General Assembly: 93rd plenary meeting, 79th session

I call to order the 93rd plenary session of the General Assembly. The Assembly will now resume its consideration of sub-item A of agenda item 123 entitled Strengthening of the United Nations system to hear the remaining statements and explanation of vote after the vote on draft decision A/79/L.119/Rev.1? Before giving the floor for explanations of vote after the vote, may I remind delegations that explanations of vote are limited to ten minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. First of all, I recognise Turkey.

Thank you, Mr. President. We appreciate the Secretary-General's initiative aimed at taking practical and concrete steps towards a consultative review of the mandate implementation. Establishing an informal ad hoc working group to consider the Secretary-General's report and to identify principles and follow-up actions in improving the creation, delivery and review of mandates is a natural next step for the launch of an intergovernmental process. This is a welcome step in our efforts to render the UN more cost-efficient, agile and resilient at a time of increased scrutiny. Appointment of two co-chairs to the ad hoc group as well as the working methods outlined in the decision, should be carefully implemented to preserve the delicate balance among the three pillars of the United Nations. It is equally important to ensure that this process does not create conditions that might inadvertently narrow the scope of the UN's agenda or diminish its role in a manner that appears preemptive or prejudiced. The consultations must be transparent, comprehensive and collective, and enough time must be allocated for them to run their course. It is critical that, under this ad hoc working group, all Member States and observers act in good will and strive for consensus during their deliberations. Turkey stands ready to contribute to this process, and we are committed to ensure that this endeavour yields positive outcomes for a more effective United Nations. We reiterate that it is critical to strike the right balance between the efficiency and capability. While enhancing efficiency is a shared objective, such efforts should not come at the cost of the UN's critical lifesaving work on the ground, nor should they be used to undermine the organization's central role in the multilateral system. Turkey as host to numerous UN offices and situated in a region facing multiple conflicts and evolving challenges, stands ready to contribute actively and constructively to the ongoing reform processes. In addition to this national statement, Mr. President, we also aligned with the EU statement.

Thank you. I thank Turkey. I give the floor to the UK.

Thank you, Chair. The UK welcomes this resolution and the establishment of an informal ad hoc working group to consider the proposals contained in the Secretary-General's mandates report. As Member States, we have a responsibility to play our part in the UN 80 process to make the UN as efficient and effective as it can be and ready to take on the challenges of the modern world. As the Secretary-General's report says, we have given the UN over 40,000 mandates since 1946. So, at a time when the UN is facing unprecedented challenges, we should all support the Secretary-General's ambition to improve the creation, delivery and review of the mandates that guide its work. In order for the ad hoc working group to be effective, we need to be clear on the specific deliverables that it can achieve. Its overarching focus must be on agreeing clear and tangible outputs. As part of that, for example, we need to work on how we identify the duplication that exists in mandates now and how we will address that in a concrete way. We should not spend all our time and effort simply trying to agree on theoretical principles. It is also critical that the aims of the group's work cover all aspects of the Secretary-General's report, including improving how effectively mandates can be implemented. In this regard, we also welcome the resolution's request for the Secretary-General to provide substantive support to the group to carry out its work. The first step of this group should be to request more detailed proposals from the Secretariat on streamlining mandate implementation to enable this concrete decision-making. We look forward to starting discussions on the group's ways of working and to working alongside the Secretary General and other member states to advance this important strand of the UN 80 process in the coming months.

Thank you. Thank you. China is next.

President. China associates itself with the statement made by Iraq on behalf of G77 and China. The current international landscape is marked by intertwined changes and turmoil with ever increasing global challenges. Strengthening multilateralism, enhancing the role of the UN and reforming and improving global governance represent the shared aspiration of all countries and the overarching goal of the UN80 initiative. The GS decision to establish an informal ad hoc working group will inject new momentum into the UN80 initiative, which China commends. Regarding the work of the ad hoc working group, China would like to share three suggestions. First, principles must be adhered to. The ad hoc working group must bear in mind the goal of upholding the status and authority of the UN, comply with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, promote the effective implementation of the work under the three pillars, and enhance the UN's agility, responsiveness and resilience to enable the UN to effectively play an important and irreplaceable role in global governance. Second, priority areas must be identified. In the development field, it is imperative to take into full consideration the immense needs of developing countries and to squarely face the reality that two-thirds of SDGs are lagging behind. Progress in development must be genuinely guaranteed from the perspective of institutional mechanism and resource allocation in the peace and security area, where some mandates come from the Security Council. The ad hoc working group must strengthen communication and coordination with the Security Council to build synergy. In the human rights sphere, we must advocate for cooperation rather than confrontation and strive for unity rather than division. Third, proper working methods must be adopted. The ad hoc working group should adopt an open, transparent, inclusive and pragmatic approach. The co-chairs must listen extensively to the views of Member States, promote cooperation and common understanding and build consensus. The Secretariat must present concrete reform proposals to member states for discussion and provide strong support to the ad hoc working group in its timely completion of all its work. Recently, President Xi Jinping of China proposed the Global Governance Initiative. This initiative is in line with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. It aims at providing firm support to the central role of the UN in international affairs. and encourages all countries to leverage multilateral mechanisms such as the UN to participate in the reform and development of the global governance system, enabling it to keep up with the times and become more effective and responsive in the face of the current challenges. Guided by this initiative, China will continue to work closely with all countries and the Secretariat to jointly advance the reforms in the direction of contributing to a more just and rational global governance system to the long-term development of the UN and to the common interests of member states. Thank you, President.

Thank you very much. The Russian Federation has the floor.

Mr. President, At the outset, I would like to thank the Chair, the President of the General Assembly, for preparing the draft decision of the Assembly on the creation of an open group to discuss the report of the Secretary-General on the review of mandate implementation through the UN 80 reform initiative. We would also like to extend our gratitude for the new version, L.119/Rev.1, which is the most balanced version, considering the proposals and the remarks of the delegations. The Russian Federation once more notes the importance of ensuring the key role of Member States in the adoption of decisions on UN 80. For our part, we reaffirm our interest and our readiness to actively partake in the activity of the aforementioned working group. And we also trust that we will see the most unbiased and balanced approach. Yes, an unbiased approach. of the chair of this group, the co-chairs of this group, we hope that they will consider the spirit of coordination that the Russian delegation had in coordinating the resolution on UNAD, when the red lines of all delegations were taken into consideration. I thank you.

Thank you. Pakistan is next.

Mr. President, Pakistan aligns with the statement delivered by Iraq on behalf of the Group of 77 and China and would like to make the following remarks in its national capacity. We attach great importance to the UNAT initiative and have consistently expressed support for the intention behind it, which is to make the UN more efficient and effective. It is in the same spirit that we have chosen to be flexible with the establishment of this working group. However, we believe that more time, as well as inclusive consultations among Member States, would have led to a better decision, taking fully on board all the various positions expressed, particularly those by the G77 and China, and ensuring that outcomes are not perceived as predetermined. We remain deeply concerned about the implications of convening the working group in parallel with the main committee sessions, which will inevitably hamper the meaningful participation of developing countries. We would also recall that as per the Secretary General's report, as well as the clarification provided by the Secretary General himself and his interaction with member states, work stream two is about implementation of mandates, not to look for avenues to review or eliminate them. Mr. President, Pakistan looks forward to constructively engaging in the deliberations of the working group and congratulate the permanent representatives of Jamaica and New Zealand on their appointment as co-chairs. We trust that they will ensure a genuinely member state led process, transparent, inclusive and consultative in nature so that all views are given equal consideration. This working group must serve to strengthen, not undermine trust among member states. This requires avoiding artificial timelines that compromise substantive deliberations, a schedule which ensures participation of all member states and allowing the process to build consensus rather than rushing towards predetermined outcomes. We hope the co-chairs will guide the working group in a manner that allows member states to first engage in in-depth deliberations on the various proposals for mandate creation, delivery and review, including those contained in the Secretary-General's report. Any outcome of the working group should emerge organically from these discussions. We also take this opportunity to reiterate our request for a comprehensive report on the UNAT initiative to provide member states with a holistic overview and to support more informed deliberations. Allow me to assure you once again of Pakistan's commitment to engaging constructively in this important process. I thank you.

Thank you. Japan is next.

