of the Pact of the Future reflects the wide recognition and broad support by member states for the legitimate aspiration of the African continent to play its rightful role in the United Nations as it relates to the maintenance of peace and security through redressing the historical injustice to Africa. The action further affirms the centrality of equitable geographical representation as a key element in addressing representation, inclusivity, and the democratic nature of the Security Council by calling for improved representation of Asia-Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean as underrepresented and unrepresented regions. South Africa remains of the view that the size of an enlarged council should be guided by the expansion of the permanent and non-permanent categories of the council. We firmly believe that the size of the expanded council should include 7 total seats for Africa, namely 2 permanent and 5 non-permanent seats, consistent with the common African position. An enlarged Council should also include seats in both categories for Asia-Pacific and for Latin America and the Caribbean. To ensure the transparent, efficient, and effective, as well as accountable functioning of the Council, we highlight the importance of penholdership for non-permanent members and for these members to uphold the presidency at least once during their tenure. We reaffirm our support for a more consultative approach with regional organizations and other key stakeholders in mandate implementation, such as troop and police contributing countries, building on the cooperation between the Security Council and the Peace and Security Council of the African Union as a good example of the tangible benefits of such consultations. In line with the operative paragraphs 3 and 4 of Resolution 79/327, the Council should also strengthen its relationship with subsidiary bodies including the Peacebuilding Commission so as to improve coherence, coordination, and effectiveness of the Council's mandate. South Africa reiterates that the veto cannot be the exclusive right of the 5 members because this will only serve to entrench power disparities and inequalities in the Council. Therefore, while the veto exists, it should be extended to the new permanent members. They should have the same prerogatives and privileges, including the right of veto. The continued use of the veto by some members of the Security Council in violation of the Charter and against the mandate which the member states of the UN have conferred on the Security Council remains a matter of concern for South Africa. In this regard, we associate with the accession of Resolution 79/327 on the role and authority of the General Assembly in matters related to the maintenance of peace and security, particularly in instances where the Security Council fails to act. We reaffirm our support for the implementation of operative paragraph 6 of Resolution 79/327, which requests the President of the General Assembly to continue to provide detailed summaries following relevant discussions related to the annual report of the Security Council on the use of the veto, including recommendations for action based on such discussions. Our view is that the provision by the President of the General Assembly of detailed summaries and comprehensive Security Council annual reports on the use of the veto will go a long way in contributing to transparency and accountability. In concluding, Co-Chairs, we stress the importance of the IGN to proceed with a consolidated model based on convergences of the 5 clusters and the models presented by member states as directed by the Pact of the Future, as this will provide the basis for text-based negotiations. I thank you. Co-Chair [2:23:45]: I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein. Liechtenstein [2:23:54]: Thank you so much for the floor, Madam Co-Chair, and good morning to all of you. Co-chairs, thank you for your leadership of the IGN process and for convening today's session on the 5 clusters. Security Council reform remains a matter of urgency, both in order to ensure its effectiveness in upholding international law and to improve its representation of membership and the peoples we serve. Liechtenstein has been pleased to present its own model as well as a revised version in October '24. We encourage others to continue putting forward their own models in the IGN format. On categories of membership, we believe that the practice of periodic election is key to ensure accountability of Council members. We believe that longer-term re-electable seats with an 8 to 10 year duration would serve as a pragmatic compromise between the positions put forward by the various groups. In practice, such seats permit de facto permanent incumbency on the Council based on a periodic mandate provided by the full membership. On the veto, Liechtenstein does not support models that expand the veto, which would extend the Council's main source of paralysis. Additionally, in keeping with the commitment we have all made in the Pact for the Future, we believe that any reform package must include restrictions on the use of the veto to restore its role as intended by the draft of the Charter and to make a political compromise viable. On regional representation, our model puts forward longer-term re-electable seats for Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Western European and Others Group, and formalizes dedicated seats for the Arab Group and Small Island Developing States and puts forward an additional seat for the Eastern European Group. This distribution of seats better reflects the composition of membership which has so clearly changed since 1945. On the type of seats, we believe that longer terms— longer-term reelectable seats are better suited to improve overall representativeness by potentially allowing a broader range of states to serve in a rotation scheme or through contested elections. In addition, the IGM process should examine how we can bridge the traditional regional group approach with the thematic group approach, including with respect to seats. On size and working methods, we are of the view that adding 6 to 8 new Council members strikes a reasonable balance between the improved representation and effectiveness. An enlarged Council must adapt its working methods accordingly. We further believe it is important that all Council members can serve as President of the Council during their term and have equitable access to the chairing of subsidiary bodies and penholderships. Measures should be