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The 45th plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will continue its consideration of agenda item 122, entitled "Question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Security Council. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Germany.
Mr. President, thank you for convening this important debate. Germany aligns itself with the statement delivered by Brazil this morning on behalf of the Group of Four, but I would like to add some additional remarks in national capacity. Mr. President, we are witnessing a deep crisis in the functioning of the Security Council. This has been echoed by many delegations who took the floor today already, and also in last week's Security Council open debate on working methods. This crisis impacts the perception of the entire UN system. People around the world increasingly blame the UN for failing to maintain peace and security. We must take this criticism seriously. If not, the future of our organization is at stake. We must seize the momentum of the 80th session of the General Assembly to make concrete progress in the context of UN80, but also specifically on the reform of the Security Council. President, we join others in expressing our sincere gratitude to the timely appointment of the two IGCN co-chairs. We have full confidence in their experience, skill, and ambition to move forward the SOHL process. This has been said, regrettably, in the past cycle of the IGN, we have made little progress. Yes, the model discussion have considerably improved the work of the IGN, but we must prevent a situation that this format becomes yet another perpetual exercise. With the announcement by the C10 this morning to submit the model of the African Union, we now have the unique opportunity to move forward. We therefore strongly urge all Member States to contribute to the consolidation of the models as outlined in the Pact for the Future. Based on the models presented, we must now develop a single document to build upon. The majority of Member States expressed a clear preference for an expansion in both membership categories. This must be reflected in any consolidated model. Both categories permanent and non-permanent membership must be increased for both underrepresented regions such as Africa and member states that significantly contribute to global peace and security. This is not just a technical provision. It goes to what the core of the reform is all about, which is creating a council that can live up to the expectations of today's world. I thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the distinguished representative of Germany. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba.
Mr. President. First of all, we would like to congratulate the Permanent Representatives of Kuwait and the Netherlands on their appointment as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations on the question of equitable representation on the Security Council and the increase in its membership, and on other matters relating to the Council during the 80th session. We wish them success in the performance of their duties and convey to them our full support in this important process. On the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we appreciate the convening of this meeting to continue discussing a topic of great relevance to the Organization's agenda, namely the reform of the Security Council. Mr. President, Our position on the reform of the Security Council is clear. We support its expansion in both categories of membership, permanent and non-permanent. seeking a more balanced composition that corrects geographical imbalances and the insufficient representation of developing countries, which make up a large part of the UN membership. We reiterate that this expansion must not be partial or selective, nor should it involve an increase in the number of Security Council members, because that undermines the interests of developing countries. The Council's membership should reach no fewer than 26 members. This expansion should include an increase in new permanent members, at least two countries from Africa, two developing countries from Asia, and two from Latin America and the Caribbean, so that they can take part in the important decisions adopted by the Security Council. The time has come to correct the historical injustice whereby entire regions, such as Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean, lack representation in this category. Likewise, the non-permanent membership category should be expanded to at least 15 members. We do not support the creation of new categories or sub-categories of membership, as this would deepen existing differences and foster division within the Security Council. Mr. President, We reiterate our support for a comprehensive reform of the Security Council, including its working methods, in order to make it a truly transparent, democratic and representative body. In this regard, it is necessary to conduct transparent informal negotiations and to issue records of the Council's closed consultations, which should be the exception and not the norm. In addition, it is necessary to adopt its rules of procedure, which until now have remained provisional. The annual report submitted to this General Assembly must be exhaustive and analytical regarding the work of the Council, allowing an assessment of the causes and implications of its decisions. Cuba opposes the existence of the veto right. However, for as long as it is not eliminated, the new seats established in the category of permanent membership must have the same prerogatives and rights as current members, including the power of veto. No selective or discriminatory criteria should be applied in this regard. Another fundamental issue is that the Security Council must cease intervening in matters outside its mandate, particularly those that fall within the competence of the General Assembly. The functions and mandates established in the Charter of the United Nations must be respected. Mr. President, the IGN provides an appropriate space for fostering broad exchanges among Member States and for continuing to address the reform of this body through detailed discussion of its five key issues, in accordance with General Assembly decision 62/557. Please know that you can count on our willingness to continue moving forward toward a solution that enjoys the broadest possible political support from Member States. Thank you very much.
I thank the distinguished representative of Cuba. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Singapore.
Mr. President, I'd like to begin by thanking the Permanent Representative of Kuwait, Ambassador Tarek Al-Bunni, and the former Permanent Representative of Austria, Ambassador Alexander Marstik, for their hard work as co-chairs of the IGN process during the last session. I also want to take this opportunity to congratulate Ambassador Al-Bunni and the Permanent Representative of the Netherlands, Ambassador Liese-Gregoire van Haaren, on their appointment as co-chairs for the 80th session of the General Assembly. I wish them success and assure them of my delegation's full support. Mr. President, after 80 years, the case for a reform of the Security Council has never been more urgent. We are witnessing a period of unprecedented geopolitical tension and conflict. And yet, the Security Council has not always been able to fulfill its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Time and again, we have witnessed polarization and paralysis, which prevented timely and decisive action. Reform is much needed if the Council is to remain credible and effective. We need a Council that is responsive to current realities, but also a Council that is accountable to the wider membership, and a Council that is representative of the voices of all Member States. As we strengthen the work of the United Nations, and the General Assembly through the UN80 initiative and the GA revitalization process, our expectations of the Council must be no exception. The Pact for the Future clearly outlines our own commitment towards a more representative, inclusive, efficient and accountable Security Council. For Singapore, it is clear that Member States broadly agree on the need for reform. My delegation has also made its expectations known on the need for tangible outcomes from the IGN process. On this note, it is important to acknowledge the progress we have already made during this past IGN session. I thank the Co-Chairs for the revised Elements Paper on the convergences and divergences on the question of equitable representation on an increase in the membership of the Security Council. It provides a useful broad mapping of where we are on the various clusters, despite certain disagreements. The structured dialogues have also allowed us to have constructive dialogue and provided a platform for the presentation of models by various member states and groups. This approach provides a pathway for possible convergence around certain proposals, such as the potential size of an enlarged Council and broader representation. These efforts, coupled with the webcasting of IGN sessions and regular updates on the dedicated website, have contributed to some momentum, greater clarity and enhanced transparency in the IGN process. As is well known, Singapore is not part of any informal grouping within the IGM process. We have taken a