The question of mandate review has for a long time been a challenge in terms of guaranteeing the efficient and effective functioning of the United Nations. As stated in the report of the Secretary-General, a substantial share of the resolutions of the General Assembly the General Assembly have continued to be covered by other resolutions in 2024. Also, more than 85% of mandates have no provisions made with regard to their stopping. And more than 36% of mandates have to do with several entities.

Thank you.

The consensus so that this working group may explore concrete approaches to these challenges.

And develop principles for the review of the mandates.

In accordance with the resolution and with the support of Secretary General, Japan stands ready to contribute constructively to fostering effective and efficient discussions among member states.

Thank you.

Thank you. The next speaker is Singapore.

Mr. President, Singapore welcomes the adoption of the draft decision. on Tuesday, the 2nd of September, just two days ago. We also welcome the establishment of the ad hoc working group on mandate implementation review, and in particular, we welcome the appointment of the two co-facilitators, the permanent representatives of New Zealand and Jamaica, to assume leadership of this important ad hoc working group. with every confidence that they will lead an effective and inclusive process. We thank you, the President of the General Assembly, for your leadership in putting forward this important decision. The adoption of the decision sends a positive signal, and it reflects a collective commitment to work together to build a stronger and more effective UN. Mr. President, the adoption of the decision marks an important step forward for all of us here in the General Assembly. And as we begin the process of mandate implementation review, it is important to look at this process as a strategic and timely opportunity to build confidence among Member States and to rebuild trust and support for the multilateral system as a whole. Most importantly, this process is an opportunity to make the UN and the multilateral system fit for purpose, future ready, and one that delivers results across all three pillars of the UN Charter. Mr. President, the success and relevance of the UNAD process will be judged by our ability to deliver concrete and visible results. The expectations are high. We need to take a pragmatic approach, but also an approach that can show some early results. Most importantly, we need to be guided by the approach of avoiding duplication and a proliferation of processes. We need to keep in mind that the successful implementation of mandates is not dependent on the number of meetings we convene here at the UN, or by the number of reports that are published by the Secretariat, but success rather is determined by action and delivery that can show results on the ground to our people. In this regard, please allow me to make three concrete points. First, the working group should identify concrete measures that can be implemented quickly and effectively. We need concrete recommendations that can have an impact on the efficiency of our work across UN bodies as well as mandate delivery in the field. Second, we need to base our discussions on data and facts. In this regard, we see the need for more information in order to make progress in our discussions in the ad hoc working group. For example, it would be useful for the Secretariat to provide data identifying existing duplications and overlapping reporting requirements and meetings so that Member States, in the context of intergovernmental discussions, can make informed decisions. Finally, as we have previously stated, Singapore supports the development of a digital registry and AI-based tools to assist Member States in the process of mandate creation and review. These tools must be transparent and accessible to all delegations, and we ask that the Secretariat consider providing training for Member States to use these tools effectively. Mr. President, let me conclude by saying that Singapore will participate constructively in the working group, and we will also support the two co-chairs to ensure that the working group's recommendations are pragmatic and contribute to improving coordination and impact across the life cycle of mandates. For Singapore and for many small states, the UNAT process is not only timely, but it is critical to making the UN stronger and more responsive. We as a delegation are committed to making this process a success, and we look forward to working closely, not only with the two co-facilitators, but with all member states here in the assembly to find pragmatic solutions and to build consensus. Thank you very much.

Thank you. The next speaker is the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Thank you, Mr. President. My delegation associates itself with the statement delivered by Iraq in its capacity as the chair of the Group of 77 and China. At the outset, my delegation wishes to acknowledge your decision to establish an ad hoc working group on work stream two on mandate implementation review. We also take note of the Secretary-General's report on this work stream. We echo the concerns of of the Group of 77 and China that the issues previously conveyed in writing on the draft decision were not incorporated. We shared the particular apprehension that the current timeline for the ad hoc working group coinciding with the intensely busy main session would inadvertently challenge the capacity of smaller delegations. Second, my delegation wishes to emphasize the prerogative role of the member state in the creation of mandates which must be fully respected in order to safeguard the intergovernmental nature of this process. We believe that a comprehensive and holistic approach to the entire UNAT initiative is essential. Member States have the right to thoroughly assess any element in connection with the other two work streams and to situate it within the broader context. while recognizing the need to advance all work streams concurrently to avoid the shortcomings observed in previous efforts and to ensure that they remain complementary rather than competitive. My delegation trusts that the future consideration of such important matters will be pursued through inclusive intergovernmental consultation, fostering consensus, and the full engagement of all Member States. I thank you.

Thank you very much. We have heard the last speaker and explanation of vote after the vote. May I take it that it is the wish of the Assembly to conclude its consideration of sub-item A of agenda item 123? It is so decided. The Assembly will resume its consideration of agenda item 62 entitled the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. I give the floor first of all to Germany.

Thank you, Mr. President. At the outline, I would like to underline that Germany aligns itself fully with the statement of the European Union that will be delivered in due course. Mr. President, when we look at what is happening in Ukraine and what has happened in the last 12 years, there is little difference of opinion among us here in the Assembly. What lies at the core of Russia's war of aggression is simple. An imperial-minded power sends its tanks, its troops across the border of a sovereign neighbor without provocation and in blatant disregard of its obligations under the UN charter. This is why we all voted in recent years in this assembly with an overwhelming majority to condemn the Russian aggression. We cannot accept eight years after the end of World War II and in the year of the 80th anniversary of the UN Charter, that yet again borders in Europe are violated by aggression, land is gained through killing, and maps are redrawn by illegal annexations based on sham referenda. We cannot accept it for a simple reason, because looking away or condoning these flagrant violations of the most fundamental principles of international law will pose a grave danger not only to the European continent, but to everyone on this planet. It is therefore imperative that all of us pressure Russia to finally hold its aggression. Germany believes that an immediate and unconditional ceasefire will create the right conditions for real peace negotiations. The unconditional ceasefire, I may add, that Ukraine has been offering for many months. And we heard it yet again in today's debate from the Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine. Instead, what we are witnessing is delaying tactics by Russia, delaying tactics as infamous as they're obvious. While Russian leaders claim to seek negotiations and peace, their forces continue to send bombs, drones, and rockets, and they continue the indiscriminate shelling of residential areas throughout Ukraine, unabated every day, every night. More than 13,000 civilians in Ukraine have already lost their lives due to aggression by air, by sea, and by land. Disturbing reports continue to emerge about atrocities committed by Russian troops in the occupied territories, both against innocent civilians and prisoners of war. The abduction of Ukrainian children, repeatedly denounced in numerous UN reports, is a particular example of these war crimes. It is the obligation of the international community to ensure that the perpetrators of those crimes are held accountable. Mr. President, the people of Ukraine, as the people of every member state, have a right to live in peace, security, and freedom. without fear as citizens of a sovereign country. Only the people of Ukraine have the right to determine their country's future, not a powerful neighbor, nor any global power. As Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz pointed out, Germany will never rest nor relent until the full and lasting stability and security of Ukraine is firmly restored. And we repeatedly made it very clear We will support Ukraine in its right to legitimate self-defense as long as it takes. At the same time, Germany is sparing no diplomatic effort to enable a peace, a peace based on three principles. A peace that, first and foremost, is rooted in the rules and principles enshrined in the UN charter. Second, a peace that must rest in the hands of the Ukrainians. There can be no solution negotiated without Kiev and without the consent of the Ukrainians. And a peace that, third, does not forget about the power of precedent. If the aggressor is rewarded for war, the long-term consequences for all of us will be profound and they will be very dangerous. A just and lasting peace for the people of Ukraine is not only an ethical and a legal imperative. It is also a vital shared interest of every member state, every member state that does not want that the gruesome logic of violence will prevail yet again in our relations.

I thank you. Thank you. The next speaker is Bulgaria.

