General Assembly: 78th Plenary meeting, 79th session

Declaro abierta.

I call to order the 78th plenary meeting of the General Assembly. The Assembly will consider agenda item 30 entitled Elimination of Unilateral Extraterritorial Coercive Economic Measures as a Means of Political and Economic Compulsion. In connection with this item, the Assembly has before it a draft resolution issued as document A/79/L93. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Eritrea to introduce the draft resolution A/79/L93.

Good morning, Mr. President. The State of Eritrea has the honor to take the floor on behalf of the group of friends in defense of the Charter of the United Nations, whose Member States are the main sponsors of the draft resolution A/79/L.93, entitled International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures. Mr. President, the initiative on which this General Assembly will shortly take action emerges from a shared conviction that the Charter of the United Nations which should be implemented in its entirety and interconnectedness, and the principles contained in it, namely sovereign equality, self-determination, non-intervention, peaceful coexistence, and international cooperation, must not be mere aspirations but living commitments. Unilateral coercive measures, commonly cloaked in the misleading language of sanctions, are employed not as instruments of justice, much less of legality, but as tools of political and economic compulsion. These measures are imposed unilaterally, outside of international law, and in direct violation of the founding charter of our organization, soon to turn 80 years. These unlawful measures, increasingly promulgated and applied, including against member states of our grouping, punish millions of people worldwide, blocking access to food, medicines, technology, and development, undermining entire societies, and violating fundamental human rights. As is well known and confirmed by various reports, including from the United Nations, over one-third of the world's population in more than 30 countries suffer under the direct weight of these cruel and illegal measures. Their extraterritorial effects extend even further, destabilizing global supply chains, hampering development, and threatening international cooperation, while also impeding third parties from engaging in lawful trade or cooperation. Moreover, these measures undermine the very multilateral system we're gathered here to defend. They disregard resolutions of this very General Assembly and of the Human Rights Council, while also deliberately ignoring the urgent appeals of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Group of 77, and China, and other voices in the Global South, many of which will be participating in the debate on this agenda item later today, and who have consistently and unequivocally rejected these policies and demanded their complete, immediate, and unconditional repeal. Mr. President, it's within this context that we present the draft resolution before you today. Its purpose is symbolic, yet very powerful, to declare 4 December, the day of the anniversary of the Declaration on the Right of Development, as the International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures. The draft resolution in question, which has no budgetary implications, reaffirms the illegality of unilateral measures, and calls for the annual observance of the International Day as part of a global effort to raise awareness about the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures and to promote greater international cooperation and solidarity among nations in addressing their consequences. Mr. President, this is a non-confrontational and forward-looking initiative. That has been deliberately framed in a procedural manner. It does not seek to polarize or divide. On the contrary, it seeks to foster reflection, solidarity, and global dialogue. It seeks to raise awareness of the far-reaching consequences of unilateral coercive measures and to affirm our collective commitment to the rule of law, international cooperation, and sustainable development. It seeks to foster dialogue on this issue that has global implications and that therefore deserves discussion at the global level in an inclusive setting as provided by this multilateral forum. In this context, we would like to express our sincere appreciation to all delegations who engaged constructively and in good faith during the negotiations of this draft resolution. Which we initiated in an informal manner over a month ago when we started to reach out to various groupings. The process was conducted in an open, inclusive, and transparent manner. In spite of the almost unanimous condemnation of unilateral coercive measures, as we are confident will be demonstrated once again in today's debate on this subject, genuine attempts were made along the process to accommodate the views of everyone, to bridge the gaps, and to foster broadest possible consensus. We believe the result before us today is a balanced and measured text, non-confrontational in tone and universal in aspiration. Mr. President, we're mindful that some seek to force a vote today to block consensus and to dismiss this resolution as symbolic, but let's be clear, symbols matter. They are the expression of collective conscience, sympathy, and understanding. They inspire actions, sustain hope, and move history forward. By supporting this draft resolution, and if need be, voting in favor of it, we're not only defending the sovereignty of states, the rights of peoples, and the integrity of the international legal order underpinned by the Charter of the United Nations, but we're also standing in solidarity with and sending a message to those millions affected around the world that are not forgotten, that they will not be left behind. In this spirit, we call on all member states to support this initiative. Let this General Assembly send a united message unequivocally reaffirming its opposition to unilateralism and its enduring commitment to the values enshrined in in the Charter of the United Nations. Let this body proclaim that this— that that illegality must not be normalized, and that the voices of those affected by the application of unilateral coercive measures will not go unheard. At last, we conclude by calling on all responsible members of the international community to support us in this effort by making 4 December a day to stand together in favor of cooperation, the rule of law, and justice. Let us support, and if need be, vote in favor of Draft Resolution A/79/L93, an initiative that seeks to affirm respect for international law, to defend sovereignty, and to uphold human dignity and the inalienable right of all peoples to development and of all nations to thrive free from external coercion. I thank you, Mr. President. Distinguished delegations, allow me now to make a statement in my national capacity. Thank you again for convening this plenary meeting of the General Assembly on the subject of serious concern with detrimental ramifications to many member states and millions of people across the Global South. My intervention is aligned with the statements to be delivered by the distinguished delegations of Uganda, Iraq, Gabon, and Venezuela on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, the G77 and China, the African Group, and a group of friends in defense of the United Nations Charter, respectively. Mr. President, the promulgation and application of all forms of unilaterally imposed sanctions are illegal inhumane, and unconscionable, as they are devoid of any legal or moral justifications. Unilateral coercive measures are antithetical to the principles of the United Nations Charter and inflict indiscriminate harm on civilian populations, cripple development, and perpetuate inequality. Their continued applications demand our collective rejection and resolve. Neither the norms of international relations nor the rules of international trading systems justify the application of such egregious policies dictated at the whim of the proponents of global hegemony. These powers have been unapologetic with their intentions and deeds, as this is expressly stated in their foreign policy toolbox, to compel those who do not conform to their self-professed ideals and standards. We have often heard that these actors, mainly the Western countries, unilateral coercive measures are crucial part of the international security toolkit and are applied with humanitarian exceptions. Mr. President, contrary to the proponents' flawed pretext, those socioeconomic conditions of the targeted countries are seriously impacted by the application of unilateral coercive sanctions, as corroborated by the findings and assessments of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impacts of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights. The import of critical goods and services, including medicine and medical equipment, vaccines, food items, and other technological equipment, have been hampered by these ill-conceived policy practices. These non-exhaustive lists of findings have cross-sectoral repercussions with detrimental implications to the right of development of nations and well-being of societies. Neither the so-called humanitarian exemptions nor the bogus excuse of defending of key UN principles and values could rationalize the arbitrary application of UCMs. Indeed, no good intentions could justify unilateral coercive measures, as they all violate the human dignity of societies and individuals and thereby erode the founding principles of the United Nations Charter. Against the globally agreed development goals underpinned by the maxim of leaving no one behind, unilateral coercive measures attest to the contrary, as they are impoverishing those in the Global South and widening the development gap. Sovereign equality of all nations and their right to development as enshrined in the UN Charter, must be fully respected. Any unilateral resort outside of the cardinal principles of the United Nations Charter must be rejected and repealed in totality. Mr. President, as several member states, Eritrea has been a victim of bundles of illegal and unjust sanctions, and it continues to endure unilateral coercive measures targeting its most critical sectors including the economic and national security. The ulterior political motives, as insinuated above, are too evident to merit explanation. Suffice it to mention, though, these illegal measures are part of the misguided policy pursuit aimed to advance perceived geopolitical objectives, which are proved to not only be erroneous but are contributing to regional destabilization. Mr. President, in the face of continued promulgation and implementation of unilateral coercive measures and their inhumane consequences, member states and relevant international organizations should work in solidarity and unity to address and eradicate the negative impacts, including by seeking legal redress through the relevant UN organs. While the UN General Assembly, as the most representative representative body continues its earnest deliberations on the matter, it should further advise on practical measures, including recommendations for advisory opinion through the International Court of Justice on the illegality, adverse effects, and revocation of UCMs in accordance with the principles of United Nations Charter and international law. In closing, Eritrea expresses its strong solidarity with all those unjustly affected nations and peoples and calls for the categorical lifting of the unlawful unilateral sanctions imposed, including on Eritrea, Zimbabwe, Venezuela, and Cuba, including the 60-year-long economic embargo and its unjust placement on the dubious list of state sponsors of terrorism. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Eritrea. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. His Excellency Iván Gil, Minister of Popular Power for Foreign Affairs of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