pragmatic approach to reform and we come from the perspective of a small state that has only served in the Council once in the 60 years of our membership. Please allow me to make three points on how we see this important issue. Let me first address the issue of categories of membership and representation. To enhance the credibility and legitimacy of the Security Council, it is essential to reflect the diversity of UN membership and contemporary geopolitical realities. Yet the Council's membership remains frozen in time, with the last expansion taking place in August 1965. Of greater concern to my delegation is the fact that out of the 59 member states that have never served on the Security Council, the vast majority are small states. In fact, out of the 59 members who have not served in the Council, 45 of them are members of the Forum of Small States, which is a cross-regional grouping of developed and developing countries. It is therefore clear that small states, who constitute the majority of UN membership, do not have adequate opportunities to be represented in the Security Council. They face considerable political and structural obstacles to being elected as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is therefore important, as we consider the question of reform, to consider ways to facilitate the election of small states to the Council, especially small states that have never served in the Council. Singapore has consistently supported expanding the Security Council in both permanent and non-permanent categories. We support the need to address the historical under-representation of Africa and other regions. At the same time, let me be clear on another point. Any expansion of the Security Council should not become purely an exercise to accommodate the ambitions and aspirations of the big powers while ignoring the legitimate needs and aspirations of small states. No model of reform would be credible if the perspectives and interests of small states are not addressed. especially the interests of small states from underrepresented regions or small states from regional groups that do not practice subregional rotation. I welcome the openness by Member States to address this issue in the IGN, including the idea to create additional cross-regional rotating seats for SIDS. At the same time, we believe that further and deeper discussion is needed on how we can best address the interests and legitimate aspirations of all small states, especially those who have never served in the Security Council. My second point relates to size and effectiveness. Even as we reform the Security Council, we must ensure that any expansion does not compromise the its ability to respond swiftly and decisively. Already with the current configuration of the Council, we face tremendous challenges in decision-making. This is why Singapore supports an expanded Council of a reasonable size with membership in its mid-20s. Any reform must also be accompanied by strengthening the working methods of the Council to ensure more efficiency and accountability. To this end, we strongly support the full participation of non-permanent members in the work of the Council, including as pen holders and to hold the presidency of the Council at least once during their membership. Equally important is the question of the working methods of the Council. An expansion of the Council will require a thorough review of working methods to ensure greater transparency and openness in the workings of the Council. Thirdly, on the question of the veto, and by the same reasoning, we are not in favour of giving new permanent members the right of the veto. Singapore is not persuaded that increasing the number of veto-wielding members will make the Council more effective or responsive. We recognise that the complete elimination of the veto is not realistic in the near term. And as such, we support initiatives to strengthen accountability in the use of the veto. We support the veto initiative as adopted in resolution 76/262 that has introduced some degree of accountability. We also call on Council members, in particular the permanent members, to abstain from voting in disputes in which they are parties to, in accordance with Article 27.3 of the UN Charter. Permanent members should refrain from the use of the veto, particularly in cases involving genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, in line with the French-Mexican initiative and the ACT's code of conduct. In this context, Singapore had also previously put forward the idea of a declaration of responsibilities for adoption by the General Assembly as part of any eventual reform package. This declaration will commit all Council members, both elected and permanent, to abide by a code of conduct to uphold the Charter and respect international law as part of any eventual reform package. Mr. President, this year marks the 17th year of the IGN process. If we are to make any progress, all sides have to show flexibility and make compromises. Most importantly, we need to engage in real and serious negotiations. Our objective is to clear, to work towards a future consolidated model of reform. This will provide a concrete foundation for the next stage of discussions and move us from theoretical discussions to concrete outcomes. Small states, which have the most to lose from a weak and polarized multilateral system, must have a meaningful voice in these negotiations. Singapore remains committed to comprehensive Security Council reforms, and we stand ready to engage constructively with all Member States to achieve this important objective. Thank you very much for your attention.
I thank the distinguished representative of Singapore. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa.
Mr. President, South Africa aligns with the statements delivered on behalf of the L69 and the Africa Group. At the outset, we would like to congratulate the Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait to the United Nations, Ambassador Tarek Al-Banai, and the Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the United Nations, Ambassador Liza Gregoire van Haren, on their appointment as co-chairs of the Intergovernmental Negotiations, the IGN, during the 80th session of the General Assembly. President, We are concerned that the progress in the IGN remains slow while the circumstances that necessitate the reform of the Security Council are more evident and urgent than ever. This includes the continued failure by the Security Council to implement the provisions of the Charter on matters of the maintenance of international peace and security. Increasing questions on the relevance and credibility of the United Nations in terms of the maintenance of international peace and security and the validity of the Charter of the United Nations in this regard should spur us to move with urgency to reform the UN Security Council. This session, which takes place against the background of wider United Nations reforms, also under the UN80 initiative, provides an ideal opportunity to deliver on long-awaited promises of a reformed Security Council. The current session should consolidate gains made in the cross-regional groupings through the development of a consolidated model building on areas of convergence across the five pillars. This could serve as a basis to achieve urgent progress on text-based negotiations and a framework for reaching consensus on Security Council reform. We emphasize that there must be clearly defined timeframes for the commencement of these negotiations. President, in the Pact for the Future, our leaders agreed on redressing the historical injustices against Africa as a matter of priority and treating Africa as a special case while improving the representation of underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups as part of the guiding principles identified in the IGN. In this regard, we reiterate that this redress must be in accordance with a common African position, which provides that Africa should have not less than two seats in the permanent category, with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership, including the right of the veto, and have five seats in the non-permanent category. The question of the criteria for the selection of African members of the Security Council should be a matter for the African Union to determine, taking into consideration the representation, nature and capacity of those chosen. We must also emphasise that the reform of the Security Council must not be decided by only a few, It must be a collective effort. In conclusion, President, South Africa must reiterate that this Assembly cannot remain indifferent to the challenges facing the United Nations and needs to act to ensure that the questions on its credibility and integrity are addressed. We therefore look forward to receiving and considering the plan by the co-chairs on how they will guide the efforts to move this process forward during the session, as per their letter dated 10 November 2025. South Africa believes this plan needs to contribute to meaningful progress in the long overdue reform of the United Nations Security Council through text-based negotiations. In this regard, we will support efforts that bring us closer to the goal of an effective, efficient, democratic, responsive, and representative United Nations Security Council. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Dominican Republic.
