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Good afternoon. I call to order the informal public meeting of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women with representatives of non-governmental organizations who will be able to provide country-specific information on the States parties for which the Committee will adopt list of issues and questions or list of issues prior to reporting this week. namely Bangladesh, the Russian Federation, as well as Barbados, Burundi, Guinea, Haiti, Jordan, Mali, Micronesia, and Nigeria, list of issue prior to reporting. I should like to remind the meeting participant that this meeting is live webcast on UN Web TV. I am pleased to note that NGOs are taking advantage of this opportunity. to provide information to the Committee. This information assists the Committee in its consideration of reports submitted by States Party. We welcome especially the representatives of local NGOs. NGO representatives have the right of unhindered access to and communication with the Committee and its members. Individual or groups of individuals facing intimidation or reprisal for seeking to cooperate or cooperating with the Committee, or their representatives, can inform the Rapporteur on Reprisals and Alternate Rapporteur appointed by the Committee of any alleged incident of intimidation or reprisals. Such complaints should be sent electronically to the CIDAW Secretariat. To ensure that all NGO will be able to take the floor, I urge all speakers to respect the time limits allocated for each intervention. And I will start now in alphabetical. No, I'll start now with the list before me that says Burundi, LWAF Action for Justice, Audrey Barikabavu Gai, five minutes pre-recorded video message, please. Can we hear?
Madam Chair, distinguished members of the Committee, thank you for this opportunity to contribute to the Committee's conversation. Madam Chair, distinguished members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to contribute to the committee's consideration of Burundi under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. My name is Audrey Wankiwabuge and I'm speaking on behalf of the Lutheran World Federation Burundi Country Programme, which is a faith-based and humanitarian and development organization committed to human rights, human dignity, and gender justice. Drawing on our community labor engagement and our advocacy work, WLWF submitted issues, a list of issues prior to reporting, identifying for inter-connected priorities: gender-based violence, girls' education, access to education, women's land and inheritance rights, and women's meaningful participation in decision making. I'd like to highlight the key concerns in these areas. The first is gender-based violence. Although Burundi has adopted the law on the prevention, protection of victims and repression of gender-based violence, effective implementation remains essential. Through our community engagement in Mubumuza Province, we encounter concerns relating to domestic violence, sexual violence, and early marriage. Women and girls, particularly in rural communities, they need safe and accessible mechanisms to report violence and obtaining medical, psychological, and legal support. For that, we encourage the Committee to seek updated information on the implementation of the law. and prosecution of reported cases, and the availability of survival-centered services. The second is girls' access to education. Girls continue to face barriers to completing their education, including pregnancy, poverty, and unequal burden on livelihood household responsibilities. For that, we encourage the committee to ask what measures ensure that pregnant girls and adolescent mothers can continue or resume their education without discrimination, and how the government is addressing the social norms and domestic responsibilities that prevent girls from reaching their full education potential. The third is women's land and inheritance rights in rural communities. Land is very essential for women's livelihoods, economic security, and independence. However, women, including widows, they may encounter inheritance disputes and difficulties retaining access to property after the death of their husband or disagreement with family members. For that, we encourage the committee to seek clarification on the legal framework governing inheritance and matrimonial property the status of relevant legislative reforms and the measures in place to ensure equal inheritance rights and access to effective legal remedies for women. The fourth is women's participation in decision making. Of course, we acknowledge Burundi progress in women's participation, representation in national institutions. However, numerical representation alone does not guarantee meaningful influence of decisions. Rural women, young women, and women with disabilities must also have meaningful opportunities to influence decisions that affect their lives. For that, we encourage the Committee to ask how the Government is strengthening women’s effective participation at both national and local levels and addressing the barriers that prevent women from exercising their leadership. Male Chair, distinguished members of the Committee, Across these four areas, we call for stronger implementation, accountability, accessible services, and reliable disaggregated data. The existence of laws and policies is very important, of course, but their impact must be measurable by whether women and girls can exercise their rights in practice. We respectfully encourage the Committee to raise clear questions and formulate recommendations that will help translate Burundi's commitment under the Convention into tangible improvements in women's and girls' lives. The Little Ones World Federation in Burundi remains committed to advancing gender justice and working with communities and relevant stakeholders to promote the rights and dignity of women and girls. Thank you so much your attention and consideration.
We thank the representative of LWF Action for Justice for her recorded video, and we now would like to listen to a recorded message also from Amnesty International on Haiti. Johanna Pelaez, for 5 minutes, recorded video, please.
Distinguished members of the committee, Amnesty International
appreciates this opportunity to talk about the serious human rights situation facing women and girls in Haiti, particularly those affected by violence which is perpetrated by armed gangs. Our February 2025 report on I'm a Girl Because This Was talked about the effects of criminal gangs This was based on 102 interviews with certain minors. They documented serious human rights violations and sexual violence against children and minors. This was being perpetrated by criminal gangs. Firstly, sexual and gender-based violence is treated with impunity. Various organizations have documented the case of 18 girls who were raped and subject to other forms of sexual violence by criminal gangs. In 10 cases, these girls were subject to gang rapes. In nine cases, they were also abducted. Furthermore, we interviewed girls who had been raped following displacement. They are harassed on transport going to school and also places where they are seeking shelter. Often survivors face threats, stigma, and rejection. Many cannot denounce these crimes safely because they fear reprisals, there's a lack of security, and because there is a lack of operational legal institutions. So we urge the Committee to ask the Haitian authorities what measures have been taken to address sexual violence, ensure safe and confidential reporting and strive to ensure that specialized judicial units which were established to investigate serious human rights violations have enough staff and equipment and use human rights-based approaches. Secondly, survivors face serious obstacles in gaining access to health care and sexual and reproductive health rights. investigation documented the difficulties faced by girls to have access to urgent medical treatment following rape and emergency contraception and prophylaxis when faced with exposure to HIV. Some survivors face pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. We urge the Committee to ask the Haitian authorities what specific measures have been taken to ensure that there is accessible health care, which is comprehensive and which is focusing on survivors, including access to safe abortion and post-abortion care, as well as long-term psychological care, and that they provide detailed information about the availability, accessibility, and financing of these services also
for
girls who have been displaced and girls with disabilities. Thirdly, girls are being recruited by criminal gangs. They should be recognized as victims above all, and not as criminals. Amnesty International has documented the case of minors who have been recruited by criminal gangs, including girls. Minors told us that they had been forced to undertake domestic work and security duties. They did this to avoid hunger. These girls face exploitation, stigma, detention, and exclusion. We're particularly worried about conditions in a detention center, which is massively overcrowded, and minors are being held there, alongside adults. So we urge the Committee to ask the Haitian authorities what measures have been taken to prevent recruitment and ensure that there are rehabilitation and reintegration programmes which are sensitive to the needs of children and gender-sensitive. Lastly, You need accountability, appropriate resources, and significant participation of women and girls in order to achieve success. Civil society organizations which are led by women are providing essential support to survivors despite the lack of security and resources. Expertise and leadership are absolutely vital for designing protection measures and for justice and reparation measures. We urge the Committee to ask Haitian authorities what measures have been taken to collect disaggregated data on sexual violence, access to services, investigations, prosecutions and convictions, and also specific information about resources for protecting women and girls. Esteemed Committee members, violence faced by women and girls in Haiti should not be trivialised, and there must be appropriate punishment. The Haitian authorities must prevent this abuse, protect survivors, and ensure access to justice, ensuring the recovery and reintegration of the survivors. Women and girls deserve protection, dignity, and a safe future. Thank you very much.