Mr. President, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela has the honor of taking the floor on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the United Nations Charter Whose member states wish to express, first of all, their thanks to you for organizing this plenary meeting in line with the provisions of Resolution 78/329 promoted by our group and adopted by this General Assembly by consensus on the 6th of September, 2024. President, Throughout this important debate, we will hear how some delegations will refer to what they call autonomous sanctions or restrictive measures. Having said that, the first thing that we'd like to do today is underscore that such policies are in reality no more and no less than unilateral coercive measures, even if they may seek to conceal them or present them with a different name. We must therefore avoid falling into the trap of those that resort to the enactment and imposition of unilateral coercive measures, in the trap of those that persist in their efforts not only to impose a false narrative to confuse and to trick the international community, but also even to justify and legitimize the use of such policies and practices. Since this is the way things are, we must be emphatic when we underscore the fact that unilateral coercive measures, including those imposed as instruments of political or economic or financial coercion against any country in particular, although not exclusively against developing countries, are illegal in addition to being cruel and inhumane, to say the least. They really are a clear violation, among other things, of the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, the most basic norms and standards of international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law, and also of the provisions of the Declaration on the Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among States, in line with the United Nations Charter, and of the Charter of Economic Duties and Rights of States contained in Resolutions 2625 and 3281 of the General Assembly, respectively. One of the most notorious examples of this failed policy of unilateral coercive measures is the economic, trade, and financial embargo imposed against the Republic of Cuba now for more than 60 years. In this regard, we reiterate our unshakable, unwavering solidarity with the people and government of Cuba. And at the same time, we urge the government of the United States of America to put an immediate end without conditions to the embargo against this brother country and to remove them from the arbitrary and unilateral list of states that supposedly sponsor terrorism. Thank you. The very existence of this is something that we condemn and firmly reject. Cuba, in reality, is an example of dignity, of resistance, and victory over these illegal and anachronistic policies. Therefore, we can but reiterate the fact that unilateral coercive measures are a flagrant, flagrant violation of the UN Charter and of the fundamental principles of international law. We emphasize further that unilateral coercive measures threaten the economic and legal international order, hindering, among other things, international cooperation, trade, and investment, and they undermine the rights and freedom of states to participate in international economic cooperation and their rights to choose the way that they organize their foreign economic relations. These legal measures also infringe on the sovereign and inalienable rights of states to choose their economic system without coercion or threats of any type. President, currently, more than 30 nations the world over— among them, many from our group— are subject to unilateral coercive measures that directly affects the daily lives of more than one-third of humanity, in particular those in the most vulnerable situations. This is a reality that has created a systemic crisis in the whole international relations system and that does not only continue to erode multilateralism but also increases uncertainty, instability, mistrust, and tensions across the world, and this at a time in which we are facing huge and deep-running challenges and geopolitical complexities. Therefore, they really are a global problem that require a global solution, and that's why today's debate is so important in this most representative and inclusive forum of humanity. In this regard, we must underscore the fact that currently We are bearing witness to a new generation of this type of uni— of illegal measures that are more— much more cruel and destructive than they ever have been in the past. They use pain and suffering that is inflicted deliberately as a way to advance interventionist agendas and destabilization. These type of measures seek to exert pressure, exploitation, domination, and subjugation against sovereign and independent nations. And today they really are the biggest obstacle to the implementation of the development plans of the nations subject to these misnamed so-called sanctions, including when it comes to the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the effective and timely achievement of their SDGs. And if this were not enough, today we are bearing witness to an escalation of unilateralism and intimidatory practices in particular. By way of supposed tariffs, a reality that can be added to the challenges and impediments derived from the exponential use and enactment and imposition of illegal unilateral coercive measures, which is a reality that, as we all know, has already had and continues to have a significant impact on international relations. However, it is important to underscore that the so-called tariffs that today are being imposed are pursuing different objectives. And in reality, they are pursuing similar objectives to the unilateral coercive measures that the United States government has embraced for decades— coercing and subordinating the world— the nations of the developing world in order to preserve their agendas of domination and advancing their selfish neocolonial and geostrategic interests. President, unilateral coercive measures— we must say this clearly, without ambiguity— are causing also grave and negative repercussions in the humanitarian realm, threatening the life and well-being of people that these sanctions are levied at, bearing in mind that these illegal measures hinder or interrupt, among other things, access to services like healthcare, access and acquiring of medication, medical supplies, equipment and services, as well as the development, procurement, and provision of vaccines. They also are causing effects, um, hindering access to medications that save lives. And can treat disease, including treating rare diseases and non-communicable diseases. Unilateral coercive measures are also a stumbling block to international cooperation and limit the capacity of states affected to access and acquire investment in foreign technology and the goods and services that are required to address, among other things, problems when it comes to climate management and action. The imposition of these illegal measures also are an obstacle to achieving international funds from credit bodies that support the financing of projects in different areas. Furthermore, UCMs are also having a negative impact on international civil aviation, affecting its security and protection, including the security and protection of passengers at a time time in which we are seeing an undermining of the efforts of the international aviation system, and it's necessary to establish a fair and effective system for the international community as a whole and also to reduce the greenhouse gas emissions. Unilateral coercive measures have also had an impact on the situation in Palestine. Let's remember in this context what the United Nations experts have said when they stated that due to the fact that a significant proportion of the taxes levied— again, levied by the Palestinian Authority— are collected by Israel, that means that the Palestinian Authority is exposed to unilateral suspensions by Israel of transfer of the income money received. Which can be considered as unilateral coercive measures that are contrary to international law. This is a reality that has the potential of aggravating further the suffering caused by more than 7 decades of illegal occupation. What's more, it must be underscored that in some cases unilateral coercive measures limit the capacities of states to provide assistance despite their genuine interest and political will to do so, and these could serve the goal of alleviating the persistent suffering of the Palestinian people. President, as we see the consolidation of a new multipolar world, unilateral coercive measures have also become a means of achieving unfair competition. The reserve currencies are used as weapons and the sovereign property of states, And it means that the sovereign property of these states is blocked arbitrarily or even confiscated. As a result of this, any country that depends in one way or another on the markets, technology, and the financial assistance of the West, and that may have financial reserves in Western jurisdictions, are vulnerable to facing the risk of a total loss of their assets. Such aggressive measures seek among other things, to strangle the Global South and to undermine their potential for dynamic economic development. And the ulterior goal of this is to eliminate competitors and to consolidate the vision of the developing world as a mere purveyor of raw materials. It's also a new form of colonialism. That seeks to hinder development, to erode the basis of multilateralism, and to entrench the gap between developed, developed and developing countries. It's therefore essential to break these patterns of domination that are rooted in colonial history and mentalities, and these things still persist today. It's urgent to pave the way towards a more just and multipolar world that encourages comprehensive and sovereign development without coercion or exclusion. And the fact is that unilateral coercive measures, whether we see it or not, do indeed affect all of us equally, directly or indirectly. And the nations that these UCMs are levied against, they are gravely violating and having a negative impact on, among other things, the full enjoyment of human rights as well as the procurement of goods and services, financial and technical assistance, technology transfer, capacity building, and South-South, North-South, and triangular cooperation. Globally, directly, they deliberately exacerbate the multifaceted crisis that humanity today faces, and they interrupt supply chain chains and distort the markets. Since this is the way things are, we should be clear when we say that today we can say really that the ongoing implementation of these illegal measures are not only having a negative impact on the global economy as a whole, but they are also— they will also cause and prolong human suffering the world over unless they are completely, unconditionally, and immediately halted. Having said all of this, I think we can certainly conclude that unilateral coercive measures, in addition to creating and entrenching the conditions for poverty and inequality, are clearly becoming crimes against humanity and massive violations of human rights, since they clearly seek to deprive entire populations, among other things, from their own livelihoods. We cannot allow them to trick us or convince us otherwise. In this context, it's important to underscore that the so-called humanitarian exemptions on these unilateral coercive measures are a mere fantasy. They're an illusion that although they may exist on paper, the reality is that in practice they have shown to be ineffective or even completely inexistent. Resistant, as has been confirmed not only by the suffering and pain of entire nations subject to such illegal measures, but also by the independent experts of the U.N. itself. President, in the absence of the complete, immediate, and unconditional elimination of the unilateral coercive measures— and aware firsthand of the effects that they have, among other things, on the capacity to engage freely in trade and investment between independent and sovereign nations. We express above all our commitment to a multilateral system grounded both in the World Trade Organization as well as in the United Nations Charter. And we also reiterate our determination to explore possible means— alternative means and ways to ensure a truly independent platform or framework that's respectful of international law for the carrying out of financial transactions and payments between banks across the world. In other words, our commitment to identify different ways of countering, mitigating, and repairing the adverse effects of unilateral coercive measures, including through the possible establishment of a safe space or zone free of UCMs, in which we can engage in trade and process payments without the danger or arbitrary impediments that we're seeing imposed against us in a punitive nature to, um, thus ensure the well-being of our peoples as well as the development of our nations, um, or setting up a concrete roadmap that enables us to reduce dependence on international trade in currencies that are vulnerable to being used to apply UCMs or to sustain monetary hegemony of one state over the global economy. In this regard, we underscore the urgent need to advance in the proposal presented by the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Special Committee on the UN Charter precisely on measures to prevent, remove, eliminate, minimize, and repair the adverse impacts and effects of unilateral coercive measures. Furthermore, we seize this opportunity here to recognize the legitimate calls in line with the relevant norms of international law by states affected, whether directly or indirectly, and in particular the states and people that are specifically subject to UCMs, the call for redress by the states that impose these UCMs because of the harm and damages caused as a consequence of the existence, enactment, and implementation of these UCMs, including the phenomenon known as overcompliance and extraterritoriality, which in practice has led to a real reduction in trade between the nations that are subject and not subject to such policies as a result of fear of being subject to the so-called secondary sanctions. President, we will not tire in insisting on how immoral and completely contradictory it is that some governments seek to claim that they are the supposed defenders, guardians, custodians, promoters of human rights, when at the same time, with their deliberate and systemic policies, in particular by way of the illegal enactment and implementation of UCMs are committing on a daily basis mass violations of human rights of billions of people across the world, including crimes against humanity. This really is simply incompatible. For our part, notwithstanding the above, we stand ready to continue to promote genuine dialogue, multilateral cooperation, and solidarity as the only viable ways of achieving a more just, inclusive, and equitable international order, an order in which no nation is left behind and in which the principles and aspirations of the UN Charter prevail both in their letter as well as in their spirit. Our nations, in addition to saying this, are more than ready and prepared to play their part and contribute to overcoming the common challenges that we face. The fact is that we have a responsibility to build a better future together and to make this new world of peace and development for all a reality. This new world is possible as long as we manage to eliminate any type of impediment to the full realization of the productive potential of the developing countries that are subject to this type of legal measure. Mr. President, we insist on our appeal to the responsible members of the international community to abstain from recognizing, applying, or providing support or assistance or engaging in any other type of act that may facilitate the enactment or implementation of unilateral coercive measures. In this regard, we underscore that responsible states imposing UCMs, in particular against the member states of our group, must immediately halt these illegal measures. They must also provide appropriate guarantees and safeguards of non-repetition, as well as reparations, redress for all of the harm and damages and losses suffered by the states affected and by their population as a result of such internationally illegal acts. Before I conclude, I wish to reiterate our full support and solidarity for all countries and peoples affected by this cruel and inhuman phenomenon the world over. Our solidarity goes out to them, in particular our solidarity with Cuba, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe, which are part of our group. To them, all of our support in measures that they have adopted to counter the aggression that they're subject to as part of their ongoing efforts to not only ensure the well-being of their people and the development of their countries, but also to move once and for all towards the achievement of a world free of unilateral coercive measures. Lastly, if we may, please allow us to briefly refer to the draft resolution contained in document A/79/L93, according to which the General— on which rather that the General Assembly will take action at the end of this debate. We consider that the establishment of an International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures would provide us an opportunity to move forward in the global campaign to totally eliminate these wrongly named sanctions, and also to increase awareness as to the negative repercussions that these UCMs have on all aspects of life. Therefore, we hope that we can count on your valuable support to this proposal as part of the global appeal, which is almost unanimous and is a persistent one also, to put an end to these illegal measures, fully in line with the principles and positions of the immense majority of the international community and with the provisions of the relevant resolutions adopted by this august Assembly. President, please allow me very briefly to add a few points in our national capacity. On the 9th of March last, we saw the 10-year anniversary of the beginning of this cruel campaign of aggression against Venezuela that the United States government has called maximum pressure, but in reality it should be called maximum calculated cruelty that was implemented by President Barack Hussein Obama in such an irresponsible way. It is a new form of colonialism that through so-called economic asphyxiation seeks to ensure that our nation, uh, is subject to Washington and its satellites. We, the Venezuelan people, are a brave people, the inheritors of the struggles of the Liberator, Simón Bolívar. President, there are more than 1,000 so-called sanctions that the United States government has been applying against are people causing not only pain and suffering against 30 million Venezuelans, but also economic losses that up by 2022 had reached $642 billion. So without a doubt, now 3 years later, the figure would be even bigger. They've tried to isolate Venezuela in every way possible. The political and diplomatic— in the political and diplomatic realm, we've seen how they have tried to impose a fictitious authority against us. And in the social area, we've seen the destruction of the state and all of its capacity to provide well-being to our people. The goal has always been the same, that is, to move forward with a policy of regime change that has failed and will continue to fail. Fail. Today, despite all of these aggressions, despite the attempts of military invasion, despite the attacks, despite the lawfare, despite the attempt— the assassination attempts against the president and high-level officials, despite the violence and the unilateral coercive measures, Venezuela is one of the countries with the highest levels of political political and social stability in our hemisphere. Our economy has been recovering in recent years under the leadership of President Nicolás Maduro Moros, a reality that the traditional media will never report. President, for every day that this terrible policy against Venezuela continues, the alternative economic, political, social, and cultural development The capacities of our people will be entrenched and Venezuela will see a torrent of new opportunities. Thanks to our own efforts, our people have resisted and have overcome the attempts of those who are trying to kill us through hunger or disease, including during the worst stages of the COVID-19 pandemic when the United States and Europe tried to block Venezuela's access to medications, vaccines, and other provisions for the protection of our people. We've managed to overcome the challenges that result from the robbing and looting of our assets, including tons of gold in the Bank of England, millions of special drawing rights of the International Monetary Fund, and even refineries um, owned by Venezuela in this country. We've even shown the world figures of growth that are well above those of other countries in the region that are not subject to these aggressions, and these have been endorsed by organizations like CEPAL. This is not a miracle like some people might say, but rather what it is is an effort and a consistent, coherent, and well-designed policy always geared towards ensuring the most important fundamental things, which is the protection of our people through social investment. President, that our country and our people have managed to overcome the pernicious effects of this criminal policy in no way should lead to inaction by the General Assembly or by the international system as a whole. The crimes committed for decades through the implementation of unilateral coercive measures must halt and must be brought to justice. It's therefore urgent to break the continuous cycle of impunity that has only perpetuated in time these aggressions that are clearly in violation of international law. Our peoples demand justice. They are calling for an end to supposed moral superiority. Therefore, I conclude by launching an appeal to unity. And to ensure that this problem, which is a global one, is never obscured, ignored, or minimized on the international agenda. It depends on us to continue to bring this forum— bring to this forum the truth of our peoples until we manage to fully and effectively achieve the principles and rights enshrined in the foundational charter of this organization and establish a world free of UCMs, where the right to peace and development becomes a reality for all people without any type of distinction or exclusion. Thank you very much, President.

