General Assembly: 60th plenary meeting, 79th session

Ladies and gentlemen, we are going to start. The 60th Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will resume its consideration of Agenda Item 63 entitled Use of the veto. To hold a debate pursuant to Resolution 76/262 of 26 April 2022 on the situation as to which the veto was cast by a permanent member at the 9866th Meeting of the Security Council on 24th February 2025 under the agenda item entitled Maintenance of Peace and Security of Ukraine. In connection with this debate, the Assembly has before it a special report of the Security Council circulated in document A/7979/24. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, we meet once again pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 76/262, also known as the Veto Initiative. Following the casting of a veto by a permanent member of the Security Council. It is regrettable that we must convene under these circumstances, as the frequency of vetoes has continued to rise since 2022. Today's meeting serves as yet another reminder That while the Security Council bears primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly plays a crucial role in responding to conflicts and crises. The efforts of both must be complementary, reinforcing one another in the pursuit of peace. In this regard, I welcome the timely submission of the Security Council Special Report on the Use of the Veto on 28 February this year. The veto initiative clearly demonstrates an improvement in the United Nations' capacity to address matters of international security. But we could do more. We could reflect on how the outcomes of deliberations on the veto initiative can be more binding. Excellencies, the General Assembly must remain steadfast in promoting peaceful solutions and inclusive dialogue. At the plenary meeting of the 11th Emergency Special Session on 24 February 2025, the General Assembly adopted 2 resolutions, one entitled Advancing a Comprehensive, Just and Lasting Peace in Ukraine, and the other entitled The Path to Peace. In both resolutions, the General Assembly reaffirmed its unwavering commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Moreover, the Assembly has unequivocal— the Assembly was unequivocal in its call for a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, a peace that aligns with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity. I call upon member states to actively work toward the implementation of these resolutions and to reaffirm their commitment to upholding the United Nations Charter and international law. Let us meet this responsibility with urgency and resolve to make a just and lasting peace a reality. I thank you. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation.

President, colleagues, on the 24th of February, the Russian Federation voted against the inclusion of amendments put forward by a series of European delegations to a U.S. Security Council resolution with a call for peace in Ukraine. We highly value the US initiative and we see the text that was ultimately adopted as a step in the right direction and grounds for further efforts for a peaceful solution to the Ukraine crisis. The Security Council resolution has every chance of leaving out the party to the war which is capitalizing on the suffering of civilians in Ukraine. We'd note that the change in tack in Washington following President Trump's accession to power caught European pseudo-peacekeepers off guard. The American draft resolution is particularly in sharp contrast with the UNGA draft put forward by Ukraine and the European backers, which promoted a new, more polished, of the futile elements of the infamous Zelensky formula. I'd now like to— I won't go into what happened at the General Assembly now, where allies of the Kiev regime have for at least 3 years now been consistently discrediting the GA, putting forward anti-Russian draft resolutions that have no bearing on reality or the truth and have no legal force, and are being supported indeed by fewer and fewer members of the UN. I'll focus rather on attempts to hinder the adoption of this US draft resolution at the Security Council. Unlike the GA resolutions, which are recommendatory in nature, the Security Council resolutions are binding for all UN member states. The efforts of the parties to the war were focused in ultimately ending up with another unviable project. In the spirit of the Copenhagen and Bergenstock ultimatum, which would not only help find peace to this conflict, and on the other hand, it would hinder peace. And as much as the Security Council's approval of these kind of detrimental— this kind of detrimental language would have far-reaching negative consequences, Russia, as a responsible permanent member of the Security Council, had to disrupt these plans, which would have direct— make direct damage to international peace and security, which would undermine the the mandate of the Security Council. Colleagues, probably Western delegations will still today try to convince everyone here about the need to strictly comply with the principles of the— the provisions of the UN Charter, which allegedly Russia is violating. We only welcome this call, though. However, let's be honest. Let's not just choose from the UN Charter the principles that are more to our taste. The UN Charter is not a restaurant menu. All the principles of the UN Charter should be looked at in how they relate to each other and overall. Respect for territorial integrity of states, of course, that's a fundamental principle, but it can't be looked at in isolation from the right of nations to self-determination and the respect for human rights. Indeed, it's the Kiev regime's non-compliance with the last 2 of these principles, which are also contained in the UN Charter, which was one of the root causes of the Ukraine conflict. The regime that came to power in 2014 as a result of an anti-constitutional state coup directed and sponsored by the West immediately rolled out a war against its own citizens who had stood up to defend their rights and their identity for the Russian speakers of the Donbas on fabricated grounds of— on the fabricated grounds of the fight against terrorism. For the 8 subsequent years then, Russian speakers had their fundamental rights restricted. They were maimed, tortured, shot at, and killed. All of this with the complete silence of international organizations and with the encouragement of the West. Russia was forced to start its special military operation 3 years ago to stop this massacre and did it only when, when all diplomatic methods, including the Minsk agreements trampled on by the Kiev regime, had been exhausted. Colleagues, don't be fooled. In proposing these amendments that skewed the essence of the American text, the Europeans were trying to force you members of the Security Council to sign up to this manipulation of ideas that they're putting forward. It's also clear today all efforts of a large number of countries in Europe are focused only on making sure any realistic initiatives to find a solution to the Ukrainian conflict reach a dead end. They even fund it. In its best Orwellian traditions, including from the European Peace Fund, there's no doubt that the 24th of February attempt to skew the American text with politicized, unbalanced passages is nothing other than a clear obstruction to what we've seen as positive steps on the peace track. The fact that the Kyiv regime and the European capitals that support their efforts are not trying to find peace, they're rather focused on continuing the war down to the last Ukrainian, it is clear in this for the military rhetoric that we've heard in recent weeks. Rather than looking for peace, they clearly stated that they need— Ukraine needs to fight for its geopolitical— therefore their geopolitical interests. And the Kyiv prince could further forcibly cast hundreds of thousands of his own citizens into this senseless meat grinder. This, according to them, will help Kyiv have a strong negotiation position. However, the realistic— real situation on the front where this the Zelensky regime is irreversibly being defeated is clear as day. Hence the calls to continue to arm Ukraine, which, as we know, we've heard from different types of— from Macron, from Starmer, and others who are stoking this war. After this, we'll be able to hear from European representatives who clearly will demonstrate to you the level of degradation and Russophobia and hate to Russia from European diplomacy who are trying to provoke a new war on the Old Continent. Colleagues, we take a responsible attitude to the veto and would not have used it without serious and justifiable reasons. On the 24th of February, there was a choice between giving peace a chance or pushing it further away. Of course, we chose the first option. And this was why the UN founders came up with the veto. As discussion of questions of international peace and security shows, without this instrument, the Security Council would inevitably turn into a body which can only approve dubious, half-baked decisions produced by a conglomerate of Western countries which dominate the Security Council and ask and act on the basis of bloc discipline. In these conditions, only use of the veto will prevent decisions being taken which would not only weaken the authority of the Security Council, but also could damage international peace and security, worsen existing conflicts, and ultimately lead to even more suffering amongst civilians. Colleagues, let's not delude ourselves. The hawks that call for continuing of an armed conflict in Ukraine and in European countries are capitalizing on war and the suffering of civilians. And they don't plan on dropping their intent— intention to interfere with peace between Russia and Ukraine. Let's call on all of those who are against this war to be alert to this and not allow the Kyiv regime's head honcho, who is no longer legitimate, as well as the European allies, to torpedo constructive starts between Russia and the US, however beautifully Brussels, Paris, Berlin, and London dress up their new destructive ideas. Thank you. Thank you for your attention.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Estonia, who will speak on behalf of the Baltic countries.

President, I'm delivering this statement on behalf of the Baltic States— Latvia, Lithuania, and my own country, Estonia. We align ourselves with the statements to be delivered by the European Union and Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of countries. President, At the UN Security Council meeting on 24th of February, Russia used its veto power against 2 separate amendments to a UN Security Council Resolution 2774 tabled by the United States. The amendments proposed by a group of European countries— Denmark, France, Greece, Slovenia, and the United Kingdom— were intended to reaffirm the UN Security Council's commitment to reach a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter. These proposals were respectively supported by 9 and 11 members of the UN Security Council. And yet, Russia decided to ignore the position of a majority of the Security Council members by voting against these principled amendments. Russia's vetoes also totally ignored the expression of the political will of the most democratic body of the UN, this very UN General Assembly, which on the same morning gave its overwhelming support to 2 resolutions calling for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine based on the UN Charter. By participating in the UN Security Council voting, Russia, as a party who unleashed the aggression, clearly violated Article 27 of the UN Charter. We also note that with the adoption of this resolution, UN Security Council has for the first time officially acknowledged Russia as a party in this war. At the UN Security Council, Russia stated that it considers a reference to the UN Charter as a disruption to a peace process. rather than a fundamental basis for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace. Let me remind that the main purpose of the UN Charter is to maintain international peace and security. Baltic States condemn another abuse of the veto right by Russia. This undermines the principles of the UN Charter and is not compatible with Russia's obligations as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. President, to make it clear again that Russia is the aggressor and Ukraine is the victim of the aggression. Russia has no real desire for peace in Ukraine, otherwise they would have stopped the war of aggression and bloodshed a long time ago. Even now, instead of adhering to the resolution it supported and, I quote, swiftly ending the conflict, End of quote. Russia has continued the aggression by sending additional cannon fodder to Ukraine and by launching barrage of drones and glide bombs towards Ukraine every single day. Common sense suggests that the simplest and quickest way to end this war is not by appeasing the Kremlin's dictator, but through a full and immediate withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine. within its internationally recognized borders, extending also to its territorial waters. Finally, impunity for the crime of aggression undermines international legal order and would only lead to new crimes. We cannot tolerate this. Therefore, Russia must face full international accountability for its deeds. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Estonia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Iceland, who will speak on behalf of the Nordic countries.

Thank you, Mr. President. President, I have the honor to speak on behalf of the 5 Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden, and my own country, Iceland. I would like to thank you for convening this debate under General Assembly Resolution 76262. We welcome the special report submitted by the Security Council on the use of the veto, in this case twice, At the 9866th meeting of the Council on February 24th. President, the Security Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. In carrying out its duties under this responsibility, the Council acts on behalf of the general membership. During the resumed emergency session on Ukraine on February 24th, the General Assembly adopted 2 resolutions on Ukraine: Advancing a Comprehensive, Just, and Lasting Peace in Ukraine and The Path to Peace, with a clear 2/3 majority. Both resolutions underline the commitment to key principles in the UN Charter in bringing about peace for Ukraine that includes respect for its sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity. within its internationally recognized borders. Both resolutions recognized that there can be no equivalence between how we refer to Ukraine and to the Russian Federation in the ongoing war. The first is the victim, the second the aggressor. No one wants peace more than Ukraine and its people. No one feels the effects of the war more than them. For peace to be lasting, it must be in accordance with international law, including the rules and principles of the UN Charter. Russia and other potential aggressors must not draw the conclusion that violations of international law will pass without consequences. That would risk renewed aggression and undermine global security. The resolution, The Path to Peace, as amended and then adopted by the General Assembly reflects that determination of the general membership to uphold the principles and obligations of the UN Charter, which we have all committed to uphold. It also reflects members' clear-eyed view of who attacked whom. The resolution adopted by the General Assembly calls for a swift end to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation, but rejects the precept that an invasion of any country is in any way acceptable. It mourns the tragic loss of life, including thousands of civilian lives, and rejects the precept that one country can simply change by force the borders of another and occupy and annex its territories. We underline that this constitutes a violation of international law and that accountability must be ensured. The resolution, The Path to Peace, as adopted by the Security Council, does not reflect these core principles. It does not give an accurate picture of how we have come to this point. Despite proposals for amendments to reflect the wishes of the General Membership on respecting the core principles of the Charter, the Russian Federation exercised its veto twice. Russia vetoed amendments calling for a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in line with the UN Charter. President, it is unacceptable that a permanent member of the Security Council should oppose language supporting the central rules of the Charter. Article 27, Part 3 of the UN Charter sets out one limitation on voting, including to those— to the use of the veto. To quote the Charter, in decisions under Chapter VI and under paragraph 3 of Article 52, a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting. We reiterate our call for the veto to be used responsibly and only in strict adherence with the Charter. We believe that for the Security Council to live up to its obligations and to recoup the respect many feel it has forfeited, Permanent members cannot allow themselves to use the veto in a patently partisan manner. And the Security Council cannot allow itself to be seen to disregard the clear wishes of the entire membership of the United Nations, expressed through the General Assembly. We regret that on Monday last week, the Council allowed the self-interest of the aggressor state to trample over the legitimate views and aspirations of the broader membership. Let me conclude by once again affirming the steadfast and unwavering support of the 5 Nordic countries for Ukraine and its people. And may I add, a commitment that was also resoundingly reaffirmed by a vast majority of the world's countries last week. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Iceland. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Luxembourg who will speak on behalf of the Benelux countries.

President, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the Benelux countries: Belgium, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, and my own country, Luxembourg. We fully subscribe to the statements made by the European Union as well as by Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of countries. Benelux countries would like to thank you, President, for convening this debate in accordance with Resolution 76/262 in application of the veto initiative spearheaded by Liechtenstein. An important impetus for The adoption of Resolution 76262 was the widespread concerns amongst members of this Assembly over the Security Council's paralysis in the face of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, a sovereign member state of the United Nations. As we meet, Russian forces continue to intensify their attacks on the civilian population and civilian infrastructure in Ukraine. Ukraine in violation of international humanitarian law. On the 24th of February, the General Assembly adopted 2 resolutions in which it reiterated the need to redouble diplomatic efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine in line with the Charter of the United Nations and its principles of the sovereign equality and territorial integrity of states. To quote our colleague, the Permanent Representative of France, in adopting these resolutions, the General Assembly has been the moral compass of this organization, the guarantor of a rules-based international order and of the sovereign equality of states. By contrast, Russia abused its veto power in the Security Council by voting against territorial integrity and peace in line with the UN Charter. Benelux countries remain steadfast in defending the principles of international law and the UN Charter in all situations, whether that be in the Middle East, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Myanmar or Ukraine. Our position is clear: safeguarding the integrity of the international system requires the same commitment to justice and accountability in all crises. After 3 years of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Resolution 2774 adopted by the Security Council on the 24th of February makes no reference to the party that is responsible for this invasion— Russia. It makes no reference to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders extending to its territorial waters. And it makes no reference to the need for peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation to be not just lasting but also just and comprehensive and in line with the UN Charter and the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of states. It was precisely to correct those glaring omissions and to bring the resolution in line with the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly a few hours earlier that the European members of the Security Council— Denmark, France, Greece, Slovenia, and the United Kingdom— presented amendments to the draft resolution submitted by the United States of America. We deeply regret that 2 amendments which enjoyed broad support among Council members were not adopted due to the use of the veto by Russia. The fact that Russia portrayed the amendments referencing the Charter and its principles as being, and I quote, unbalanced, politicised, and an act of sabotage, is not acceptable for the vast majority of member states that are truly committed to respecting the Charter. What is also not acceptable is that we have again witnessed a situation where the perpetrator acts as the judge in his own case. All members of the Security Council must adhere to Article 27, paragraph 3 of the Charter, which states that, and I quote, a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting. In the Pact for the Future and Action 41, we've all decided to implement this provision. If any lack of clarity on the scope or definition of this clause is the reason this Charter obligation has not been honoured in full, then it must be addressed as a matter of priority. The Benelux countries welcome efforts to end the war in Ukraine through diplomacy and dialogue. As long as those efforts are based on the principles of the UN Charter, including the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of states. Peace in Ukraine will only be sustainable if it is just and if it is underpinned by strong and credible security guarantees. In its just and courageous fight to defend its freedom and our common universal values, Ukraine can continue to count on the full support and solidarity of the Benelux countries. We will continue to resolutely support the independence, unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Luxembourg. I now give the floor I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein who will speak on behalf of a group of countries.

Thank you, Mr. President. I have the honor to take the floor this morning on behalf of the following group of states: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Canada, Costa Rica, Croatia, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Iceland, Italy, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Kingdom of the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, and my own country, Liechtenstein. We thank you for convening this Assembly in a timely manner after the casting of vetoes by the Russian Federation on 2 amendments to a draft adopted subsequently as Resolution 2774. We appreciate the production of a special report by the Council and the presence of the vetoing state at today's meeting, both of which are in line with the provisions of Resolution 76262, otherwise known as the veto initiative. We look forward to receiving a summary of today's meeting to be sent to the Security Council for their reflection. Mr. President, the vetoes we discuss today and the resolution they attained to were concerning in their own right. To adopt a text that does not acknowledge the manifest violation of the UN Charter by the Russian Federation through its aggression against Ukraine, nor Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, sets a concerning precedent for the security of each and every member state represented here today. The Charter is impartial, but it is always on the side of international law. It is on the side of territorial integrity, sovereign equality, and against the illegal use of force. The amendments brought by European members of the Council which reflected these facts would have contributed to bringing the text into line with the Charter. But today we must also address the constitutional implications of the resolution adopted in the Council. The Security Council, after it was prevented from exercising its primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security, delegated its responsibility for the situation in Ukraine to the General Assembly in its Resolution 2623. 23rd of 2022. This Assembly, discharging that responsibility, proceeded to adopt 2 resolutions on the morning of February 24th, which made it very clear what the position of the membership was. That the Council should then proceed to adopt a text so clearly failing to meet the standards set out by the membership Mr. President, the further aspect of the Council's resolution also requires consideration. The draft resolution adopted in the Council set out that the, and I quote, principal purpose, end of quote, of the United Nations is to maintain international peace and security and peacefully settle disputes, and separately named the parties to the conflict as the Russian Federation and and Ukraine. The resolution therefore clearly infers that the Russian Federation is a party to a dispute germane to the resolution. Article 27, Part III of the UN Charter sets out one limitation on voting, including to the use of the veto. And I quote, provided that in decisions under Chapter VI and under Para. of Article 52, a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting. The Russian Federation should therefore have abstained from voting on Resolution 2724. Mr. President, let us not forget, the Russian Federation is violating the Charter in exercising its veto in respect of the situation in Ukraine. Members of the Council raised the issue that Russia was a party to a dispute in February 2022 when it vetoed Council action addressing its aggression against Ukraine. And in September last year, all of our leaders collectively adopted a Pact for the Future in which we decided to, and I quote, fully implement and adhere to all provisions of the Charter of the United Nations as they relate to the decision-making process in the Security Council, including Article 27 of the Charter. End of quote. We must stand up against this grave abuse of the Charter, which compounds the already flagrant violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty. And we look forward to working with all interested parties to enhance the implementation of this provision at a time when it is so badly needed. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Austria.

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, Excellencies, Austria aligns itself with the statement of the European Union representative to be delivered and the statement just now delivered by the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein with a view to the implementation of Article 27 of the Charter. Last week, Russia exercised its veto in the Security Council on 2 amendments on a resolution regarding Ukraine, one of them reaffirming the commitment to sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and another one urging a just, lasting and comprehensive peace between Ukraine and Russia. These amendments would have served to reflect the position of the majority of member states voting in this General Assembly just hours before. Members of the Security Council, and especially the permanent ones, serve on behalf of all of us. They were conferred a special responsibility through the UN Charter It is therefore highly regrettable that this responsibility was not used the way it had been intended. Excellencies, this is why today the UN General Assembly has the opportunity to reiterate its positions. In addition to our debate during the 11th Emergency Special Session last week, today we reiterate our expectation that the core principles of the the UN Charter and international law are adhered to anywhere and at all times. Let me therefore repeat 3 points. First, we condemn Russia's unprovoked, unjustified, and illegal full-scale aggression against its neighbor Ukraine. Second, this represents a clear violation of international law. And third, no negotiation about Ukraine without Ukraine. No decisions on European security without Europe. And in response to the Russian statement just before, of course we stand for peace, a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace. More than 2/3 of UN member states have signed the Code of Conduct on the Use of the Veto launched by the Accountability Coherence and Transparency Group, of which Austria is an active member. In addition, the Pact for the Future took up the key provision from the ACT Code of Conduct in its Action 41B and therefore universalized it. We therefore encourage all member states, all member states, including those permanent members of the Council who have not done so, to support this initiative. The veto initiative in the General Assembly has contributed to the accountability and transparency of the Security Council towards the wider membership. It has given a boost to the General Assembly to fill the void created by the Security Council with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security. Mr. President, now we as the General Assembly must ensure that we insist on the adherence to these principles and norms of the Charter. This is important for all our states. Territorial integrity, peaceful settlement of disputes, disputes, and the non-use of force are key examples of the universally binding principles we all agreed to. And for the majority of the member states in this room, they serve as an important pillar of our security policy itself. Austria, for example, is a neutral state who is not part of any military alliance. The adherence to international law and cooperation in multilateral fora is therefore part of our DNA. This is why Austria will continue to insist that these principles and laws are upheld in the General Assembly, as well as if elected as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in the years 2027 and '28. I today ensure you that Austria will continue to be a reliable partner and do its best to ensure that our Charter is preserved. Thank you very much, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Austria. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the European Union who shall speak on behalf of the European Union and its member states.

Mr. President, colleagues, I have the honor to speak on behalf of the European Union. The candidate countries Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Georgia, as well as Andorra, Monaco, and San Marino, align themselves with this statement. I want to thank the President of the General Assembly for convening this meeting. We are here today because of Russia's decision to twice veto amendments to UN Security Council Resolution 2774 on peace in Ukraine, amendments that were proposed by the European members of the Security Council. The first veto blocked a reference to the Security Council's commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine. This amendment received 9 positive votes. The second Russian veto obstructed a call for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in line with the UN Charter. This proposal received 11 positive votes. Let it be clear: Russia is abusing its veto power to block references to the principle of territorial integrity and to peace in line with the UN Charter. For over 3 years now, it has bombed Ukraine's cities on a daily basis as part of its unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression. And it is abusing its privileged position at the UN to avoid being called out. The UN membership cannot allow such behavior to pass. Russia is undermining the core principles of our multilateral system, and aggression is an aggression, wherever it occurs. We cannot accept an equivalence between the aggressor and the victim of aggression. We cannot accept a world where might is right. Where the power of law is replaced by the power of guns. We believe in a world based on rules. The time for peace is now. The EU supports all meaningful efforts to bring an end to Russia's war of aggression. International law, including the UN Charter, must be the reference point for any peace in Ukraine or elsewhere. In 2 resolutions adopted last Monday with overwhelming majorities, this UN General Assembly called for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine based on the UN Charter. We would like to extend our sincere appreciation to all member states who supported the resolution entitled Advancing a Comprehensive, Just, and Lasting Peace in Ukraine. It was an important step to highlight the necessity of the rule of law as well as the global consequences of Russia's aggression. The General Assembly has called for an end to the war this year. By vetoing constructive amendments to a resolution on Europe's proposed by the European members of the Security Council, Russia is obstructing the path to peace. It's ignoring what was decided by the General Assembly. No one wants peace and needs peace in Ukraine more than the Ukrainian people. No one has a larger stake in European security than Europeans. And no one can afford to ignore the devastating consequences consequences of this war for regional and global stability. The EU will continue to work with all our partners on a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace that ensures Ukraine's future sovereignty and security. Mr. President, a peace that rewards the aggressor increases the risk for any country to face similar aggression. A peace in line with the Charter however, ensures a safer world for all of us. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the European Union. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Australia, who will speak on behalf of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.

Thank you, President, for convening this meeting. I deliver this statement on behalf of Canada, New Zealand, and my own country, Australia. We are here today to discuss Russia's use of the veto pursuant to the Veto Initiative, which is a vital mechanism for promoting greater transparency and accountability of the UN Security Council. The United States resolution, The Path to Peace, is the only resolution on Ukraine adopted by the Security Council since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It was adopted despite Russia's veto of amendments referring to key elements of the UN Charter, namely sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, as well as the need for a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in Ukraine. President, on the 3rd anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the General Assembly reaffirmed its respect for the UN Charter, and for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. In addition to causing terrible loss of life and damage in Ukraine, Russia's war is compounding human suffering and the crisis in food and energy security globally. Russia's aggression has serious implications for security in both the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific, as demonstrated by the deeply concerning military cooperation between Russia and the DPRK, Including troop deployments to Russia for combat against Ukraine. The DPRK's export of ballistic missiles, artillery shells, and other military materiel to Russia for use against Ukraine, and Russia's training of DPRK troops involving arms or related materiel, represents flagrant violations of UN Security Council resolutions. President, Last Monday, while other members expressed their unwavering commitment to the core Charter principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of states, Russia vetoed it. What principle of international law did it call upon states to follow instead? None. Instead, it asked member states to recognise a new reality it had imposed on the ground by force. The message from this permanent member of the Security Council to any leader with a vulnerable border is clear. CANZ countries reject Russia's message. We believe that all countries are better off in a world where international rules are clear, mutually agreed, and consistently followed. We condemn Russia's illegal and immoral invasion of Ukraine and fully support all meaningful progress towards a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace which preserves Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, supports security and stability in Europe, and ensures Russia does not renew its aggression. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Australia. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Portugal.