President, distinguished delegates, the Dominican Republic welcomes the growing international consensus on the urgent need to reform the Security Council. The political momentum that we have collectively built, particularly through the Pact for the Future, places us in a privileged position to move forwards. towards a more inclusive, representative and effective Council, one that reflects the diversity of the international community at this moment in time. We would like to express our thanks to Kuwait and the Netherlands for agreeing to co-chair this process during the 80th session. The Dominican Republic offers you our full support and commitment to work constructively under your leadership in search of specific results. The momentum generated by the Pact for the Future represents an unprecedented opportunity that we cannot afford to miss. Actions 39, 40 and 41 of the Pact urge us to move forward without delay, identify convergences and strengthen the effectiveness of the Council. The Dominican Republic stands ready to help translate this mandate into tangible results. We take note with interest of the ministerial meeting of the L69 Group held on 24 September during High-Level Week. under the theme "Leave no one behind: Global South momentum for the reform of the Security Council". The Dominican Republic aligns itself with the concerns expressed in that declaration. The current architecture of the Council does not reflect present geopolitical realities. Global South countries bear the burden of conflicts in various regions, and the Council's inability to effectively address these challenges exacerbates human suffering in the affected countries. We fully agree that the Security Council must be more representative, more legitimate and more effective. It is essential to ensure equitable geographical representation, especially for underrepresented and unrepresented regions such as Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, both in the permanent as well as the non-permanent membership categories. We acknowledge the important convergence points identified in the Co-Chairs' document, but share the concern that discussions Under the intergovernmental negotiations framework consistently falls short of the expectations of the global south. It is imperative to begin text-based negotiations with clearly defined milestones and timelines. In this context, we warmly welcome and strongly endorse the following elements of the CARICOM model. The balanced expansion of both categories of membership, the progressive strengthening of the council's working methods, and This is particularly significant for us, the creation of a rotating seat for small island developing states. As a small island developing state, the Dominican Republic understands firsthand the unique vulnerabilities that we face. Climate change is a threat multiplier, transnational security challenges, migration crises, and the disproportionate impact of distant conflicts on our economies and societies. The SIDS are not mere observers of international security. We are actors contributing significantly to regional stability, multilateral cooperation, and the implementation of sustainable solutions. However, our voices are chronically absent when the most critical decisions are made in the Security Council. A rotating seat for SIDS is a necessary correction. one that recognizes our reality, our vulnerability, and our capacity to contribute indispensable perspectives on security, climate, and sustainable development. The Dominican Republic believes that any genuine reform must ensure fairer and more equitable representation, particularly for Latin America and the Caribbean, a region that has been systematically underrepresented. We have expressed openness to pragmatic and hybrid solutions that include longer terms and immediate re-election for non-permanent members as a way to improve continuity without reproducing asymmetric power dynamics. Mr. President, we strongly support the call to explore synergies among reform-oriented groups, including L69, CARICOM, the African Group and others, in order to drive concrete progress in the reform process. Transparency, regular accountability and meaningful participation of non-members must be pillars of a reformed Council. Any reform must be guided by the principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly the sovereign equality of states, and must strengthen multilateralism, not erode it. At this 80th session, the Dominican Republic considers it timely to formally support the CARICOM proposal, particularly its rotating seat for SIDS, and to redouble efforts to advance the best interests of the developing world in this matter. The Dominican Republic stands ready to work constructively toward achieving tangible, timely, and meaningful outcomes in this reform process. Thank you very much.
I thank the distinguished representative of Dominican Republic. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Republic of Korea.
Thank you, Vice President. I'd like to begin by joining others in congratulating and welcoming the appointment of Ambassador Darek of Kuwait and Ambassador Lee of the Netherlands as co-chairs of the upcoming IGM discussions. We have full confidence that both co-chairs will steer the process in a neutral, balanced, and impartial manner. The Republic of Korea aligns itself with the statement made by the Permanent Representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. Now, I would like to make a few points in my national capacity. This year's 80th anniversary of the UN naturally prompts us to reflect on how to reinvigorate the UN and Security Council. When it comes to Security Council reform, we must be clear-eyed on our way forward. There are views that the pace of reform could be improved by moving to other formats of discussion, such as text-based negotiations or consolidated models. However, progress does not come from changing the format. It comes from narrowing the substantive divergences that persist, including on the veto, category of membership, or equitable geopolitical, geographical representation. Progress requires convergence of positions built on flexibility from all delegations. This is also in line with Action 40 in the Pact for Future, which reaffirms the centrality of the IGM and calls for strengthened efforts with this framework. I'd like to also to recall that action 39 sets out the key principles for reformed Council. It must be more representative, inclusive, transparent, more efficient, effective, and more democratic and accountability. Allow me to elaborate my points. First, Any efforts to build a more representative and inclusive Council should begin with the chapter's Article 23, principle of equitable geographical distribution. When the Council was expanded for the first and only time in 1963, non-permanent seats were allocated among the five regional groups in proportion to their membership size at the time. Since then, The UN has grown by more than 80 member states, yet the regional distribution of the Council seats has remained unchanged. This outdated structure no longer reflects today's membership reality. We fully acknowledge the long-standing concerns of Africa, including the need to address historical injustice, as well as those of Latin America and the Caribbean. In this context, the Asia-Pacific Group, with its 54 member states, also remains the least represented regional group. We hope that this disparity across all underrepresented regions will be carefully considered. Second, towards a more effective and efficient Council, if we are serious about enhancing the Council's effectiveness, we must address the questions of the veto in a realistic manner. Decades of practice shows that a single veto is sufficient to prevent Council from fulfilling its mandate. Increasing number of veto powers cannot eliminate existing vetoes. It only creates more possibility for paralysis. Calling for effective and efficient Council while simultaneously advocating additional veto powers, therefore creates an inherent contradiction. Third, for more democratic and accountable council, members should be given the opportunity to serve in the council through regular and rotating elections, not through expanding lifelong membership. Permanencies reduce opportunities for the wider membership to serve, weaken electoral accountability, and consolidate privileges at a time when the Council's adaptability to rapidly changing dynamics is required. Accountability is best guaranteed by institutional mechanisms through regular elections. It cannot be depends on the goodwill of individual states elected through a single one-time process. This is why we see UFC proposal offers a pragmatic middle ground without creating new permanent membership by suggesting longer time non-permanencies with the possibility of immediate election. It addresses the aspiration of states wishing to serve longer while preserving democracy and accountability. Mr. Vice President, before closing, Korea would like to reaffirm its full support for the newly appointed Co-Chairs, and we look forward to engaging constructively under their leadership throughout the IGM discussions. Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Pakistan.