We thank the representative of Amnesty International, Mrs. Bellais, for her recorded message. And now we move to Jordan.
I'd like to give the floor now to the representative of Adala Center for Human Rights Studies, Mr. Assem Rababah.
The floor is yours.
One minute and 30 seconds. A lady will take the floor.
Thank you.
My colleague, Mr. Assem Mqdad. My name is Luna Sabbah. I'm the executive director of Adaly Center for Human Rights Studies. Thank you so much for giving us this opportunity to address the committee. We would like to draw your attention to two priority issues in Jordan. First, women migrant domestic workers. Despite the committee's 2017 recommendations, the serious concerns persist. Adaleh Legal Aid records document difficulties changing employers, passport withholding, loss of identity documents, and deportation risks. Fear of detention, language barriers, and administrative obstacles, limited access to legal assistance, prevent women from reporting abuse and pursuing claims. Newly arrived workers also lack adequate information about their rights, complaint procedures, and available support. We ask the Committee to seek information from Jordan on measures enabling workers to change employers. without their employer's consent in case of abuse, protecting them from detention and deportation while pursuing claims, strengthening labor inspections and access to remedies, ensuring accessible information and orientation before and after the arrival to Jordan, and coordinating with recruitment agencies and countries of origin. Women sentenced to death, also ADALI is concerned about them. I'm sorry, because they have histories of domestic violence, coercion, threats, and trauma, are not systematically considered in criminal proceeding. Women also face unequal access to personal rights waivers alongside gaps in specialized legal representation. We ask the Committee to seek sex-disgregated data on death sentences and executions, information on how gender-based violence and trauma are considered in capital cases, and details of measures ensuring access to specialized legal representation and appropriate detention conditions. Thank you.
Thank you very much. I would like now to give the floor for a pre-recorded video message from the Jordanian Civil Society Coalition, Mrs. Batul Al-Taher, for two minutes.
Madam Chair, distinguished members of the Committee, On behalf of the Jordanian Civil Society Coalition, we thank you for this opportunity to highlight three critical issues concerning women’s rights in Jordan. First, protection from gender-based violence and access to justice. Despite existing legislative frameworks, significant gaps remain in the protection of women and girls, particularly the lack of urgent and interim protection orders from the earliest stage of violence, as well as weakness in their enforcement and monitoring. The continued use of administrative detention of women under the pretext of protection also raises serious concern, alongside the administrative detention of migrant women workers due to residency and work permit issues. We emphasize the need to guarantee their rights to access the courts, challenge detention orders, and also obtain effective legal assistance, ensuring their protection and equal access to justice without discrimination. Second, settlement in domestic violence cases and accountability. The widespread use of settlement in domestic violence cases raises serious concern regarding survivor safety and access to justice. We stress the importance of ensuring survivor free and informed consent, providing independent legal assistance, conducting effective risk assessment, and also strengthening accountability mechanism to prevent violence. Third, women's economic participation and labor rights. Women economic participation remains low, with large gap between labor legislation and its effective implementation, particularly regarding equal pay and decent working conditions. Providing affordable childcare services, improving parental leave provision, and strengthening workplace protection are essential to ensure women's sustainable economic participation. We respectfully call upon the Committee to include these priorities in the list of issues prior to reporting and to urge the State Party to adopt specific measures to address them. Thank you.
Thank the representative of the Jordanian Civil Society Coalition for her message. And now we would like to hear also another pre-recorded video from the Performance Index Center, Kafa'a, Layan Atiyeh.
Distinguished members of the committee, my name is Layan Atiyeh and I speak on behalf of Performance Index Center Kafa'a from Jordan. Our written submission covers four areas: the national machinery for women, reservations to articles 9 and 16, political participation, and family responsibilities and reproductive health. Today, we focus on two issues: equal nationality rights and the equal sharing of family responsibilities. First, nationality. Under the Nationality Law of 1954, the child of a Jordanian father is Jordanian wherever born. The child of a Jordanian mother married to a non-Jordanian has no equivalent right. The 2014 administrative measures eased access to some services, but they do not confer nationality. Second, family responsibilities. In 2017, the Committee recommended mandatory paternity leave. Today, fathers are entitled to only three days of paid paternity leave, and there is no consolidated public data on compliance with workplace nursery requirements. We respectfully ask the Committee to request that Jordan provide: First, a timetable for withdrawing its reservation to article 9, paragraph 2, and for amending the nationality law to give Jordanian mothers equal rights. Second, detailed data since 2017 on families benefiting from the 2014 measures, and on those still facing barriers. And third, information on plans to extend paternity or shared parental leave, and data on operational workplace nurseries and enforcement. Thank you.
Representative of Kafaah, Mrs. Zatiya. And now we move to another pre-recorded video from Mourad Lefkehen on behalf of the Forum Méditerranéen pour la Promotion des Droits du Citoyen.
Please.
Distinguished
Madam Chair, Honourable Committee Members, We acknowledge Jordan's efforts to promote women and girls' rights, particularly through legal, reforms and initiatives to combat violence and to foster political participation and in economic life. We encourage the Kingdom of Jordan to pursue the effective enforcement of these reforms and to extend opportunities for women and bolster victim protection for the victims of violence. Similarly, we'd like to underscore the importance of supporting refugee women, women with disabilities, and women living in rural areas. We also encourage Jordan to review its reservations on the Convention. I trust that there will be constructive cooperation with Jordan. Civil society hopes that this will be an opportunity to consolidate effective equality, dignity, and the rights of all women and girls. Thank you very much.