I thank His Excellency the Minister of Popular Power for Foreign Affairs for the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba, His Excellency Carlos de Castro

President, my delegation aligns itself with the statement just made by Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter. As well as the statements that Uganda and Iraq will make on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and on behalf of the G77 and China respectively. The economic embargo of the United States against Cuba comes under the classification of unilateral coercive extraterritorial measures and— also meets the criteria for a trade embargo. It is an absolute, unwavering, pitiless war. They're merciless. That is imposed against Cuba's trade by the United States. And since the beginning, its goal has been to reduce the quality of life, reducing the real income, causing hunger, shortages and among the population, allow— causing them to lose hope, or even to punish an entire population. And the goal is to break the political will of our country and dominate the nation. The legislation that governs the embargo leaves no doubts as to the interventionist, hegemonist, and colonialist ambition of the United States. The goal is clearly to cut Cuba's economic links with the rest of the world. The United States does not only refuse to engage in trade with Cuba, to export and import with extremely limited and restrictive exceptions, what they're also seeking to do is to persecute, block, or sabotage the trade and commercial transaction of Cuba with any other country in the world, and this includes—

Thank you.

Bilateral and multilateral cooperation programs that are absolutely legitimate, as well as assistance projects and donations. In doing this, they are not respecting— the United States are not respecting the sovereign prerogatives of third countries, nor are they considering these countries' relations with Cuba, nor the right that each and every nation has to engage in relations with our nation in the way that they So desire. These nations are also subject to pressure and threats of economic coercion if their governments, companies, or entities engage in relations with Cuba. However, the aggression does not stop there, Mr. President. The United States embargo prohibits the exportation to Cuba from any country of any project product produced in this country by its companies and workers if the product has 10% or more parts of United States origin. So this leads us to wonder, in an internationalized economy like the current one, how many products that you can find on the face of the earth do they not contain at least 10% of guarantee their productive capacity to obtain inputs for food production, for agricultural development, and to sustain services, including basic services like healthcare, transport, the generation of electricity, telecommunications, and education. President, the economic embargo against Cuba is not even limited to the things I just described. With the disproportionate control that the United States has on the flow and management of international financial transactions, the proposal and the achievements— and it's achieved with cruel efficiency in all parts of the world— they're controlling Cuba's possibility to obtain loans and to receive and emit payments. To engage in trade transactions, to transfer money, and open and manage bank accounts. It's also significantly— making it significantly more expensive for any financial— for there to be any financial transactions in the country. And this is having an effect on the economy. The United States government is also applying UCMs against merchant ships of any type that dock in Cuban ports. This threatens— they're threatening and taking coercive actions against companies and persons of any country that, in full alignment with international law and Cuban law, are investing capital in our economy. In recent years, still not satisfied with the level of aggression and harm that they're already causing, the United States government started the criminal practice of pursuing and taking coercive measures against ships transporting fuel to Cuba and against companies and agencies, insurance agencies that support the cargo of these ships. This is a wartime measure without any legal or moral standing at all, and the goal is to cause shortages and suffering for the Cuban people. Including Cuba, without any basis whatsoever on the arbitrary and selective list of the State Department on countries that supposedly sponsor terrorism, the United States has unleashed an additional raft of unilateral coercive measures of a financial nature especially, and they are also geared towards coercing and taking action against citizens of more than 40 countries against their right of these people to travel freely to Cuba. Over recent years, the United States has unleashed a campaign of intimidation against governments of dozens of third countries to engage in bilateral cooperation programs with Cuba in the area of healthcare. And the fundamental goal of this really is to provide quality and affordable medication to their populations in need. All of this, Mr. President, violates international law and the pillars that this organization is built on. I really don't have enough time to describe everything and describe the full magnitude and scope of the economic war of the United States States against Cuba. There's never enough time to really do justice to how this is affecting our economic policies, the efforts of authorities to ensure the vitality of the country, to implement the transformations we require for our economy, to ensure social justice, to support the most in need, and to not abandon our development plans. punishment. Thank you very much.

I thank His Excellency the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Cuba, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Iraq on behalf of the G77 in China.

Mr. President, it's an honor for delegation of the Republic of Iraq to take the floor on behalf of the Group 77 and China, whose member states appreciate the convening of this plenary meeting of the General Assembly on such an important topic. Which affects many countries from the Global South, including from our group. Mr. President, developing countries face great challenges, including the increase in unilateral political, economic, and trade actions or policies and the weakening of multilateralism, which are flagrant violations — of the principles established in the UN Charter, international law, and the purposes of the United Nations. We consider that it's urgent to stop these actions that threaten the economic and social development of these countries that are subject to them and consequently prevent them from achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. The group considers that the application of these measures, together with all unilateral protectionist measures including tariff and non-tariff barriers, also violate the rules of the World Trade Organization, undermine the multilateral trading system, and seriously threaten free trade the right of States to export or import goods or services from world markets, investment, and sustainable development. These measures also constitute means of arbitrary discrimination against developing countries subject to them. The impact of these measures also affects, among others, technical and financial cooperation technology transfer, agricultural and industrial production in the countries, access to food, the supply of medicines, vaccines, treatments, and medical equipment to treat diseases as occurred during COVID-19 pandemic, and even the participation of delegations in meetings of the United Nations system or sports delegations wishing to attend international events. Consequently, the Group reaffirmed its firm rejection of the imposition of laws and regulations with extraterritorial impact and all other forms of coercive economic measures, including unilateral sanctions against developing countries and reiterated the urgent need to eliminate them immediately. We emphasized that such actions not only undermine the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and international law, but also severely threaten freedom of trade and investment. We therefore call upon the international community to adopt urgent and effective measures to eliminate the use of unilateral coercive economic measures against developing countries. Mr. President, the Group of 77 and China welcomes the adoption of General Assembly Resolution 78/135 on unilateral economic measures as a means of political and economic coercion against developing countries, especially because it requests the Secretary-General to monitor the imposition of unilateral economic measures as a means of political and economic coercion, and to study, inter alia, with the support and cooperation of the Resident Coordinators and United Nations country teams, the impact of such measures on the affected countries, including the impact on trade and development. In this regard, we also welcome the launch of a uniform and universal tool, as elaborated by the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights, for the purpose of monitoring and assessing the impact of unilateral coercive measures and overcompliance on human rights, as well as on the economic and social development of developing countries targeted by these measures and on achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Similarly, we welcome that This matter has been duly reflected in the recently agreed conclusions and recommendations of the 2024 Financing for Development Forum, as well as in the Declaration of the 2024 ECOSOC High-Level Political Forum and the Pact for the Future. We trust that this will also be the case in the outcome documents of the Second World Summit for Social Development 2025, currently under negotiations, as this matter can no longer be ignored and must be thoroughly and effectively addressed, including as part of our commitment to leaving no one behind. It is in maintaining that momentum and at the time when there seems to be growing understanding, support, and solidarity on this problematic that, given its scope, has implications at the global scale, that we consider that the establishment of an International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures will be a step in the right direction, giving more visibility to this issue and supporting the campaign towards the lifting of these measures as well as ongoing efforts to raise awareness on their negative impact. Thus, in line with our principal positions, we express our support to the draft resolution presented under this agenda item. Mr. President, finally, the group categorically rejects the implication of unilateral coercive measures and calls on those countries to refrain from imposing them, including unilateral sanctions and trade restrictions, which negatively impact on the human rights of millions of people living under these illegal measures in developing countries, and in turn deepen the gap between these countries and developed Instead, countries must show greater solidarity and cooperation to support others in overcoming the huge challenges and vulnerabilities they face to implement the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, and in compliance with the spirit of the UN Charter. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Iraq, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement.

Mr. President, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the 121 member states of the Non-Aligned Movement, NAM. NAM upholds the principle of respect for international law and strongly condemns the promulgation and application of unilateral coercive measures, including against member states of the Movement as a clear contravention of the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. The member states of the Movement regard unilateral coercive measures, UCMs, as illegal and negatively impact on people who live in target countries. It is in this context that NAM presents annually a draft resolution both in the Human Rights Council and General Assembly on their negative impact. Mr. President, during the 19th Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement held in January 2024 in Kampala, the Republic of Uganda, the heads of state and government reaffirmed their previously agreed positions, particularly their opposition to all unilateral coercive measures, including those measures used as tools for political or economic and financial pressure against any country, in particular against developing countries, which violates the Charter of the United Nations, rules and principles of international law. Similarly, the member states of the movement reaffirm that under no circumstances should people be deprived of their own means of subsistence, and the movement and expressed grave concern at the continued imposition of such measures which hinder the well-being of populations of the affected countries and create obstacles to the full realization of their human rights, including the right to development. Now, more comes the adoption of the General Assembly resolutions on unilateral economic measures as a means of political and economic coercion against developing countries. Nam endorses the request made to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to monitor, with the support and cooperation of the resident coordinators and United Nations country teams, the impact of unilateral coercive measures on affected countries, including the impact on trade and development. Nam also welcomes the reports of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights for the purpose of assessing the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures and overcompliance on human rights, as well as on economic and social development of developing countries targeted by these measures and on achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs. Nammo expresses concern that the imposition of unilateral coercive measures Unilateral sanctions or embargoes has resulted in some cases in the failure of states to meet their assessed contributions to the UN in a timely manner. For this reason, USGMs should be immediately and completely lifted as they violate the obligations of the member states to provide resources to the organization as enshrined in the Charter. At the Kampala Summit, the heads of state and government rejected unilateral coercive measures Yes. Contrary to international law, which obstruct and sometimes impede payments of assessed contributions from member states of the Non-Aligned Movement, the budgets of the organization. Mr. President, concerning health, the heads of state and government of NAM have expressed grave concern at the unilateral coercive measures imposed against some NAM member states, which have impeded or disrupted access to and procurement of medicine and medical supplies and services developments, purchase and delivery of vaccines and reagents and raw materials for their production, thus creating serious challenges for the management and mitigation of infectious diseases as well as rare diseases. They urged those states that have imposed unilateral coercive measures to promptly comply with their obligations under Article 10 of the Convention and to immediately lift all coercive measures. Earlier, in the context of health and also in the course of health emergencies as a result of the promulgation and application of unilateral economic coercive measures. In this regard, Nam rejects such unlawful measures which are flagrant violations of the rules, of the norms, and the fundamental principles of international law, including those set forth within the Charter of the United Nations, and condemns such international wrongful acts And further condemns that such unlawful measures have not terminated, have not terminated, but have been expanded and further intensified, resulting in human losses and both obstacles and deliberate delays for, among other things, getting access to essential supplies, including vaccines, medicines, medical equipment, and diagnostic tests. Mr. President, With regard to international trade, the Non-Aligned Movement expresses its deep concern at the imposition of laws and other forms of coercive economic measures, including unilateral sanctions against developing countries imposed by a specific country or a group for political and economic purposes which violate the Charter of the United Nations, rules and principles of international law, and rules of the World Trade Organization, and also severely threaten freedom of trade and investment and constitute an interference in the internal affairs of other countries. We urge the ending of such measures. Similarly, NAM emphasizes that food should not be used as an instrument for political and economic coercion or pressure. We reaffirm also the importance of international cooperation and solidarity, as well as the necessity of refraining from undertaking such unilateral coercive measures that affect the trade related to food and fertilizers that endanger food security, impacting especially groups in vulnerable situations and are not in accordance with the international law and the UN Charter. Moreover, on disaster risk reduction, we express our deep concern that unilateral coercive measures and unilateral economic, financial, and trade measures impede the development of targeted countries' hazard early warning systems and their ability to implement disaster preparedness, response, and recovery from natural disasters, and heavily increase the scale of economic and human losses generated by natural disasters on aforementioned countries. Unilateral coercive measures also impede international cooperation and limit the ability and capacity of affected states to access and acquire, among others, goods and services necessary to address environmental issues. We firmly urge for the immediate removal of such restrictions, especially during natural disasters. The negative impact of unilateral coercive measures, let it be— it on nations rather and peoples directly targeted or on others that are indirectly affected, including as a result of either the overcompliance phenomenon or the threat of the imposition of so-called secondary sanctions is a reality that can no longer be ignored or minimized. There is, as a matter of fact, growing understanding, support, and solidarity on this problem that, given its scope, has implications on a global scale. This is demonstrated, among others, by the very inclusion of calls to termination of these illegal measures in many of the most recently adopted documents by United Nations and this regional assembly, including the Pact for the Future. Hence, we consider that the establishment of an International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures will be a step in the right direction, supporting the campaign towards the lifting of these measures as well as ongoing efforts to raise awareness on their negative impact. Thus, in line with our principled position, we express our support to the draft resolution presented under this agenda item. As I conclude, Mr. President, NAM expresses its unwavering solidarity with those nations and peoples subjected to unilateral coercive measures, particularly those from our movement. NAM reiterates its commitment to continue calling for the complete immediate and unconditional lifting of all unilateral coercive measures, including those measures used as tools for political or economic and financial pressure against any country, in particular developing— against developing countries, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law. Such measures hinder the health and well-being of populations of the affected countries and create obstacles to the full realization of their human rights and their national development plans, as well as the Sustainable Development Goals and the Pact of the Future. I thank you, Mr. President. Doy las gracias.