considered to manage meeting time and workload more efficiently. It is important to note that the working methods cluster of the IGN is limited to changes in the working methods resulting from Council enlargement and that efforts to improve the working methods of the present Council should continue outside the IGN. On the relationship between the Security Council and the GA. We believe in a mutually reinforcing relationship on matters of peace and security between a reformed Council and the General Assembly. The Council's primary responsibility under the Charter for the maintenance of peace and security should be complemented by the General Assembly as put forward in the Charter. We welcome, among others, the proposals put forward by the African Group in this regard. Co-chairs, we appreciate your efforts to put forward the basis for further discussions and look forward to next steps. I thank you so much. Co-Chair [2:28:25]: I thank the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland [2:28:35]: Thank you, co-chairs. Be expanded in order to better reflect the world today. We support an expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership to a total in the mid-20s. This should include permanent African representation and new permanent seats for India, Germany, Japan, and Brazil. The UK underlines the importance of ensuring that any enlargement of the Council also serves to enhance its effectiveness. A reformed Council must remain able to respond to crises and conflicts around the world and uphold international peace and security. Recent steps, including the veto initiative, demonstrate that pragmatic changes can strengthen the Council's transparency and effectiveness. These efforts underline that meaningful progress is possible. Improving confidence in the Council's work while preserving its ability to act decisively. Colleagues, the United Kingdom remains steadfast in its support for a reformed, more representative Council. We look forward to working with all delegations, continuing to engage constructively across all 5 clusters, and to identify practical pathways towards consensus. Thank you. Co-Chair [2:30:20]: I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of— The Philippines. Philippines [2:30:49]: Thank you very much, co-chairs. The Philippines thanks you for your steadfast leadership of the IGN process. The Philippines remains firmly committed to comprehensive reform of the Security Council across all 5 clusters. We consider working methods as an important element of efforts to improve the effectiveness, transparency, inclusivity, And accountability of the Security Council. In line with Action 41 of the Pact for the Future, we support improving access and participation in the work of the Council and its subsidiary organs for the wider membership, strengthening interaction between the Security Council and the General Assembly, and enhancing engagement with regional organizations and states concerned. The Philippines looks forward to the adoption of the annual report of Security Council to the General Assembly for 2025, which promotes greater accountability and transparency. We note that agreement on the allocation of chairships of subsidiary bodies remains pending and encourage the Security Council to finalize these arrangements as soon as possible, as delays affect not only the work of the subsidiary bodies but also the efficiency and responsiveness of the Council. Co-chairs, the Philippines recognizes the broad support for enlarging the Security Council to enhance its representativeness and legitimacy. We underscore the importance of addressing the historical underrepresentation of Africa as a priority and also improving the representation of other underrepresented regions including the APG and GRULAC, consistent with Action 39 of the pact for the future. We therefore strongly support the Ezulwini Consensus. While differences remain on the modalities and categories of expansion, we observe emerging areas of convergence, particularly on improving working methods, strengthening Security Council-General Assembly interaction, and enhancing the representativeness of the Council. The Philippines therefore encourages continued engagement aimed at narrowing gaps and advancing practical and achievable progress across the 5 clusters. Co-chairs, at a time of increasing demands on the United Nations, the credibility and effectiveness of the Security Council remain closely tied to the UN's ability to adapt and respond to contemporary and emerging challenges and realities. As we approach the final plenary meetings of this session, The Philippines will continue to engage constructively and support efforts to advance meaningful and achievable progress on Security Council reform within the IGN. Thank you. Co-Chair [2:33:38]: I thank the distinguished representative of the Philippines for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Singapore. Singapore [2:33:48]: Co-chairs, I want to thank you for your open and constructive leadership and for offering avenues like the Taxile Talks and bridging proposals, which have allowed us to clarify and sharpen our discussions. My delegation also thanks the African Group for introducing its model. The presentation of the various models of reform have been useful in providing greater clarity on the perspectives of various groups. This will allow us to identify where convergences may be possible. Singapore has consistently supported the implementation of the Pact for the Future and our commitments on Security Council reform that are laid out in the Pact. On the 5 clusters, in our last statement of these negotiations, we spoke about the impact of the veto on decision-making in the Council and our support for the voluntary restraint of its use. I shall not repeat these points other than to reiterate that my delegation continues to be unpersuaded that increasing the number of veto-wielding members will make the Council more effective or responsive. Let me make 2 key points on the other main clusters. First, on categories of membership and representation. Any reformed Council must reflect the diversity of the UN membership and the geopolitical realities of our time to be credible. Singapore has therefore been consistent in our support for expansion in both categories. But any expansion must not become purely an exercise to accommodate the ambitions of the big powers while neglecting the legitimate needs and aspirations of small states. No model of reform would be credible if their perspectives and interests are