Mr. President, from the very beginning of the aggression of the Russian Federation on Ukraine, Bulgaria's position has been clear. We condemn in the strongest possible terms this unprovoked and unjustified military aggression, and we stand in support of the brave Ukrainian people. Bulgaria reaffirms its position in support for Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. The illegal annexation and ongoing occupation of Ukrainian territories remain a flagrant violation of international law and of the United Nations Charter. Russian military forces must withdraw from these territories. and should face accountability and provide compensation for the damages inflicted. Mr. President, we are holding this debate today against the backdrop of continuing attacks by Russia against Ukraine. Intentional attacks against civilians and non-military objectives constitute war crimes. All commanders, perpetrators, and accomplices of these grave violations of international humanitarian law must be held accountable. The attack on 28 August 2025 launched by the Russian Federation, in which at least 23 civilians, including four children, were killed, served as another tragic reminder in this regard. We are deeply concerned about the systematic human rights violations in the temporarily occupied territories and we call for unhindered access to these territories of the human rights monitoring bodies, including the Office of the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights. Especially alarming are the forced displacement and deportation of Ukrainian children to the Russian Federation, where they are subjected to coercive re-education, russification and militarization. Bulgaria joins the calls of the numerous members of the international community for the immediate and unconditional return of all children and for family reunifications. Next, we express grave concern over the safety and security of the nuclear facilities in Ukraine, especially the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, and we call for the full implementation of the International Agency for Atomic Energy recommendations in this regard. Mr. President, Bulgaria supports all sustained diplomatic efforts aimed at securing comprehensive, just, and lasting peace based on the principles of the UN Charter and international law. Any peace agreement should be robust and credible and should offer security guarantees for Ukraine. Future guarantees should include sustainable support from both European and transatlantic partners, and should continue contribute to the effective deterrence of future Russian aggression. Such actions should include the provision of political mandate and legal basis in accordance with international law. In closing, Bulgaria values the ongoing efforts for reaching ceasefire and just lasting and comprehensive peace. in securing Ukraine's sovereignty and underlines that the successful outcome will serve the strategic interests of all nations committed to a stable, prosperous and dignified world where aggression doesn't have place and will reinforce the authority of the United Nations Charter. Thank you.

Thank you very much. The next speaker is Brazil.

Mr. President, Excellencies, colleagues, we come to this session with a mixture of hope and apprehension. This item has now been on the agenda for over seven years. In this period, we have seen short moments of optimism as well as long periods where we seem to be going in circles. This year, it seems like there is cause for guarded optimism that we might finally break the cycle. There have been positive signs in recent months. Brazil welcomes the high-level contacts between the US and Russia, which allowed for a substantive discussion on the next steps towards peace in Ukraine. Brazil also welcomes the broad consensus among European leaders that serious efforts must now be made towards achieving peace. The tone of the discussion seems to have shifted this year, with all parties acknowledging that this conflict cannot be prolonged indefinitely. The humanitarian toll has been far too high, especially in the past three years. and rises with every week in which we do not have a ceasefire in place. This is why Brazil has consistently argued for a ceasefire since the very beginning of this more lethal phase of the conflict in 2022. We have also called for serious efforts towards diplomacy and peace, along with the Group of Friends for Peace in Ukraine, established in September of last year. We are encouraged to see that this call, which originally seemed to come loudest from the global south, has now become mainstream and is echoed among the key players in this file. Yet we also remain cautious and do not downplay the risks that remain. The conflict remains highly kinetic, with dozens of deaths having been registered just last week. There is a real danger that in the lead up to negotiations, both sides will attempt to escalate and undertake riskier actions in an effort to strengthen their negotiating positions. We condemn this approach, which leads to further suffering and loss of life, as well as heightens the risk of miscalculations that could end up prolonging this conflict. Further, we are deeply conscious of the fact that negotiating positions remain very distant and that there are no quick solutions. We are concerned in this context that difficulties in the initial stages of the negotiation could lead to disappointment, which could, in turn, lead to disengagement by key actors, resulting in a frozen or indefinitely prolonged conflict. We therefore urge all parties to refrain from any escalatory actions and commit to a sustained diplomatic process. Diplomacy is never easy. Yet even when it is difficult, it is preferable to the continuation of a conflict which has already cost both sides and the international community so much. Brazil, through the Group of Friends for Peace, stands ready to support this process and to continue playing a constructive role towards peace in Ukraine. Thank you.

Thank you very much. The next speaker is India.

Mr. President, India continues to remain concerned over the situation in Ukraine. We maintain that the loss of innocent lives is unacceptable and no solution can be found on the battlefield. India has consistently advocated that the path of dialogue and diplomacy is the only way forward to end the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, no matter how insurmountable such a course may appear. The wholehearted participation and commitment of all stakeholders are critical for lasting peace. Mr. President, India welcomes recent positive developments in this direction. We endorse the summit meeting in Alaska between U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. We appreciate the progress made at the Alaska summit. We also note the subsequent diplomatic efforts by the U.S. President in engaging with Ukrainian President and European leaders in Washington, D.C. Prime Minister Narendra Modi remains in touch with President Putin, President Zelensky and European leadership on the evolving situation. We believe all these diplomatic efforts hold the promise of bringing to an end the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and opening up prospects for a lasting peace. Mr. President, we continue to note with regret the collateral consequences of the conflict, including prices of fuel affecting the world at large and particularly the countries of the global south, which have been left to fend for themselves. From our perspective, it is critical that their voices are heard and their legitimate concerns duly addressed. India's approach to the Ukraine conflict continues to be people centric, providing humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and economic support to our friends and partners in the global south, including some of our neighbors who are facing economic distress. To conclude, Mr. President, an early end to the conflict in Ukraine is in the interest of everyone. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said on several occasions, this is not an era of war. India stands ready to support diplomatic efforts for an early end to the conflict. I thank you, Mr.

President. Thank you very much. Spain is next.

Mr. President, a few weeks ago we commemorated Ukraine's Independence Day. This date once again reminds us of the determination and courage of a people who are resisting the aggression from the Russian Federation with dignity. This resistance is not just to defend their territory, their identity, their sovereignty, their independence and their freedom, but also to defend the fundamental principles that underpin this organisation and that guarantee international peace and security. This resistance reminds us every day, all of us, of our collective obligation to uphold the values of the Charter. No argument can justify a war of aggression. that is leading to more and more civilian victims every day, the systematic destruction of essential infrastructure and a global humanitarian crisis, the illegal annexation of Crimea and Sebastopol in 2014 and the subsequent illegal occupation of Ukrainian territories of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson are a direct challenge to the principles of territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty. No Acquisition of territory through force will ever be recognized as being legitimate. Attacks on civilians and civilian assets are war crimes and should be called as such unequivocally. In addition, the violations in occupied territories including summary executions, torture, sexual violence and forced disappearances and particularly atrociously the deportation of children are crimes that should not go unpunished. Russia and its leaders must be held accountable for these violations of international law and human rights. President, peace will only be achieved through a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire that paves the way for real negotiations. Ukraine has had a proposal on the table for six months now for a ceasefire, but Russia is dragging its heels to resist this dialogue and is only stepping up its It's bombings on Ukrainian cities, including residential areas and even diplomatic missions, which clearly violates the Vienna Convention. These actions really show Moscow's true intentions. Spain believes that the future of Ukraine can only be decided by the Ukrainian people themselves. No plan that involves them giving up some of their sovereign territory can be considered to be acceptable. attempts to impose conditions that undermine international law are not peace proposals, they are mechanisms that only reward the aggressor. President, our message is robust and is unambiguous Russia must immediately cease its aggression and must withdraw its troops from Ukraine. within the internationally recognized borders. That is the only way that we can bring about a fair, lasting, comprehensive peace based on the UN Charter. Spain will continue to support all diplomatic efforts to achieve this goal, and we will keep up our political, financial, humanitarian, security contributions to Ukraine to help Ukraine defend itself. More than ever today, we must reaffirm the international rules-based order which protects small and large states equally. Spain will stand side by side alongside Ukraine, convinced that aggression should always be punished and never rewarded. Thank you.

Thank you very much. The next speaker is Timor-Leste.