I thank the distinguished representative of Uganda. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Zimbabwe, speaking on behalf of the Southern African Development Community.

Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, a bloc of 16 sovereign states united by a common commitment to peace development, solidarity, and the principles of international law. We welcome this timely plenary meeting and commend the General Assembly for its sustained attention to the unlawful and injurious practice of unilateral coercive measures, UCMs. In convening this discussion, the Assembly reaffirms its moral leadership and collective conscience in the face of measures that undermine the foundations of multilateralism. Mr. President, the United Nations was established to foster cooperation among nations and address global challenges through collective action. Multilateralism which lies at the heart of this organization. Yet UCMs stand in stark contradiction to this vision. They seek to impose political will through compulsion rather than dialogue, undermining the sovereign right of all nations to determine their own political, economic, social, and cultural trajectories. The SADC region is no stranger to this injustice. For over 2 decades, the Republic of Zimbabwe has endured a sanctions regime unilaterally imposed, externally maintained, and regionally felt. Although often described as targeted, these measures have had far-reaching and deleterious effects. They have restricted access to concessional finance, disrupted trade and investment, impeded innovation, and slowed down infrastructure development. Vital sectors such as health, education have been strained, while aspirations of our youth have been curtailed. Entire economies have borne the burden. This reality is not merely anecdotal. The 2022 report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures, Professor Elena Dohan, reaffirmed what the region has long asserted— that sanctions are incompatible with international law and have a disproportionate and devastating impact on the ordinary people of Zimbabwe. These findings are echoed by a growing body of reports which consistently demonstrate how UCMs violate human rights and impede progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals. Mr. President, the voice of the General Assembly has been unequivocal. Resolution 72/217 calls upon all states to cease adopting, maintaining, or implementing unilateral measures that contravene international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Similarly, the Assembly's annual condemnation of the embargo against Cuba, most recently through Resolution 79/7, underscores the global consensus that coercive economic action lacks legitimacy in international relations. These are not perfunctory votes. These are affirmations of principle and of the enduring values upon which this organization was founded. They remind us that no member state should seek to override the collective will of the international community. It is in this spirit that SADC supports the proposal to establish an International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures. Such a day must serve not merely as symbolic— as a symbolic commemoration, but as an active platform to do the following: expose the human toll of sanctions on the most vulnerable, Promote diplomacy over domination and engagement over coercion. Advocate for a return to legality, legitimacy, and multilateral cooperation. Reinforce the moral and legal authority of the United Nations as the guardian of peace and justice. Within the SADC region, the 25th of October is already observed as an anti-sanctions day, a collective expression of regional solidarity and a call for justice. What began as a stance with Zimbabwe has since evolved into a broader movement against coercive measures in all their forms. The designation of, of an international observance will amplify this message and globalize the momentum. Mr. President, we must acknowledge the important steps that Zimbabwe has taken in its re-engagement efforts. These reforms pursued for the good of Zimbabwe have resulted in some recognition, some gesture by the European Union and the United Kingdom to ease certain measures previously imposed on Zimbabwe. This recognition is welcome and we consider it as encouraging steps in the right direction. However, we urge both parties, the European Union and the United Kingdom, to go further and make full and unequivocal declarations on the complete removal of all unilateral coercive measures against Zimbabwe. We further call upon those countries that have yet to consider— to reconsider their positions, to align themselves with this emerging spirit of constructive engagement. Such an action would pave the way for renewed relations grounded in mutual respect, sovereign equality, and genuine partnership. Mr. President, UCMs not only destabilize societies, but they also fracture regional dynamics and foment discord. The extraterritorial reach extends beyond immediate targets. Disrupting neighboring states and undermining regional stability. In essence, these measures corrode the very foundations of peace and security that we as the United Nations strive to uphold. Let us therefore rise to the occasion. Let us assert unequivocally that no member state should suffer the indignity of economic coercion at the hands of another. Let us commit to the United Nations Charter, to the belief that unity is our strength and division is our undoing. SADC stands firm, we stand together, and we stand unwavering in calling for the complete and unconditional removal of Owo in bilateral coercive measures. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Zimbabwe. And I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Malaysia, speaking on behalf of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

Thank you, President. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the 10 member states of ASEAN as its chair for this year. As a regional grouping, ASEAN is unified— united by a common desire to live in a region of lasting peace, security and stability, sustained economic growth, and shared prosperity. We continue to respect the importance of amity and cooperation, the principles of sovereignty, equality, and non-interference. The values of democracy and respect for the rule of law remain our guiding principles as we work together to address common challenges and collectively pursue shared opportunities for the benefit of all our peoples. Given ASEAN's strong commitment to these principles, values, and aspirations, we view the use of unilateral coercive measures, UCM, as inconsistent with these shared commitments. Rather than fostering common prosperity for all peoples, UCM hinders global economic cooperation. Operation. Instead of facilitating peaceful dispute resolution, they could escalate tensions. Furthermore, far from strengthening multilateralism, UCM may undermine trust in multilateral institutions and processes, including the UN. President, allow me to elaborate on these 3 points. First, ASEAN is particularly concerned about the far-reaching humanitarian impact of UCM on innocent populations, especially children. Sanctions lacking humanitarian safeguards disproportionately harm these groups, disrupt access to healthcare, and impede progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals. Such measures, though often intended to address political disputes, risk becoming instruments that inflict severe hardship and suffering on civilian populations. They also place additional burdens on the most vulnerable, especially in developing countries striving to achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The humanitarian needs and welfare of civilians must be prioritized. Second, ASEAN emphasizes resolving disputes and addressing differences through negotiations, inclusive and peaceful dialogue based on principles of international law. This approach is exemplified by ASEAN's own experience in managing complex transboundary and territorial issues, demonstrating the effectiveness of diplomacy over unilateralism. It also underscores the value of principled engagement guided by international law over coercion. The peaceful settlement of disputes is also a fundamental principle enshrined in the UN Charter. Third, ASEAN is concerned that the imposition of UCM bypasses established multilateral institutions and processes, including the UN. It allows individual states or a group of states to impose their will or take punitive actions without seeking consensus or authorization from mandated UN organs such as the Security Council. Consultations are necessary. However, the decision to impose unilateral coercive measures is often made without engaging member states or third parties that could be indirectly affected. Such unilateral actions erode trust in multilateralism. And undermine the principles of the UN Charter. President, Malaysia's theme for our chairmanship of ASEAN is inclusivity and sustainability. Regrettably, UCM, with its indiscriminate nature and impact, are neither inclusive nor sustainable. It is an exclusionary approach, isolating entire populations from global economic participation. Participation and prosperity. The consequences of UCM are far-reaching and in the long term could result in many being left behind. ASEAN urges all member states to uphold inclusive and constructive multilateral dialogue grounded in the principles of mutual respect and pursue consensus-driven solutions that respect the principles that are consistent with international law and the UN Charter while protecting the welfare of all people. I thank you, President. Now I will deliver a statement in my national capacity. President, Malaysia thanks you for convening this important meeting. My delegation aligns itself with the statements of ASEAN, G77, and China and NAM. President, we reaffirmed our principled position that unilateral extraterritorial coercive economic measures, UCM, imposed against any country are unjust, counterproductive, and contrary to the principles of sovereign equality and non-intervention. Malaysia believes that such measures violate international norms and international law and are inconsistent with the principles of UN Charter. These actions undermine multilateralism and weaken the spirit of cooperation the international community is committed to maintaining. UCM not only undermines states' legitimate right to determine their own political, economic, and social systems, they also inflict disproportionate suffering on innocent civilians, especially in developing countries. These actions often exacerbate poverty, hinder sustainable development, and disrupt access to basic services such as healthcare, food, and education. President Malaysia firmly believes that dialogue, diplomacy, and adherence to international law must guide efforts in addressing disputes among nations. The use of coercion as instruments of pressure of punishment serves only to deepen divisions and perpetuate global instability. We reiterate our call for the immediate and unconditional cessation of all UCMs. We advocate a change from punitive measures to dialogue, multilateral cooperation, and peaceful negotiation as the only sustainable pathways to resolving disputes. These approaches uphold international law and reflect our collective commitment to human dignity and solidarity. In conclusion, Malaysia stands ready to play its part in facilitating peaceful resolutions and urges Member States to work collectively within the framework of the UN Charter to uphold international law and promote equitable and inclusive development for all. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Malaysia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the European Union on behalf of the European Union and its member states.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you, Mr. President. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the European Union and its member states. The candidate countries North Macedonia, Ukraine, and the Republic of Moldova, as well as San Marino, align themselves with this statement. Mr. President, we are grateful for this meeting, which presents us with an opportunity to contrast legal and necessary sanctions as lawful and legitimate tools of foreign policy to the vague, politically motivated narrative on so-called unilateral coercive measures. We recall in this regard our statement from the debate on the same agenda item that took place on 13 June 2024. Mr. President, sanctions are among the peaceful tools at the disposal of the UN Security Council to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security, as provided in the UN Charter. Yet, we all know that the UN Security Council is often prevented by certain of its members from taking action to address serious violations of international law, including when a Security Council permanent member may be involved in such violations. The dire consequences of not taking action to uphold the UN Charter in such grave situations should be a central part of this discussion. Putting an end to acts of aggression, grave human rights violations or abuses, including the imprisonment or killing of human rights defenders and the suppression of democratic opposition and civil terrorist organisations, as well as nuclear proliferation and the use of chemical weapons, are key priorities for both the UN and the EU. They should not be swept under the carpet by simplistic and divisive UCMs rhetoric, which prevents UN Member States from engaging in an actual discussion on a very serious topic. EU autonomous restrictive measures aim to target those, and only those, responsible for these transgressions. They contribute to filling the dangerous void in situations where the UN Security Council is unable to take action. They comply with international law, including international human rights law, international refugee law, and international humanitarian law. They are carefully and systematically scrutinised by EU courts, where listed persons can and do regularly exercise fully their due process rights and right to a fair trial. EU restrictive measures have no extraterritorial application. In other words, they do not create obligations for non-EU operators unless their business has a link with the EU, and only to that extent. They are based on clear listing criteria and robust and compelling evidence. Lastly, they are temporary in nature, as the latest lifting of a number of restrictive measures on Syria attests. By stark contrast, we note that some countries that otherwise vehemently oppose so-called UCMs regularly exert unilateral economic pressure on other countries or adopt sanctions, often without any transparency, due process guarantees, or any international legal justification, nakedly aimed at imposing on others their own narrow national political or economic interests. To add insult to this hypocrisy, some of them are at the same time also obstructing meaningful implementation of UN sanctions. Having clarified the aim, legal nature, and scope of application of EU restrictive measures, let us turn to the relation between humanitarian aid and development assistance, which tends to be systematically misrepresented. It should be recalled at the outset that the EU, together with its Member States, are the world's largest donors of development assistance— up to 42% of the global development assistance— and the second-largest donors of humanitarian aid— up to 20%. We are committed to protecting people from the effects of economic destitution and war, as well as natural disasters, and to supporting better lives and development conditions in all corners of the world, including in countries concerned by restrictive measures, be they UN sanctions or autonomous measures. Indicative specific examples can be drawn from the cases of Syria, Guatemala, and Myanmar. The EU imposed restrictive measures on the previous regime in Syria in response to its widespread and systematic violations of human rights and international law. At the same time, the EU, together with its Member States, continue to be the largest humanitarian donors to Syrians since the beginning of the conflict in 2011. The EU and its Member States have mobilised over €35.3 billion to help Syria and its neighbouring countries to address the consequences of war. Earlier this year, with the aim to support Syria's recovery and a political transition that fulfils the aspirations of all Syrians, the EU lifted all restrictive measures on Syria, with the exception of those based on security grounds. In the case of Guatemala and Myanmar, the EU imposed targeted restrictive measures on specific individuals. They did not prevent the EU and its Member States from being at the same time the second-largest donors of bilateral ODA to these countries. Furthermore, EU restrictive measures are carefully tailored not to target the civilian population and delivery of humanitarian aid, but affect only those responsible for serious violations of international law and human rights. Food, medicines, and emergency supplies do not fall within their scope. We recall in this regard that we swiftly implemented UN Security Council Resolution 2664 from 2022 and went even further by introducing equivalent and at times broader humanitarian exemptions into most of our autonomous restrictive measures. We have always stressed that addressing potential unintended consequences of UN sanctions and autonomous measures is a serious concern that demands our collective attention. This is why the EU is constantly— also constantly undertakes actions and spares no effort to prevent or address over-compliance and any unintended consequences of restrictive measures. Dear colleagues, even though it should be clear from the above that the narrative on so-called UCMs does not apply to EU restrictive measures, it remains highly politically motivated, divisive, and misleading, based on generic allegations and factual inaccuracies. It is also instrumentalized to divert attention from the reasons why sanctions are adopted in the first place. It is these reasons themselves, not UCMs, that are often at the root of grave challenges to sustainable development. They include conflicts, wars of aggression, war crimes and other atrocities, internal repression, but also severe governance and financing challenges and other universally recognized major inhibitors to sustainable development. In the end, the UCM's narrative distorts and politicizes a key UN priority: sustainable development. Sustainable development which requires global cooperation, not artificial polarization, to be effectively, urgently and collectively addressed. It is for all these reasons, as well as fundamental procedural reasons that we will explain in an explanation of quote, why we cannot support the proposed resolution establishing an International Day Against UCMs. To conclude, Mr. President, sanctions are a means rather than an end in themselves. They are part of a wider comprehensive policy approach involving political dialogue and complementary efforts such as preventive diplomacy and other instruments aimed at preserving international peace and security and defending the Charter, the rule of law, and human rights. Thank you very much.