Thank you, Mr. President. Pakistan aligns itself with the statement delivered by the representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. We take this opportunity to welcome the appointment of the Co-Chairs, the Permanent Representatives of Kuwait and the Netherlands, for the intergovernmental negotiations on the Security Council reform process. We trust that they would perform their functions in an impartial, transparent and inclusive manner. President, at this moment in history, multilateralism is under strain as global challenges multiply. The inability of the Security Council to take meaningful action in response to many conflicts feeds into the debate about Security Council reform being indispensable for more effective maintenance of international peace and security. The reform of the Security Council involves vital interests of all UN member states and must, therefore, be decided by the widest possible support of the UN membership, that is, by consensus. And that is why the importance of reaching general agreement has been emphasized in Resolutions 48/26 of 1993 and 5330 of 1998. And this is precisely why Decision 62/557 stipulated that the intergovernmental negotiations were meant to seek a solution that can garner the widest possible political acceptance by member states. Mr. President, the inability to reach agreement on the reform does not stem from flaws in the reform process itself, but rather from the position of a few member states unwilling to accommodate the broader interests and perspectives of the wider UN membership. So instead of a reform for all, they are seeking privilege for some. That is the biggest roadblock to reform. Today, nothing is more anachronistic than the individual permanent membership, a category of members who unashamedly pursue their own national interest, represent nobody, and are accountable to no one. We cannot close our eyes to the historical reality that permanent membership and the veto have often been the root cause of the Council's paralysis and its non-transparent working methods. The overwhelming majority of UN membership believes that this is the fundamental problem facing the Security Council. And it would be disingenuous to suggest that instead of addressing this problem, we aggravate it by adding new individual permanent members. In fact, concepts of permanency, privilege and special status should have no place in today's United Nations. The reform of the Council should therefore enhance the voice of all UN Member States. Our ultimate agreed aim is to make the Council more representative, democratic, transparent, effective and accountable, enabling it to uphold international peace and security. Only an acceptable formula with an increase in the non-permanent members and a fair rotation through regular elections can provide more equitable representation for all states on the Council. This is also the essence of democracy. Mr. President, Regrettably, efforts towards consensus have been obstructed by demands from certain countries seeking permanent membership in an expanded Council. Such aspirations contradict the fundamental principle of sovereign equality. These few states try to justify their demands by invoking the logic of contemporary world realities. We need to understand the transient nature of geopolitics and the fact that world order is not static. It has become more pluralistic. Neither is influence perpetual, nor is it confined to a few states. Already, the realities have transformed substantially over the last decades. And were the Council to be truly reconstituted today, at least a couple of its existing permanent members might not retain their privileged status. Likewise, those now claiming eligibility for permanent membership may find themselves surpassed in influence, economy or capability by others. Colleagues, it is simple logic. The problem should never be mistaken for the solution. Moreover, there are those permanent members who seem open to expanding their exclusive club, primarily in an effort to try to preserve their own outdated position of privilege and to scuttle the essence of reform. Such an approach by some permanent members risks turning Council reform into an exercise in bloc formation. that eventually blocks reform. And if they are truly progressive, they must instead declare a commitment to genuine reform, abandon their own privilege, and be part of the democratic mainstream. President, the intergovernmental negotiations process established through Decision 62/557 is a Member State-driven mechanism that has served this Assembly well. Through patient engagement, we have progressively expanded areas of convergence and narrowed those of divergence. We firmly believe that for the benefit of the entire UN membership, Member States must be allowed the necessary time and space to reconcile and broaden the areas of convergence and reduce divergences under the five clusters, which are, as we know, inherently interlinked. Prematurely launching the so-called text-based negotiations before broad agreement is achieved on the five clusters would risk deepening divisions, undoing progress made, and ultimately destabilizing the IGM process. As a non-permanent member, Pakistan is particularly mindful of the imperative of further improving the working methods of the Security Council that would, among other things, also strengthen the role of the elected members in the working and decision-making of the Security Council. President, the uniting for consensus proposal represents an objective, balanced, flexible and inclusive approach that is designed to accommodate the legitimate interests of all Member States and regions. We remain convinced that it offers the most viable foundation for building consensus on this long-standing issue. The Group maintains that expansion should occur only in the elected non-permanent category, Each region could, however, be assigned longer-term seats, including possibility of re-election. The historic injustice against Africa must be redressed, as provided for in the Pact for the Future. Similarly, adequate representation of the underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups such as Asia-Pacific, Latin America, and the Caribbean, as well as cross-regional groups such as the SEADs, the Arab group, and the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation, OIC, has to be catered for as also agreed in the Pact for the Future. And the unequal advantage enjoyed by Europe in the current composition of the Council merits correction. We understand the common African position. The African model of regional representation, reflecting unity and regional consensus, is altogether different from the pursuit of power and privilege by some individual countries in other regions. We therefore see the African position in a positive light, and Africa would indeed benefit if it pursues its demand as a special case, detached from other positions of groups that are inherently divisive. The UFC proposal has inbuilt flexibility to adequately accommodate African aspirations. President, in conclusion, we reaffirm our commitment to engaging constructively in the IGN process. We will continue to work closely with the Co-Chairs to promote convergence and reduce divergence in pursuit of a fair, effective and representative reform of the Security Council, a reform for all Privilege for none. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Romania.
Mr. President, this year's annual debate circles us back to the idea of reform within the United Nations. The reforming of the Security Council bears more importance as we are already at the 80th session, and we all underline the necessity of adaptation of the main UN organs to the changing realities, whilst keeping the core principles of the UN Charter at heart. It is the moment to exit our comfort zone. We need renewed enthusiasm on this agenda item, and we wish our best to the newly appointed co-chairs of the intergovernmental process the Ambassador of Kuwait, and the Netherlands. The IGCN is the right place to conduct the reform of the Security Council, as it is also advocated by the Pact for the Future adopted last year. And with the UN80 initiative moving forward, it is important for the IGCN discussions to pick up the pace. A reformed Security Council is a proof of credibility of the work of all our nations, and a vote of confidence to the UN Charter. The reform of the Security Council is meant to consolidate the relevance and legitimacy of the Council in terms of transparency, accountability, democracy, geographic representation, and effectiveness. Reforming the Security Council is not uncharted waters. Our steadfast compass is the UN Charter, even 80 years since its adoption. The reform is a matter of political will and of commitment to defend international peace and security without overlooking the other two pillars of the UN, human rights and development. The current architecture of the Council has vividly showed the need to reflect changes in its composition so that it can respond in a better, democratic and more accountable manner to the challenges, but also to the expectations of Member States. As a staunch supporter of effective multilateralism, Romania advocates for the principle of inclusivity in ensuring regional representation in a future reformed Council. Extending the representation by increasing the number of seats and voices in the Security Council should comprise all regional groups accordingly, including the Eastern European group. Mr. President, last week, Member States had the opportunity to address the annual open debate of the Security Council on the working methods of this organ. The idea of cooperation between the Security Council and the General Assembly was generally retained by many delegations in their statements. The partnership between the General Assembly and the Security Council is essential on a number of topics, particularly on the maintenance of international peace and security and on the selection of the future Secretary-General. We trust the new commitments undertaken during the General Assembly revitalization resolution for consolidating interaction and collaboration between the two main organs will reflect the potential the UN has when it works in complementarity rather than in silos. Now more than ever, we need to deliver together and to restore trust in the multilateral architecture. Thank you, Mr. President.