We thank the representative of the Forum Méditerranéen. I would like to give the floor now to Tamkeen, Mrs. Diala Al-Amiri, also through pre-recorded video.
Hello, I'm Diala Al-Amiri, the Executive Director, Deputy, and Programs Manager of Tamkeen for Legal Aid and Human Rights. Across Jordan, tens of thousands of migrant women perform essential domestic work in our homes, yet they face severe legal vulnerability. Because their residency is tied directly to their employers, fleeing physical abuse, unpaid wages, or passport confiscation turns victims into targets for arrest, detention, and deportation. Employers routinely weaponize the law by filing retaliatory theft or runaway reports. In one case documented by Tankeen, a woman demanding 14 months of unpaid wages was falsely accused and held in administrative detention for two full years. She sought justice, but she was stripped of her freedom. Jordan has no dedicated migration facilities. Migrant women are placed in overcrowded correctional centers alongside criminal detainees. Under the crime prevention and residency laws, governors order indefinite administrative detention with no time limits, no judicial review, and zero safeguards, even for pregnant or nursing mothers. Together with the Global Detention Project, Tamkeen is calling on the UN CEDAW Committee to question Jordan on ending the employer-tied sponsorship system, hold arbitrary administrative detention, and hold abusive employers accountable. Human rights must protect every worker. It is time to end the detention of migrant domestic workers.
the representative of Temkin for her video message. And now we are going to move to the NGOs from Mali, and we have a pre-recorded message from Réseau des Femmes Handicapées, Bridge Leaders Francophones d'Afrique, Rokiatou Diakite, for two minutes, video message.
Bonjour.
Je suis Rokiatou Diakite.
I am Riokatu Diakite, I come from
the network of women with disabilities, I am its leader, and I've been working in association since 2005.
This has led me to work in a various number of fields linked to women with disabilities: entrepreneurship, crafts, and this is the most common
field activities for persons with disabilities and also on promoting the rights of persons with disabilities, particularly women and children with disabilities. I am a trainer on the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, have undertaken a number of different training courses in Africa
and even in Europe.
concerns promoting the rights of persons with disabilities and the dissemination of the Convention. I'm also the Vice President of the Malian Forum for Persons with Disabilities, and also one of the leaders of the Forum for Crafts Workers with Disabilities. So, I've worked in associations at regional and international level, and I
I also undertake local activities in my country, in Mali.
My main aim is to raise the voice of women with disabilities, French-speaking women with disabilities, and to support them. This is because all the international tools are in English, and French-speaking
associative leaders find it difficult to make their voice heard, so our network is there to support these women and to raise their visibility.
I'm taking part in this session in Geneva is to lend greater credibility to this network and to...
And the speaker's video ends because of lack of time.
Okay, so it was not us. I would have given her a few seconds more, but probably the recording stopped at the end of two minutes. It's a pity. Okay. I would like now to move to Nigeria. You don't have to leave. This is a public meeting. I didn't ask you to leave. This is a public meeting. It's webcasted, so we should not exaggerate also, okay? There's an echo. Okay. So we're moving then to the NGOs from Nigeria. We have first in person, the Alliance Defending Freedom, Giorgio Mazzoli. You have the floor, please.
Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. Distinguished members of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, over the reporting period, Nigeria's progress in preventing, investigating, and remedying acts of violence and discrimination against women and girls from religious or belief minorities remained limited. Insecurity in Nigeria has been rising and affecting all communities. However, reports document that a significant proportion of this violence is sectarian in nature and that women and girls from Christian and other religious minorities are disproportionately affected. In particular, abduction, forced religious conversion, and forced marriage are recurring in the Northern and Middle Belt states, compounded by gaps in legal protection and inadequate federal and state responses. Reports of mob violence, extrajudicial killings, and prosecutions targeting women in connection with blasphemy accusations, including under Sharia provisions in certain states, are also highly concerning. Under CEDAW and in line with the Committee’s prior observations, States must exercise due diligence to prevent, investigate, punish, and provide redress for such acts, including when committed by non-State actors. The Committee has further stressed that measures against harmful practices take precedence over customary or religious law. We hope the Committee’s engagement with Nigeria will result in two clear outcomes: first, that Nigeria strengthens its prevention of and response to the abduction, forced conversion, and forced marriage of women and girls from religious or belief minorities, ensuring investigation, prosecution, and remedies for victims and survivors; second, that Nigeria redoubles its efforts to address blasphemy-related violence and prosecutions, and to review the compatibility of its plural legal framework, including Sharia provisions applied in certain States, with its obligations under the Convention. Thank you.
The representative of the Alliance Defending Freedom, and I would like now to give the floor to the Mom, Bridge, and Care Foundation, Solace Olabode, pre-recorded video.
Hello, and thank you for the opportunity. My name is Solace Olabode. I am a hard-of-hearing mother and the founder and executive director of The Mom Breed, a disability-led organization providing support for mothers with disabilities in Nigeria. During a hospital visit with my child, a healthcare worker asked me to hire someone who could hear on my behalf. That experience stayed with me because it showed how a mother can be present in a healthcare facility and still struggle to access care. Through the Mom Bridge, we have heard from other mothers facing barriers in healthcare, workplaces, and their children's schools. Accessibility goes beyond having facilities. It means women with different disabilities can communicate and participate in decisions affecting their lives. We urge Nigeria to strengthen accessibility across the systems serving women. improve disability awareness among service providers, and involve mothers with disabilities in designing the services and policies that affect them. Thank you.
Of the working group, I am Angela Owandu speaking for six Nigerian and international organizations, all members of the World Coalition Against the Death Penalty. Nigeria has around 81 women on death row. Many were failed long before they reached the courtroom. On the ground, research reveals that many of these women are overwhelmingly survivors of severe domestic and gender-based violence, early child marriage, and extreme socioeconomic deprivation. Without the gender-informed defense, early legal representation, or judicial discretion, they suffer a double burden: surviving abuse at home only to face a mandatory death sentence from the state. Mandatory sentencing stops judges from weighing abuse, coercion, or child marriage as reasons for a lighter sentence. Around 70% are mothers separated from their children without gender-sensitive legal aid. We therefore urge the Committee to ask Nigeria to publish disaggregated data on women facing the death penalty, abolish mandatory death sentencing, and require courts to weigh violence, trauma, and child marriage when sentencing. Thank you.
Thank the representative of Avocats Sans Frontières, and we'd like to give the floor now to Global Survivors Fund, Rodante Violaki, in person. Please.