Doy las gracias al distinguido representante.

I would like to thank the representative of the European Union. I now give the floor to the representative of Gabon, who will be speaking on behalf of the Africa Group.

President, distinguished delegates, it is an honor for me to be delivering the following remarks on behalf of the Africa Group. Mr. President, I would like to thank you for convening Thank you, Mr. President. I would like to open this meeting on an issue of utmost importance for my continent. Mr. President, the Africa Group stands firmly convinced that the elimination of unilateral extraterritorial and economic coercive measures is vital in order to ensure lasting global security. These measures constitute a serious threat to international development and cooperation. Our position is fully in keeping with the consensus, the broad consensus we've witnessed within the international community. That is, we need to live to these measures: unilateralism, respect for international sovereignty, and further sustainable development. In keeping with the UN Charter, the Security Council is the only body entrusted with the power to impose sanctions in instances where international peace and security are under threat. Thus, we call on all member states to uphold Charter principles and abstain from imposing UCMs, which not only violate the principle of non-extraterritoriality of national law, but also dent the sovereignty of states, the self-determination of peoples, undermine their rights to development, a universal and independent right indissociable from human rights. In keeping with the fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter, in particular, the sovereign equality of states and the duty not to interfere in purely internal affairs of states. These are key. The Africa Group would like to recall that Resolution 2625 and Resolution 3291 explicitly prohibits the use of economic measures policies, or other means with a view to compelling another state not to exercise its sovereign rights and with a view to achieving unfair advantage. We once again welcome the resolution on human rights and UCMs, as well as the resolution which established a biennial framework for discussing this President, these texts attest to the international community's commitment to combating the corrosive effects of these measures. President, a number of African states are directly affected by these measures, which are further exacerbating the existing challenge of development. Unilateral sanctions restrict access to international markets, disrupt infrastructural development, increase the cost of operations and scupper economic progress and social well-being. My group would like to recall that these coercive measures have resulted in significant commercial losses across our continent, seriously undermining our members' efforts to achieve the SDGs. We are deeply disquieted by the negative impact of sanctions and unilateral coercive measures, UCMs, as regards post-conflict development, post-conflict reconstruction, peacebuilding, and also as regards another topic, peace and justice for Africans, a theme for 2025, as well as that for peoples of African descent through reparations. Let it be clear, the Africa Group would like to reiterate its support for the full elimination of extraterritorial economic unilateral coercive measures as a way of exerting political and economic pressure. We call for the establishment of mechanisms to compensate states impacted by these sanctions. In February of 2025, the African Union Assembly adopted a decision on the impact of sanctions and unilateral coercive measures on AU member states. In that document, we condemned unequivocally the consequences of these ongoing measures. This resolution adopted by the African Union reiterated that extraterritorial economic unilateral extraterritorial coercive economic measures are in contravention of international law, as well as the Constituent Act of the African Union, the UN Charter, as I already mentioned. and the principle of the peaceful coexistence of states. This AU resolution urged the lifting of sanctions against Zimbabwe, South Sudan, Eritrea, and reiterated the need to end the economic, financial blockade on— and social blockade on Cuba. President, distinguished delegates, the Africa Group is concerned by the multiplication of unilateral protectionist commercial measures adopted by some partners. These include mechanisms and taxes levied on the border which are discriminatory. They are de facto trade barriers which violate WTO rules. Africa's development— and this I'd like to emphasize— requires robust multilateral cooperation, as well as equitable cooperation within the global economy. Unilateral restrictions curb investment, technology transfer, and hamper our ability to integrate global value chains. These measures disproportionately hit the most vulnerable sectors of our societies, in particular women and children, all the while curbing access to essential services such as health and education. Mr. President, we must collectively ensure that no state nor country is left behind in the global quest for social— for sustainable development. Africa is emerging as a hub for development and technological advances. However, UCMs are preventing us from realizing our full potential, curbing our access to tools, partnerships, and financing, which is critical. By way of conclusion, Mr. President, the Africa Group would like to reassert its unswerving commitment to multilateralism, to peace, and to an international order that's inclusive and underpinned by rules respecting sovereignty, dignity, and the development aspirations of all nations, in particular those on the African continent.

Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Gabon, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of China.

President, China thanks you for arranging this debate and associates itself with the statements made by the representative of Iraq on behalf of G77 and China. and Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter. Today's world is plagued with rampant unilateralism, ascending law of the jungle, and raging unilateral coercive measures. On the 80th anniversary of the founding of the UN, it is of great significance for the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter to propose to establish an International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures. History has proven that UCMs are one of the culprits for international turbulence and disarray in world order. The international community must remain clear-headed, strengthen unity and cooperation, and firmly curb and stop this unlawful practice. China calls on all countries to support this draft resolution together and to join forces in defense of multilateralism and international fairness and justice. I would like to share a few points. UCMs contravene the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and undermine the foundation of multilateralism and international rule of law. The UN Charter laid the cornerstone of post-war international order and established basic norms of international relations such as sovereign equality and peaceful settlement of disputes. However, UCMs placed the domestic laws of one country above international law and the laws of other countries, flagrantly trampled on the principle of sovereign equality, willfully imposed sanctions without authorization from the Security Council, disregarded the authority of the Security Council's collective decision-making mechanism, and replaced dialogue and consultation with coercion and power politics, thus running counter to the spirit of multilateralism and international cooperation. UCMs violate the basic human rights of other countries and cause systemic humanitarian disasters. Under the pretext of so-called protecting human rights, a few Western countries arbitrarily impose unilateral coercive measures on other countries, severely violating the basic human rights of people of targeted countries. Such as their right to life, health, and development. In Cuba, the US's over 60-year-long embargo has caused hundreds of billions of dollars in losses. UCMs and the resulting secondary sanctions and overcompliance reduce the humanitarian exemptions of UN Security Council sanctions to empty words on paper and cripple humanitarian assistance. The UN Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur on the negative impacts of UCMs on the enjoyment of human rights, has pointed out that unilateral sanctions have led to shortages of healthcare services, medications, and energies in sanctioned countries, with vulnerable groups such as women, children, and the elderly facing particularly dire circumstances. UCMs rupture global development cooperation. And hobble the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Development is a universal right enjoyed by all countries, and all countries should equally enjoy the benefits of development. However, UCMs such as financial embargo, trade restrictions, and long-arm jurisdictions upend international economic trade and technological cooperation, assault the multilateral trade system centered on the WTO, and the global economic order, jeopardize the stability of global production and supply chains, exacerbate global food and energy crises, among others, and widen the wealth gap and South-North divide. UCMs have dealt a heavy blow to many countries originally with huge development potential, making their achievement of their Thank you. President, a few Western countries have instrumentalized and weaponized UCMs in an attempt to rationalize and legitimize the law of the jungle and the survival of the fittest. This is unilateralism, hegemony, and power politics through and through. Such illegal practice harms others and will eventually backfire and will surely be cast side by history. Over the past few decades, the GA has adopted over 100 resolutions opposing UCMs, highlighting their negative impact on human rights, and urging the U.S. to lift its embargo on Cuba. We call on a few Western countries to heed the just cause of the international community, implement their commitments to upholding the U.N. Charter and international law, and immediately, unconditionally, and completely lift all UCMs. We also call on member states, the UN system, and other international organizations to jointly oppose this unlawful practice and help targeted countries to mitigate their plight. As an important member of the Global South and a victim of the UCMs, China always stands on the side of fairness and justice, on the side of multilateralism, and on the side of developing countries. China is willing to work with all to jointly push back the regressive tide of unilateralism and hegemonism, and jointly uphold the international system with the U.N. at its center and the international order based on international law. and jointly promote the development of global governance in a more just and equitable direction so as to promote shared peace, stability, development, and prosperity for the entire humanity. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of China, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt.