Mr. President, Timor—Leste approaches this issue as a fundamental test to the UN Charter principles state sovereignty, territorial integrity and collective security. The situation in Ukraine represents a grave challenge to these principles. The occupation and the continuing expansion of hostilities strike at the very heart of international law. They attempt to redefine security arrangements that have underpinned Europe's stability since the end of Second World War. The consequences are regional and global, demanding urgent attention and renewed commitment from all member states. The human toll is stark, over 40,000 civilian casualties, millions displaced and refugees spread across Europe and beyond. The destruction of infrastructure estimated at more than 175 billion, has dollars have left communities shattered. Beyond Ukraine, agricultural exports and energy supply disruptions have fueled inflation and food insecurity worldwide, illustrating how regional conflict reverberates across continents. Equally troubling, Mr. President, are the human rights violations documented by the United Nations. We acknowledge recent international initiatives, including renewed U.S.-led efforts, which have sought to reinvigorate dialogue open humanitarian corridors, and advanced ceasefire proposals. These efforts underscored that diplomacy, when backed by genuine political will, remains the most effective instrument for peace. For Timor-Leste, the lessons of our journey, where the United Nations played a pivotal role in ending occupation and laying the foundations of sovereignty, compels us to advocate for stronger preventive diplomacy, credible monitoring, and effective enforcement mechanisms. Failure to act decisively risks perpetuating violence, mistrust, and fragmentation cycles. Mr. President, Timor-Leste therefore calls for, first, an immediate cessation of all hostilities and renewed commitment to ceasefire agreements. Second, withdrawal from occupied territories in line with UN resolutions affirming Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Third, expanded UN monitoring and humanitarian missions to ensure accountability, protect civilians, and facilitate aid. And fourth, a comprehensive peace framework that combines inclusive dialogue, international law, economic reconstruction, and protection of minority rights. Mr. President, ending this war is not only about restoring Ukraine's sovereignty and upholding Russia's dignity as a member of the Security Council. It is about safeguarding the integrity of the international order and reaffirming the UN's central role in maintaining peace. Timor-Leste joins the international community in urging all parties, especially the Russian Federation, to choose dialogue over destruction, law over force, and peace over war. Collective resolve is the only way to secure a future of stability for Ukraine, Europe, and the broader world. Thank you.

Thank you very much. The next speaker is Georgia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Let me start by underlining that this is the item that addresses not only the situation in one country, but directly affects the maintenance of regional as well as international peace and security. Therefore, maintaining GA's close attention to the situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine during its 80th session is of vital importance. Every single day of more than past three years and a half in the wake of Russia's aggression against Ukraine has brought unbearable human harm and immense scale of destruction. The implications of the war has resonated far beyond the borders of one single member state, and pose threat to international peace and security, further exacerbating global challenges. Georgia, as a responsible member of the international community, believes that international diplomacy should play a critical role in resolving conflicts by facilitating dialogue and cooperation among nations. More than 30 years have passed since Georgia regained its independence, albeit Its past is still paved with the fight for sovereignty and territorial integrity due to Russia's continued illegal occupation of Georgia's Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions, its illegal military presence therein, and its daily provocative actions. Our recent history, time and again, illustrates the crucial importance of peace and stability for the development. Only principled and proactive international engagement can help find a common ground and create a framework for effective resolution, which is not achievable through confrontation. I am confident that peaceful resolution of this war based on the charter and international law will promote regional stability in Europe and beyond by preventing further tensions and escalations. We reiterate our unwavering support to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders and territorial waters. in its strongest possible terms Russia's unprovoked, full-scale, and illegal invasion of Ukraine, which constitutes a grave violation of international law and infringes upon the fundamental principles enshrined in the UN Charter and the Helsinki Final Act, including the principles of territorial integrity, the sovereign equality of states, non-use of force or threat of force, and the inviolability of internationally recognized borders. Georgia will continue standing in support and solidarity with Ukraine and the Ukrainian people on the path of comprehensive, lasting peace.

I thank you. Thank you. The next speaker is Denmark.

Mr. President, Denmark aligns itself with the statement delivered by Sweden on behalf of the Nordic Baltic countries and the statement that will be delivered by the European Union. Throughout its history, Ukraine has been no stranger to Russian aggression. Even since 1991, when Ukraine regained its independence, Russia has barely paused in its attempts to exert control and interfere in the affairs of its neighbor. When Russia's leaders feared that they would further lose the grip of Ukraine in February 2014, they reacted in the only way they know how, with force. They annexed Crimea and temporarily occupied part of the Donbas. Eight years later, Russia further invaded Ukraine, and now illegally occupies around one fifth of that country. All of these Russian acts are indisputably violations of the UN Charter, a charter that all member states, without exception, have committed to uphold. Denmark condemns these violations in the strongest terms. Mr. President, Russia's attempt to occupy all of Ukraine's territory three and a half years ago failed. resisted by Ukraine's brave armed forces and a civilian population that refuses to be erased. Since then, countries from all the world, including Denmark, have stepped up to provide Ukraine with comprehensive humanitarian, financial, and military assistance, and will continue to do so. When Ukrainian troops liberated large areas of occupied territory around Kyiv, Sumy, Kharkiv, and Kherson, they found the extent of the Russian occupiers' crimes. Torture chambers, the bodies of executed civilians, distressed family members desperate to find their illegally deported children. This has all been corroborated in numerous UN reports. that have concluded that Russia has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in the territory it temporarily occupies. These temporarily occupied territories in Ukraine have suffered what no one can imagine under Russia's invasion. After years of Russian shelling and attacks, these villages, towns, and cities have been totally destroyed. relieves that there are over 1.5 million civilians trapped there, and Russia denies all requests for humanitarian access. Mr. President, Russia's illegal annexation in 2014 did not lead to peace, and neither will new Russian occupations. But let us be clear, this obsession is not fundamental about land. Rather, It is about destroying the idea of a people freely choosing their leaders and their own destiny. This is why any notion of rewarding or accepting Russian aggression cannot stand. It would only embolden not only Russia, but all current and future regimes worldwide who want to return to might is right. Mr. President, Denmark calls on Russia to halt this illegal war of aggression in Ukraine now. and to accept Ukraine's offer of an unconditional, immediate, and comprehensive ceasefire. This is the essential first step to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace. Ukrainians have the right to live in their internationally recognized borders in peace. Over the last days, Denmark has been honored to host Ukraine's president and prime minister. Our resolve is firm. Denmark, along with our partners, will continue to work together to enhance Ukraine's capabilities as it exercises its inherent right to self-defense, to liberate all the temporarily occupied territories. Denmark stands with Ukraine. Together, we are strong.

I thank you. Thank you very much. The European Union is next.

Mr. President, on 24 August, we celebrated Ukraine's Independence Day and the exceptional bravery and resilience that Ukrainians have shown in defending their country, their identity, and their freedom. The European Union is united in its unequivocal support to Ukraine as it heroically, heroically, resists Russia's aggression and Russia's neo-colonialist aims, the only true so-called root cause of this war. The EU reiterates its resolute condemnation of Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression. It constitutes a manifest violation of international law, including the UN Charter and the resolutions of the General Assembly, and must be for that reason alone called out by all UN member states without any hesitation or equivocation. Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol in 2014 and the occupation of other Ukrainian territories both before and since its 2022 full-scale invasion blatantly breaches the core principles of the UN charter, including the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, including, of course, Ukraine. No territorial acquisition resulting from the threat or use of force shall be recognized as legal. That is international law. Crimea, Sevastopol, Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson are Ukraine. The EU firmly rejects and will never recognize the illegal so-called elections. organized by Russia in the temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories, nor the results. And nor should anyone else, dear colleagues. Accepting or whitewashing Russia's actions in Ukraine's occupied territories erodes the rules-based international order. It emboldens future acts of aggression elsewhere. It signals territorial claims can be rewarded. weakening universal norms that protect all nations, large and small. International borders must not be changed by force. President, the EU considers that a full and unconditional ceasefire would best create the right conditions for real negotiations. Now more than ever, the UN membership needs to increase pressure on Russia to stop the killing and to engage in meaningful negotiations. While Russia speaks of peace, its actions, as everyone in this room knows, demonstrate the exact opposite intention. Over the past few months alone, it has only intensified its attacks across Ukraine, targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure. Last week, its missiles caused severe damage to the EU delegation premises in Kyiv. Russia's increased bombing Campaigns are in full defiance, in full defiance of recent peace efforts by the international community, which Russia claims to support. We welcome the efforts by the United States to seek an end to Russia's war of aggression and to stop the killing. As the EU, we contribute to these efforts in order to achieve a just and lasting peace and long-term security for Ukraine and for our continent. Achieving such a peace requires respect for international law, including the sovereignty, independence, and inviolability of Ukraine's borders. Only Ukraine, only Ukraine can make decisions on its territory. Russian proposals that demand Ukraine to withdraw from its own sovereign territory reveals Russia's contempt for the UN Charter and for international law. The EU is gravely concerned about the continued violation of human rights in the temporarily occupied territories as well. International monitoring mechanisms, including the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine and the UN Commission of Inquiry, have concluded that Russia has committed a wide range of violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in Ukraine. Now, these violations include widespread and systematic summary executions, torture and ill treatment and unlawful confinement, as well as inhumane detention conditions, rape, and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence, and forced transfer and deportation, including of children. Many of these may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Russia and its leadership must be held fully accountable for waging a war of aggression against Ukraine and for these other serious crimes under international law, as well for the massive damage that their war has caused. The Ukrainian people deserve a secure, independent future, free from war, free from political coercion. To achieve that, The EU will continue to provide political, financial, economic, humanitarian, military, and diplomatic support to Ukraine as it is exercising its inherent right of self-defense. We will continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine. Thank you.