Distinguished members of the Committee, the Global Survivors Fund works alongside survivors of conflict-related sexual violence in Nigeria with the aim to advance the right to reparation for the harm they have suffered from as a result of sexual violence. Nigeria has a legal obligation to ensure that survivors of gross human rights violations and serious violations of international humanitarian law can access adequate, effective, and prompt reparation. Yet, there is currently no state-led reparation program in Nigeria, leaving thousands of survivors without redress and the support they need to rebuild their lives. Survivors who are participating in our reparative projects have been very clear about what reparation means to them. They're asking the government of Nigeria to provide financial compensation and economic support. trauma-responsive education for themselves and their children, medical and psychosocial support, access to justice, measures to reduce stigma, and above all, their meaningful participation in all processes and decisions affecting their lives. We therefore respectfully ask the Committee to urge the Government of Nigeria to reply to the following questions: First, what concrete steps will the Government take to establish an adequately funded survivor-centered reparation programme? Secondly, what will the state do to ensure that survivors meaningfully participate in the reparation program? And third, what interim measures can the government take to address the survivors' most urgent needs while they are waiting for comprehensive reparations? Thank you.
Thank you very much. I would like now to give the floor to Lawyers Alert Nigeria. also through pre-recorded message, Romy Mom, 1 and a half minutes.
Our shadow report raises very critical issues, issues, for example, of discrimination, which is in social exclusion in terms of benefits that comes with work for the Nigerian workers who are in the domestic or informal space. Women and girls are particularly very present in this space, whether in homes or in other informal spaces, but that sustains the wider community. It's therefore not so appropriate in terms of human rights and all that go with it, that they are excluded from protection. They are exposed to social exploitation, they're exposed to violence that comes with it, arbitrary dismissal, and all the like. This was very evident in the Nigerian case of Kamalafe. We therefore urge the Nigerian government to do some basic things, and we think the Committee can urge the Nigerian government to, one, principally, recognize that informal or domestic work is work that has They will most likely also ask the Nigerian government to domesticate the ILO Convention 189, which is the foundational basis of the essence of fair work. fairly labeled as captured under CIDOR. We need to understand that domestic work is work and they have right, they are right holders, and the Nigerian government must look at this in the most appropriate manner to safeguard and protect this class of workers who are principally women and girls. Trafficking should not be part of work. Thank you very much.
Thank you. Thank you very much for the I can move now to Center for Reproductive Rights, Irene Muende, also a pre-recorded video message. And with this, we finish Nigeria and move to Bangladesh.
Madam Chair, distinguished members of the committee, I speak on behalf of CRR, WADSI, and RJIF to highlight three concerns regarding Nigeria. First, on maternal health, Nigeria recorded approximately 75,000 maternal deaths in 2023, accounting for more than a quarter of global maternal deaths. At the same time, skilled antenatal care has declined and women continue to face detention over unpaid medical bills. We ask the committee to seek information on disaggregated maternal mortality data and government investment in maternal health over the past five years. Second, adolescent girls' rights. Child marriage remains alarmingly high in parts of the country, while parental authorization requirements continue to limit adolescents' confidential access to contraception. Similarly, pregnant girls and adolescent mothers continue to face barriers to continuing their education. We ask what measures Nigeria has taken to remove that party consent requirements to ensure that girls remain in or return to school. Finally, on access to safe abortion, which remains highly restricted, we are concerned by the proposed Senate bill, however suspended, which will further increase criminal penalties for abortion. We ask what steps Nigeria has taken to align its abortion laws with the Committee's 2017 recommendations and the Maputo Protocol. In conclusion, we urge the Committee to address these concerns in its list of issues prior to reporting. Thank you.
Representative of the Center for Reproductive Rights. And as I said, now we move to Bangladesh. And for Bangladesh, we have also three pre-recorded messages. I'll start with Inclusive Bangladesh, Tushar Kanti Baidya, two and a half minutes.
Chair and distinguished committee members, I am Tushar Kanti Baidya, program director of Inclusive Bangladesh, a transgender-led human rights organization. No woman should have to choose between living openly and staying safe. Yet, State Reporter Bangladesh remains silent on queer women. Hijra identity and its recognition is important, but it does not guarantee self-determined legal recognition for all transgender and non-binary people. Hijra is a distinct cultural identity, not a gender. Between January and August 2026, we recorded 31 incidents involving women and gender-diverse people, affecting 53 direct victims. These are documented cases, not national prevalence estimates. They reveal violence, public humiliation, and severe psychological distress. Cases include a transgender woman beaten and forcibly stripped by security personnel, and online attacks over another transgender woman’s marriage. Lesbian women face confinement, forced separation, and forced marriage. Lesbian and asexual women experiencing non-consensual sex within forced marriages. Transgender and gender diverse women face educational exclusion, dismissal, and livelihood barriers. Inconsistent ID documents obstruct services and marriage registrations. Seeking justice brings further risks. Fear of arrest under Section 377, police victim blaming. failures to investigate and survivors return to perpetrators. We add four priorities in Bangladesh's list of issues. First, a timetable for anti-discrimination legislation protecting sexual orientation, gender identity, and expression, and sex characteristics. Second, a confidential, self-determined legal gender recognition without medical or hijra membership requirements. Third, protection against forced marriage, forced separation, and sexual violence, criminalization of marital rape, confidential shelters, legal aid, and psychological care. Fourth, Repeal of Section 377, prevention of its misuse, and police accountability for denying protection. These require time-bound commitments on education, employment, healthcare, and social protection developed with independent LGBTIQ organizations. Recognition on paper is not protection in practice. Every woman deserves safety, dignity, and freedom from violence. Thank you. Chair.
We thank the representative of Inclusive Bangladesh, and now we give the floor for another pre-recorded video on behalf of Capital Punishment Justice Project, The Advocates for Human Rights, Odehaar, the International Federation for Human Rights, and the World Coalition Against the Death Penalty. Mrs. Elizabeth Wood, for three minutes.