Thank you, Mr. President. Portugal aligns itself with the statements delivered by the European Union and by Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of countries. As a co-sponsor of the veto initiative, Portugal deeply regrets the use of the veto against 2 different amendments aimed at upholding fundamental principles of the UN Charter, namely those of sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. Russia's vetoes on February 24th reflect its unwillingness to abide by the principles of justice and international law that constitute the very foundation of this organization. And that guide respectful relations among equally sovereign states. The amendments in question had already been adopted by this General Assembly and would have thus translated this membership's collective will, which was, as such, procrastinated by one single member. Such actions undermine multilateralism and weaken the credibility of the United Nations. Furthermore, Article 27 of the UN Charter is clear: a party to a dispute must abstain from voting. Russia, as a party to the war against Ukraine, should have refrained from casting its vote. Yet it continues to act as both judge and jury, shielding itself from accountability while violating the fundamental principles that this organization was created to uphold. It is imperative that the Security Council enforces Article 27 and that the General Assembly ensures that its resolutions are not circumvented by unilateral obstruction. UN Charter principles are not selective. They cannot be cherry-picked according to one's national interests. They are a collective threshold of our global community and must be addressed in their entirety without ambiguities, and in all contexts and all regions. That is the only way to ensure equal treatment of nations, large and small, and to preserve international peace and security. Because we all want peace, but not any peace, not at any cost. We want, and we need, a peace firmly anchored in the UN Charter, a peace that is reached through strict adherence to the rules of international law, including international humanitarian law. A peace that doesn't reward the aggressor nor sets a dangerous precedent for future violations of territorial integrity or political independence of any state. A peace that lastingly ends the immense human suffering and massive damage to infrastructure by ensuring accountability of the culprits. A peace that will ensure long-term security security and stability of the European continent through a comprehensive framework negotiated with all relevant actors. Mr. President, we stress the importance of the accountability for the use of the veto in the Security Council. Its use must be restricted, exercised sensibly, and in strict adherence to the Charter until a consensus is reached to abolish it. Despite this setback, we remain hopeful that the international community's unwavering support to the Ukrainian people will create new opportunities for the United Nations to contribute to a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in the country according to the collective political will widely reflected in this General Assembly's resolutions adopted on February 24th. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Portugal, and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

Mr. President, last week this Assembly marked 3 years since Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. in flagrant violation of the UN Charter. This Assembly voted decisively in support of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and of the UN Charter based on the facts. This was an invasion of a sovereign country by its neighbor. It was a war of choice. As my Prime Minister has made clear, the UK continues to support peace in Ukraine. Our approach is based on 4 principles. First, to support Ukraine's legitimate right to self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. Second, any lasting peace must guarantee the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and Ukraine must be at the negotiating table. Third and fourth, when a peace deal is reached, as a European neighbor, we will continue to support Ukraine's defense and deterrence capability. And we are ready to develop a coalition of the willing to defend a peace deal in Ukraine. For peace to be sustainable, it must be strong and just and deter further Russian aggression against its neighbours. This is why the UK, along with other Security Council members, proposed amendments that would bring the Security Council resolution in line with the resolutions of the General Assembly, which had been adopted just hours beforehand. These amendments sought to acknowledge Russia as the perpetrator of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, to reaffirm our commitment to the territorial integrity of Ukraine, and to ensure that peace in Ukraine would be in line with the UN Charter. In order to stop us, Russia exercised its veto. In doing so, it flouted the voice of the General Assembly. It vetoed respect for the UN Charter and for the sovereignty of a neighbor. And all the while, Russia has continued its campaign of aggression against Ukraine, including with this week's drone attacks on civilian buildings in Kharkiv. We should judge Putin by his actions, and these are not the actions of a peacemaker. As we sit here today discussing Russia's use of the veto on amendments regarding its own violations of the UN Charter, let us remember one thing. If Putin wanted peace, he could have it tomorrow. All Russia needs to do is cease its aggression and withdraw withdraw its forces from all of Ukraine. I thank you, President.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Switzerland.

Mr. President, Switzerland aligns itself with the statement made by Liechtenstein, and we're grateful for convening this meeting. Last week, as we commemorated Russia's military aggression against Ukraine for the 3rd year, the Security Council adopted its first resolution Addressing the matter. Switzerland deeply regrets that 2 essential amendments were vetoed. These amendments contain fundamental references to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The omissions in Resolution 2774 are all the more striking when compared to the resolutions adopted on the same day by the General Assembly. This divergence between these 2 principal organs of the United Nations highlights the relevance of today's debate. Switzerland constantly advocates for a responsible and moderate use of the right of veto. The present case leads us to reaffirm Switzerland's support for the principle that Council members Who are parties to a dispute have an obligation to abstain from voting under Chapter VI of the Charter, as stipulated in Article 27. The reasoning behind this principle, which is also explicitly mentioned in the Pact for the Future, is simple: no one should be the judge of their own cause. Respect for this principle is essential to preserving the legitimacy of the Council Russia has disregarded the obligation to refrain from using its veto, provided for in Article 27 of the Charter, in a war it is waging in violation of the same Charter. Once again, we find ourselves in a situation where one violation of the Charter feeds another, as this resolution clearly falls under Chapter VI of the Charter. The party to the conflict, which is also mentioned in the text of the resolution, should not only have refrained from vetoing the amendments, but also from voting on the resolution itself. Mr. President, after more than 3 years of immense suffering caused by the devastating war against Ukraine, we welcome the Security Council's willingness to advance peace. However, As Switzerland has stated on several occasions, both during our term on the Council and before the General Assembly, this peace must be based on international law, including the United Nations Charter. Like the vast majority of member states, we support Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity. Switzerland is also committed to a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, which the General Assembly reaffirmed once again just a few hours before the Council's vote. The vetoes in the Council which blocked precisely those elements were thus not only at odds with the will of the majority of the Council members, but also with the clear clear will of the General Assembly. We therefore consider that the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly constitute the point of reference and clearly express the expectations of Member States. We ask the Security Council to fully take them into account, in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter, and expect it to do so for a peace that respects the fundamental purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Switzerland and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Bulgaria.

Mr. President, Bulgaria aligns itself with the statements delivered by the European Union and by Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of states committed to the implementation of Resolution 76/262. I would like to highlight a few points in my national capacity. We're gathered here today because of the Russian Federation's decision to veto 2 amendments reaffirming the principles of the UN Charter and the parameters of a just peace, amendments that the General Assembly had clearly endorsed just just hours earlier. The Assembly spoke in favor of a just and lasting peace, one rooted in the UN Charter and the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity. Yet the Russian Federation chose to disregard the will of the Assembly, abusing its veto power to serve its own interests. In doing so, it violated Article 24 of the UN Charter, which stipulates that Security Council members act on behalf of all member states. Furthermore, Russia's veto contradicts Article 27 of the Charter, which requires a party to a dispute to abstain from voting. The Russian Federation is undeniably a party to this dispute, as acknowledged even in the Security Council resolution it supported on February 24th. Thank you. 2024. For 3 years, the Russian Federation has waged an illegal, unprovoked, and utterly unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, a blatant violation of international law, the UN Charter, and the fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. If we are to achieve a just and lasting peace, aggression must not be rewarded. There can be no moral or legal equivalence between the aggressor and the victim. The Security Council must be unequivocal in this stance, especially when the General Assembly has already made its position clear. For 3 years, this Assembly and the Secretary-General have demonstrated unwavering commitment to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. A peace based on the UN Charter and international law, a peace that upholds Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence, and a peace that, that does not demand the surrender of the state that was attacked. By vetoing these amendments, Russia is attempting to rewrite the history of its illegal invasion, undermine the UN Charter as the foundation of international order and reduce accountability for the atrocities committed in Ukraine to nothing more than an empty promise. Bulgaria remains committed to peace in Ukraine. However, any discussion of peace must be firmly grounded in international law and the UN Charter. No peace initiative or negotiation framework should proceed without Ukraine's direct involvement. Moreover, Ukraine must enter any negotiations from the strongest possible position. The foundation of any future peace must include full accountability for Russia's crimes in Ukraine. We must all stand up for the UN Charter, for upholding its principles is an investment in and guarantee for both global and national security. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Bulgaria and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Romania.

Mr. President, Romania joins the statement of the European Union and also the statement delivered by Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of countries. In this hall last week, we debated and voted on bringing peace in Ukraine based on the UN Charter, 3 years after the start of the full-scale Russian invasion. And the General Assembly has pronounced itself in a straightforward and forward-looking manner on the need to reach a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. On the same day, the Security Council also considered the future peace in Ukraine, and we sincerely thank the European members of the Security Council, that tried to bring Resolution 2774 in line with the text adopted by the General Assembly earlier that day. Our appreciation also goes to those members of the Council that either supported or at least did not object to those amendments during the vote. Regrettably, the Russian Federation decided to use its veto power against the 2 amendments in the Security Council. Its isolated voice in the General Assembly has been echoed in the Council, where the rules differ, and Russia stood alone as well. And our analysis is crystal clear. The 2 vetoes in the Security Council cast by Russia represent a veto against the UN Charter. Russia vetoed the principles of sovereign equality and the territorial integrity of states. This should raise in itself the alarm for every single member of the United Nations. The 2 vetoes are also blatant disregard of the strong message of the most representative body of the United Nations, namely the General Assembly, which defined very clearly only a couple of hours earlier the parameters for achieving a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. We regret to see a Council that once again acts with disregard to the clear guidance of the international community. Mr. President, the General Assembly is reunited today to reconfirm that a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine can only be achieved if it is rooted in the UN Charter. A capitulation in front of the aggressor state will never lead to peace. And the General Assembly has proved time and again that it is not afraid to use the correct qualification of the war. This is a textbook example of an unjustified and illegal act of aggression against Ukraine. And we will repeat it today, just as we have done it for the past almost— more than, actually, 36 months since the full-scale aggression started. First, we need a peace that looks indeed at the root cause: the blatant attack on a neighboring country in violation of the prohibition of the use of force. We need a peace that brings to the table first and foremost Ukraine, as well as all interested parties and European countries, which are one of those interested in having peace but not under any circumstances. And we need a peace that takes into account the suffering of all civilians affected by indiscriminate rocket and drone attacks and who sought shelter in other countries. Mr. President, before I conclude, allow me to reconfirm that my delegation is one of a long list of countries that supports the full implementation of Article 27, Para 3 of the UN Charter, which sets out a limitation on voting in the Council, which provides that, quote, a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting, unquote. And Russia might continue selectively to interpret the Charter, but this is not its prerogative. The UN Charter needs to be respected in its entirety, and we expect the Security Council to fulfill this duty since it acts on behalf of the entire UN membership. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Romania and now call upon the distinguished representative of Malta to take the floor.

Thank you. Thank you, President. Malta aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union and also the statement by Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of states and would like to make additional remarks in its national capacity. Malta regrets the use of the veto on 2 amendments to a resolution that would have first sought to reaffirm the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of States by prohibiting the threat and use of force. This is not only a principle under the UN Charter but also a principle recognized as customary international law. Secondly, it would have called for a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in line with the UN Charter. Such a peace will ultimately safeguard the security interests of Ukraine and its people. in full respect of principles of sovereignty, sovereign equality, and territorial integrity of states, and under— as underlined in various UN resolutions. The consequences of this war have been tragic for Ukraine and its people. The time has come for this war to stop. Malta remains firm in calling on Russia to immediately cease all hostilities and to unconditionally and completely withdraw all its forces and military equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Malta also stands united with those who strive to uphold universal principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and to advance the implementation of the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly. In 2 resolutions adopted last Monday in this very hall, the UN General Assembly called for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine based on the UN Charter. The GA has called for an end to the war this year. By vetoing constructive amendments to resolutions on Europe's security, the General Assembly is being ignored. In closing, we believe that a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in Ukraine requires the immediate end of hostilities by Russia, together with the unconditional and full withdrawal of Russian military forces from Ukraine's entire territory in its internationally recognized borders. In this spirit, Malta will continue to support all efforts aimed at finding solutions to address the consequences

I thank the distinguished representatives— representative of Malta, and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United States.

Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you, Mr. President. The action in the Security Council on February 24th demonstrated that the United States is committed to ending the Russia-Ukraine war. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians and Russians have died. The longer the war continues, the greater the suffering for both nations. The war must end now, and the peace must be durable and lasting. lasting, not a temporary pause. With the adoption of Resolution 2774, the Security Council showed that the United Nations can still live up to the purposes and principles of its Charter, mainly to maintain international peace and security, including through the peaceful settlement of disputes. We reminded the world that there is common ground that we can all agree on. All UN member states can agree that the war is a tragedy and that it must end. Security Council Resolution 2774 does not end the war, but it has put us on a path to peace. The United States is fully committed to playing a meaningful and constructive role in the pursuit of peace. Mr. President, The Security Council has proven that the UN is committed to and capable of helping to accomplish its original purpose. We look forward to continued work in this regard. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States and now call upon the distinguished representative of Italy. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of

Thank you, Mr. President. Last week, on the 3rd anniversary of Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, the Security Council adopted its first resolution on this matter. The resolution emphasized the international community's aspiration for the swift end of the war, while also urging lasting peace between Ukraine and Russia. The Republic of Korea believes there are 2 goals that everyone can agree on. One, this senseless An unlawful war must come to an end as soon as possible. And 2, we must strive to uphold the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and international law. This war of aggression against a sovereign state continues to shake the structural foundations of the international order and the rules and norms that underpin it. In this light, the Republic of Korea voted in favor of the amendments that were proposed by the 5 European countries of the Council, which explicitly stated the guiding principles of the UN Charter. In line with, in line with the proposed amendments, My delegation is of the view that Russia's invasion of Ukraine, sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and the need for a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace based on the UN Charter were important elements to be included in a Security Council resolution on Ukraine. To support the resolution, considering the importance of garnering international support and determination for the swift end of the war in Ukraine. We should also remember that this war in Ukraine has inflicted unspeakable suffering and devastation for the past 3 years. Indeed, civilian casualties in Ukraine have surpassed 40,000, and more than 10 million people have been displaced, both internally and abroad. The tears of innocent civilians have long overflowed and are now nearly exhausted. Yet, the attacks on Ukraine have not been exhausted. In fact, they are even escalating over the past few weeks with large-scale drone and missile attacks on a plethora of Ukrainian cities. Mr. President, we hope that the adoption of the Security Council resolution will provide an opportunity for all relevant parties to further accelerate diplomatic efforts to achieve just, lasting, and comprehensive peace and stability in line with the UN Charter. The Republic of Korea will firmly support all these efforts and takes this opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to standing with the Ukrainian people as they preserve over the current hardship and rebuild their proud nations. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Italy.

Mr. President, Italy fully aligns itself with the statements delivered by the European Union and Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of states and would like to add some considerations in its national capacity. Thank you. We are convened today to reaffirm our commitment to the UN Charter and to reiterate the need to ensure that the fundamental principles of international law prevail wherever they are challenged. The amendments proposed by the European Members of the Council on the Resolution Path to Peace reaffirmed the commitment of the international community to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace between Ukraine and Russia, in line with the UN Charter. The same amendments, before being vetoed by Russia in the Council, had been approved by the 11th Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly, establishing essential tenets for the upcoming negotiations and for a future peace settlement. We firmly believe that the full implementation of these principles is a matter not only in the interests of Ukraine and Europe, but also of the entire UN membership, since they are the foundations that hold the international community together. We wish to recall that according to the 1970 Declaration of Principles of International Law concerning friendly relations among states, I quote, The territory of a state shall not be the object of acquisition by another state resulting from the threat or use of force. End quote. Unwavering support for independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine has been a priority for Italy since the beginning of the conflict. By strongly backing the European Union initiatives, Italy is contributing in particular to ensure Ukraine's resilience and intends to play an active role in the social and economic recovery of the country. We will host in July in Rome the Ukraine Recovery Conference. Together, we will lay the foundations for a prosperous, independent Ukraine within our common European family. As we have said many times, we are not at war with Russia, but we strongly uphold Ukraine's independence and territorial integrity. We are also concerned about the humanitarian crisis, the high toll of destruction, and the global consequences of the war. The only real way to alleviate people's suffering in Ukraine is to put an end to this war through negotiations leading to a just, verifiable, and monitored peace. We therefore encourage a diplomatic solution to the conflict based on the UN Charter, with the full involvement of Ukraine and Europe. Italy remains committed to collaborating with all partners ready to support peace efforts. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Italy. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Türkiye.

Mr. President, at the outset, I would like to express our appreciation for convening this debate in line with the General Assembly resolution 76/262, also known as the Veto Initiative. We are pleased to see that General Assembly resolutions continue to serve its purpose and remain a valuable tool on issues pertaining to international peace and security for the collective good of humanity. General Assembly debates enable the reflection of the collective political weight of the wider membership. They also offer further options of action to be explored whenever a veto is cast. Türkiye firmly believes that the use of veto is a serious setback to the founding principles of the UN and the Council's mandate to maintain international peace and security. The latest developments about Ukraine is a case in point, as the war has reached an inflection point and the focus has shifted from the battleground to the negotiations. Giving priority to diplomacy and negotiations instead of military methods is in line with the policy that Türkiye has pursued since the beginning of the war. We hope that this process will be the beginning of the end of the conflict and of the establishment of a lasting peace. A just and lasting peace cannot be achieved without the involvement of both parties. Given Türkiye's longstanding commitment to negotiations, we will remain in touch with both Russia and Ukraine to facilitate diplomatic talks. We discussed contributions that could be made by Türkiye on this important juncture, as well as Türkiye's desire to host the negotiations when President Zelenskyy was in Ankara. We also discussed our possible contributions, contributions to a diplomatic end to the war with Foreign Minister Lavrov, who visited Türkiye on 24th of February. Foreign Minister Fidan was in London last, last Sunday for the Leaders' Summit on Ukraine. We will keep remaining in touch with all sides to find a solution to this war. In fact, since the beginning of the conflict, our support for Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty remains steadfast. As Türkiye, we have voiced our strong support for a negotiated and diplomatic end to the conflict. We are one of the few countries that managed to maintain its dialogue with both Russia and Ukraine in the aftermath of the war, which enabled us to bring the conflicting parties together several times after the war started and to pioneer the Black Sea Initiative and various prisoner exchanges. Mr. President, on the 3rd anniversary of the war, we voted in favor of both resolutions submitted to the General Assembly. We consider these 2 develop— 2 resolutions complementary, as they both focus on Ukraine's territorial integrity as well as on a negotiated solution. At this critical juncture, we must focus on crafting a genuine solution rather than going after competing texts. We need a solution that originated from a strategic endgame, a solution that will be in the interest of not only our region but the whole world. Hence, as member states of the United Nations, we must contribute to establishment of a just and lasting peace as soon as possible. After achieving peace, we must all unite on devising the best way to preserve it. It is our sincere hope that it will be possible to reach a just and lasting end to this war through negotiations. We continue our strong commitment to Ukraine's territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence, and keep the UN Charter at the heart of our efforts. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Türkiye, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Slovenia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Slovenia aligns itself with the EU statement, to which I will add some remarks in my national capacity. Mr. President, each veto is regrettable. To veto a reference to the UN Charter is absolutely deplorable. My country deeply regrets the, the 2 vetoes cast by the Russian Federation last week. With this, it single-handedly prevented the inclusion of references to the UN Charter and its principles in the Security Council's first resolution about the war on Ukraine. It furthermore also directly violated the Charter's limitations on the use of veto, namely Article 27, which instructs a party to a dispute to abstain from voting. Colleagues, for 3 years Russia is waging a war against Ukraine, in clear violation of the UN Charter and international law. And after 3 years of death and destruction, a just and lasting peace is long overdue. For this reason, we actively engaged in the process of the Council's consideration of the Path to Peace resolution. We respect the aim of the adopted resolution: to set in motion a path leading to peace, to agree on a baseline leading to peace negotiations. We fully support this aim. To us, it is the right step, which, however, lacks direction. As the saying goes, If you don't know where you're going, any road will lead you there. It was crucial for the European members of the Council— members from the region— to determine the frame accompanying the path to peace at the very outset. To give us a basic direction. And this minimum frame was to determine that peace negotiations should be conducted in line with the principles of the UN Charter. As simple as that. Regional solutions to regional problems apply to all regions. The Security Council members from Europe were compelled to present amendments to the American text. The amendments that mirror the Secretary-General's advice who for 3 years has been underlining that a lasting peace needs to be firmly anchored in the UN Charter and its principles. The amendments that the General Assembly felt necessary to include earlier that morning. The amendments that received 11 votes of the Council members and would have carried in the Security Council were it not for a veto of a country most directly involved in this war. These 2 vetoes were cast in violation of the UN Charter. Mr. President, Europe desperately needs peace, and Slovenia is pleased that the Security Council is finally moving towards its primary task with regard to the war on Ukraine: ensuring a just and lasting peace. Thank you. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Slovenia and now call upon the distinguished representative of South Africa to take the floor.

Mr. President, South Africa appreciates the opportunity to participate in today's debate to consider the use of veto by UN Security Council permanent member in relation to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. We regret that Russia-Ukraine conflict continues unabated. It is an indictment on the record of the United Nations. In particular the Security Council, which has been unable to exercise its responsibility, that we are not able to realize the consensus on the way forward to bring conflict to an expeditious, peaceful end, despite peace being the core purpose of the organization. Last week in this Assembly, South Africa voted in favor of a resolution tabled on the conflict because: 1, reiterates that the principal purpose of the United Nations, as expressed in the United Nations Charter, is to maintain international peace and security and to peacefully settle disputes. 2, Reaffirm the commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, extending to its territorial waters, and implore a swift end to conflict and further urge a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace between Ukraine and Russia in line with UN Charter and the principle of sovereignty, equality, and territorial integrity of states. I wish to once again emphasize that South Africa remains firmly committed to the need for a peaceful and negotiated resolution to conflict. Within a rule-based system centered on international law, including the principle of UN Charter. South Africa therefore continues to support all efforts to bring the conflict to an end and welcome all measures undertaken thus far in an attempt to kickstart negotiations and bring about lasting peace. We remain steadfast in our commitment to peaceful resolution to conflict through an inclusive and a transparent peaceful process that will lead to a negotiated peaceful and sustainable settlement. Mr. President, South Africa remains concerned at inability of the UN Security Council to to act in unison, which continues to pose a stumbling block to the progressive realization of peace. The lack of meaningful action has resulted in perpetual paralysis of the Council, which impacts on the effectiveness and integrity of the organ. Increasing use of veto highlights the need for reform of the UN Security Council. It is without doubt that the use of veto continues to erode the legitimacy of the Council. We must take concrete steps to ensure that the Council becomes more representative, effective, transparent, and accountable. Addressing the question of veto is central to the discussions on a comprehensive reform of of the Security Council. In conclusion, South Africa reiterates the importance to make real and meaningful progress towards peace rather than contribute towards further divisiveness. We reaffirm our position that the parties to the current conflict should begin to identify areas of common interest in a spirit of compromise and flexibility rather than to continue to fight and firmly hold on their divergent views. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Chile.

Mr. President, we're grateful for the convening of this plenary session of the General Assembly to discuss the vetoes that took place on the 24th of February, last Monday, in a session convened by the Security Council. Thank you, Mr. President. under the item Maintenance of International Peace and Security in Ukraine. After— 3 years after the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, we reaffirm our commitment to the respect for the UN Charter, international law, peaceful means of resolving conflicts, and the fundamental principles that govern relations among states. We also would like to make an appeal for an urgent reform of the Security Council. Which— so that it can fulfill its mandate in ensuring international peace and security. Bearing this in mind, Chile repeats its position regarding the use of the veto and the danger that it implies in eroding the credibility and the effectiveness of the multilateral system. We believe that the protection of human life should be our utmost priority and that the use of the veto should be limited. This veto should not be used in circumstances such as mass atrocities and war crimes, as expressed in the French and Mexican initiative and the Code of Conduct for the Response of the Security Council in Cases of Genocide, Crimes Against Humanity, and War Crimes. Both of these mechanisms have the full support of my country. Mr. President, Chile, as a country committed to democracy, human rights, and multilateralism, believes that it is necessary to reform the Security Council so that it is more representative of the diversity of the international community and so that it can tackle more effectively the complexity of new global challenges. It is urgent to eliminate or to at least restrict the use of the veto so that we can guarantee that the decisions of the Council reflect the collective interest rather than the particular interest of the few. Mr. President, Chile, as a founding member of the United Nations and faithful to upholding the Charter and international law, reiterates its commitment to the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Resolution 3314 of the General Assembly of 1974 defines aggression and determines that a war of aggression is a crime against international peace. We'd like to reiterate our position regarding the use of the veto and how harmful it is for the legitimacy and credibility of the multilateral system. We will continue to state that the veto is an international responsibility rather than a privilege. Lastly, Mr. President, we'd like to stress that we cannot allow for a world where power is the only argument. We must continue to promote the principle of indivisibility of international security, where the size of a state does not matter. We all have a duty to preserve peace, and with this in mind, security is a shared responsibility to confront the growing threats to the peace— to the peace and security architecture. This is our common duty. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Chile, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of France.