Mr. President, Egypt aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and the G77 and China and the African Group. Egypt would like to reaffirm 2 additional points. The first is a legal observation and the second is a political observation, as follows. First, legally, Egypt believes that unilateral coercive measures that lead to the extraterritorial application or enforcement of laws or national legislation run counter to the norms of international law. In particular, these measures impinge on basic, well-established international legal norms, notably sovereign equality among nations, which is the norm that requires all countries to respect the independent legal personality of states and not to violate their rights inherent in national and territorial sovereignty. These unilateral coercive measures also violate the prohibition on the internal interference— on the interference in the internal affairs of states if the conditions are met. First of all, if these measures Reserved domain. —effect matters within the exclusive jurisdiction of states known as reserved domain, and second, if these measures are truly coercive. Egypt believes that norms related to the immunity of states from the jurisdiction of foreign states constitute a limitation on unilateral coercion. Coercive measures that could be imposed by countries, even if the impact of these measures or their implementation are limited to the jurisdiction of the state that is imposing these measures, and even if it doesn't extend to the jurisdiction of other countries. For example, Egypt believes that it is not permissible to seize the property of foreign states or the assets owned by their sovereign institutions and agencies that are present in the jurisdiction of another state, for these measures violate the immunity granted to this state and its institutions, agencies, and representatives from the jurisdiction or the enforcement of laws of foreign states. Politically, Egypt believes that resorting to to UCMs runs counter to multilateralism, and it is not in line with the values of the United Nations or the principles and purposes in Article 1 and 2 of its Charter. The fact that some countries and parties are resorting to these UCMs in order to achieve their political objectives— this runs counter to the objectives for which these United Nations were established. This is the forum for managing international relations on the basis of sovereign equality in order to achieve the common interest of our peoples. Egypt reaffirms its principled position that the United Nations must be the main forum to impose measures in order to confront political and security challenges confronting the international community. We recall the special responsibility by virtue of the Charter on the Security Council that must shoulder the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security in an efficient, neutral, and without double standards. This will eliminate the pretenses that these countries are resorting to in order to impose these sanctions outside the United Nations. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Republic of Tanzania.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, my delegation commends the President of the General Assembly and the government of Bolivia and Republic of Venezuela for convening this important assembly meeting. Mr. President, Tanzania remains deeply concerned about the continued position and the proliferation of unilaterally conceived measures as a tool of political and economic compulsion. These measures, whether in the form of economic sanctions, trade restrictions, or financial isolation, undermine the principles of the United Nations Charter, violate international law, and erode the the very fabric of multilateral cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are by their nature contrary to the principle of sovereignty equality, non-intervention, and peaceful coexistence. They are often imposed without the mandate of the Security Council and outside the framework of collective security. As such, They represent a form of economic aggression that not only targets governments but affects innocent civilians, depriving them of basic rights such as access to food, healthcare, education, and development. Mr. President, it is regrettable that in today's interconnected and interdependent world, Certain actors continue to use forces or threats rather than dialogue or engagement and pressure rather than partnership. This action fragments the international system, fuels instability, and sets dangerous precedents that jeopardize global peace and sustainable development. In this regard, Tanzania reiterated that unilateral forces measures have no place in a rule-based multilateral order. They undermine the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, particularly in developing countries, where the compounded effect of climate change, global economic shocks, and constrained fiscal space already threaten to reverse decades of hard-won progress. We are particularly alarmed by extraterritorial application of such measures, which extend their harmful reach beyond the target states, affecting third parties, commercial actors, and regional cooperation frameworks. This practice not only violates the sovereignty of the state but also disrupt global trade and financial systems. Mr. President, the United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly affirmed its rejection of unilateral conceived measures, including through annual resolutions calling for their elimination. We welcome these efforts and urge all member states to uphold this shared principle by refraining from adopting or maintaining measures that contravene international law and the Charter of the United Nations. In conclusion, Mr. President, let us recommit to the foundational ideals of our Charter: respect for sovereignty, peaceful settlement of disputes, and international cooperation for development. Let us remember that economic pressure and political compulsion cannot replace genuine partnership, mutual respect, and constructive engagement. The United Republic of Tanzania reaffirms its principled opposition to all forms of unilateral coercive measures and calls upon the international community to work collectively toward their total and unconditional elimination. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Angola.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. President, Excellencies, thank you for giving me the floor. We welcome the convening of this important meeting. Angola aligns itself with the statement delivered by Iraq, Gabon, and Zimbabwe on behalf of G77+China, the African Group, and Southern African Development Community, SADC, respectively. Allow us to make additional remarks on our national capacity. Angola reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the principles of the United Nations Charter and multilateralism as a universal approach to address complex global challenges. Unilateral coercive measures are contrary to international law international humanitarian law, the UN Charter and the norms and principles governing peaceful relations among States, and severely harms the human rights and development prospects of affected populations. We express our full solidarity with all Member States that continue to suffer under the weight of such measures, impeding their access to healthcare, education, finance, and sustainable development. We call on member states that are applying these unfair unilateral measures to end them permanently and refrain from using them again. Mr. President, in Africa, Zimbabwe stands as a stark example of these unreasonable and unfair measures. For over 2 decades, the country has endured sanctions imposed outside of the framework of the UN Security Council, with far-reaching impact on its people and neighboring countries. In her 2021 report on Zimbabwe, the UN Special Rapporteur, Professor Alina Duan, conclude that, and I quote, sanctions, including secondary sanctions and different forms of compliance by foreign banks and companies, have had a significant impact on the population and the government, exacerbating pre-existing economic and humanitarian challenges, end of quote. She recommended lifting unilateral sanctions in line with the principles of international law. SADC has also called for the complete and unconditional removal of all unilateral coercive measures and designated October 25th as the Day for Solidarity Against Sanctions Imposed on Zimbabwe. Mr. President, in Latin America, Cuba has suffered an unfair and justify economic, commercial, and financial embargo over 6 decades, which prevented the country to implement the macroeconomic programs and to be fully integrated in the international trading system. This embargo, contrary to the UN Charter and international law, is causing huge material losses and economic damage to the people of Cuba and undermining the country's ability to achieve Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Angola has consistently defended the unconditional lifting of the economic, commercial, and financial embargo imposed on Cuba. Mr. President, under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, we made a collective pledge to leave no one behind. Yet, unilateral coercive measures are directly undermining the target countries' ability to implement their national agenda, to ensure economic, social and cultural rights, as well as the right to development. These measures do not promote peace or reform. Instead, they deepen divisions, hinder progress weaken cooperation among nations, and negate the tenets of the Pact for the Future. To conclude, Angola calls for renewed global solidarity and commitment to uphold dialogue, mutual respect, the principle of sovereign equality among states, and multilateralism as the foundation for global peace, development, and human dignity for all. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Angola, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Nicaragua.

Muchas gracias, señor presidente.

Thank you very much, Mr. President. Nicaragua aligns itself with the speeches made by Iraq on behalf of the G77 and China, by Uganda, on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and by Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the United Nations Charter. We reaffirm our firm condemnation of the unilateral sanctions, which are weapons of economic war used to attempt to impose political submission, to undermine the independence and development of peoples. These unilateral coercive measures, many of which are of an extraterritorial nature, are a flagrant violation of international law, of the principles of sovereignty, non-interference, and legal equality of states. They represent a form of colonialism. Disguised in phony discourse of human rights and democracy. Since the year 1983, this Assembly has recognized the harmful nature of these measures. However, 40 years since then, these measures continue to be applied with impunity imposing— imposed through domination, economic interests, and geostrategic interests. The United States, with the support of the European Union and other powers, has turned the imposition of sanctions into a systemic tool of foreign policy. It's a machinery of coercion, punishment, and blackmail Used to force changes of government, to destabilize economies, and to interfere in internal affairs and break the will of peoples. It has been documented that more than a third of humanity today is directly or indirectly victim to these measures. More than 30 countries face. Actions in one form or another. This means millions of people are deprived of food, medication, medical equipment, technology, fuel, or financing due to these cruel and inhumane practices. In Nicaragua, we have been subject to extraterritorial laws such as the notorious NICA Act and the so-called RENACER Act. Through the— this legislation, they seek to block access, our country's access to financial resources, to block our international cooperation and paralyze our institutions through threats against public officials. And all of this with the own— the singular goal of asphyxiating our economy and punishing our people. And our people are not giving in, nor will they be sold out. Mr. President, in Nicaragua, despite this imperial offensive, we have continued to build a model based on social justice, solidarity, inclusion, and sovereignty. We have ensured free healthcare, education for all people, social programs, security for our citizens, and sustained economic growth. And we have achieved this without giving in to blackmail. Because above all of this, what we do have is dignity. Our country has been recognized by international organizations for showing transparency in its management of resources, for the effectiveness of our programs and the headway made in the fight against organized crime, drug trafficking, and money laundering. What's the point then in making life difficult for a country that is working towards stability and peace. Coercive measures kill in the same way bullets do. They kill children when they don't receive treatment, women who can't access medication, families who can't feed themselves. They're a modern form of silent war, of indirect extermination that increases poverty. The attempt to destroy, in whole or in part, free people with dignity, depriving them of their livelihoods, health, food, and development, is a crime against humanity. Mr. President, it speaks volumes that while some actors insist on applying their unilateral coercive measures against sovereign states using selfish political pretexts, these same actors stay completely silent or continue to act in complicity when we see massive violations of human rights and the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people. The inaction of international mechanisms when it comes to indiscriminate bombing, forced displacement, and collective punishment in Gaza lays bare the double standards and double morals of Western countries that are weakening the multilateral system. It's not enough to simply call it out. What is required is action. This assembly cannot continue to bear witness to— in silence to crimes that are ruining lives, blocking development, and violating all of the principles of international law. Nicaragua reiterates its commitment in defense of the United Nations Charter, of international law, of cooperation with solidarity, and the consolidation of the multipolar world order that is just, equitable, and respectful of the sovereignty of peoples. Our solidarity and support for all governments of people and peoples that are fighting against these criminal unilateral coercive measures that are only perpetuating poverty and terror in the peoples that are suffering from the impacts of these terrorist measures. While some continue to promote the threat of the use of force and the use of force, interference, embargoes, and wars, Nicaragua will always raise its voice in favor of peace, mutual respect, sovereignty, and self-determination, as well as social justice and above all true brotherhood between the peoples of the world. Thank you very much.

Doy las gracias al distinguido.

I thank the distinguished representative of Nicaragua, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico.