Thank you very much. The next speaker is the Sovereign Order of Malta.

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues, this year we have seen numerous events and activities in the United States, Britain, France, the Russian Federation, and most recently in China, celebrating the end of World War II, honoring a peace that emanated from the endeavors of politicians and diplomats, a peace that has endured, particularly in Europe, but resting on the suffering and toil that churned nations and communities into pulp before restoring them in a new world order. The sovereign order of Malta has lived through 900 years of such change and evolution, and has borne witness to the human suffering that is an inevitable consequence of political and military intervention and aggrandizement. And today, we continue to bear witness to such suffering, particularly in Ukraine, a conflict eerily reminiscent of World War II, where our only political perspective is to see the upholding of the rule of law and adherence to the UN Charter. It is in the area of humanitarian diplomacy, however, that we operate with a primary concern for civilians caught in armed conflict, for the welfare of children whose lives and whose futures are irreparably damaged by war, for the sick and the aged whose final years should be enjoyed in an atmosphere of peace and security and love, not violence, bombs, and the cold, fearful environment of air raid shelters. In addition to the trauma of displaced children and those who have been taken from their homes, our social workers and our professional staff estimate that 75% of Ukrainian school children suffer some form of post-traumatic stress disorder. with one in 10 children refusing to attend school or to engage in any kind of social interaction. We commend the efforts of world leaders as they try to negotiate the quagmire of conflicting claims, allegations, and grievances that surround any global conflict. However, as an active witness to the suffering of the Ukrainian people, And with over 1,000 workers and volunteers providing medical, psychosocial therapies, humanitarian aid, and support to a suffering and fearful population, we implore those leaders to take a step back and to consider the following. What if their own children, their own mothers, aged relatives, and dear friends were innocently caught in this or any other global conflict that are a blight on our past, our present, and our future, would they not want the bombs and drones to cease, for people to emerge from underground and breathe the fresh air of peace and the joy of freedom? A ceasefire is neither a defeat nor is it a victory. But it is the only humanitarian way to begin a true dialogue. Because endorsed and supported by the United Nations, those who subscribe to it in good faith will be seen to subscribe to a higher set of values, values born out of a world conflict 80 years ago, values which we have recently honored and which we will celebrate again when we remember the beginning of the United Nations and the UN Charter 80 years ago. These values are timeless, and they are inscribed just a few hundred feet from this very space. Remember the prophet Isaiah's appeal to turn swords into plowshares. Mr. President, dear colleagues, it is never too late for people of goodwill to do the right thing.

Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Sovereign Order of Malta. We have heard the last speaker in the debate on this item for this meeting. The right of reply has been requested. Allow me to remind the members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to five minutes for the second intervention and should be made by delegations from their seats. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has the floor.

Thank you, Mr. President. My delegation would like to exercise right of reply to respond the remarks made by some member states that interfere in the legitimate exercise of rights by sovereign states. First of all, my delegation firmly rejects the groundless accusations made by some countries including ROK and Japan regarding the cooperative relationship between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation. Today, the cause of the security crisis that continues to occur around the world does not lie in the legitimate and natural exercise of rights by independent sovereign states. It lies in the behavior of the United States and the West and their followers who pursue only their own geopolitical interests while ignoring the security environments of other countries and regions as well as the global security environment. Concerning the Ukrainian crisis, which is the agenda of today's meeting, If the United States and the West had respected the legitimate security concerns of the Russian Federation and stopped NATO's eastward expansion, the term Ukrainian crisis would never have arisen and more meaningful issues for humanity would have been discussed on today's meeting. The stereotyped criticism of some UN member states can only be interpreted as an attempt to shift the heavy responsibility for driving the regional security situation to its extreme and to provide an excuse to perpetuate a bloodshed. Mr. President, according to the international legal principles of friendly relations and cooperation among the sovereign states, Consistent with the UN Charter, no nation or group of nations has right to interfere in the issues belonging to the national sovereignty of the states or in the internal or external affairs of the other states. Therefore, politically motivated criticism of the DPRK-Russia relations are just denial and violation of the UN Charter and recognized international law. Considering the current regional and global security situation, equal and mutually beneficial cooperative relations between independent sovereign states are essential and play a pivotal role in safeguarding regional and global peace and stability. The DPRK will remain faithful to its obligations under the treaty and continue to strengthen and develop relations with the Russian Federation in order to defend the fundamental interests of the peoples of both countries, contribute to the regional and global peace and security, and realize international justice.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Thank you. Serbia has the floor.

Mr. President, I wish to express my right to reply regarding the statement of the distinguished representative of Albania. The distinguished colleague mentioned the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, including Kosovo and Metohija and the tragedy of Srebrenica, presenting them as a precedence for the ongoing tragic conflict in Ukraine. It is striking that even after a quarter of a century, Albanian representatives continue to invoke the conflict in Kosovo and Metohija. For them, Kosovo and Metohija remains the reference point, applied selectively only in cases that serve their political convenience. 25 years after the conflict, they still attempt to explain to the majority in this esteemed chamber, which does not recognise the unilateral declaration of independence of so-called Kosovo, that they have misunderstood the conflict. The point is clear. The statement was not truly about Ukraine. It reflects an ethnically driven political agenda in the Balkans. However, I do agree with the Albanian calling on one point. The conflict in Kosovo and Metohija was indeed a precedent. It constituted military aggression against the sovereignty, sovereign United Nations member state, carried out without the approval of the Security Council. At a time when conflicts are multiplying globally, We need reminders of past violations of basic international norms and lessons about the dangers of double standards. The reason is simple. The Albanian representative expressed concern over, as he put it, the de-Ukrainization of Ukraine through the systematic destruction of cultural heritage, monuments, and places of worship embodying the soul of the Ukrainian nation. If he regards the Kosovo conflict as the origin, origin of all politically evil deeds, then he must be drawing inspiration from the realities on the ground in Kosovo and Metohija itself. There, alongside the daily suffering of non-Albanians, Serbian cultural heritage has been systematically destroyed, graves desecrated, and the four Serbian monasteries under UNESCO protection remain under care for oversight and continue to rank among the most endangered heritage sites in the world. He also raised the issue of genocide denial. What he omitted to mention was that the discussion had never been about denying crimes or honouring victims. It was and is about resisting attempts to impose broad historical narratives to promote biased, unilateral political agendas that sow division, undermine reconciliation and weaponise selective memory. The representative also failed to note that the closure of ICTY, a residual mechanism, does not diminish international judicial activity. Established under UN authority and with the consent of participating states, the ICTY legacy remains under assessment. What is clear, though, is that political bias colors the evolutions of its work from the Albanian side. A prime example is the special chambers for crimes committed by the so-called Albanian Liberation Army, criticized across the Albanian political spectrum. The reason is straightforward. These trials contradict the narrative they consistently seek to promote. These chambers address not only crimes committed by the KLA, but also the failure of the previous ICTY proceedings against Albanian perpetrators. which were compromised by systematic witness intimidation and, in several cases, the sudden death of witnesses. This explained why the chambers could operate in Kosovo and Metohija, yet were formally relocated to The Hague. Mr. President, let me be clear. Serbia supports the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all United Nations member states, including Ukraine. If we genuinely seek to address challenges to international security, we must set aside false narratives and confront the full complexity of these issues, taking into account legitimate concerns of all sides. We must uphold the principles of the UN Charter, which safeguard the interests of all members of this chamber, regardless of the size, power and the position of a member. These principles must remain universal and be applied consistently, always without expectation. I thank you.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has the floor.