Thank you, the distinguished representative of Romania. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Spain.
Thank you, Mr. President. Spain, as a member of the Uniting for Consensus group, aligns itself with the statement delivered by Italy this morning and wishes to add three considerations in our national capacity. First of all, the reform of the Security Council must be understood within the broad and general framework of renewing the United Nations. an objective to which we committed ourselves in the Pact for the Future. Secondly, the reform must be comprehensive, addressing all five main issues contained in Decision 62/557. In addition to being interlinked, these are also equally important. In relation to the above, Spain opposes expanding the category of permanent members of the Security Council. Equality among member states necessarily entails rotation in positions of responsibility. Increasing or even maintaining the number of permanent members would only end up granting a handful of states privileges that run completely counter to the principle of equality among states, to the detriment of the majority of member states and exacerbating the Security Council's operational problems, when what we should be debating is how to solve them. Thirdly, we feel it's essential not to delay the adoption of measures to limit the use of the veto, which sometimes paralyzes the work of the Council and stops it maintaining international peace and security. There are initiatives on the table to restrict the scope and use of the veto, such as the French-Mexican proposal or the code of conduct of the ACT group, both of which enjoy the support of most of the United Nations membership. Mr. President, I conclude by underscoring that Security Council reform is essential in order to make it more efficient, representative, democratic and accountable. You can count on Spain's active participation in advancing the reform of the Security Council within the framework of the IGM process and under the leadership of the excellent co-chairs of the process, whom I congratulate on their appointment, namely the permanent representatives of the Netherlands and Kuwait. Thank you very much.
I thank the distinguished representative of Spain. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mongolia.
Mr. President, at the outset, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the President for convening this important debate on the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. I would also like to extend my congratulations to Her Excellency, Ms. Liesje-Grigore van Harum, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. and His Excellency Mr. Tarek Al-Banai, the Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait, on the appointment as co-chairs of the Intergovernmental Negotiations. We hope that under the able leadership we will continue a successful negotiation during this session. statement delivered by the distinguished permanent representative of the Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on behalf of the L69 group, and wish to add few remarks in our national capacity. Mr. President, my delegation commends the tireless efforts of the PGA and cultures to advance the IGM process during the 79th session of the General Assembly. Particularly, it is important that in the Pact of the Future, our heads of state and government reaffirm the commitment to strengthen efforts in the framework of IGN on Security Council reform as a matter of priority and without delay. The member states were engaged into multiple IGN meetings on aspects of the five clusters and two informal Tax Talks meetings, as well as other meetings convened by the Co-Chairs to discuss the models submitted by individual Member States and groups of States. We also want to underline the importance of the informal open house discussion on Security Council reform held with the representatives from think tanks, academia, civil society and Member States. There is no doubt that these meetings have become an effective platform for exchange of views and helped Member States to renew their commitment to the Security Council reform. This year, we want to appeal the PGA co-chairs and Member States to double our efforts for achieving tangible, timely and meaningful outcomes that could serve our best interests and lead toward a stronger multilateralism. While doing so, we must recognize the fact that despite two decades-long discussions on the Security Council reform, we have been split into many regional, cross-regional or like-minded groups with diverging views that have been too distant from consensus or consolidated models and text-based negotiations. However, The UN80 initiative kicked off this year might be a chance to expedite the IGN process, mobilize innovative approaches, explore untapped opportunities, and streamline it with the comprehensive reform of the UN system. At minimum, reform-oriented groups need to exert more efforts on finding some areas of synergy for action on reform of the Security Council. Mr. President, I want to mention that there are about 60 countries, which is one-third of Member States, that never served the Security Council. In my region, it applies to 27 countries, or half of the Asia-Pacific Group countries, including my country, Mongolia. Only this number shows us the urgent need for the Security Council reform and making its membership categories more inclusive and representative. Lastly, my delegation reiterates its long-standing principled position on the importance of equitable representation and expansion of the Security Council membership. We express our strong support for an enlargement that includes both permanent and non-permanent membership categories to make the Security Council more inclusive and representative. We place particular emphasis on fair geographical distribution with focus on addressing the needs of underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Mongolia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Colombia.
Allow me to begin by congratulating the Presidency on convening this debate on a fundamental issue for adapting this Organization to the realities of today's world. My country aligns itself with the statement delivered by the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group, and I would like to offer the following observations in my national capacity. Colombia would like to recognize and express our satisfaction with the appointment of the permanent representatives of Kuwait and the Netherlands as co-facilitators of the intergovernmental negotiations. We trust in their abilities and leadership to continue guiding the process in an impartial and balanced manner. I wish to express Colombia's support for their important work. and our full readiness to participate constructively in the dialogue, with the expectation of making progress and reaching agreements and compromises that make possible a reform enjoying the broadest possible political acceptance. I would also like to highlight the importance of the wording of decision 62/557, because in a context of growing polarization, fragmentation and crises of multilateralism, Only a reform with the broadest political acceptance is truly implementable. In this sense, Colombia reaffirms that the intergovernmental negotiations that we have undertaken constitute the legitimate and inclusive forum for decision-making on the reform of the Security Council, and we call for capitalizing on and building upon the momentum and progress achieved during the previous negotiation cycle. Discussions on the functioning of the Security Council have always reflected broader debates about the functioning of the multilateral system. From that perspective, my country has maintained a principled position from the very beginning. During the negotiations leading to San Francisco in 1945, Colombia declared that it did not support the granting of veto power nor the establishment of permanent members on the Security Council. Today, 80 years later, Both the use of the veto and the category of permanent membership lie at the center of discussions on the effectiveness of the organization and on its ability to represent the contemporary international system that we're seeing today. For Colombia, a reform of the Security Council, especially in today's delicate international context, must correct rather than deepen existing imbalances that affect even the first principle established in the UN Charter, namely the sovereign equality of all its members. Multiplying the privileges of permanent members does not correct the representation deficit. It entrenches it, and it would do a disservice to the Council's operability and effectiveness. What should guide our discussions is the kind of decision-making process on peace and security that we seek to legitimize. one that is pragmatic, sustainable, with an eye to the future, and sufficiently effective to confront the growing challenges facing this organization and its member states. Because, dear colleagues, despite the current critical and shifting situation with regard to multilateralism, the challenges that most affect humanity will continue to require multilateral responses. Our objective must be to achieve a Council that is representative, democratic, transparent, effective, and equipped with improved accountability mechanisms. Colombia shares the Uniting for Consensus vision that expanding the number of elected members, including the possibility of longer terms or re-election, enhances representativeness while preserving accountability to the membership, advancing representativeness without establishing new inequalities. And this includes the question of the veto. What once seemed an exceptional institutional arrangement has come to imply the paralysis of the organization in fulfilling its mandates. Colombia calls for its abolition and does not support its extension. More vetoes would mean more paralysis and less trust. Likewise, for Colombia, the reform must prioritize correcting the underrepresentation of Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Asia-Pacific. The Council must reflect current geopolitical realities and the diversity of peacebuilding experiences on the ground. Mr. President, As we mark the 80th anniversary of the Organization, While recognizing its invaluable contribution to peace, development, and human rights, it is evident that this is the moment to take the opportunity to advance reforms that make it more representative of today's world and better equipped to respond to contemporary challenges. For this reason, Colombia recognizes both the urgency of Security Council reform and the need for our committed engagement in the negotiations. it is necessary to move forward, but through dialogue, deliberation and flexibility, seeking alternatives and reaching agreements on the issues that most divide our positions. Success will not be measured by who secures a seat forever, but by how many can see themselves represented in a more democratic, more effective and more legitimate council. Thank you very much.