not addressed, especially those from underrepresented regions or regional groups that do not practice sub-regional rotation. Singapore therefore supports the idea of at least one cross-regional rotating seat for Small Island Developing States as a positive step forward, and we welcome other ideas. We similarly strongly support the need to address the historical underrepresentation of Africa and other un- or underrepresented regions, including the Asia-Pacific Group. Second, on size and working methods. Reform of the Council must not compromise its ability to respond respond decisively and effectively. This is why Singapore is in favour of an enlarged Council of a reasonable size, with membership in its mid-20s, which balances representativeness with effectiveness in decision-making. Any expansion must be accompanied by strengthening and reviewing the working methods of the Council. We support the full participation of Non-Permanent Members in the Council's work, including as penholders, and to hold the Presidency at least once during their tenure. These are ideas that are widely supported by many delegations in this room today. A reformed Council must ultimately be more accountable to the wider UN membership. This is why we previously put forward a Declaration of Responsibilities for adoption by the General Assembly. This, we feel, should be reflected in any eventual reform package. Co-chairs, we see movement. To make even more meaningful progress, we must be prepared to be flexible and work towards identifying convergences that can form the basis of a consolidated model of reform that can command broad support. This will enable us to move this process from theoretical discussions to concrete outcomes. We look forward to the next steps. Thank you. Co-Chair [2:37:22]: I thank the distinguished representative of Singapore for her statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba. Cuba [2:37:34]: Co-chairs, we thank you for organizing this meeting to continue to address the reform of the Security Council by debating the 5 clusters pursuant to Decision 62557 of the General The exception, not the practice. The annual report that presented to the General Assembly must be exhaustive and analytical of the work of the Council, enabling us to address the causes and implications of the decisions. We're also in favor of expanding the Council in both categories of members, both permanent and non-permanent, seeking a more balanced makeup of the body that would reflect the geographic imbalance and lack of representation of developing countries because they are the majority of the membership of the UN. This expansion should not be partial or selective, nor should it involve an increase in the numbers of the council that would be detrimental to developing countries. In terms of the size of the expanded council, we believe that the membership should reach no less than 26 members. This should include an increase to the number of permanent members, a minimum of 2 from Africa, 2 developing countries from Asia, and 2 from Latin America and the Caribbean. The time has come to correct the historic injustice that entire regions like Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean face because they're not represented in this category. What's more, the category of non-permanent members must be expanded to at least 15 members. We're not in favor of the creation of new categories or subcategories of members because this would undermine existing differences and would foster division within the Security Council. Cuba is opposed to the existence of the right of veto. However, whilst this is still in place, the new positions that are established in terms of permanent members must have the same prerogatives and rights of current members, including the power of veto. We must not establish selective or discriminatory criteria here. Furthermore, the interference of the Security Council in areas outside of its remit must halt, in particular when it comes to issues that are under the remit of the General Assembly. The functions and mandates established by the UN Charter must be respected. Co-chairs, you can certainly count on delegation to continue to move forward with a solution that can benefit from the widest acceptance from the member states in order to make this body more transparent, democratic, and representative. Thank you. Co-Chair [2:40:32]: I thank the distinguished representative of Cuba for her statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Poland. Poland [2:40:40]: Thank you very much, distinguished co-chairs. Let me begin by thanking you for organizing this meeting as well as for the informal and constructive format of Tax Sale Talks. We hope that your hard work will lead us to tangible progress in our discussions on the reform of the Security Council, but no pressure. It is important, we believe, to underline that what we need most at this stage is flexibility and a genuine openness to compromise. After all, the process we are engaged in explicitly contains the word negotiations in its title. And this should guide our approach. We cannot limit ourselves to reiterating fixed positions and declaring them non-negotiable. The Security Council is an organ of the UN with a majority of its members elected by the entire UN membership. Its structure is defined by the UN Charter, a document we have all collectively agreed upon. It can only be amended through a common effort. But with it, it can be amended. In the Pact for the Future, We committed ourselves to developing a consolidated model based on convergences across the 5 clusters. What we already seem to realise is that no single model will fully satisfy all Member States. Therefore, perhaps we should begin with the— I don't want to use the word lowest, so I won't— common denominator. A foundation upon which further progress can be built. It should be based on the expansion of the non-permanent category of membership, in our view. In line with Article 23 of the Charter, it is precisely this category that is intended to ensure equitable geographical distribution. And this should be our starting point. If a consolidated model based on this premise proves to be insufficiently ambitious, then we still have a solid basis for further development. Co-chairs, a more representative Security Council is a Council with greater legitimacy. However, our reform will remain incomplete if we fail to address another fundamental issue, which is the question of the veto. We need to consider the perspective of our nations, obviously, but