Mr. President, I thank you for this opportunity to participate on behalf of my country in this plenary meeting. The threat of imposing unilateral economic measures has become a very key topical issue at the moment. Mexico has a very clear position as it— when it comes to the topic we're dealing with today. We reject the imposition of unilateral laws or measures of economic or political embargo against any country. We believe that unilateral acts of this nature are an affront to the sovereignty of states, that they violate the principles of Mexican foreign policy, and that they are counter to international law. They also negatively impact the full realization of human rights and can interfere with humanitarian assistance. Mexico believes that it's essential to prevent the application of coercive measures as an instrument of pressure, whether it be political or economic, when they are not authorized by the competent international bodies. We are also opposed to unilateral measures that breach the basic principles of the multilateral trade system or that do not respect the principles of international law laid out in the United Nations Charter. Mexico recalls that the collective security system of the United Nations Charter establishes mechanisms to resolve disputes between states such as means for the peaceful settlement of disputes as established in Article 33 of the United Nations Charter and the measures mandated by the Security Council pursuant to the 7th chapter of our Charter. The United Nations Security Council, according to Chapter 7, has the capacity to adopt coercive measures in order to keep or reestablish peace and international peace and security. Based on this understanding, unilateral coercive measures are illegal. And they have grave consequences on the economic development of the states and peoples that they are imposed against. Mexico condemns the fact that this type of unilateral measures have seen an unprecedented increase over recent years. More than 30 countries in the world that are home jointly to more than a third of humanity are being affected either directly— rather directly by these measures. These measures have also indirect effects, particularly on international trade and on harmonious relations between nations. While coercive economic measures have increased, we have also seen an increase in the international community's determination to highlight the fact that they are illegal. In September 2024, the Pact for the Future, adopted in the context of the Summit for the Future, included as part of Action 5 a reference to the multilateral trade system as a driving force of sustainable development, urging states to refrain from enacting or applying unilateral coercive measures. Following up on the Palenque meeting for fraternal neighborly relations with well-being that took place in October 2023, we reiterate our appeal to lift unilateral coercive measures imposed against the countries in our region, in particular those that limit their capacities to provide well-being for their peoples. These measures contribute to regional instability, to the weakening of public finances, and to the increase in illegal migration. Given the above, I wish to reiterate that Mexico is participating in this meeting in order to categorically reject sanctions that are imposed unilaterally, since it is only the Security Council that has the right to apply such measures. I also wish to emphasize that Mexico is a country that prizes multilateralism, dialogue, and the respect for international law. Thank you very much, President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Mexico, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ethiopia.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you, Mr. President. Ethiopia aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and the G77 in China and delivered by the Republic of Gabon on behalf of the Africa Group. Application of unilateral coercive measures against member states of the United Nations is incompatible with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Their imposition undermines the sovereignty of states and the principle of non-intervention and the credibility of the multilateral system. The application of these unlawful measures has continued to impede the socio-economic development of affected countries. Their effects are enormously distressing people's lives and livelihoods. They create obstacles on the full realization of the Sustainable Development Goals and the Pact for the Future. Furthermore, these challenges, coupled with impediments to access to international trade and finance, have further exacerbated the situation of affected countries, adversely impacting their development gains. As we continue in our collective efforts to mitigate the effects of climate change, unilateral coercive measures have continued to pose serious threats, limiting the ability of affected countries to mitigate negative impacts of climate change. It's against this backdrop, Mr. President, that we call for these harmful measures to be abandoned in accordance with international law and the UN Charter. Imposing extraterritorial measures that compromise the sovereignty of States should be entirely avoided. There is now a growing understanding and consensus within the majority of the international community on the adverse impacts of unilateral coercive measures. If there is any legitimate body that can authorize such measures, in conformity with international law, it should be the United Nations. It's in this context that we call for dialogue and diplomacy to be utilized as only tools for resolving disputes. We support cooperation, mutual respect, and adherence to international law as pillars to ensure a peaceful and equitable world. Ethiopia reiterates its call for immediate and unconditional lifting of all unilateral coercive measures on all affected states and particularly on developing countries. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ethiopia, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.

Mr. President, I would like to thank the President of the General Assembly for convening this meeting. I also express my appreciation to the distinguished representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and Eritrea, respectfully, for submission and introduction of the draft resolution on International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures. Mr. President, as highlighted by the United Nations General Assembly in this— and it's in its relevant resolution, unilateral coercive measures have negative effect on international cooperation. The negative impact of unilateral coercive measures not only implicate state-to-state economic relations, but also that of private entities nearly in all sectors such as food industry, health technology, civil aviation, environment, etc. The detrimental impact and negative humanitarian consequences of unilateral coercive measures are manifest. Eventually, And as highlighted by the Special Rapporteur on UCMs, such so-called exemptions are nonexistent in reality. Claims of such exemptions are a false narrative aimed at deflecting the illegal nature and grave consequences of these unlawful measures on the populations of affected countries. Nonetheless, the very unlawful nature of unilateral coercive measures could not be precluded with such claims. Mr. President, unilateral coercive measures violate a multitude of established international legal norms. These measures constitute flagrant violations of the fundamental principles of international law and the principles set forth within the Charter of the United Nations, in particular sovereign equality and non-intervention. Unilateral coercive measures undermine the rights and freedom of States to engage in international economic cooperation and to choose the forms of organization of their foreign economic relations. Such measures are unlawful. They could not be justified under misleading labels, nor could they be compared in any manner with the United Nations Security Council sanctions. That might be adopted in accordance with the Charter and in full compliance with international law. In the light of the foregoing, the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations have submitted a draft resolution for consideration by the General Assembly today. It aims to designate an International Day Against UCMs. As for To raise global awareness on the adverse effect of unilateral coercive measures and to promote international cooperation and respect for international law, we invite member states to actively support the draft resolution. Mr. President, in the present august international setting established on this— the basis of the Charter of the United Nations, It would be a remiss if we don't refer to one of the ongoing flagrant violations of the Charter of the United Nations and threats to international peace and security. On June 13th, the Israeli regime initiated an unprovoked and premeditated aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran, targeting civilian-populated areas where millions of people live killing hundreds of civilians, including women, children, scientists, and university professors, while leaving more than 1,000 injured. The criminal regime of Israel has also committed acts of terrorism by targeting Iranian peaceful nuclear facilities, which are under full supervision of the IAEA. These are without doubt horrendous crimes, violated all red lines. Such abhorrent crimes don't surprise anyone, as the genocidal regime has demonstrated since the illegitimate inception to the present day its total criminal nature and hatred towards the international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We strongly condemn the act of aggression, egregious crimes, and terrorist attack on the of the Israeli regime. The Islamic Republic of Iran does not hesitate to exercise its right to self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, as it is acting decisively in these consequences right now. To conclude, I would like to seize the opportunity to pay tribute to all of our people, including our fallen heroes, senior military officials, who defended our country throughout the ongoing terrorist attacks of the Israeli regime, some of whom were martyred along with their family members. Our message is clear. Make no mistake, our people will not falter in their resolve to defend their homeland against the Israeli regime. We will not allow it to operate with impunity. Impunity, the regime will be held full accountable. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and I give the floor now to the distinguished representative of Indonesia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Indonesia aligns itself with the statements of ASEAN, G77 and China, and the Non-Aligned Movement. We welcome this annual debate, which continues to spotlight the persistent and unjust practice of unilateral coercive measures, as its application reflects a pattern of double standards, fractures solidarity, and widens trust deficit among nations while having no basis in international law. We also regret that UCMs are often targeted to developing countries. In this regard, allow me to highlight 3 key points. First, the humanitarian toll of the UCMs is staggering. Too often, UCM is claimed under the pretext of human rights protection, yet in practice they obstruct access to health, food, education, and humanitarian They restrict movement and choke local economies. They deny people the basic dignity of choice and opportunity. The suffering caused by these measures does not discriminate. It falls hardest on the most vulnerable. This is not the path to peace. This is a machinery of harm. These measures undermine the Sustainable Development Goals and global development cooperation. Second, the need to restore the primacy of inclusive and reality-based dialogue. UCM as a tool of political or economic pressure has profound impacts for communities on the ground. The voices of those directly affected— women, children, the elderly, and the poor— must be placed at the center of our response. In every sanctioned economy, it is the powerless who pay the highest price. Third, ending UCM must be part of the broader UN reform agenda. The continued use of illegal sanctions undermines the UN's authority and weakens trust in its ability to uphold the Charter. Reforming multilateralism must begin with restoring confidence in the rule of law, not the rule of the mighty. Mr. President, to conclude, Indonesia reaffirms its principled rejection of UCM in all forms. We therefore support the draft resolution for an International Day Against UCM. We see it not merely as a symbolic gesture but as a call to action to raise awareness and reaffirm our shared duty to uphold rule of law and multilateralism. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Belarus.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. President, the Republic of Belarus would like to align itself with the statement delivered by the Group of Defense of the UN Charter and the NAM delivered by Venezuela and Uganda respectively. The topic of unilateral coercive measures, UCMs, is being discussed here at the General Assembly not for the first time, as well as in GA main committees, in the Human Rights Council, as well as in other UN forums. UN bodies and agencies. In our discussion of this topic, a small group of states which use these measures to implement their foreign policy are constantly trying to hoodwink member states using blatant lies regarding the substance, the content, and the effects of UCMs and unilateral sanctions. Therefore, we'd like to clarify some of the components of this very vast topic. any UCMs without Security Council authorization or ones that overstep a Security Council authorization, which cannot be seen as countermeasures or response measures, are illegal under international law. They constitute unilateral coercive measures which were condemned on numerous occasions by the Human Rights Council as well as by the GA. In every specific situation, Unilateral coercive measures have corrosive effects on human rights, including the right to life, to health, to freedom from hunger, to an adequate standard of living, nutrition, education, labor, the right to development, and housing as well. Unilateral sanctions have a negative impact on the health of all people in all countries under sanctions, including access to necessary medicines, medical facilities, medical equipment, and qualified medical treatment. This fact applies to all kinds of UCMs irrespective of what they formally seek to achieve. This includes economic, financial, political, and all other measures, whether they cover the entire government or they're targeted towards a specific sector. Sector, individuals, companies, or non-state entities. The real objective of UCMs is to try and change the policy or the behavior of another state, to bend other states to comply in violation of their sovereign rights, to achieve some kind of advantage, to ensure some kind of advantage, or to compel a state under sanctions to do something. States introducing UCMs deemed them to be an instrument of foreign policy, an administrative mechanism to ensure— and this means that the presumption of innocence and the right to a fair trial are not respected. UCMs, ways of implementing them, and their excessive implementation results in flagrant violations of human rights in countries under sanctions. The UN General Assembly has on numerous occasions expressed its deep disquiet by the fact that in spite of recommendations adopted on this topic by the GA itself, by the Human Rights Council, by the Commission on Human Rights, and participants in recent large UN conferences, and also in spite of the UN Charter and international law, despite all of the above, UCMs are still being introduced and implemented with all of the nefarious consequences this has, whether that be humanitarian, socioeconomic, with an impact on developing countries. They also have extraterritorial consequences, these measures, which erect additional barriers to the full implementation of rights in all countries and by all peoples in the jurisdictions of states under sanctions. Regardless of the rationale given for UCMs, they either directly or indirectly affect the citizens and residents of all countries against which such measures are imposed. And yet UCMs incommensurately hit vulnerable groups. They have particular consequences for women and children, as well as adolescents, older persons, and persons with disabilities. Their corrosive impact is similar to that of secondary sanctions, which are sometimes even more destructive. Unclear rationale for the implementation of secondary unilateral sanctions and very strict rules for revising UCMs, restricting access to justice in the context of secondary sanctions, and the concept of creeping extraterritorial jurisdiction when the grounds for extraterritorial application is deliberately interpreted in a certain sphere so as to broaden the application of primary sanctions and ensure their excessive implementation paints a very bleak picture of how UCMs are being deliberately wielded by some states. I'd now like to add that what I just said is not simply ideas. These are quotations from UN reports and resolutions adopted by UN member states. All of this has been painstakingly set down on paper. attesting to the inhumane nature of these sanctions. Civil servants of those states who know full well about the consequences of UCMs, well, that will be on their conscience, the conscience of those who listened to or read this statement. Our approach is well known. We call for full and irreversible abolishment of these measures. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Belarus, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Chile.