Mr. President, I would like to reiterate my delegation's consistent position, which has been expressed numerous times before. The Islamic Republic of Iran reiterates its principled position that all disputes should be resolved through peaceful means and dialogue in accordance with international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. My delegation has repeatedly called for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the escalation of tensions. The Ukraine conflict has no military solution. It must end peacefully and immediately. Surprisingly, certain countries have once again made unsubstantiated references to my country, alleging that it supported one side of this conflict. The Islamic Republic of Iran categorically rejects those unfounded allegations and reiterates that it has not been involved in any activity in contravention of its international commitment. We are ready to continue our constructive engagement to facilitate the peaceful resolution of this crisis. I thank you.

I give the floor to the Republic of Korea.

Thank you, Mr. President. My delegation is taking the floor to exercise the right of reply to the statement just given by the delegation of the DPRK. While the DPRK continues its repeated efforts to justify the deployment of its troops, it is evident that the military cooperation between Russia and the DPRK, including the dispatch of DPRK troops, constitutes a violation of international norms, including the UN Charter and relevant Security Council resolutions. Furthermore, such cooperation seriously undermines peace and stability in the international community. We urge Russia and the DPRK to immediately cease their unlawful military cooperation.

I thank you.

I give the floor to Japan.

Thank you, Mr. President. Japan's position is as stated in the statement, and I will not repeat the details. However, Japan reiterates its strong condemnation of the engagement of North Korea's troops in combat against Ukraine, which constitute a clear violation of international law, including the UN Charter. Thank you.

I give the floor to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for them to make a second statement.

Mr. President, my delegation would like to exercise second right of reply to respond to provocative remarks made by ROK and Japan. Our delegation once again categorically reject the reckless accusations of ROK and Japan's remarks regard to the DPRK-Russia relationship of cooperation. Once again, we state that the cooperation between the DPRK and Russian Federation is clearly a legitimate exercise of the rights of sovereign states in accordance with the UN Charter and the DPRK-Russian treaty. Thank you.

May I take it that the Assembly wishes to conclude its consideration of agenda item 62? I hear no objection. It is so decided. The Assembly will now resume its high-level meeting to commemorate and promote the International Day against Nuclear Tests under agenda item 98. entitled General and Complete Disarmament, in accordance with resolution 72/51 of 4 December 2017. I give the floor now to the representative of Kiribati.

President of the General Assembly, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Kiribati is pleased to participate in this high-level meeting to commemorate the International Day Against Nuclear Tests, an initiative spearheaded by our good friend, Kazakhstan. We are grateful that a young woman from Kiribati was selected to deliver a statement on behalf of affected communities. President and distinguished the Excellencies. Kiribati is experienced -- Kiribati experienced the tragic impact of nuclear tests. During the height of the world -- of the Cold War, 33 nuclear tests were detonated on Malden and Christmas Island in Kiribati. These tests caused severe humanitarian environmental problems For the citizens of Kiribati, third and fourth generation survivors continue to experience health complications related to nuclear tests. The majority of the information about the contaminated areas remain classified by the USA States. We are dismayed that the international community has yet to fully provide adequate assistance, both technical and financial resources to help the victims of nuclear tests. As a consequence, Kyrgyzstan started to advocate for nuclear justice several years ago through different platforms with Kazakhstan. Together with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan co-chairs the informal working group on Article 6 and 7 of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. In this working group, we are focused on developing an international trust fund to help victims and support radiological studies. We firmly believe that contributions to the international trust fund should be open to all states and foundations that are interested in helping the victims. In addition to our work within the TPNW, Kiribati and Kazakhstan produced a historic resolution entitled, "Addressing the Legacy of Nuclear Weapons, Providing Victim Assistance and Environmental Remediation to Member States Affected by the Use or Testing of Nuclear Weapons." We are pleased that 174 states voted in favor of this resolution. This year we will present an updated version of that resolution where we will set the date for the first ever meeting on victim assistance and environmental remediation to be chaired by the Secretary-General. We believe that key international agencies, including the IAEA, CTBTO, UNEP, and OHCHR should be invited to share their perspectives on victim assistance and environmental remediation. As we move forward with nuclear justice, We also firmly believe that there needs to be a discussion about the affected communities, victim assistance, and environmental remediation at the NPT review conference. We are hopeful that Vietnam, as the forthcoming president of the 2026 NPT review conference, will prioritize nuclear justice. Nuclear justice initiatives should be reflected in the outcome document of the NPT review conference. The single precedent and excellencies, it is time for us to set aside our differences and focus on helping the victims of nuclear weapons. As expressed by the Secretary General, nuclear weapons have no place in our world. They offer no security. the only illusion of safety and the certainty of devastation. The only guarantee against their use is their total elimination. Let us honor the memory of the victims and the example of the A-bombusha with action. Thank you.

Thank you very much. The next speaker is the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Mr. President, allow me to begin by expressing my gratitude for convening this meeting. I would also like to join other delegation in commending Kazakhstan for its initiative in promoting the International Day Against Nuclear Test. The International Day Against Nuclear Test was established to remind the world of the catastrophic consequences of nuclear test for human health, the environment, international peace and security, consequences that live enduring legacies for both humanity and nature for generations to come. As we honor the victims of the past nuclear test, we must also act to protect present and future generation from new forms of nuclear risk. Today, the dangers once associated with nuclear testing are reemerging in another form through deliberate attack on safeguard nuclear facilities. Dangerous posed by nuclear test are not confined to deliberate explosion alone. The threat or use of force against nuclear facilities entail equally grave risks. The recent reckless attacks by Israeli regime and the United States against Iran's nuclear facilities highlight this urgent concern. These facilities placed under the supervision of International Atomic Agency and devoted exclusively to peaceful purposes in accordance with Article 4. of the NPT were deliberately targeted in blatant violation of international law, including the principles of UN charter. Such acts constitute a direct assault on the foundations of multilateralism, undermine the confidence in disarmament and non-proliferation frameworks, and pose a grave threat to international peace and security. Equally alarming are the attacks launched by the Israeli regime against Iranian cities hosting IMS stations. These unlawful actions jeopardize the safety and integrity of IMS facilities, endanger the lives of the technical personnel, and strike at the very infrastructure that underpins the global verification regime. By undermining the broader objective of the CTBTO, They pose a serious obstacle to the advancement of the treaty entry into force. The international community must therefore unequivocally condemn these actions, demand accountability for those who violate international law, and strengthen legal protections for nuclear installations to ensure that the inviolability of the peaceful nuclear facilities becomes an unshakeable norm. making it clear to the perpetrators that they cannot enjoy impunity for such grave violations. The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty embodies the international community's rejection of nuclear testing and its recognition of the catastrophic risk that the nuclear explosion entail. Yet, it would be a clear hypocrisy and double standard to condemn nuclear testing while turning a blind eye to actions that carry similar consequences. Moreover, these attacks strike at the very heart of the NPT, which rests on a delicate balance. Non-nuclear weapons states agree never to pursue nuclear weapons in exchange for two fundamental guarantees. the right to develop peaceful nuclear energy without discrimination, and the commitment of nuclear weapon states to pursue disarmament. By targeting safeguard nuclear facilities, the perpetrators not only violate the inalienable right of the sovereign state under Article 4, but also undermine the credibility of the NPT and the trust that underpins the treaty. If peaceful nuclear facilities can no longer be considered safe from threat or use of force, what meaning remain in the guarantee the treaty promises? Preserving the peaceful use of nuclear energy, protecting all nuclear facilities from threat or use of force, and advancing the total elimination of nuclear weapons are not separate objectives. They are interdependent and mutually reinforcing. By recommitting to these principles today, we affirm that the painful lessons of the past will not be forgotten and that humanity remains steadfast in its pursuit of a world free from nuclear weapons. The victims of nuclear tests remind us of the high cost of indifference. To remain silent now in the face of new threats that risk repeating history in another form would be a betrayal of their memory. In this way, we must stand resolutely against all nuclear dangers, whether thought, test, threat, or attacks, and work tirelessly for a world in which nuclear energy serves only the advancement and dignity of humanity, never its destruction.