Gracias. I thank the distinguished representative of Colombia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Argentina.
Mr. President, Ambassador, the Argentine delegation aligns itself with the statement delivered by the distinguished Permanent Representative of Italy on behalf of the 194 Consensus Negotiating Group, and is pleased to share the following reflections in its national capacity. Firstly, Argentina warmly congratulates the Permanent Representatives of Kuwait and the Netherlands on their election as co-facilitators for the intergovernmental negotiations of the 80th session of the General Assembly. We express our full support for the important tasks entrusted to them, as well as our appreciation for the impartiality and professionalism that have traditionally guided these roles. The intergovernmental negotiations constitute an indispensable space for multilateral diplomacy, and their success depends on trust, transparency and consensus. Argentina is fully confident that the progress achieved during this session will help further bridge the positions of Member States in this complex undertaking. Mr. President, In a world marked by conflicts, protracted crises and challenges that transcend borders, a Security Council that is credible, efficient and fully legitimate is essential. Without these qualities, the Council can hardly fulfil its primary mandate of preserving international peace and security. Based on my country's experience as a non-permanent member of the body, Argentina has observed the need for the Council to reflect in a balanced way the geographic, political and cultural diversity of the international community. The active inclusion of all Member States not only strengthens the legitimacy of its decisions, but also promotes a more responsible and shared approach to conflict resolution. There is a broad consensus that the Council's current working methods reflect the urgent need for reform. following a pragmatic, realistic approach. For Argentina, understanding the roots of the Council's current limitations is essential. Repeating historical patterns without addressing efficiency or inclusivity will not provide solutions. Expanding the number of permanent members with veto power does not guarantee a more efficient Council. On the contrary, it could worsen existing dysfunctions. Mr. President, Argentina maintains, among other considerations, that genuine modernisation of the Council must centre on expanding the category of non-permanent members. Such an expansion would create a more representative, democratic and operational body, granting elected members effective participation in decision-making and encouraging new working dynamics. It would also make it possible to update the Council's methods and procedures, strengthening its capacity to respond to global challenges. This vision represents the essence of a modern and responsible reform, a reform that reinforces democracy, accountability, and the Council's effectiveness without compromising its legitimacy. For this reason, the United for Consensus proposal within the framework of the IGN is the most rational, fair, and realistic alternative, avoiding the flaws that have historically hindered the Council's functioning. The Argentine delegation reiterates its readiness to take part in the upcoming IGN sessions in a constructive spirit, seeking to bridge the existing gaps between various negotiating groups and fostering an inclusive and substantive dialogue. We invite all Member States and negotiating groups that have not yet done so to present their models and proposals in a collaborative effort that will strengthen the process. Finally, alongside United for Consensus, Argentina will continue working with flexibility and a willingness to compromise, promoting a Security Council that is more democratic, legitimate and effective, and capable of responding to the challenges of the 21st century. Thank you very much.
I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Turkey.
Thank you, President. Turkey fully aligns itself with the statement delivered by the distinguished representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. I would also like to make the following remarks in my national capacity. President, We appreciate the engagement of the President of the General Assembly in this process and warmly welcome the appointment of the Permanent Representatives of the State of Kuwait and the Kingdom of the Netherlands in their capacities as co-facilitators of the IGM. They have our full support and cooperation, and we depend on their impartial and balanced leadership in the forthcoming session. President, reforming the Security Council is an undeniable and inevitable necessity. This process can no longer be deferred. However, a needs-based, sustainable and target-oriented Council reform cannot be undertaken hastily. This process calls for narrowing our differences, increasing our convergences and achieving the broadest political acceptance on the main parameters identified by this August Assembly. The Security Council fails to respond to the immediate challenges we are facing today in a swift and efficient manner. This is evident as millions of displaced, hungry, sick, maimed, or violated populations affected by conflicts around the world will attest to. A reformed Council must reflect today's realities and should be fit to address contemporary challenges with the capacity to equitably represent all the peoples of the world. Reform requires an inclusive and comprehensive approach. It should prioritize common good over individual national interests for the benefit of all member states and not a select few. The reformed Security Council must be effective, efficient, transparent, democratic and accountable. President, the use of veto is a clear impediment on the way forward. The veto should ideally be abolished. Failing to do this, Its use and framework should be limited, especially under cases such as mass atrocities and war crimes. Our collaborative efforts should focus on a reformed Security Council that ensures fair, democratic, and inclusive representation. This is only attainable with a fair system of rotation of more non-permanent members to regular elections. Increasing the number of elected seats will also ensure that underrepresented regions are rightfully present in the Council. This is also the only feasible and constructive approach to address the historic injustice against Africa and developing countries and allow cross-regional groupings such as the OIC to make their voices heard. More permanent seats, on the other hand, will only hamper these efforts, hinder wider representation and suppress the diversity of voices. Last but not least, a strengthened coordination and cooperation between the Security Council and the General Assembly is also necessary. The recent progress achieved under the IGN, the sole legitimate platform to discuss this delicate matter, is thus most welcome and should be deemed encouraging as a momentum for the path forward. We call on all Member States to demonstrate the political will and constructive flexibility to facilitate a feasible, practical and attainable reform process. We also call for new models to advance the discussions in the IGM. President, the reform of the Security Council will have direct impact on the lives of current and future generations. A genuine consensual approach reached through compromise should focus on the most feasible model which can swiftly garner the largest political acceptance. We therefore once again urge all member states to assess constructively the compromise solution of the UFC in the IGM process. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Turkey. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Latvia.