I speak on behalf of Capital Punishment Justice Project. the Advocates for Human Rights, Odhakar, the International Federation for Human Rights, and the World Coalition Against the Death Penalty. We thank the Committee for the opportunity to address discrimination against women in Bangladesh in the application of the death penalty. Today, we wish to highlight four key concerns. First, Bangladesh imposes the death penalty for a broad range of offences. This disproportionately affects women experiencing poverty and other intersecting forms of discrimination. Since 2000, Bangladesh has added 14 capital offences. Of 33 offences now punishable by death, 25 are non-lethal. The impact on women is significant. As of November 2025, 93 women were under sentence of death. Second, women facing capital charges encounter serious barriers to accessing justice. Despite the Committee's previous recommendations, restrictive eligibility criteria for legal aid, may leave financially disadvantaged women without effective counsel, and it is unclear whether foreign nationals who may also face language difficulties are eligible. The case of LM, a national of Botswana, illustrates these failures. Arrested in 2022 on a garment buying trip, she was charged with drug trafficking on inconsistent evidence. She had no interpreter during her interrogation or trial and was sentenced to death in May 2024. The Supreme Court acquitted her in July 2026, and she was released in September. Third, inadequate responses to gender-based violence heighten the risk of capital punishment. Many women facing death sentences have experienced domestic violence, coercive control, or exploitation. Yet, courts often fail to treat these experiences as mitigating circumstances, even when women are accused of killing an abusive partner or of acting under pressure from a male co-defendant. Further, Bangladesh imposes the death penalty for rape. Research indicates this may discourage survivors from reporting sexual violence, particularly when they know the perpetrator. Harsher penalties cannot replace effective protection and survivor-centered justice. Fourth, Women on death row face prolonged isolation, inadequate medical care and menstrual hygiene supplies, and insufficient protection against sexual violence, all exacerbated by severe prison overcrowding. We respectfully urge the Committee to ask the Government of Bangladesh: What measures will ensure that women accused of capital crimes receive effective legal representation and interpretation, and that courts consider gender-based violence, coercive control, and other gender-specific mitigating circumstances? What steps will Bangladesh take to reduce capital offenses, establish a moratorium on executions, and address violence against women without resorting to capital punishment? Thank you.
We thank the representative. We thank the representative of the group of NGOs on the death penalty, and we move now to Ms. Shermin Akter Dolon on behalf of Badabon and Bangladesh Legal Aid and Equality Now. You have the video message for two minutes.
My name is Sharmin Akter Dolon and I speak on behalf of Badhaban Sangha Bangladesh Legal Aid and Service Trust, Equality Now, Nagorik Udyog Nari Pkx and the Women with Disabilities Development Foundation to highlight key issues curtailing women's and girls' rights in Bangladesh. On sexual violence, the Penal Code confines rape to penile vaginal penetration and does not define consent. In example, husband from liabilities for rape of a wife above the age of 13. The conviction rate in case of violence against women and children stand at 3%. There is no state founded compensation scheme and legal aid is not universal for all survivors. On family laws, personal laws, given women unequal rights in divorce, guardianship, and property. Bangladesh maintain its reservation, Article 2 and 16 of the Convention. The Child Marriage Restraint Act, 2017 permits courts to authorize marriage below 18 in undefined, special circumstances with no absolute minimum marriage. Dalit women, women with disabilities, and women from minority and climate-vulnerable communities face compounding barriers. Bangladesh does not have a dedicated anti-discrimination statute and does not collect data disaggregated by sex, caste, and disability. For the adaptation of Bangladesh’s list of issues, we request the Committee ask the State Party to provide information on the steps taken to amend rape laws to cover all non-conceptual penetration. Thank you.
We thank the last speaker on behalf of the NGO Equality Now in Bangladesh. And now we would like to move to the Russian Federation. And for the Russian Federation, some of the messages may be just voice without image for security reasons, so we have to go by the list that we have. The Memorial Human Rights Defense Center, Maria Nemova, it's a pre-recorded message, I suppose it's not a video. Let's listen.
Hello everyone, my name is Maria Nemova, and I am a lawyer at the Memorial Human Rights Defense Center. Today I would like to talk about women in Russian prisons. First, there is a serious problem with transparency. Since 2023, Russian prison authorities have stopped publishing statistics, so we no longer know how many women are in prison facilities. Second, the Russian prison system often ignores women’s specific needs. Women often have very little privacy. They may have to undress completely during searches, and cameras may record private spaces. Hygiene is another serious problem. Women can usually shower only two or three times a week. They often receive too few sanitary pads and may have to use whatever material they can find, such as toilet paper or old clothes. Medical and psychological care is also difficult to access. Those who report mental health issues may face additional monitoring. Mothers face additional difficulties. Women sometimes give birth under the supervision of prison guards. Mothers and babies may be separated after birth. To stay close to their children, mothers may have to move to special penal colonies, often far away from their families. Finally, I would like to highlight the situation of women political prisoners. According to OVD-Info, as of March 2026, 774 women had faced politically motivated criminal prosecution, and 188 of them were in detention. Since 2022, the number of women facing political persecution has increased sharply. Many of them face absurd and unfair criminal charges. Ukrainian women detained by Russian forces face very serious risks, including torture and other forms of violence. To conclude, even rules that seem equal for everyone may affect women differently. Women's health, privacy, dignity, and family relationships must be protected, including in detention. Thank you for your attention.
We thank the representative of the Memorial Human Rights Defense Center of the Russian Federation, and now we'd like to listen to the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group and ADC Memorial Brussels, Mrs. Katerina Buriakovska, for two minutes, who is with us in person.
Thank you. Can you hear me?
Yes.
Distinguished members of the Committee, in my intervention, I will highlight four patterns of violations committed by Russia against Ukrainian women in the context of its aggression against Ukraine. These are documented in our joint report with ADC Memorial. First, attacks on maternity health care. We documented 34 incidents across 13 Ukrainian regions, which include Russian launched attacks with precision-guided weapons on maternity houses, also include forced removal of mothers and newborns from hospitals, which then converted into military facilities by Russia. Second, enforced disappearances. 60 cases of missing Ukrainian women with indications of Russian involvement in the occupied territories of Ukraine. In one case, Russian authorities denied detaining a female Ukrainian journalist despite the video evidence of her arrest. Third, sexual violence. 76 records in our report is only a very small fraction of the likely scale of sexual violence systematically committed by Russian forces in the occupied territories of Ukraine and detention facilities. They include rape, forced nudity, invasive searches, and threats of sexual violence. Apart from that, in the occupied territories of Ukraine, Ukrainian women face forced Russian passportization, persecution for being Ukrainian and supporting Ukraine, forced displacement, and threats to relatives and children. One case we document is a mock execution of a woman accompanied by threats to take away her children. Another case, transfer of the Ukrainian child to Russia and not to be returned anymore to her mother. In our submitted report, we show that these violations point to deliberate and systematic practices implemented by Russia, and they are not isolated incidents or inevitable consequences of war. So we ask the Committee to seek answers from Russia concerning these reported violations, to call upon effective investigations, accountability for perpetrators, and remedies for victims. Thank you.
I'd like to give the floor now to a recorded message, Daryana Gryaznova.