I thank you. Thank you very much. The next speaker is Nigeria.

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, at the outset, allow me to align my delegation with the statement delivered by Guinea on behalf of the African Union. And I wish to express my profound appreciation to the President of the General Assembly for convening this important commemoration and to Dr. Robert Floyd and the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization for their steadfast efforts in pursuit of a nuclear-test-free world. Mr. President, the Secretary-General's disarmament vision, securing our common future, remains as pertinent today as ever. As such, Nigeria reaffirms its unwavering support for this agenda and stand in solidarity with global pursuit of complete and irreversible nuclear disarmament. Nigeria has long championed the goal of a nuclear weapons free world and remains committed to the early entry into force of the CTBT. We commend the CBTTO for the significant progress in developing its monitoring and inspection regime and pledge Nigeria's continued support for its full implementation. We also acknowledge the important contribution of CBT to international peace and security as well as the crucial civil and scientific applications to which the technologies and data of the CTBTO verification regime may be used. Mr. President, my delegation, however, remains deeply concerned that the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty has yet to enter into force after more than two decades. We urge all states, particularly the Annex II countries, to sign and ratify the Treaty without delay, as its entry into force is essential to preventing nuclear detonations and advancing a nuclear weapons free world. We also look forward to the forthint article 14 conference in New York on 26 September 2025 as a critical moment to renew global political momentum for the CTBT. The catastrophic humanitarian environmental consequences of nuclear testing remains undeniable and the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons must compel a redoubling of disarmament efforts. The ultimate goal for the call to ban nuclear tests is to ensure the protection of people's lives and environment, and the need to abolish these dangerous weapons from our society must be prioritized. Mr. President, Nigeria reiterates its pride in championing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and urges all states, especially nuclear-armed states, to consider assertion, fostering consistency between the anti-testing and anti-possession regimes. The African example of the Palendeba Treaty establishing a nuclear weapons-free zone across the continent remains a model for other regions to emulate. Mr. President, Nigeria reaffirms its strong support for the CTBT as both a safeguard against nuclear tests and a framework that upholds the peaceful use of nuclear energy and call on all states yet to accede to do so without delay, as its full implementation is vital to global peace and security. In conclusion, Nigeria calls on the CTBT Preparatory Commission Member States and the civil society partners to intensify efforts ahead of the Article 14 Conference. Let us all draw inspiration from the TPNW's momentum, uphold the Non-Proliferation Treaty's three pillars, that is disarmament, non-proliferation and peaceful use, and renew our commitment to the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Together, let us advance towards a future where nuclear testing and the weapons they conceal are relics of history, but not threats to our collective future. I thank you.

Thank you. Timor-Leste is next.

Thank you, Mr. President. As of September 2025, more than 2,120 nuclear tests have taken place globally since the dawn of the atomic age in 1945, devastating human lives and universally contaminating environments across every continent. Timor-Leste addresses this assembly with the urgent reminder that The sheer quantity and legacy of this test demand a complete and lasting cessation. Every detonation adds new scars to our planet, with no nation truly immune to the fallout of nuclear ambitions. Mr. President, this test conducted by eight countries have brought epidemics of cancer, congenital disabilities, and chronic illness. in affected communities, many of whom remain displaced and abandoned decades later. Atmospheric tests alone, over 500, scattered radioactive particles across vast regions, rendering land and livelihoods permanently unsafe. Even underground tests performed as recently as this year in subcritical form risk contaminating water sources, and leaking radiation beyond control bounds. Despite the hope shown by comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty, it remains incomplete because nine annexed two states have yet to ratify. This creates dangerous ambiguity as geopolitical tensions rise and nuclear states modernize arsenals at alarming rates. The treaty on the prohibition of nuclear weapons represent a courageous new chapter. but its influence is constrained without adoption. Mr. President, the necessity of ending all nuclear weapon testing is not merely technical but existential. Nuclear tests are inseparable from the development and enhancements of atomic weapons as long as tests persist. Whether explosive or subcritical, the pathway to modernizing arsenals and escalating arms races remain open. Each test, regardless of intent, increases global insecurity, undermines non-proliferation, and normalizes the threat of nuclear warfare. For Timor-Leste and for all humanity, Halting nuclear testing is a precondition for genuine disarmament, environmental protection, and planetary safety. This assembly must therefore move beyond moral condemnation to binding action. Accelerated ratification of the CTBT, new incentive mechanism for affected regions, and the reinforcement of international monitoring, particularly in the global south, are imperative. The integration of nuclear test cessation into the sustainable development goals connects the fight not only to peace, but to the restoration of health, livelihoods, and ecosystems ravaged by nuclear experimentation. Mr. President, at the same time, we must recognize that nuclear testing and climate change are linked in their destructive logic, both undermine the planet's resilience, destroy ecosystems, and future generation of prosperity. Resources spent on nuclear arsenals and testing programs could instead be directed towards sustainable economic growth, renewable energy, climate adaptation, and resilience building, particularly in LDCs. Ending nuclear tests and reducing global stockpiles would release much needed resources that could be invested in reducing emissions, protecting vulnerable communities, and advancing the 2030 agenda. Therefore, Timor-Leste recommends that this Assembly urgently call for the ratification and universalization of the CTBT, commit to redirecting financial resources from nuclear weapons modernization towards climate resilience, sustainable energy and economic transformation in developing countries; establish international support mechanism to help affected communities recover from nuclear contamination while also strengthening their capacity to adapt to climate change; recognize nuclear disarmament as a multiplier for achieving the SDGs, especially for LDCs, where progress is inseparable from both peace and sustainable development. Mr. President, let us Let our collective memory of the more than 2,000 nuclear tests fuel an environment resolve. Nuclear test-free progress is not just technical goal. It's a moral and practical necessity to heal the wounds already inflicted and prevent the emergence of new ones. The moral lesson stands ready, but we must turn lessons into law, consequences into cleanup, risk into resilience. A world free from nuclear tests is also more capable of addressing climate change, achieving sustainable growth, and securing justice for all.

I thank you. Thank you very much. I now give the floor to the Holy See.

Mr. President, eight years ago, the detonation of the first nuclear weapon introduced the world to an unprecedented destructive force. This event changed the course of history and cast a long shadow over humanity, unleashing grave consequences for both human life and creation. The devastating aftermath of this dramatic event led to the problematic assumptions that peace and security could be maintained through the logic of nuclear deterrence, a notion that continues to challenge moral reasoning and the international conscience. Since the first nuclear test on 16th July 1945, over 2,000 nuclear tests have been conducted in the atmosphere, underground, beneath the oceans, and on land. These actions have affected everyone, particularly indigenous peoples, women, children, and the unborn. The health and dignity of many continue to be affected in silence, and all too often without redress. On this International Day Against Nuclear Tests, the Holy See calls for this day to be a time not only of remembrance, but also for reflections on the urgent shared responsibility to ensure that the terrible experience of the past are not repeated. It is particularly concerning that in the face of this important and shared responsibility, the global response appear to be moving in the opposite direction. Rather than advancing towards disarmament and the culture of peace, We are witnessing a resurgence of aggressive nuclear rhetoric, the development of increasingly destructive weapons, and a significant rise in military expenditures, often at the expenses of the investment in integral human development and the promotion of the common good. It is imperative that we move beyond a spirit of fear and resignation. As Pope Leo recently stated, we must never become accustomed to war. Indeed, the temptation to place our trust in powerful and sophisticated weapons must be firmly rejected. The pursuit of a world free of nuclear weapons is not only a matter of strategic and vital necessity, but also a profound moral responsibility. This endeavor requires a renewed commitment to multilateral dialogue and the resolute implementation of disarmament treaties, as well as concrete support for communities that continue to suffer from the long-term consequences of nuclear testing and armament. The Holy See reiterates the importance of the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty alongside the full implementation of the international monitoring system and its verification mechanisms. Furthermore, the Holy See reaffirms its unwavering support for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and calls for the continued strengthening of the global norm against nuclear explosive testing as an essential step toward genuine and lasting peace. Thank you, Mr. President.

Thank you very much. I now give the floor to the European Union.