also of our citizens. And public opinion appears to agree that the veto does not enhance the effectiveness of the Security Council. Expanding this privilege risks further complicating decision-making and undermining the Council's ability to act. If we are serious about reform, we must have an opportunity to engage in negotiations. That requires pragmatism, flexibility, and the willingness to move beyond entrenched positions. Only then can we deliver a Security Council that is more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately— more importantly perhaps even— effective with improved working methods. I thank you. Co-Chair [2:43:23]: I thank the distinguished representative of Poland for his statement, and I now give the floor to the Democratic Thank you, Co-Chair. Democratic People's Republic of Korea [2:43:32]: Thank you, Co-Chair. At outset, allow me to express my appreciation to Co-Chair for your sincere efforts to promote constructive process within IGN on the Security Council reform through initiation of the structured dialogue. My delegation wishes to reaffirm its principal position regarding the working method of the Security Council and size of the enlarged Council. In responding to guiding question posed by co-chair, my delegation believes that the parameter in Action 39 of the Pact for the Future are directly linked to the working method of Security Council. The main idea of Action 39 is that member states bear primary responsibility for preventing conflict, sustaining peace, and contributing to the maintenance of international peace and security through national efforts and international cooperation. In this regard, current structure and functioning of the Security Council remain focused on responding to the conflict after they erupt rather than on preventing them. Security Council should place far greater emphasis on preventive diplomacy and respecting legitimate security concerns of the sovereign state. To this end, Security Council must put an end to the application of the selectivity and double standard. Today, the Security Council often justifies military action and civilian casualties caused by certain countries under the pretext of the self-defense while condemning the efforts of the other states to strengthen their defensive capability as a threat to international peace and security. Such inconsistent practice undermines the credibility, impartiality, authority of the Security Council. Therefore, my delegation believes that working method of Security Council should be reformed in accordance with the principle embodied in Action 39 of the Pact for the Future. Most importantly, Security Council must fully uphold the principle of sovereign equality, act impartially, and refrain from selectivity and double standards in both its deliberations and actions. In 1945, the United Nations was established to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind. And the Security Council was entrusted with the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. In this context, my delegation cannot overlook a country that provoked world war, thereby brought unspeakable misery and sorrow upon humanity, has yet to offer any reflection and apology for its past crime against humanity. Thank you. This is a highly shameless behavior. Furthermore, it is deeply concerning that in the context of the reforming Security Council, certain member states continue to advocate permanent membership for Japan, which still seeks to justify its past action— act of aggression against our country and the crime against humanity. A country that is moving toward becoming military power again and showing ambitions for renewed aggression without sincere apology on its history of aggression should not be granted permanent membership in the Security Council. I thank you. Co-Chair [2:47:09]: I thank the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for his statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of San Marino. San Marino [2:47:21]: Distinguished co-chairs, I would like to thank you for convening this meeting of the IGN on Security Council reform. San Marino aligns itself with the statement previously made by Italy on behalf of the UFC Group. And now I would like to make some remarks in my national capacity. Progress requires us to move forward on all 5 clusters, building the necessary common ground to support the entire reform package. Regarding the cluster on categories of membership, It is clear that thus far non-permanent elected members are the only category on which there is a broad consensus. Only through periodic elections can the principle of democracy and accountability be fully implemented. Elections strengthen accountability and incentivize the Council to act in the collective interest. Nevertheless, San Marino understands the longstanding request of the African Group to redress an historical injustice. Here, we believe there may be room for manoeuvre to seek a compromise solution by safeguarding the concept of African regional seats alongside the principle of accountability through periodic elections. Distinguished Co-Chairs, we have all seen, particularly in recent years, the significant impact of the veto on the work of the Security Council, specifically on its efficiency and its capacity to promptly address challenges to international peace and security. In our view, granting the right of veto to additional countries would result in a reform that renders the Security Council even less capable of addressing threats to international peace and security. While San Marino advocates for the eventual abolition of the veto, we believe a pragmatic approach best serves the interest of reform. To this end, San Marino has joined both the ACT Group's Code of Conduct regarding mass atrocities and the French-Mexican initiative to voluntarily refrain from using the veto in such situations. Distinguished co-chairs, regarding the 3rd cluster's regional representation, we favor fairer representation for the African continent and underrepresented regions in general. We are also open to exploring special arrangements for cross-regional groups to improve representation while preserving Thank you very much. Co-Chair [2:50:04]: I thank the distinguished representative of San Marino for his statement. And looking at the clock, that means we have heard the last speaker for this meeting. We will reconvene this afternoon at 3 PM in this conference room to continue the discussion, followed by a closed interactive dialogue without webcast. The meeting is adjourned.