Distinguished members of the Committee, we would like to draw your attention to the continued deterioration of women's rights in Russia since the Committee's last review in 2021, focusing on two particular concerning developments. First, military service has become a pathway to impunity for violence against women. Since 2022, Russia has established a systemic practice embedded in legislation allowing individuals suspected, accused, or convicted of serious crimes, including gender-based violence against women, to escape criminal responsibility or punishment through military service in Ukraine. In one case, a man convicted of murdering a woman was pardoned by the president and sent to Ukraine. Following his return, he raped and murdered another woman. Despite receiving another prison sentence, he was reportedly released again for military deployment. This is not an isolated case. Such practices deny victims access to justice and signal the state's de facto tolerance of such violence, fostering a climate of impunity in which violence against women is treated as permissible and excusable. Second, the state is increasingly promoting discriminatory gender stereotypes under the guise of protecting so-called traditional values. Women's reproductive autonomy, including access to abortion and other rights, are being progressively restricted, while the State reinforces the notion that women's primary roles are those of wives and mothers. These are not isolated measures, but elements of a broader institutionalized policy that subordinates women's rights and autonomy to so-called traditional values. We respectfully urge the Committee to raise both issues with the Russian Government. Our submission proposes specific questions for inclusion in the Committee's list of issues.
Thank you. I would like to give the floor now to the Global Detention Project, Aziz Mohammed, for one and a half minute in person. You have the floor.
On behalf of the Global Detention Project and Memorial Human Rights Defense Center. Following the adoption of increasing security-driven migration policy, thousands of migrants and refugees and asylum seeker have been detained and deported in recent year, including women and children. We are also alarmed by the reports of immigration detainees have been forcibly to volunteer in Ukrainian, in Russian war on Ukraine. Although thousands, although the Russian administrative code prohibited the administrative detention of a pregnant woman, children, and mothers with children under the age of 18, but it is immigration law doesn't reiterate this prohibition, leaving the vulnerable group at risk, exposed to detention and removal. The trafficking survivor also continue to be treated as an immigration offender rather than a person requiring protections. In one case of a Tajik woman was detained in El Cabedrat with her newborn baby just four days after giving a birth. Upon their arrest, non-nationals are all held in a Russian network of immigration detention facilities. Many of these centres lack of special medical staff, doctors, including reproductive health specialists. Detainees receiving inadequate supply of a basic need like soap and toilet paper, and all toilets are frequently lack of privacy. The absence of effective and independent monitoring compound the risk women face in these centres. So we urge the Committee to request the State Party, one, to intend to amend its migration legislative law to protect the vulnerable groups; two, what effort undertaken to ensure that the condition in which women are being detained are complied with the international humanitarian law. Thank you.
Thank you very much. I would like now to give the floor to the International Committee of Indigenous Peoples of Russia, Yana Tanagasheva, for one and a half minutes through a pre-recorded message.
Madam Chair, Distinguished Committee Members, Indigenous women and girls in Russia face systemic discrimination, dispossession, and increasingly severe repression. Since CEDAW’s 2021 concluding observations, the situation has worsened. Across the North, Siberia, and the Far East, extractive industries threaten our ancestral lands, livelihoods, and cultural survival. Women defending these rights face intimidation and criminalization. Russia’s war against Ukraine has brought further suffering to Indigenous communities. Women are left grieving husbands, sons, and brothers. In 2024, Russian authorities designated independent indigenous organizations as extremist and terrorist organizations. Two women, our indigenous sisters, Darya Yegereva and Natalia Leongard, were arrested in Moscow last year in December 2025. They remained detained and face up to 20 years in prison for alleged participation in a terrorist organization. In our report, we formed a number of questions, and the most urgent question we urged CIDOH to ask Russia: on what grounds are charges brought against peaceful women, indigenous rights defenders, treating them as terrorists? We demand their immediate and unconditional release.
Thank you very much. I would like now to give the floor to the Forum Méditerranéen pour la Promotion des Droits du Citoyen, Monsieur Mourad Laffkine, for one minute and 35 seconds.
Madame Chairperson, distinguished members of the Committee, our follow-up is based on testimonies of affected people witness statements and documented cases. These experiences allow us to identify possible patterns of violence and discrimination that require independent investigations, respecting the confidentiality and the safety of sources. We on the Committee to demand verifiable data, effective investigations, and concrete accountability measures. We also demand protection for women human rights defenders and independent organizations that document possible violations. Madam Chairperson, women’s Testimonies cannot be silenced, nor subordinated to official statements. Listening to them, examining them, and ensuring justice is an obligation and not an option. I thank you.
Thank you. And with this, we have concluded the intervention by NGOs on the different country that we are going to look at in terms of LOI and LOI-PR, and I would like to open the floor now for questions for the members, and under understanding that these questions will be sent to the respective NGO who had sent messages, and to those who are present, they also will record the question. I have Mrs. Pia Kamela followed by Mr. Safarov, and for the time being, Mrs. Al-Shoukairy. Okay, Mrs. Pia Kamela.
Thank you, madam Chair. I'd like to join you in thanking the representatives from civil society organizations for their very relevant contributions. They're always so incredibly useful for us. Now, i've got a question for the representative from Malian civil society. I've taken note of all the efforts that she makes, and I'd like to congratulate her on that. I've got some questions. Could you, madam, corroborate or substantiate the recommendations that you have or the questions that you'd like to ask of the State Party? I think that one of your concerns was the legal framework for promoting the rights of persons with disabilities. You said that the texts aren't always available in French or local languages, so I'd like to know if she could provide us with more details about that concern and also more details about the work of her NGO and the recommendations that she'd like us to make and the most relevant questions that we can ask about the legal framework for protecting the rights of women with disabilities in Mali. Thank you, madam Chair.
Thank you, Ms. Pierre-Coumela.
Thank you very much, dear chair. I have, first of all, two questions to Jordan NGOs, if it's possible. First of all, about child marriage. They have the Sharia court, which giving on the legal background, it's 18 years old marriage age, but on the exceptional lines, they're making possibilities after 15 years old, 16, between the 16 and 18 marriages. position of the NGOs on the situation, what about the data statistics and forced marriage, especially when it's going, continuing with child marriages. And the second issue about the Russian Federation, especially about investigation issues directly on the trafficking issues, on the issues of the marital rape, forced marriage, and all the issues of domestic violence, issues, investigations, and the court and judicially work on this side and convention implementation and work on the visibility on the convention, especially on the places in the regions especially. Thank you very much.
Now to Ms. Al-Shuqairi.