Mr. President, Chile aligns itself with the delegations of Iraq and Uganda on behalf of the G77 and China and the Non-Aligned Movement, respectively. Chile is grateful for this opportunity to speak at this debate, and we reaffirm our firm commitment to the rules-based international order, the respect of international law, and the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Including the sovereign equality of states, the non-interference in internal affairs, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Based on this conviction, we reaffirm that the application of unilateral coercive measures is against international law. The only legitimate sanctions are the ones adopted by the Security Council when it is fulfilling its role in the maintenance of international peace and security pursuant to Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter. Unilateral coercive measures have concrete and profoundly negative effects on the populations of the affected countries, particularly in contexts of high vulnerability. They limit access to finance, trade, technology, and international cooperation, restricting the capacity of states to design and implement public policies geared towards achieving well-being for citizens. Their impact on development is undeniable. They have an impact on key sectors such as health, education, food security, and energy. making it harder to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. These measures do not punish governments, but rather what they do is worsen the living conditions of the populations in open contradiction of the international commitments to human rights and development. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the OHCHR of the United Nations, has documented these impacts repeatedly. The Special Rapporteur on the negative repercussions of UCMs has underscored that said measures have a direct impact on the most vulnerable populations. They limit access to medication, food, and essential provisions, and they have a paralyzing effect on international cooperation. In this regard, it's fundamental to recall that the 2030 Agenda itself, our unilateral— rather, our universal framework to eradicate poverty, to reduce inequalities, and ensure more just societies, recognizes expressly the harmful effects of these measures on sustainable development, especially for developing countries, urging states states to abstain from applying them. The fact is that unilateral coercive measures directly undermine the founding principles of the 2030 Agenda, which are universality, inclusion, respect for human rights, and the commitment to leave no one behind. Mr. President, Chile wishes to make it clear that differences between states must be addressed through dialogue, through diplomacy, and through multilateral mechanisms, never by unilaterally imposing measures that cause suffering and entrench inequalities. For these reasons, Chile will support draft resolution A79/L93, convinced that moving towards the elimination of these measures is essential in order to strengthen multilateralism, to protect human rights, And to ensure inclusive, just, and sustainable development for all. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Chile, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea.

Thank you, Mr. President. My delegation aligns itself with the statements made by the distinguished representatives, the distinguished permanent representatives of Gabon on behalf of the African Group, by Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, and by Iraq on behalf of the G77 and China, and also the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the United Nations Charter. In our national capacity, I nevertheless wish to share a few thoughts. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea, a state that loves peace, condemns the use and imposition of unilateral coercive and extraterritorial measures under any form or for whatever pretext. Based on the understanding that these measures undermine established international law, the established international order, and represent a blatant violation of the United Nations Charter and of international law, as well of the norms and principles that govern friendly relationships and cooperation between states and also the Charter of the Economic Duties and Rights of States. These measures that we're discussing this morning lead to a more and more fractured world and lead us further from the common plan for peace and prosperity for people and the planet. I'm referring now, of course, to the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations, where all of us committed to not leave anybody behind. Ultimately, these measures violate the principles of sovereign equality between states and non-interference in their internal affairs. They are a stumbling block to the full enjoyment of human rights. Such as the right to an adequate quality of life, and they aggravate the situation of the most vulnerable groups of societies, in particular women, girls, and persons with disabilities. What's more, they distort trade and flows of investment, and they have a negative impact on international economic cooperation and make global efforts to move towards a multilateral trading system harder— that is, a system that is open, transparent, and non-discriminatory. What's more, they prevent and limit the resolution of conflicts by way of mutual dialogue, understanding, and peaceful means. Mr. President, It's not a secret that unilateral coercive measures are used as a tool to exert pressure on developing countries and countries of the Global South in particular. And the goal is to coerce other states and force them into subordination in the exercise of their sovereign rights in order to promote the international political interests of the state or group of states using these measures. This practice, this premeditated and unjustifiable practice, has been imperiling the very destiny of these countries. My delegation therefore reiterates its staunch support to the total elimination and lifting of unilateral extraterritorial coercive economic measures or other measures imposed unilaterally, particularly against Zimbabwe, South Sudan, and Eritrea. At the same time, I reiterate our concern over the precarious economic, social, and humanitarian situation that the Cuban people are still facing as a result of the the protracted embargo imposed against Cuba by the United States, and we call upon them to lift these longstanding damaging sanctions against Cuba. Also, the policies of some international banking entities that without any valid justification whatsoever are rejecting transactions, routine payments between governments. We consider this type of behavior to be, um, a means of dissuasion by some countries. We call upon member states to strengthen multilateral cooperation and to work jointly firmly against these unjust measures and to promote the establishment of an international order that is more equitable and just, that safeguards the legitimate rights of all countries to peace and development. President, I wish to conclude by reaffirming the commitment of Equatorial Guinea to the promotion of a diplomacy of peace, as well as the preservation and strengthening of the multilateral decision-making process through the United Nations, in particular when it comes to protectionist and unilateralist policies. And based on this, we will vote in favor of the resolution, the International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures, put forward by the distinguished delegation of Eritrea as a clear manifestation of our rejection illegal practices that are counter to the United Nations Charter and to international law. We hope that other delegations will do the same. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea, and I now give the floor to To the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation, Mr.

President, at the outset. We would like to thank our Venezuelan friends and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Venezuela, Mr. Hill, personally for convening this plenary UNGA meeting. The Russian Federation aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter. We'd like to make the following remarks in a national capacity. In September of 2024, the General Assembly adopted by consensus Resolution 78/329, 78/329, which switched the debates on this agenda item from a triennial to a biennial basis. This attests to the importance of this topic for the International community, that is ensuring the swiftest possible repeal of unilateral coercive measures, UCMs. Today, we have an excellent opportunity to issue a comprehensive assessment of this illegitimate practice. Clearly, UCMs are a serious stumbling block on the way towards building a fair and equal polycentric world order. They are one of the main instruments neocolonial policy, a policy pursued by Western states. These Western states use the logic of global dominance in their thinking and their actions. Their objective is clear: to hold on to their dominance, which is slipping from their grasp, and to deprive the states of the Global South from the ability to pursue an independent domestic and foreign policy, as well as to restrain their technological and industrial development. In other words, they want to make states of the Global South obediently bend to the Western states' will. The only difference with the colonial period is the methodology. In the arsenal of Western states, we have banks being cut off from the system of international settlements, freezing of sovereign assets, trade embargoes, restrictions on cooperation in cutting-edge technologies, airspace closures. And blockades on the freedom of navigation. On the freedom of navigation. The principle of the responsibility of third states, as well as their authorities, citizens, and businesses' responsibility for supporting and developing mutually beneficial economic relations with those under unilateral restrictions. Now, this principle, in other words, secondary sanctions, is increasingly common. Such actions— Undermine the norms enshrined in the 1970 Declaration on the Principles of International Law related to friendly relations and cooperation between states, among which the principle of the sovereign equality of states and non-interference in internal affairs. Moreover, UCMs are at odds with one of the key principles of the 2030 Agenda, leaving no one behind, as many delegations said today. They complicate the access of countries under UCMs to resources for development, including cutting-edge technologies, effective treatment, medical treatment, as well as a vast array of foodstuffs and other basic necessities. By impeding fully fledged development of the states of the Global South, UCMs undermine efforts to resolve crisis situations. They are non-selective in nature, meaning they violate the fundamental freedoms and rights of people, which is something that's been repeatedly condemned by UNGA and Human Rights Council resolutions. Thus, the Russian Federation actively supports the mandate of the Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of UCMs, of UCMs on the enjoyment of human rights, Ms. Ilona Dewan. In particular, I'd like to highlight that the practice of UCMs contradicts the UN Charter. The founding document of the United Nations states that the prerogative to implement such strong measures falls exclusively within the purview of the Security Council. It is this UN body that is vested by the international community with the power to determine whether there is a threat to peace and security and to mount the the optimal response thereto. Against this backdrop, the implementation of UCMs is illegal. It is a unilateral attempt to usurp the unique sanctions powers of the Security Council being made by specific countries. Everyone knows that this is something the collective West does. Most frequently, it is guided by geopolitical considerations. Over the last few years, unprecedented pressure has been exerted on our country as well, gabbling through more and more sanctions packages. In doing so, Western states have outdone themselves. In practice, they've basically raided and seized the assets of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation. And this despite the fact that coercive measures are a violation of the norms of international law as regards the immunity of states and the property of states. Despite the West's determination to deal the maximum possible economic blow on the Russian Federation, our economy remains sustainable and is growing. And yet the West is hitting global trade, and the very integrity of the international financial system is under threat. These thoughtless actions enacted by the West can have very corrosive, destructive consequences for the entire international community. A shining example of this is the situation regarding the supply of Russian fertilizers and agricultural products to global markets. Owing to large-scale blockages and restrictions imposed by Brussels, London, and Washington on our agricultural exports, we saw our financial and logistical chains broken. As a result, We saw insurance premiums increase and as a result prices on agricultural produce rose up to 10%. Clearly, this had the most negative impact on global food security and on countries most in need, especially those in the Global South. Consumers in those countries have to bear the costs of the sanctions measures imposed by Western states. It's worth noting that sanctions in principle should not apply to these categories of products. This has been repeatedly reasserted by the UN Secretariat and by the Secretary-General, Mr. Guterres, himself. Mr. Guterres signed the UN-Russia Memorandum of Understanding on the normalization of Russian agricultural exports back in July of 2022. And yet, over the last 3 years, despite the joint efforts made by our experts and UN experts, we haven't really seen any practical results, that is, the lifting of restrictions or the introduction of fully fledged legally binding exemptions. This did not come to pass. Unilateral legal sanctions apply not just to commercial supplies but also humanitarian activities. In September of 2022, An initiative aiming to ensure the ex gratia supply of 300,000 tons of Russian fertilizers to the poorest countries. These were illegally seized in EU ports. In almost 3 years, we managed to ensure only 5 deliveries to Malawi, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Sri Lanka. Roughly 200,000 tons of products in total were delivered. In warehouses in Estonia, Latvia, Belgium, and the Netherlands, there are still over 90,000 tons of fertilizers sitting idle. They have not been distributed to date, and this despite the fact that the company which owns this fertilizer is bearing all of the delivery costs and is covering the costs associated with the WFP system. serving as intermediary. Thus, today more than ever, it's important for responsible members of the global majority to stand up in the fight against illegitimate unilateral coercive measures and other expressions of neocolonialism. An important initiative on this front is the International Interparty Forum of Supporters Against the Modern Practice of Neocolonialism. The movement called for the freedom of nations. The next meeting of the Standing Committee of that movement will take place in June of this year and in Algeria. This is a permanent international mechanism where respected political forces from different countries plan joint steps in the vein of anti-neocolonialism for the benefit of their peoples' general prosperity and development. In the vanguard of efforts to combat neocolonial practices, we have the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter, which has proven to be an effective instrument for defending the priorities and interests of the Global South. Without a doubt, the group can be credited with the adoption in 2024 by an overwhelming majority of UNGA member states of a resolution entitled Eradicating Colonialism in All of Its Forms and Manifestations. The resolution aims to ensure the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence dated 1960. This step should firmly place the anti-colonial agenda in the spotlight of the international community. It's worth noting that the resolution is non-confrontational and constructive in nature. This year, the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter intends to submit for the GA's consideration the issue of the proclamation of the 14th of December as the International Day Against Colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. We believe that adopting such a decision in 2025, when we celebrate the 65th anniversary of the 1960 Declaration, will have symbolic value and pave the way for anti-colonial work to become systemic. In a similar fashion, the draft resolution that is being submitted for the GA's consideration— it will be in fact submitted by our Venezuelan colleagues on behalf of the group— this draft resolution calls for the proclamation of the 4th of December International Day Against UCMs, as well as the convening of an annual General Assembly meeting on this crucial topic. We have co-sponsored this draft resolution, we fully support it, and we are counting on all Member States following in our footsteps. To conclude, a genuinely fair, multipolar architecture of international relations— something we all aspire to— has no place for coercion nor neocolonial hegemony. This means that Sooner or later, illegitimate UCMs will come to an end. It is within our power to accelerate this process by uniting forces to fight the vestiges of colonialism. This is the only way for the international community to build a world order free from the diktat of sanctions and in the interests of all humanity. I thank you.

Doy las gracias al distinguido. I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. We've heard the last speaker in the debate on this item for this meeting. We will hear from the remaining speakers this afternoon at 3 PM in this hall. The meeting is adjourned.