Mr. President, this year marks the 80 years since the first nuclear test that preceded the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, events that caused unprecedented devastation and immense suffering. These events and the nuclear test that followed motivated a global effort to constrain nuclear arms. In this regard, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty is one of the key pillars of the international disarmament and non-proliferation architecture, contributing to global peace and security. The treaty's strong legitimacy and vital importance for our collective security is pointed out in UN Security Council Resolution 2310, and the annual General Assembly resolutions relating to the CTBT. Since its opening for signature in 1996, the CTBT has served to limit nuclear testing in an unprecedented way, complementing the NPT and serving as a strong confidence and security building measure. Nuclear test explosions represent a serious danger to international peace and security. The cessation of all nuclear weapon test explosions and all other nuclear explosions by constraining the development and qualitative improvement of nuclear weapons and ending the development of advanced new types of nuclear weapons constitute an effective measure of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation in all its aspects. The CTBT entry into force remains a top priority for the European Union. It would codify the global norm against nuclear weapon test explosions or any other nuclear explosion and reinforce international peace and security. This high-level meeting provides another opportunity to call for the treaty's prompt entry into force and universalization. All EU member states have ratified the treaty and consistently called upon all states that have not done so, in particular the remaining Annex II states, to sign and ratify the CTBT without any preconditions or further delay. We continue to deeply deplore the unprecedented decision by the Russian Federation, contrary to its NPT and other commitments, to revoke its ratification of the CTBT. This moves us collectively further away from the entry into force of the treaty. In the meantime, it is crucial for international peace and security that all states fully observe the moratorium on nuclear test explosions or any other nuclear explosions and refrain from any action contrary to the object and purpose of the treaty. In this regard, we call on all states to continue to honor their engagements and reaffirm their commitments. Mr. President, The current security environment is increasingly fragile, marked by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and its systematic undermining of the arms control architecture. The EU condemns in the strongest possible terms Russia's actions, irresponsible nuclear rhetoric, and threats to use nuclear force in its illegal, unjustified, and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine, which are provocative, dangerous, and escalatory. Russia's so-called suspensions of its implementation of the New START Treaty and its statement on the denuclearization of the DPRK as a closed issue, in clear violation of relevant UN Security Council resolutions, further erode trust in international non-proliferation and disarmament regime. In this context, Russia must immediately and unconditionally withdraw all its forces and military equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine and fully respect Ukraine's territorial integrity sovereignty and independence within its internationally recognized borders. No state should conduct nuclear weapons test explosions or any other nuclear explosions. The EU urges the DPRK to comply with its obligations and the relevant UN Security Council resolutions, to refrain from testing nuclear devices and ballistic missiles, reaffirm the moratorium on long-range ballistic missiles and nuclear tests, and sign and ratify the CBTB without any preconditions or further delay. We urge the DPRK to abandon its existing nuclear weapons program, as well as programs to build delivery systems and other weapons of mass destruction in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible manner, as required by UN Security Council resolutions. Any nuclear test must be met with a swift, united, and robust international response. The EU stands ready to support any meaningful diplomatic process and is committed to working with all relevant partners to build a basis for sustainable peace and security and take steps aimed at pursuing complete, verifiable, irreversible denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Following the DPRK's previous six nuclear tests, the CTBTO demonstrated its invaluable role in quickly providing reliable and independent data enabling the international community to respond appropriately and swiftly. The CTBTO has provided the world with a truly global high-tech monitoring system for nuclear explosions, something that no single state could do. The EU reiterates its confidence in the CTBT's verification regimes and looks forward to the completion of the international monitoring system. We recognize its deterrence effect against non-compliance with the treaty and its ability to respond to threats to international peace and security. Ensuring the sustainability and effectiveness of the verification regime through adequate funding remains crucial. Mr. President, in addition to the CTBT's obvious contribution to international peace and security, the EU advocates fully exploiting the potential benefits of civil and scientific applications of IMS data. In this regard, the EU financially supports the CTBTO's verification regime and integrated capacity building activities in developing countries. Since 2006, the EU has provided the CBTTO with voluntary contributions of more than 29.5 million euros and will continue to do so. Finally, the EU continues to support and actively promote the entry into force of the CBT in line with action 25 of the pact for the future. And in this regard, we praise the efforts of the Article 14 coordinators, Norway and Panama, and welcome the continuous efforts of the group of friends of the CTTB towards entry into force and universality. The EU reaffirms its commitment to the CTTB and will continue to seize every opportunity to call for CTTB's prompt entry into force in all relevant international fora and in meetings with the countries that have not yet signed or ratified the treaty, notably the remaining Annex II States. We look forward to the next Article 14 Conference, led by incoming Presidency Sweden and the Philippines, as an important opportunity to promote such treaty. Thank you.

Thank you very much. We have heard the last speaker for this meeting. The right of reply has been requested. I would like to remind you that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to ten minutes for the first intervention and five minutes for the second, and delegations should make those statements from their seats. I give the floor to Israel.

Thank you, Mr. President. Despite our initial hope that today's meeting would remain professional and focused on the pressing challenges before us, we are regrettably compelled to respond to the unfounded and absurd statements made earlier today. The Middle East continues to face a chronic lack of compliance with non-proliferation and arms control norms, obligations, and mechanisms. Certain states in the region deliberately violates their commitments to international treaties and frameworks. Ironically, those at the very top of the global noncompliance index are often the loudest in casting accusations outward. Iran is in no moral position to lecture or preach about nuclear threats. For decades, the Iranian regime has relied on lies and deception to conceal its true intentions, systematically violating its commitments under the NPT and other international disarmament frameworks, all while fueling regional and global instability, chaos, and terror. Operation Rising Lion. took place in the context of an ongoing armed conflict between Israel and Iran and aimed to neutralize the existential and imminent threat to Israel's very existence, the Iranian regime nuclear weapons and ballistic missile program. The regime has accelerated its nuclear weapons program while simultaneously investing in long-range ballistic missiles. Israel acted to prevent further direct attacks by the regime, including the launching of ballistic missiles and hundreds of UAVs towards densely populated areas in Israel, deliberately targeting civilians and civilian infrastructures, and tragically resulting in civilian casualties. In contrast to the Iranian terrorist regime, Israel's military operations were in full accordance with the law of armed conflict, taking into account extensive precautionary measures. While the operation has been completed, Israel's fight to defend its citizens and territory continues. Israel remains under attack from the Iranian regime proxies and affiliated non-state armed groups, and will continue to defend its territory and people from the threat posed by the regime and terrorist groups in the region.

I thank you, Mr. President. I give the floor to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Thank you, Mr. President. In response to the absurd allegations made by Israeli representative -- Israeli regime representative, I would like to highlight the following: Iran's nuclear program has always been exclusively peaceful in nature and has remained subject to the most rigorous oversight of the International Atomic Energy Agency. For over three decades, the Zionist regime has propagated the claim that Iran seeks to develop nuclear weapons, thereby deceiving certain states and manipulating public opinion. But where, indeed, is this alleged nuclear bomb? This reflects the infamous Nazi propaganda method. A lie told once remains lie, but a lie repeated a thousand times begins to be accepted as truth. The international community must not allow such fabrications to distort reality. Is it not patently absurd that a regime which itself possesses every category of weapons of mass destruction, is party to none of the relevant international instruments, and whose eight decades record is replete with aggression, atrocity, and genocide, now levels unfounded accusations against a state party to the NPT? Mr. President, the Israeli regime, which has gone so far as to weaponize even food and water against innocent civilians in Gaza, has over the past eight decades carried out more than 3,000 terrorist operations, displaced over seven million Palestinians, martyred and wounded hundreds of thousands, and imprisoned more than one million Palestinians. This is the very same regime that has launched military aggressions against its neighbors, remains a party to none of the international instruments on disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and maintains hundreds of nuclear warheads in its arsenal. And you are all aware of the catastrophic consequences that the possession of nuclear weapons by such a criminal regime entails for international peace and security. Mr. President, distinguished delegates, the Israeli regime, which has gone so far as to weaponize even food and water against innocent civilians in Gaza, and burdened by such a dark record, lacks any credibility to lecture others on international law or the observance of obligations.

I thank you, Mr. President.

May I take it that the Assembly wishes to conclude its consideration of agenda item 98? It is so decided. The meeting stands adjourned.