I've got a question for the representatives from Jordanian civil society organizations. I'd like to begin by expressing my most sincere thanks to them for the efforts they've made in providing us with information. I'd like to thank you for your work in the field to identify the challenges and strengthen human rights obligations, the area of women's rights. You preempted my first question. to some extent. I'd like to know what are the priority issues. You have raised a number of very pertinent issues which warrant the Committee's interest. With regard to your experience in the field and your direct contact with women in Jordan, I wonder if you could give me some answers. I've got quite a number of questions for you, but I think that your answers will help us in identifying the priorities for the list of issues. Could you tell us about the challenges which women need to overcome by women in Jordan? I would like to know if there have been any developments with regard to Article 6(1) of the Constitution for prohibiting discrimination based on sex or language. I'd like to know if there are any proposed amendments to the article so that an exact definition of discrimination against women could be adopted? Secondly, I'd like to know if there are any fields in which you can see a glaring gap between Jordan's obligations and its practice. under CEDAW. I wonder if there are any recent practices which illustrate this gap, and what are the impacts on women and girls, particularly when they're not sufficiently highlighted or not properly reflected in statistics on national policies? I'd like to know what are the segments of the population which bear the greatest impact, and I wonder if you've got any statistics on this. Now, with regard to labour inspection and female detainees, I'd like to know what are the administrative measures and legal rulings which raise obstacles to effective equality between women and men, particularly when it comes to personal status, marriage, early marriage, divorce, inheritance and child marriage. I'd like to know what are the legal amendments which you would recommend? In view of the cases that you have observed as civil society organizations, I'd like to know what are the obstacles that women and girls face when trying to report gender-based violence Do they have access to shelters? Do they have legal protection? And what obstacles they face in ensuring that perpetrators are prosecuted? Are they still living in fear of crimes against honor? Is there still administrative detention of women in danger? With regard to domestic workers, what are the challenges that they face? I'd like to know if domestic workers, refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants, and other women who face intersecting forms of discrimination, do they have chance to lodge claims when their rights are trampled on by employers, members of their family, or other entities? What are the practical hurdles that they must overcome? I'd like to know if it's difficult for them to get access to justice, and is it difficult for them to have access to a shelter. Could you provide us with more information about that? Now, with regard to the Committee's previous concluding observations and recommendations, and also with regard to other UN human rights treaty bodies, are there recommendations that have still not been implemented, and what could be done to bring that about, what are the recommendations that the Committee should address to the State Party with regard to following up on these issues? Now, if the list of issues has to be whittled down because we have so many questions, what are the ones we must absolutely retain? What are the priorities? So, What also are the questions which could be addressed indirectly? Could you perhaps back up your answers? Moving on to the National Human Rights Institution of Jordan, we'd like to congratulate the institution of having been ranked with an A rating, so it's a leading institute in the Arab world. We'd like to know what do you think about its promotion and protection of human rights and promoting equality between women and men? Are there any shortfalls in coordination? Is the institution properly funded? Have you got coordination with it? And what about the national plans and strategies for women? Do they have appropriate funding and are they effectively implemented? Thank you very much.
This is a third disposal.
Thank you, Chair. I'd like to thank the NGOs for their comprehensive information about Nigeria. A couple of questions. I'd like some more specificity around the issue of reparations for survivors, victim survivors. Specifically, questions around, you've talked about the need for interim measures, I think, for those in need of urgent assistance. So just some clear ideas and/or questions around the why is it so tardy, what is actually needed, and the kind of numbers, the volume that needs to be dealt with. And secondly, I take on board comments around punishments, death penalty, women in prison, but I'm wondering about the practice of stoning. And I get the impression that any stoning that has been undertaken in, well, recent times has been extrajudicial. And where there are courts, sharia law courts, that do sentence in this case, women to death by stoning, that often the higher courts tend to overturn that on appeal. I was involved a bit in the Amina Loual case all those years ago, and I just wanted to get a sense of whether or not that was the last time that a woman, not was sentenced, but the last time a woman had that had that sentencing, obviously that was changed on appeal, but if there's any judicial decisions regarding women being stoned that have actually been carried out, as opposed to the extrajudicial ones. So anywhere the state has actually not only condemned a woman to the fate by stoning, but where it's actually not been successfully appealed. Thank you.
Ms. Pooja, I would like to give the floor to Mrs. Rana, please.
Thank you very much, Madam Chair. I refer to the NGOs from Bangladesh, and I thank them for the information provided. However, I feel I could do with more additional information in regard to the collaboration with civil society since this new government came into effect, I think it's been two years now, and what is the state of the human rights defenders in terms of their movement, their voice, what kind of collaboration is there? There is discussion about the adoption of anti-discrimination bill, which has to be amended before it goes for adoption, so I was wondering if there's any consultation with civil society in this regard, and particularly if there's any collaboration with the Ministry of Women. I also wanted to know about the situation of shelters, the availability, access, particularly for people, for women with disability, and the LGBTQI community. if the NGOs can, because the interventions were very specific, but these are questions which are broader, so if they are able to respond to that, what persistent stereotypes exist and key harmful practices? Thank you, Madam Chair. But on Jordan, I had only one small query, because our earlier Committee member had a list of questions. It's about the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security on 1325. I believe the second National Action Plan has ended in 2025, so I was wondering whether the NGOs knew, whether there's been any discussion on a renewed plan, on a revised plan. What is the status? Thank you very much.
Thank you very much. I give the floor to Ms. Mikko, please.
Thank you, Chair.
Of course, that is very, very sad to hear, especially in the light of GR-39, that indigenous peoples' movements in Russia have labeled as extremist organizations. I have a couple of questions in this respect. One, what is the percentage of men and women in these indigenous peoples' organizations? In my understanding, those are female-dominated organizations.
That's one.
And secondly, I'm really very curious and interested in the current stage of those two detained indigenous women who were arrested in December 2025. What is their health?
What is the latest information? Thank you.
Just additional questions on the refugees, migrants, asylum seekers, accessibility in Russian Federation, accessibility to the health, labor, economic, financial institutions, and education, especially family issues, as girls and women accessibility forward to these instruments, to these resources directly in the Russian Federation, because the country are taking many migrants, especially coming to work in the regions, in the big cities also same. What is the real situation, accessibility to all services which need to be done, especially and acceptable by the government. Thank you very much.
Microphone for the speaker, please.
Right, thank you.
I was just wondering whether there was any other information about conditions facing women in.
Haiti, for example, trafficking, access to social services, the strength of the national institutions, for example, health care, including psychosocial care, employment, et cetera.