Mr. President, on the 24th of February, 3 years exactly, day after day, since the start by Russia of its war of aggression against Ukraine, the Security Council was considering a draft resolution on peace presented by the United States. France is actively involved in favor of peace in Ukraine. Our responsibility here in the United Nations— Thank you. is to work towards a peace that is just, lasting, and based on the principles of the Charter. There cannot be a just peace if the aggressor, which is Russia, and the assaulted state, Ukraine, are put in the same boat. There can be no lasting peace without respect for the principles that are the very foundation of our collective security. And among these principles is the sovereign equality of states and respect for territorial integrity. To forget these principles is to accept a world where the law of the jungle prevails, where might prevails over right. For all these reasons, France presented, together with Denmark, Greece, the United Kingdom, and Slovenia, several amendments to the Security Council to the draft resolution that was tabled. One of these amendments sought to reaffirm the attachment of the Council to the sovereignty, independence, the unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Another amendment sought to appeal for a global, just, and lasting peace in line with the principles of the United Nations Charter. Mr. President, in introducing these amendments, we urged the Council to follow the example of the General Assembly, which that very morning adopted similar amendments. These 2 amendments had respectively 9 and 11 favorable votes, votes in favor of them, which should have allowed for their adoption and demonstrated a broad consensus. These amendments recalled the principles of the Charter to which all the UN members are attached. Their adoption should have been self-evident. Self-evident. However, Russia decided alone to use its veto on these essential messages and principles, and this for the simple reason that it is trampling on these principles in Ukraine as an aggressor state. And Russia once again prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its role and affirming its attachment to a respectful Thank you. The Security Council is committed to peace and respect for the principles of the Charter. France deplores this abuse by Russia of its right to veto. We consider that the veto is not a privilege, but a particular responsibility that should be exercised with the goal of allowing the Security Council to act in favor of peace and international security for a just peace and conformity with the Charter. February. The Security Council did not live up to the challenge facing it by adopting a resolution that left out the respect for the Charter and its principles, even while the General Assembly had reaffirmed twice these principles just a few hours ago. Once again, it was the General Assembly, a universal body, which was able to show the way by reaffirming respect for law and solidarity with victims, equality of states, defense of the foundation of the international order and the Charter. France will continue to be mobilized together with its partners to defend the demand for a just and lasting peace that respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and guarantees the security of the European continent and preserves the principles of the UN Charter. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of France. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Greece.

Mr. President, we would like to thank you for convening this plenary meeting on the use of the veto following the veto cast by Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, on February 24th. Under the agenda item entitled Maintenance of Peace and Security of Ukraine, Greece aligns itself with the statement delivered earlier by the European Union and wishes to add the following remarks in its national capacity. Mr. President, Greece regrets that on February 24th, the Security Council failed to accept amendments to the Resolution Path to Peace which was subsequently adopted as initially drafted in the same meeting. All the more since 2 of the 5 amendments proposed by Member States on that occasion actually secured the necessary number of votes to pass in the Security Council. In a time where the principles of the UN Charter are profoundly challenged in a number of international crises, this latest use of the veto on behalf of a permanent member of the Security Council, and in this particular context, weakens the message we should all be sending. This message is the respect we all owe to international law and the UN Charter as its instrument, which codifies the major principles of international relations, from sovereign equality of states to the prohibition of the use of force. Mr. President, 80 years ago, the UN Charter entrusted the Security Council with a unique mission and ultimate responsibility to maintain peace and security and to enact the prohibition of the use or the threat of use of force around the world. On last week's adoption, in keeping with its responsibility as a member of the Security Council, Greece proposed, along with other UN Security Council members, amendments requesting, among others, a just and lasting peace in this country in line with the UN Charter and its principles. Unfortunately, these amendments were not retained. We note that the General Assembly merely a few hours earlier had spoken with a clear voice on the same subject. adopting all 3 amendments in favor of a just and lasting peace based on the UN Charter principles. Mr. President, Greece has consistently been an ardent supporter of peace. The time of peace in Ukraine has come, but what is needed is not only an end of hostilities, but a just, comprehensive, and lasting settlement through inclusive diplomacy, based on the UN Charter and international law. We need to draw the right lessons and endow any future peace settlement with credible security guarantees for Ukraine that will deter and prevent the recurrence of war in the future. Ukraine is not a regional issue. It has a direct impact on global security and peace. It concerns us all in this Assembly. Ukraine, Europe, indeed the world, need a fair, viable, and thus a lasting peace for Ukraine. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Greece, and I now call on the distinguished representative of Germany to take the floor.

Mr. President, Germany aligns itself with the statements delivered by the European Union and by Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of countries. I want to start by thanking the President of the General Assembly for convening this important meeting. Last week, and here I would like to recall what has happened. The European members of the Security Council, in consultation with Ukraine, proposed 3 draft amendments to a resolution that was just introduced to the Security Council. These amendments were based on crucial elements of 2 resolutions that only hours before the General Assembly had adopted with overwhelming majority. These amendments called for peace negotiations to be conducted within the framework of the United Nations Charter. They made clear that a sham peace, one that does not respect the principles of our Charter, will not endure. The Russian Federation, a member— a permanent member of the Security Council, decided to vote against these amendments, resulting in the use of the veto against 2 out of the 3 amendments. Through the use of the veto, Russia has once again proven a blatant disregard for the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The vetoes also demonstrated, yet again, Russia's obstinate resistance to the call for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter. The 3 votes of Russia against the amendments also disregarded Article 27, Para 3 of the Charter, which provides that, I quote, In decisions under Chapter VI, a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting. Mr. President, last week this Assembly sent a strong message. It was a message of support for the European amendments. This Assembly stated loud and clear its expectation to achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, a peace rooted in the UN Charter, a peace that respects the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial integrity of all member states, be they large or be they small. Germany is grateful for the broad support to these principles that has been expressed by members of this Assembly. However, through the vetoes, Russia yet again decided to ignore this appeal, and here I repeat myself, this is the appeal of the broad majority of this Assembly. Last year— last week also clearly demonstrated that the General Assembly's voice in matters of peace and security is indispensable, particularly in situations where one permanent member holds the Council hostage by pursuing its own agenda of territorial conquest and expansionism against a sovereign, independent state and neighbor. Mr. President, Germany welcomes the intention of the resolution put forward by the United States, which was subsequently adopted by the Security Council— the intention to build a momentum towards peace. Together with the 2 resolutions that were adopted by the General Assembly, this strengthens our resolve to finding a lasting solution for peace in Ukraine. We should let this shared ambition guide our collective efforts to bring to an end to this war. And yet the terms of an end to this war can only be decided by negotiations that include Ukraine. No peace will become comprehensive and no peace will be sustainable without Ukraine Ukraine's participation and without Ukraine's consent. Time and again, this Assembly has echoed the resounding call for regional solutions to regional problems. This is exactly what we are working on. It is our strong conviction as Europeans that there can be no peace in Europe without Europe's participation. Germany remains committed to supporting all efforts to achieve a just inclusive, and lasting peace in line with UN Charter, a peace that ensures a safer world for all of us, but above all for the Ukrainian people. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Germany. Thank you, sir. And I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt.

Thank you very much, Mr. President. Mr. President, we meet today as the Russian-Ukrainian crisis enters its 3rd year. You are not without knowing that this crisis does not only affect the parties to the conflict or their regional neighbors, but it also casts a negative shadow on the Global South mainly African states. Egypt was at the heart of these challenges. It was directly affected by the turmoil impacted— impacting food security, supply chains, increases in energy prices as the main importer of grain in the world. At a time when Egypt is shouldering additional burdens for hosting refugees from neighboring countries going through unrest. For this reason, Egypt believes that every war comes to an end, and the voices of reason have an additional responsibility in times of conflict. They have to continue firmly calling for an end to the fighting and putting reason and wisdom first. Egypt engaged in every effort seeking to achieve this goal, whether through an initiative a movement or a draft resolution. Egypt effectively participated in efforts to reach a settlement to the crisis, including the efforts of the Arab Ministerial Contact Group of June 2022, the initiative of African leaders who visited Kyiv and Moscow in July 2023, and lastly, as a founding member of the Friends for Peace Group, which was launched in or established in September 2024 at the initiative of China and Brazil. Now more than ever, it is high time to engage in genuine and real efforts to reach a lasting settlement to the current crisis, to achieve peace and shield the developed and developing worlds from the grave repercussions of a crisis. This size. We welcome the current communication between Russia and the United States and the U.S.-Russian leadership initiative to resolve the situation. It is important to continue making international efforts and build upon them to promote coordination and understanding and make international relations more stable, paving the way towards a lasting and comprehensive solution to the Ukrainian-Russian crisis that addresses its roots causes and ensures it is not repeated. This requires giving the necessary time for a rapprochement and ensuring a conducive environment for its success. Allow me to present the determining factors of the Egyptian position regarding the crisis. They reflect Egypt's firm and principled position regarding all issues, regardless of their context or their geographical location. 1. Lasting solutions for conflicts should be based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, the principles of international law, including dialogue and peaceful settlement of disputes. 2. A lasting settlement to the conflict cannot be reached without addressing the root causes of crises and the legitimate security concerns of states which led to the conflict and turned it into a military confrontation, because disregarding this proves an incomplete understanding of the crisis and affects the ability to hold the parties accountable. 3, it is important to maintain and promote effective diplomatic channels to ensure de-escalation. It is also important to refrain from using different tools to fuel the conflict and deepen the polarization such as using economic sanctions. It is also important to stop hostile statements and media campaigns by the parties against each other because they only fuel hatred. 4, it is important to avoid double standards when dealing with current conflicts, current international conflicts. It is not right to call for the respect of the principles of the UN Charter, international law, and international legitimacy in the case of the Ukraine-Russia crisis while disregarding these very same principles in the case of the Palestinian question by way of example. In conclusion, Mr. President, we reaffirm Egypt's full readiness to engage in all genuine efforts to settle the crisis because we are one of the most affected states by this crisis and we have the biggest— one of the biggest interests in making it end. Thank you very much. Shukran.

I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt and now call— give the floor to the distinguished

Mr. President, Excellencies, Poland aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union. We gather today to address the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the largest and longest act of aggression in Europe since the Second World War, actively supported by Belarus. This situation has been recently exacerbated by actions within the UN Security Council. While Resolution 2774 on peace in Ukraine was ultimately adopted, its potential impact was significantly undermined by Russia's decision to twice veto the proposed amendments. These amendments sought to reinforce crucial principles of sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine. What makes Russia's vetoes even more egregious is the fact that the very same amendments were adopted by a clear majority of the UN membership in the General Assembly the same day. Russia, therefore, not only undermined the Security Council, but effectively silence the voice of the more representative international community. As a result, Russia effectively blocked the call for a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in line with the UN Charter and the Helsinki Final Act. Such a peace can only be achieved by acknowledging the reality on the ground— that there is an aggressor and a victim. There is no space for a grey zone. Nor can true peace be built on ambiguity. Mr. President, the peace settlement must be more than a mere pause in the conflict that would allow Russia time to rearm and launch another attack. History has shown us this all too many times. A lasting peace agreement must be built upon several fundamental principles. First, it must guarantee the protection of Ukraine's independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty. Second, it must include robust security guarantees for Ukraine to minimize the risk of any renewed Russian aggression. And third, full accountability must be ensured, holding both Russia as a state and the individual perpetrators responsible for all international crimes committed on Ukraine territory or against it. It goes without saying that negotiations cannot be conducted under the duress of bombardment, missile attacks, or nuclear blackmail. In addition, any viable peace proposals or settlements require the assent of Ukraine. Poland aligns itself with this very principle alongside many other like-minded countries. In conclusion, Mr. President, allow me to reiterate that a security Architecture founded on the violation of international law will protect no one. On Monday, a Russian colleague was kind enough to share his knowledge of Polish proverbs here. Quite impressive. In the same spirit of cross-cultural exchange, I may offer this Russian gem: "Sto pasiejesz, to je pasnieś." Our decisions now. especially concerning the upholding of international law and the commitment to achieving sustainable and lasting peace, will determine the long-term stability and prosperity. A reckless course risks a bitter harvest for generations to come. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Poland, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative

Thank you, Mr. President. Ukraine has aligned with the statements delivered by European Union and Liechtenstein on behalf of the group of the UN member states, and we would like to add a few remarks in our national capacity. As an initial co-sponsor of Resolution 76/2, 262 that established the standing mechanism and thus strengthened the role of the General Assembly in a situation when a veto is cast in the Security Council, Ukraine welcomes the fact that this initiative became a vital part in our working practices. The issue of the use of veto has always been of particular importance for Ukraine and those member states who uphold the Charter of the United Nations and its principles. The Russian Federation's behavior in the Council following its aggression against Ukraine is the most vivid example of how detrimental the misuse of veto could be for the Council's capacities to respond effectively to threats to peace and acts of aggression. All draft resolutions that the UN Security Council attempted to adopt in response to the Russian aggression against Ukraine since 2014 2024 were vetoed by the Russian Federation, in particular draft resolutions on condemnation of the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine and attempted annexation of the sovereign territories of Ukraine. The most recent case of Russia's veto took place on 24 February when the Security Council considered amendments to UNSC Resolution 2774. These amendments proposed by the Security Council members Denmark, France, Greece, Slovenia, and the United Kingdom would have contributed to bringing the text of this resolution in line with the Charter of the United Nations and reaffirming the commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. As a result, the adopted UN Security Council Resolution 2774 lacks essential elements, particularly the classification of the war as an act of aggression by one member state against another. It fails to fully reflect the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Thus, the Russian Federation abuses its veto rights either to block the Security Council decision designed to address its aggression, or, as we have seen recently, block those proposals that contribute to just and lasting peace in Ukraine in line with the UN Charter. Particularly noteworthy that the voting in the Security Council was preceded by the General Assembly adoption of the resolution advancing comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine that conveyed a clear, resolute stance of the international community, as well as adoption of the very same amendments. However, this position was not adequately adequately reflected in the Security Council. Mr. President, Ukraine remains a firm supporter of existing initiatives aiming at limiting the use of veto and strengthening the responsibility of its cast, notably the Code of Conduct Regarding Security Council Action Against Genocide, Crimes Against Humanity, or War Crimes prepared by the ACT Group, as well as Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension We should not tolerate ongoing ignorance of the principle contained in Article 27 of the UN Charter, envisaging that in decisions under Chapter VI and under paragraph 3 of Article 52, a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting. This is an important tool to prevent immobilization of the Security Council since the early stages of situation of concern. Thank you. The use of the veto should also be restricted when a permanent member is directly involved in the conflict under consideration of the Council and therefore cannot be expected to exercise its voting rights and privileges in an impartial manner. We encourage the General Assembly to continue exploring ways of further improvement of the Assembly's toolbox and ability to help the Security Council in case of casting vetoes. We encourage those member states that have not yet joined the, the veto initiatives to do so. Mr. President, nobody wants peace more than Ukrainians. But peace must be real, not just a word. It must be just, reliable, and lasting. And this can only be achieved through strong and long-term security guarantees for Ukraine, Europe, and the entire world. I thank you. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ukraine, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ecuador.

Mr. President, February during the consideration of 2 oral amendments to the text that was adopted as Resolution 2774. As has been mentioned by various colleagues already, the proposed amendments that were vetoed in the Council on the afternoon of the 24th of February repeated literally word for word the text of the amendments adopted just a few hours before that by this same Assembly with a vote in favor of 93 countries. Consequently, it's a fact that the veto by one of the countries to which the Charter has granted this right or privilege ignored the position of the majority in this Assembly. Mr. President, the Charter contains provisions that unfortunately are often disregarded. Respect for the provisions of the Charter should be comprehensive. It is not acceptable to choose those articles that are convenient and to leave out or not respect those that are determined to be contrary to one's interest. Thus, the application in good faith of paragraph 3 of Article 27 of the Charter should be the first step toward the reform of the Security Council that we have been discussing for so long. The application in good faith of this article does not require any change in the text of the Charter. It requires no conferences. It requires no meetings or voting. The only thing it requires is a genuine commitment to the Charter. Mr. President, colleagues, Ecuador has participated in all the sessions convened by the Assembly to discuss the use of the veto because we are convinced that these debates serve as a magnifying glass for the arguments of those states whose positions differ from the country that used the veto and which clearly demonstrate, as is the— in this case, the divergence between the majority opinion of the membership and the sole, the single position of one of the members of the Council. Since starting with the negotiations before the signature of the Charter 80 years ago, Ecuador has consider the veto as an anti-democratic privilege, and we've always been opposed to it. It should be recalled, however, that the— it is true that the power of the veto could have been used to avoid a situation where the majority opinion of the General Assembly is ignored, which is a responsibility that also falls on those who have the right to cast a veto. Lastly, Mr. President, Ecuador would like to reiterate its conviction that the mechanism established by Resolution 76/262 contributes to transparency and accountability and thus bolsters the authority of the General Assembly and its relationship with the Council and consequently strengthens Thank you very much. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ecuador and now call on the distinguished representative of Czechia.

Mr. President, Czechia aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union, and now allow me to deliver a few remarks in my national capacity. Czechia welcomes this opportunity to address the recent use of the veto and the United Nations Security Council. The veto power granted to the permanent members of the Security Council by the international community should be exercised only in extraordinary circumstances and with clear justification. Such prudent use of the veto ensures that the Council's decisions command broad support and legitimacy across the global community. However, last week we witnessed a stark contrast between the General Assembly's unequivocal condemnation of Russia's war of aggression and its call for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine based on the UN Charter on the one hand, and the subsequent action in the Security Council on the other. In the Security Council, Russia twice cast its veto during the adoption of the Path to Peace resolution, leaving no doubt about its true intentions for peace in Ukraine. First, Russia vetoed a simple reaffirmation of its commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. And then it vetoed a call for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in accordance with the UN Charter and the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of states. By vetoing these fundamental principles, of our multilateral system, Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, has once again blatantly demonstrated that it has no interest in respecting the rules of peaceful coexistence among nations enshrined in the UN Charter and international law. And this is why we insist that how we establish the terms of peace in Ukraine remains of paramount importance. Because the aggressor has repeatedly rejected peace in accordance with international law. Moscow has consistently demanded Ukraine's capitulation while pursuing its total subjugation. History has shown that Russia will not stop halfway. And the only thing that can stop it is our unified support for Ukraine. Mr. President, the war in Ukraine is a struggle for fundamental principles. We all want to live in a world founded on mutual respect and dialogue, where international law prevails. Not one determined by aggression and heavy-handed bullying. Czechia remains firmly committed to supporting Ukraine's desire for peace. What we need and strive for is a durable peace grounded in the principles of the UN Charter, one that will stand the test of time rather than merely providing the aggressor with an opportunity to reconstitute its, its forces and resume its campaign of territorial conquest. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Czechia, and I call— now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Japan.

Thank you, Mr. President. 3 years have passed since Russia began its unprovoked war of aggression against the sovereign nation of Ukraine. It is quite regrettable that Russia has disregarded the repeated calls from the members of the General Assembly and the entire international community. The consequences of Russia's ruthless and indiscriminate attacks have been significant, with tremendous losses of life and injuries to innocent civilians, and the global repercussions are far-reaching. Japan condemns in strongest terms Russia's aggression against Ukraine and hopes that the various diplomatic efforts which are currently ongoing will bear fruit and help achieve a breakthrough in the situation. Mr. President, the UN Charter serves as the foundation of all international relations and a common agreement that all member states must faithfully observe. It is particularly crucial for a permanent member who is supposed to bear the heaviest burden for the maintenance of international peace and security under Article 1, Paragraph 1 of its Charter to fulfill its special responsibility. Russia's aggression against Ukraine is, however, a clear and blatant violation of international law, including the UN Charter, fundamentally undermining the foundation. If such violations were to be ignored, it would send the international community back to a state of chaos, driven by brute force and coercion. We therefore stand side by side with the people of Ukraine. We must uphold the international order based on the rule of law. Japan aspires diplomatic efforts under the solidarity of international community will lead to a realization of a just and lasting peace based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter as soon as possible. Furthermore, as decided in the Pact for the Future, Japan believes that we need to fully implement and adhere all provisions of the Charter of the United Nations as they relate to the decision-making process in Security Council, including Article 27 of the Charter. Japan also strongly condemns the engagement of North Korea's troops in combat against Ukraine, which also constitutes a clear violation of international law, including the UN Charter. Japan also reiterates its deep concern about the military cooperation between Iran and Russia. The international community refrains from any action Direct or indirect, that would support Russia's aggression. Japan reiterates that this is not a matter of choosing sides between Ukraine and Russia, but a matter of principle of either upholding or disregarding the UN Charter. Any unilateral attempt to change the status quo by force is unacceptable anywhere in the world. and such an attempt should never succeed. The repercussions of allowing such attempts to occur would, would be global and undoubtedly affect everyone for years to come. Mr. President, Japan reiterates its deepest respect and unwavering solidarity with the people of Ukraine, who have been defending their country and its future for for 3 long years. Japan will continue its support, its efforts, and stand firmly with Ukraine and the international community until comprehensive, just, and lasting peace based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter is achieved in Ukraine. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Japan. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Spain.

Thank you, Mr. President. Spain would like to align itself with the statement made by the European Union and Liechtenstein and would like to make some additional comments that our national Promotes the elimination of the veto. We are grateful to Denmark, Greece, France, Slovenia, and the United Kingdom for introducing the 3 amendments to the draft resolution presented in the Council. These amendments were aimed at situating the appeal to put an end to the Russian aggression against Ukraine in its proper context. We all share this goal, in line with the 2 resolutions approved by the General Assembly in the morning of the 24th of February. The search for a just and lasting peace should be in compliance with the UN Charter and the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of states. Spain condemns in the strongest terms the Russian aggression against Ukraine, which is contrary to the most basic principles of international law and the UN Charter. Lastly, we reiterate that the search for a lasting and just peace must include the participation of Europe and first and foremost the participation of Ukraine as a country that was attacked, ensuring the respect for its independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Spain and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Denmark.

Thank you, Mr. President. Denmark aligns itself with the statement made by Iceland on behalf of the Nordic countries, the European Union on behalf of the EU and its member states, and Liechtenstein on behalf of a group of countries. Denmark is a strong supporter of the Veto Initiative. We firmly believe that peace and security is a collective effort of the United Nations. Thank you. When the Security Council fails, the General Assembly must step in. We welcome the transparency and accountability offered by today's meeting. Mr. President, we are meeting today to listen to the Russian Federation's explanation for using its veto twice in the Security Council on the 3rd anniversary of its brutal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Let us recall that It is Russian airstrikes overnight that have again brought more death, destruction, and misery to the civilian population in Ukraine, including a ballistic missile hitting a hotel in Kyiv with, with at least 4 deaths. But nothing we have heard today could justify vetoing basic references to the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. 2 vetoes cast against such sovereignty and territorial integrity by a permanent member that has invaded its neighbor and ever since used its P5 status to evade accountability. A more brazen abuse of power in the UN system is hard to imagine. The use of the veto by a permanent member which is a party to the dispute is limited by paragraph 27 of the Charter. The identification of the Russian Federation as a party is in the first paragraph of their best adapted resolution, so it is crystal clear. Mr. President, let us not forget that the amendments the Russian Federation chose to veto were supported by the majority of Council members. And let us also keep in mind that just hours before the vote in the Security Council, the vast majority of members President Vosink in this assembly chose to stand with Ukraine and the UN Charter. They rejected the false equivalence between aggressor and victim. They reaffirmed their commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. They supported a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter. In doing so, they also showed solidarity with the people of Ukraine. A people who have been the victim of tremendous human suffering. A people whose much larger neighbor, Russia, began a campaign to change internationally recognized borders by force. Let us remember, if Russia stops fighting, the war will end. If Ukraine stops fighting, It will cease to exist as an independent country. Russia's war and aggression has caused thousands of civilian casualties and humanitarian stress. Millions more have been displaced, both within Ukraine's borders and beyond. Almost 13 million people in Ukraine need humanitarian assistance due to Russia's blatant violation of the UN Charter. Let there be no doubt. Denmark welcomes genuine efforts to end this senseless war and for the Security Council to act in accordance with its responsibilities. But peace must be on the right terms. We must not reward the aggressor. We must adhere to the founding principles of the UN system as enshrined by the UN Charter and applicable under international law. For all states, large and small, the Charter is the promise that their sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence will be protected, that the world does not again turn into a place where might is right. Denmark entered the Security Council with a promise to stand up for international law. We intend to keep that promise. Mr. President, let me conclude by stressing that Denmark stands with the people of Ukraine. We'll support you and your freedom as long as it takes. As we saw last week, so does the vast majority of the international community that voted in the General Assembly. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Denmark and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ireland.