Thank you. And sorry, and women in rural areas.
Thank you, Mrs. Reddock, and I thank every intervention from the colleagues. I just have a tension now between tomorrow starting to work and getting answers to your question. Normally, we give 24 hours. So I would like to urge through the human rights officer, who have noted the question, and I'm told some of them are back in their office, but they are listening, that we ask for answers within less than 24 hours, because we are meeting already tomorrow in the morning and in the afternoon. As quickly as we can, it would be extremely helpful. And I want to restate how much this information is important for us, how much we value. how much we understand, but for some there are risks taken also to be able to share. And we want to continue to encourage you to provide information as early as this stage of the LOI, LOI PR, and continue until the dialogue happens. But at this stage, it is really paramount. It's extremely important what we receive in terms of alternative information. Thank you very, very much. And we can now move to the last segment of this afternoon, which is the public meeting with the representative of national human rights institution. We have only one that will be also online, and that is exactly the Jordanian Human Rights Institution, which has just obtained the status A. So we will listen to Mr. Al-Shamaileh, For eight minutes, please.
Thank you. Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, at the outset, I would like to note that Jordan continues to maintain its reservations to Article 16, paragraph C, D, and G of CEDAW due to their inconsistency with Islamic Sharia, as well as Article 9.2 concerning women's equal rights to transmit nationality to their children. Nevertheless, the 2014 instructions granting facilities to children of Jordanian women married to non-Jordanians have contributed to ensuring equal access to education, property ownership, investment, and health insurance, as well as exemption from work permit requirements. Jordan has witnessed several positive legislative developments aimed to at strengthening women's rights. First, the penal code. Article 308 was repealed, ending provisions that allowed perpetrators of sexual offenses to avoid prosecutions or punishment by marrying their victims, including minors. Article 98 was amended to exclude mitigating circumstances in killing committed under the pretext of defending honor. Article 305 introduced stricter penalties for indecent fondling and extended protection to victims under 18. Article 3006 expanded the definition of indecent acts to include inappropriate remarks and gestures. Article 62 established equality between mothers and fathers in consisting a surgical procedures and medical treatment. The Center calls for a comprehensive legal definition of sexual harassment and for preventing the waiver of personal rights from serving as mitigating factor in cases of family violence. Second, the Labor Law. Amendments introduced definitions of flexible work and wage discrimination, with fines ranging from 500 to 1,000 Jordanian dinar for gender-based wage discrimination in work of equal value, doubled for repeated violations. Employers meeting the legal threshold must provide childcare facilities with provisions allowing shared facilities or appropriate alternatives. The 2024 Flexible Work Regulations and 2025 Instructions on Official and Flexible Working Hours provide additional flexibility, including for pregnant women. The Centre recommends extending maternity leave to three months and granting paid leave upon the death of a spouse. Third, the political parties law. The law requires women to constitute at least 20% of the political parties, 1,000 persons founding members. It also guarantees opportunities for women and youth to assume leadership positions and promotes equitable access to to party resources for women, youth, persons with disabilities. Fourth, the 2022 House of Representatives Election Law. The law increased the number of seats reserved for women to 18 across the 18 local electoral districts. Regarding women's participation in political and public life, women's representation in the Senate increased in 2024, and women are appointed as judges in clergy courts and constitutional courts. Additionally, the Independent Election Commission adopted a definition of electoral violence against women and began monitoring related cases. Regarding violence against women, the Center welcomes the response to its recommendations through the establishment of Amina Shelter for Women at Risk and a family reconciliation home in Aqaba. Regarding rural women, despite the national efforts, challenges remain, including limited agricultural resources, weak representations in decision-making, unequal educational and training opportunities, climate change, insufficient basic services and inadequate enforcement of occupational safety requirements, and the 2021 Agricultural Works Regulations. Finally, the Center presents the following recommendations: First, amend national legislation, including the Penal Code, Personal Status Law, and Labor Law, as detailed in the reports. Two, appoint women as Sharia judges and marriage registrars and increase female representation in Sharia courts and the general Ifta department. Increase women participation and leadership in electoral committees and strengthen their electoral management. Four, develop national plan to increase women representation in professional association and labor unions, including considerations of reserved seats on their governing council. Expand safe and rapid reporting mechanism for all forms of violence, including digital violence. Provide specialized legal and psychological support. Strengthen women's awareness of emerging artificial intelligence risks, criminalize all forms of online violence and enhance coordination among relevant authorities. Strengthening inspections and oversight of workplaces employing women in the agricultural sector. Last but not least, support women's economic and social empowerment by expanding employment opportunities and developing skills aligned with labor market needs, particularly in remote areas. I thank you.
We thank the Commissioner General of the National Center for Human Rights of Jordan, Mr. Alshamaleh, for his intervention. Thank you very much, dear colleague. Constitution in Jordan? Okay. So I, sorry? For the NHRI, please, state it. For Jordan.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I'd like to extend my thanks to the Director of the Jordanian National Human Rights Institution. I've got a question about the situation of refugee women and girls in the Azatari refugee camp in Jordan. My question is about protection for women and girls in this camp, as well as child marriage, access to health services, to justice. civil registration and economic empowerment, as well as participation in decision making. So what is the role of the institution in this? And now on honour crimes, I'd like to know what is the NHRI's role in combating such crimes, investigating them, and prosecutions and convictions? Thank you.
Thank you very much.
Because we have some time, and we have some issues for discussion, like on working group, on working methods, can use one hour today to introduce some of the thinking. So when we come to the decision for adoption, there is an option for people to have heard, to have expressed themselves. This is a chance that we have when we have a little bit of time. We never have enough time to consider, especially when it comes to formulating decision. And then at the end, We formulate them, but we don't implement them. So this is an opportunity. So I would like, if there is agreement, that we take a break of five minutes, and then we come back, and Corinne has agreed, although at very short notice, to introduce some of the thinking and proposal that the Working Group on Working Method has been grappling with. So by the time we have to adopt decision, people feel more comfortable. Is that agreeable? I see no objection. So five minutes break, and you have some sweets there behind you there. I'm going to turn, go around with it. Some sweets. It's 4:00. It's the time for some sweets. Okay, everybody, let's get to our seats. We have the chance to have a little bit of time to reflect on some of the proposal that the chair of the working group on working method will present, also using a PowerPoint, right? Okay.
I just sent it to the entire committee.
Okay. So I want to give the floor to Mrs. Detmer. as chair of the working group on working methods. Sorry, this one was taken from the website, and we used it also when we did our first brochure.