President, Ireland aligns itself with the statement of the European Union. On the morning of the 24th of February, on the 3rd anniversary of Russia's illegal and unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine, this Assembly adopted 2 very significant resolutions. These resolutions reaffirmed the UN General Assembly's steadfast commitment to international law and the fundamental principle of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. These resolutions acknowledged Russia's unacceptable and illegal aggression against Ukraine and demanded accountability from the aggressor state. And these resolutions outlined the basis for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, an approach to peace now adopted by the General Assembly, with enduring respect for the principles and purposes of the UN Charter at its core. This was a vitally important message that we, as member states, sent to the world on that anniversary, and one that resonates far beyond Ukraine and Europe. The General Assembly made clear that morning that the cause of Ukraine is not a cause of West, of North and South, or East and West. It is the cause of right versus wrong, It is a matter of order and principle. That principle, that orders— that borders cannot be changed by force, protects us all. It must apply equally across the world, from Africa to the Middle East, and from Europe to Asia and the Americas, without exception. President, in the face of overlapping crises and increasing polarisation, the adoption of these resolutions also demonstrated the enduring commitment of member states to these core values in very challenging times. These are universal values that apply to each of us equally and in full. Any credible future for multilateralism depends on them. We regret that in the afternoon of that same day, the Russian Federation used the unjustifiable power of the veto to twice block the Security Council from endorsing the same principles and values in proposed amendments. That the Security Council was prevented by Russia in urging a just, last, and comprehensive peace between Ukraine and Russia in line with the UN Charter demonstrates the problem that we face: the fact that Russia does not want peace. That the Security Council was also blocked by Russia in reaffirming the Council's commitment to the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders makes all of us less secure— all of us. President, we welcome and commend genuine efforts to bring about an end to this brutal war, and we thank the United States for its commitment to advance peace for Ukraine. Resolution 2774 represents an important first gesture by the Security Council, but it is not sufficient. The unjust power of the veto has left the resolution bereft of the essential commitments— the essential commitments that must underpin a just and lasting peace. It has allowed the aggressor to deny the Council its genuine expression of the facts of the matter. It is our duty to make clear those facts today. Many of us have known conflict in our past. We understand the true value of peace and have travelled a long and difficult road to building it— the value of real peace, the value of true peace. And we know that any end to conflict without justice will not bring a peace that lasts, a peace that endures. The decisions of our shared institutions of international justice reinforce the collective condemnation that we as UN member states have made of Russia's reprehensible aggression against Ukraine. These decisions must guide us as we seek to craft a peace in line with the UN Charter and international law. They promise a peace founded on justice, the only peace that can last. And it must be an inclusive peace. Ukraine and Europe must be central to any process and must determine the timing and terms of any agreement. President, nobody wants peace more than Ukraine and the Ukrainian people, and nobody has made a greater sacrifice for that peace than the Ukrainian people themselves. Ukraine deserves the same right that we all claim to determine our own future in peace, in dignity, and in security. This Assembly has now agreed on 8 occasions, in 9 separate resolutions, how to deliver that peaceful future, one founded on upholding the UN Charter. And in the face of the aggressor's veto, we clearly assert today, as the General Assembly, our demand to realize that true path to peace. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone.

Mr. President, I thank the President of the General Assembly for convening this meeting as mandated by Resolution 76/262 adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2022 and following the exercise of the veto by a permanent member in the Security Council. We believe that this debate provides member states with a valuable opportunity to consider the impact of the veto on the functioning and effectiveness of the Security Council in fulfilling its mandate as it relates to the lives and livelihoods of peoples and relevant country situations. At the meeting held on the 24th of February, 2025, the Security Council took action and adopted Resolution 2774 under the agenda item Maintenance of Peace and security of Ukraine. Sierra Leone voted in favor of the resolution, and our votes on the respective amendment were guided by the principal position that the UN should help foster peace between nations and that Ukraine must be at the forefront of any peace process or agreement in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. Additionally, the legitimate concerns of all parties must be addressed. During the Council's briefing under the same agenda item held on the same day, we elaborated on our position on the issue, and that is the urgent need for cessation of hostilities in the Ukraine conflict and an end to the immense suffering of civilians caught on both sides of this conflict. Mr. President, we are convened today, and both organs of the UN, the General Assembly in the 11th Emergency Special Session and the Security Council, met under the shadow of a conflict that challenges the very foundation of our international rules-based system. In doing so, Let me recall a guiding principle reiterated by the President of Poland during his address to this Assembly on 4 March: peace through law. This simple yet profound phrase underlines that true and lasting peace is achieved not by the force of arms, but by the force of law. By respect for the Charter of the UN and the whole body of international law, we endorse this vision. Peace through law means that no nation is above the rules that bind us all. It is in that spirit that we view the veto initiative, the new General Assembly mechanism to scrutinize any use of the veto, as a valuable tool rooted in the supremacy of the law and accountability. When the Security Council cannot act because of a veto, the wider membership of the UN, upholding our legal and moral principles, must have its voice heard. This is multilateralism at work, ensuring that might does not mean right. Mr. President, Sierra Leone's own history and commitment to peace compels us to stand firmly on the side of international law. In the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, my delegation's vote and statement have been consistent with the UN Charter principles and the obligation to settle disputes by peaceful means. We participated in the emergency special session on Ukraine and voted in favor of the General Assembly resolutions addressing that conflict. These resolutions, which Sierra Leone supported, reaffirmed the Charter. They uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, reject the unlawful use of force, and call for the peaceful resolution of the dispute. They demand an immediate cessation of hostilities, and a return to dialogue in line with international law. By voting for this text, Sierra Leone made clear that our position is principled. We are guided by the consistent application of international law, for it is only through such consistency that we can maintain a rules-based system that protects all states, big and small. Mr. President, we also acknowledge efforts in the Security Council to address the conflict in Ukraine. We further acknowledge the recent initiative by the United States in the Council to table a sunset resolution aimed at finding a path towards peace. That text implores a swift end to the conflict and urges a lasting peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, encapsulating the very objectives of the United Nations Charter. In essence, it asks for nothing beyond what we all seek: an end to violence and the start of dialogue. Sierra Leone welcomes the focus on dialogue and diplomacy. We view it as a reaffirmation that even the Security Council, despite divisions, can rally around fundamental Charter aims when the language is centered on humanitarian and peace imperatives. It is regretful, however, that the Council has often been paralyzed by the use of the veto. This brings me to the broader issue of the veto power. and the urgent need for reform. Sierra Leone hereby asserts the common African position on Security Council reform as espoused in the Ezoumeni Consensus and SIT Declaration. Africa's position is clear: we fundamentally oppose the continued existence of the veto in its current form, for it contradicts the very principle of sovereign equality enshrined in the UN Charter. The veto is the most undemocratic element of our UN architecture, often undermining the collective security interests of the wider membership. We believe that abolishing the veto will greatly enhance the Security Council's credibility and effectiveness. However, we are also pragmatic. As long as the veto exists, it must not privilege the few. It should be extended to all new permanent members in a reformed Council as a matter of common justice and equality. The status quo, where Africa comprising 54 UN Member States has no permanent seat and no voice in veto decisions, is a historical injustice. that must be rectified. Sierra Leone, as one of the African states on the Council, carries a mandate to advocate for these reforms. We will lend our voice to calls for a more democratic Security Council that reflects today's world and curtails the misuse of the veto. In the interim, we note the utility of the veto initiative in the General Assembly which brings transparency and accountability whenever a veto is cast, as another important step in the right direction. It ensures that the Council's deadlock does not mean the world's silent. Law, we assert, must reign supreme over power politics. Let me therefore conclude by reaffirming Sierra Leone's commitment to peace through law. We call for the immediate cessation of hostilities as good faith towards dialogue. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Brazil.

Mr. President, Brazil welcomes the possibility of a momentum towards peace in this conflict, which has dragged on for way too long, with so much damage and affecting the lives of so many innocent civilians, particularly women and children. We note that Resolution 2774, The resolution we are voting for represents the first time the Security Council has been able to reach a decision in this file after 3 years of deadlock. However, it is far from addressing all the dimensions it would need to in order to bring the conflict close to any possible peaceful solution. Brazil has defended the need for a ceasefire and for a diplomatic solution ever since the outbreak of hostilities. Since September of last year, Brazil has been actively working with the Group of Friends for Peace to voice the concerns and views of the Global South about the conflict in Ukraine and to support its peaceful settlement at an early date. The group has reiterated its support for a settlement in line with the UN Charter and international law. We see a window of opportunity to make progress. All stakeholders in the conflict have now emphasized the need to halt hostilities, both in Resolution 2774 of the Security Council and in Resolutions ESS 11/7 and ESS 11/8 of the General Assembly. We recognize that differences in views remain. Yet, as we often say, the solution to those differences is not less diplomacy, but more. Brazil, through the Friends for Peace, stands ready to play a constructive role in helping to bring these positions closer together and in supporting all efforts towards a lasting peace. Too many opportunities for peace have already been missed in the 3-year history of this conflict, resulting in unspeakable human loss and destruction. Let us not lose another one. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Brazil. We have now heard the last speaker in this debate. The exercise of the right of reply has requested. May I remind members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to 5 minutes for the second intervention and should be made by delegations from their seats. I now call on the representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Thank you, Mr. President. We express deep concern and strongly condemn that Japan and Australia seek to abuse this august forum to distort the essence of the Ukrainian crisis and the normal cooperative relationship between the DPRK and the Russian Federation. It is widely known that the Ukrainian crisis was caused by the Western forces. which have systematically denied legitimate security interests of Russia and recklessly pursued NATO's advance towards the East. The current Ukrainian crisis, which has triggered a worst security crisis after the Second World War, remains unresolved even though almost 3 years have passed. It is totally attributable to the West pouring an astronomical amount of military aid to in Ukraine, obsessed with the impractical daydream of strategically defeating Russia by all possible means. Development of a normal cooperative relationship between sovereign states, strictly consistent with the UN Charter and international law, is not a matter of intervention. Japan, which is obsessed with the wild ambition of becoming a regional military power and pursuing political and aggressive military alliance with the United States and Australia, which is a part of AUKUS, undermining regional peace and security and triggering regional arms race, have neither qualification nor justification to talk about any peace and security. Japan and Australia shall pay a high price for their reckless and provocative stances. Japan and Australia should refrain from acting like a burglar sounding a burglar alarm. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and I now call on the representative of Japan for a second intervention.

Thank you, Mr. President. Japan reiterates that the military cooperation between Russia and the DPRK constitutes a clear violation of international law, including the UN Charter. It is unlawful, unjustified, and unacceptable, and has expanded the scope of the conflict beyond the region and undermined global peace and security. Japan strongly condemns the engagement of North Korea's troops in combat against Ukraine. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Japan. The Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda item 63. We will now move to item number 2. The Assembly will resume its consideration of agenda item 127 entitled Global Health and Foreign Policy to take action on a draft resolution issued as document A/79/L58 and the draft amendment Before proceeding further, I should like to inform members that the Assembly will hold a debate on this item at a later date to be announced. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the European Union. Thank you, Mr. President. Of the Russian Federation, to introduce draft amendment A/79/L60. The floor is yours.

President, the Russian part Russia participated constructively in the negotiations on the resolution. Which the state— which the President announced. At the same time, we are extremely concerned regarding OP9 of the draft where there's the parameters of participation from NGOs is reflected. It's not set out on the basis of the consensus principle of no objection basis, but through the addition of a disputed provision called the final decision of the GA. Thus, all delegations who don't have any objective information about a given NGO who would participate and then could dispute should share their evaluation of this if they wish to dispute— if disputed by some member states. We've already supported the NGO's valuable contribution to various meetings. The principle of the no objection basis has allowed for the participation of NGOs and also has supported the intergovernmental nature of the UN. Recent changes have led to an increased number of NGOs who do not— who are not participating directly on the question at hand, which is— or perhaps more worryingly, they're not participating in a constructive spirit at all. In addition to all of this, NGOs who really do represent the Global South often face financial difficulties to their participation. And then they have to give up their place to NGOs funded by developed countries. Thus, this gives more voice to the delegations of developed countries. And this kind of discussion can hardly be deemed to be balanced. We propose to return to the principle which was enshrined in previous resolutions and support our— and I would invite you to support our amendment proposal. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the representative of the Secretary.

The present oral statement on draft resolution L58 is made in the context of Rule 153 and has been distributed to member states. On the terms of OP 1, 4A, and 11 of the draft resolution, the Assembly would decide that the one-day high-level meeting shall be held at United Nations Headquarters in New York on 25 September 2025 during the general debate of the Assembly from 10 AM to 6 PM and shall consist of an opening segment, a plenary segment for general discussion, 2 multistakeholder and a brief closing statement. B, decide that the organizational arrangements for the 2 multistakeholder panels will be as follows: be held in parallel to the plenary segment, one from 11 AM to 1 PM and the other from 3 to 5 PM. We decide that the proceedings of the high-level meeting and the multistakeholder hearing shall be webcast and encourage PGA, SG, and DG of the World Health Organization to give the highest visibility to the high-level meeting through all relevant media platforms and ICTs. Should the General Assembly decide decide to adopt draft resolution L58. While this would represent additional meetings workload for DGACM, OICT, and DGAC, every effort will be made to meet the requirements within their capacity and there'll be no PBI for 2025. And in this regard, the Secretariat wishes to inform the GA that its ability to implement the mandate will depend on the availability of adequate liquidity resources. Second, the following statement on L58 is made pursuant to paragraph 20 of Resolution 77335, in which the Assembly requested the Secretary to draw the attention of the Assembly and its subsidiary organs to overlapping high-level meetings of the Assembly prior to action on proposals that mandate the holding of meetings of the Assembly on specific dates. Under the terms of operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution before it, the Assembly would decide to convene this high-level meeting on Thursday, 25 September 2025. This meeting would overlap with mandated meetings of the Assembly. On Thursday, 25 September 2025, the Assembly will hold its 3rd day of its General Debate at the 80th Session from 9 AM to 9 PM. Thank you, Mr. President.

We shall now proceed to consider draft resolution A/79/L58 and draft amendment A/79/L60. For your information, draft amendment A/79/L.60 has closed for e-sponsorship. I give the floor to the representative of the Secretariat.

If any other countries wish to co-sponsor draft resolution A/79— sorry, if you wish to co-sponsor draft amendment A/79/L.60, Please signify by pressing the microphone button now. Mr. President, I see none. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the Secretariat. Delegations wishing to make a statement in explanation of vote before the vote on any proposal under this item are invited to do so now in one intervention. After action on all of them, there will be an opportunity for explanations of vote after the vote on any of all or all of them. Before giving the floor to— for explanations of vote, Before the vote, may I remind delegations that explanations of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. I give the floor to the distinguished delegate of Mexico.

Gracias. Thank you, Mr. President. Mexico would like to express its position with regard to the amendment presented by the delegation of the Russian Federation regarding to the resolution on the scope, modalities, format, and organization of the 4th High-Level Meeting of the General Assembly on the Prevention and Control of Noncommunicable Diseases and the Promotion of Mental Health and Well-Being. Mexico will vote against the presented amendment considering the potential benefits that the participation of non-governmental organizations represents for the UN system. The language presented by the co-facilitators Luxembourg and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines promotes the inclusive and diverse participation in the high-level meeting. To change this would not only change the practices that the General Assembly has used in the past, but could also lead to the high-level meeting or its political declarations not reflecting the needs and aspirations of the entire international community. Mr. President, the fact that the General Assembly should have the final decision on the participation of representatives of non-governmental organizations, civil society organizations, the private sector, and others in the high-level meeting. This promotes a transparent and inclusive process, which are fundamental aspects that sustain the legitimacy of multilateralism and ensure the effectiveness of our collective efforts. In this context, Mexico reaffirms its unshakeable commitment to the meaningful inclusion of non-governmental actors, fully in line with the practices and standards of the United Nations and of this General Assembly. For my country, the practice of maintaining the principle of non-objection made it possible for a Mexican organization that— to which there was an objection in a very untransparent way at a previous high-level meeting. This made it possible for it— what made it possible for this organization to ultimately take part was that the General Assembly in a democratic fashion voted in favor of its inclusion. Mexico would like to make an appeal to the membership to support efforts aimed at ensuring the broad and diverse participation in the high-level meeting on the prevention and control of non-communicable diseases and the promotion of mental health and well-being. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Mexico and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, Chair. On behalf of the UK, we would like to thank the Permanent Representatives of Luxembourg and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and their teams for their work on the modalities resolution and stewardish— stewardship of this process. The UK welcomes and supports the high-level meeting on non-communicable diseases and mental health. We were glad to see that previously agreed language on civil society society participation was included in the modalities resolution, which allows for meaningful civil society participation in this meeting. These modalities allow us to see the rationale for objections to the participation of NGOs. This transparency is essential to ensuring that the high-level meeting will include voices from a range of experts from across the world in the field of health, and we are grateful that the language has given the decision-making power back to the Assembly rather than any single member state. However, we regret that a select few continue to use the non-objection basis to attempt to block NGOs from other countries on political basis, essentially vetoing their participation. Non-objection basis does not have to be the norm of the General Assembly, and indeed it is no longer the norm. That is why the UK will vote no to this amendment and encourages others to do so too. The fight to combat non-communicable diseases has a long history of strong civil society participation. We believe it is crucial that civil society organizations are granted wide participation to this meeting. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom. We have heard the last speaker in explanation of vote before the vote. Before we proceed to take a decision on draft resolution A/79/L58, in accordance with rule 90 of the rules of procedure, the Assembly shall first take a decision on draft amendment A/79/L60. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft amendment A/79/L60, please signify. Those against and abstentions. The Assembly is now voting on draft amendment A/79/L60. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed. Please lock the machine. The result of the vote is as follows: in favor, 29; against, 71. Abstentions? 43. Since draft amendment A/7960 was not adopted, we shall proceed to take action on draft resolution A/7961. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolution A/79/L/2011. entitled Scope, Modalities, Format, and Organization of the 4th High-Level Meeting of the General Assembly on the Prevention and Control of Non-Communicable Diseases and the Promotion of Mental Health and Well-Being. Thank you, Mr. President. May I take it that the Assembly decides to adopt draft resolution A/79/L58? It is so decided. Before I give the floor for explanations of vote after the vote, may I remind delegations that explanations of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. I give the floor to the Estonian delegation.

Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you, Mr. President. The United States opposes items of the text in this resolution and dissociates itself from PP1, PP2, OP2, OP4, OP6, OP9, and OP10. The United States strongly supports the intent of the resolution as it relates to addressing the global impact of noncommunicable diseases and promoting mental health and well-being. This intent is reflected in some of the language in the proposed theme for the high-level meeting and reads, transforming lives and livelihoods through leadership and action on noncommunicable diseases and the promotion of mental health and well-being. However, this otherwise carefully balanced document does not fully reflect previously agreed-upon language and definitions. The proposed theme in OP2 begins with the words equity and integration despite the absence of an agreed-upon definition for equity. OP4, OP6, OP9, and 10 also include undefined language on gender parity and gender balance. Language lacking definitional consensus or suggesting gender-based selection practices does not belong in this health-focused resolution, and the United States States does not support its inclusion. Another concern we have about this resolution is its reaffirmation of Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals. Although framed in neutral language, Agenda 2030 and the SDGs advance a program of soft global governance that is inconsistent with U.S. sovereignty and adverse to the rights and interests of Americans. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of

Thank you, Mr. President. With regard to the draft resolution L58, the Republic of Argentina considers that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is made up of 17 goals. Aspirations that are not legally binding, that each state in the exercise of its sovereignty has the right to interpret and act on in accordance. Based on that, the Republic of Argentina, after after supporting consensus, is dissociating from the following paragraphs that refer to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In particular, PP two. As well as mentions on gender, and in particular the mentions of gender parity in OP9 and references to the World Health Organization, which is something that has already been stated by the Office of the President. Argentina also expresses reservations about paragraphs that go against the guiding principles of the protection of life and privacy. With regard to this document, Argentina considers the term gender as defined in the Rome Statute Article 7.3. Regarding Panel 2, Argentina would have preferred an approach that would have promoted individual liberties and shared responsibilities. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba.

Thank you, Mr. President. The principle of non— that has characterized the participation of non-governmental organizations should be should be maintained. My organization does not support attempts to erode this principle. It's essential to avoid a situation where the issue of the participation of NGOs contributes to division in the work of the United Nations. Cuba is convinced of the utility and benefits of the participation of civil society in the work of the United Nations. During decades, we have witnessed how thousands of NGOs, including many from the South and Cuban ones, have provided us a meaningful contribution to the work of the UN in line with the procedures and practices that have been established, including the advisory status in ECOSOC and the principle of non-interference. We invite NGOs that are interested in requesting a consultative status in ECOSOC in line with the provisions of Resolution 1996/31 and to continue providing their valuable contribution to the work of the United Nations in line with the modalities and practices that have been established. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Cuba and now I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation.

Thank you, President. Separately, we'd like to note the results of the vote. 72 delegations did not support the decision that was contained in the resolution. 71 supported it. So those who supported it were— well, that speaks for itself. We'd like to express our concern by the ongoing attempts to promote non-consensus wording which runs counter to practice of more than 10 years regarding NGO participation. As well as participation of civil society, academia, and the private sector. This runs counter to the principle of consensus and respect for the position of member states. This is why we dissociate ourselves from OP9 in the— as it has been adopted. Thank you very much for your attention. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Türkiye.

Thank you, Mr. President. Türkiye is committed to supporting the active participation of NGOs, civil society organizations, academic institutions, and the private sector in the work of the UN, as this is essential for achieving our common goals. A large number of NGOs as well as other stakeholders from Türkiye have already been contributing to all spheres of work of the UN and working together with the UN all over the globe, in particular in most vulnerable countries. We strongly support the participation of NGOs and other stakeholders to the work of the UN as long as their objectives and activities are in line with the principles and purposes of the Charter of the UN. Mr. President, Türkiye supports the those NGOs and other stakeholders whose activities will contribute to the High-Level Meeting on the Prevention and Control of Noncommunicable Diseases and the Promotion of Mental Health and Well-Being. Yet, we cannot underestimate the fact that some NGOs may engage in activities that run counter to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the UN and engage in politically motivated acts against some member states. As a longstanding member of the NGO Committee, we have encountered numerous cases where ECOSOC consultative status and participation in various UN meetings was abused by certain organizations. This leads to unnecessary politicization of discussions, which makes it difficult to achieve constructive dialogue and consensus. We believe that the criteria and principles formulated in ECOSOC Resolution 1996/31 should apply to all NGOs who seek to participate in the conferences and meetings of the UN. Mr. President, not all Member States can have detailed information on the objectives, activities, and financing of those NGOs that are objected by certain Member States. We believe that participation of NGOs in a UN process should be handled in good faith between concerned Member States that may have full information about the activities of the NGOs in question. As a matter of fact, for the purposes of transparency, for an informed decision-making, it is highly important for member states to know in detail how those NGOs and stakeholders plan to contribute to the high-level meeting. It is in this context that Turkey suggested removing the last line from the operative paragraph 9 of the present resolution during informal consultations and voted in favor of the amendment presented by Russian Federation today. As the present resolution has not been amended today, Türkiye disassociates itself from OP9 of the resolution. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Türkiye, and then I'll give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The floor is yours.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Mr. President, I would like to thank the co-facilitators for their efforts to finalize the text. However, non-consensus terms and language in this document titled Modalities of the Prevention and Control of Non-Communicable Disease and the Promotion of Mental Health and Well-Being are not acceptable to my delegation. While we acknowledge the participation and the role of NGOs in the process, we emphasize the intergovernmental nature of all meetings and process in this regard. With that in mind, the Islamic Republic of Iran disassociates itself from all terminology related to all forms of genders as well as from paragraph OP9. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We have heard the last speaker in explanations of vote. After the vote, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to His Excellency Olivier Maes, Permanent Representative of Luxembourg to the United Nations, and Her Excellency Inger Rhonda King, Permanent Representative of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations, who ably and patiently conducted the discussions and complex negotiations in the informal consultations on the draft resolution. I am sure members Please, members of the Assembly, join me in extending to them our sincere appreciation. The Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda item 127. Before adjourning the meeting, I would like to I would also like to express our sincere gratitude to the interpreters for allowing us to conclude this morning. The meeting is adjourned.