Mr. President, distinguished colleagues, the United Nations was founded on the promise of equality among nations, large and small, from every region of the world. Yet, eight decades later, the composition and working methods of the UN Security Council no longer fully reflect this reality. Reforming the Security Council is therefore not a matter of convenience, but of credibility. Mr. President, Latvia strongly supports the reform of the UN Security Council. The Council needs to become more effective, transparent, inclusive and accountable. The Security Council must not only be capable of acting, but of acting in a manner that enjoys the confidence of all Member States. Equitable representation lies at the heart of this reform. The last structural reform of the UN Security Council was in 1965, when the number of non-permanent members was increased from six to ten. At that time, the UN had 117 member states. Today, it has 193. Accordingly, Latvia believes the Security Council must better mirror the membership of the United Nations and the realities of the 21st century. Regional representation must reflect changes in respective regional groups that have occurred over time. Council's composition should ensure fair and balanced geographical representation, giving a stronger voice to regions that remain underrepresented. It is long overdue for Africa to have permanent membership at the Security Council. Likewise, the small island developing states deserve to be represented. Their voice must be heard. particularly in light of existential threats posed by climate change. The Council must also be more inclusive and transparent. All members, permanent and elected, must be held to the same standards of responsibility and accountability. Elected members bring diversity, innovation, and regional experience that strengthen the Council's legitimacy. The role should be supported and valued through fair and transparent application of its working methods. Mr. President, we believe that the Pact for the Future, adopted last year, alongside the Secretary-General's UN80 initiative, provides a pathway to transform global governance. It calls on us to modernize the multilateral system, including the Security Council. to better reflect today's geopolitical realities and tomorrow's challenges. In conclusion, let me reiterate that Latvia will continue to engage constructively in this discussion to further enhance inclusiveness of the Council. The Security Council is the master of its own procedure and has the means to enhance its effectiveness and inclusiveness. Thereby, strengthening its ability to act with the confidence of the entire UN membership. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Latvia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Russian Federation.
Mr. President, We welcome the holding of yet another plenary meeting on the issue of equitable representation in the Security Council and the broadening of its membership, as well as related aspects. We note the energetic efforts of the Permanent Representative of Kuwait, Tarek Al-Bunni, and the former PR of Austria, Alexander Bacek, convening the intergovernmental negotiations throughout the 79th session of the General Assembly. Now, these negotiations demonstrated some progress on helping national positions converge on this exceptionally delicate issue. We are counting on the coordinators at this session to continue to carefully and impartially steer the process. The process of establishing a more democratic and multipolar world order continues to gather momentum. The voices of the Global South are growing ever louder in discussions of issues on the international agenda. A shining confirmation of this is the recent adoption by the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly of a draft resolution proclaiming an International Day against Colonialism in all of its forms and manifestations. eradicating the consequences of the colonial era is a key objective, which is linked to surmounting something that's long-awaited, surmounting this historical injustice vis-a-vis former enslaved peoples. But today, we are also witnessing manifestations of neocolonialism, economic coercion, and former colonial capitals pumping resources out of other countries. Aside from the long overdue reform of international financial institutions, it is precisely Security Council reform that is the missing piece of the puzzle, which, once put together, will show us the new global multipolar map based on equitable international cooperation and the sovereign equality of states. And yet, the path to compromise on the selection of optimal modalities for an updated Council is still strewn with myriad obstacles owing to the importance of this body, its role, its responsibilities as per the UN Charter. Clearly, the costs of getting the reform wrong, the price to pay is exceptionally high. One rash move on this path can cast the UN's achievements back 80 years. The Russian Federation has unswervingly taken as its starting point the need to make the Security Council more representative by including developing countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America. It is imperative that we fix the historical injustice vis-a-vis Africa. The current level of representation at the Council is not aligned with either the number of states on the African continent nor Africa's contemporary role in international affairs. For us, it's obvious that membership is skewed, something that's absolutely unfair and wholly unjustified. It's skewed towards or in favor of Western states, states which represent a disproportionately small part of our planet's population, not to mention the fact that this category of countries espouses block-based approaches, essentially identical approaches. representatives of this regional group are saying this out loud themselves. It's hard to imagine a bigger failure of the reform process than seeing the quantitative supremacy of former colonial capitals persist due to a quantitative change. Moreover, what's of principled importance is to maintain the Council's ability to swiftly and effectively respond to emerging threats and challenges to international peace and security. The world will very quickly have to pay a high price if the Security Council cannot keep up with events requiring its immediate response. Broadening membership to 25 to 30 members would double the time taken to discuss current and extraordinary issues, the time we need to work out solutions and to search for compromise. Not to mention the fact that such a radical increase in the number of seats would reduce the role of each specific member in the decision-making process. What are we trying to achieve through such an increase? Therefore, we are in favour of maintaining compact Security Council. The optimal quantity should not exceed the low 20s. The Russian Federation does not support initiatives that would result in the prerogatives of current permanent members of the Security Council being undermined, and that includes the veto. We shouldn't forget that this mechanism was established by the UN's founding fathers to ensure that the Security Council takes balanced decisions. Without the veto, the UN would have met the same regrettable fate as the League of Nations did. Over the last decade, the number of instances when a veto was cast on the Security Council has indeed gone up. Yet this year, a veto was cast on only two occasions. On both of those occasions, it was by the US in order to cover the atrocities being committed by Israel in Gaza. That means that the crux of the problem that the organization faces lies not in the veto, but in the lack of political will, as well as the irresponsible behavior of some council members who are either putting drafts on the table, which they know to be unacceptable to others, or who are irresponsibly covering for the geopolitical interests of their allies. In the intergovernmental process, we are seeing an overwhelming majority of member states trying to find the optimal model for Security Council reform, yet a universal decision which would satisfy everyone or nearly everyone has not yet been found. We hope that at this session, we will continue to work step by step, patiently, on converging national approaches. On our side, we will take an active part in the upcoming negotiations process, and we call on all interested parties to do the same. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Mr. President, Today, the reform of the Security Council has become one of the core issues in overall process of the reform of the United Nations, aimed at enabling the organization to fulfill its noble mission of maintaining international peace and security. As one of the principal organs of the United Nations, the Security Council played an important role in building a peaceful and stable world. For the Council to faithfully discharge its mandate, it must not serve the strategic interests of a few individual countries, but must instead uphold international justice and fairness in line with the collective interests of all Member States. Delegation of the DPRK would like to clarify its principled position on the question of the Security Council reform as follows. First, reform of the Security Council should be conducted on the principles of international justice, fairness, and democracy. The fundamental reason the current Security Council has failed to fulfill its mission of safeguarding international peace and security lies in the unjust and double standard practice pursued by certain member states within the Council. At present, in the Security Council, legitimate exercise of the sovereign right by independent states in accordance with the UN Charter and the other principles of international law is frequently denounce it as a threat to international peace and security, while mass killings, nuclear proliferation, and military buildup by specific countries are protected or even justified under the pretext of the right of self-defense and strengthening alliance. If such abnormal practice continue to be tolerated, the trust of the international community in the Security Council will further erode, and legitimacy and authority of its resolutions and decisions will be seriously undermined. Secondly, number of Security Council members should be expanded on the basis of ensuring equitable representation for the non-aligned movement and the other developing countries. Current composition of the Security Council no longer reflects today's reality, in which UN membership has grown significantly and developing countries play a leading role in global political and economic affairs. Ensuring equitable representation for the non-aligned and the other developing countries is essential to overcoming structural irrationalities of the current Security Council. In this regard, my delegation believes that the issue of the Security Council reform must be resolved through sufficient consultation among all Member States on the basis of a consensus. At the present stage, the most reasonable approach is to begin by expanding number of non-permanent seats where majority of member states share the same position. However, my delegation maintain its consistent principle position that Japan must never be allowed to obtain the permanent seat on the Security Council. During its colonial rule over the Korea, the Japan forcibly abducted more than 8 million Korean people massacre of one million innocent civilians, and enslaved 200,000 Korean women as sexual slavery for Japanese army. Instead of apologizing for and compensating these past crimes against humanity, Japan is now revising its peace constitution and moving toward becoming military power. The attempt by such a country to secure permanent seat on the Security Council constitute insult to the UN Charter and affront to international justice. No matter how desperately Japan tries to erase its past crimes and evade responsibility through political maneuver, the history cannot be rewritten. The Security Council must be composed of peace-loving countries that are committed to maintaining global peace and security and that enjoy trust of the international community. In conclusion, my delegation expresses its expectation that discussion will make a positive contribution toward reforming Security Council into a fair, responsible, and representative organ consistent with the principles of the UN Charter. I thank you.
Thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of El Salvador.
Mr. President, El Salvador thanks you for convening this general debate on the reform of the Security Council. as well as for the leadership of the distinguished co-chairs, the Permanent Representative of Kuwait and the Permanent Representative of the Netherlands, in guiding the process of intergovernmental negotiations. We congratulate them on their mandate and we reiterate our full support. Mr. President, After more than a decade of deliberations, the positions of groups and Member States regarding the reform of the Security Council are well known. Nevertheless, the process has still not succeeded in generating the necessary consensus that would allow us to move forward in a substantive manner. The persistence of this institutional inertia has tangible consequences. It's not merely a procedural deficiency. It is an absence of action that weakens the Council's legitimacy, compromises the credibility of the organization, and leaves millions of people trapped in conflict situations without a response. The price of this inertia is measured in human lives. Whenever the Council remains paralyzed by political divisions or vetoes, crises worsen, conflicts are prolonged, and opportunities for prevention and peaceful resolution are lost. The erosion of the Council's moral and political authority affects not only its functioning, but also the very foundations of this organization. For this reason, El Salvador reiterates its strong support for a comprehensive reform of the Security Council, one that transforms it into a more representative, democratic, effective, transparent and inclusive body. A reform that enables it to act with the agility and responsibility required by today's challenges to international peace and security. Mr. President. In order to reach this goal, El Salvador supports an expansion in the number of elected members and a greater participation of underrepresented regions, including Latin America and the Caribbean. Such reform is essential to ensure a more equitable reflection of the current composition of the Organization and to provide the Council with a diversity of perspectives aligned with the present. We also reaffirm our concern regarding the disproportionate use of the veto, whose application has prevented timely responses and undermined the legitimacy of the Council's decisions. Consequently, we support efforts to limit its use, especially in situations involving atrocity crimes, as established in the French-Mexican Declaration and the ACT Group Group's Code of Conduct, to which El Salvador has joined. Additionally, we consider it essential to improve the Council's working methods and to strengthen its interaction with its General Assembly. Transparency, accountability and the effective participation of all Member States must be central elements to any meaningful reform. Mr. President, We know that differences persist, but we also know that political will and innovative thinking are necessary conditions to overcome them. We urge Member States to approach this process with greater flexibility, creativity and a sense of collective responsibility. Reforming the Security Council is a moral obligation to the principles upon which this Organization is founded. El Salvador reaffirms its commitment to participate actively, constructively and proactively in this process. We are convinced that only through honest dialogue and realistic proposals can we translate long-expressed aspirations into concrete results. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
I thank the distinguished representative of El Salvador. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Estonia.
Mr. President, In 2024, by adopting the Pact for the Future, the leaders of the world agreed here in New York to strengthen efforts in the framework of the IGN on Security Council reform as a matter of priority and without delay. This urgency has not lost its relevance, quite the opposite. As the Security Council is too often failing to act due to geopolitical ambitions of the key players and misuse of the veto, reform of the Council is of central importance for the Council to be able to fulfill its core function of maintaining international peace and security. President, Estonia supports continuing the IGN process without delay through the structured dialogues on individual models presented by member states and groups of states. We welcome the submission of further models, including by B5 members, as well as the revision of existing models. These discussions serve an important role in developing a consolidated model, which we are hopeful to see by the end of the current IGN cycle. Progress achieved would help us move directly to text-based negotiations. As for the substance of the reform, Estonia advocates for a Security Council composition that adequately reflects the current world, with a fair distribution between continents and regions. We are also open to continued discussions on the representation of cross-regional groups, such as small island developing states. Estonia supports the expansion of the Council membership so that it would include countries that have, inter alia, demonstrated their unwavering commitment to international law and the principles of the UN Charter, and have consistently acted in accordance with these principles. Next, we need to find a way to restrict the use, or rather abuse, of the veto that has been the biggest cause of the Security Council's inaction and loss of credibility. There should be no veto right in the cases of massive violations of international law, genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Estonia supports the French-Mexican initiative on veto restraint and the code of conduct by the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency Group on not voting against resolutions aimed at ending mass atrocities, including the crime of aggression. We call on all Council members to ensure the full and consistent implementation of Article 27.3 of the Charter that demands that a party to the dispute abstains from voting. Last but not least, Estonia supports further strengthening the role of the General Assembly in matters of international peace and security, especially in situations where the Council itself is unable to uphold international law and the principles of the Charter. In these situations, the Assembly should be able to collectively overcome the veto. We see that both the Uniting for Peace resolution and the veto initiative provide frameworks for the Assembly to step up and make concrete recommendations for Member States and the Council for action. Mr. President, the main goal of our reform endeavors should be a just and strengthened multilateral world order based on international law, with the UN and the UN Charter at its core. We should use this moment to collectively reinforce the political relevance of the United Nations Organization. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Estonia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Australia.
Thank you, President. I thank the permanent representatives of the Netherlands and Kuwait. for taking on leadership of the intergovernmental negotiations. You have Australia's full support. Australia is a longstanding supporter of Security Council reform. Reform should enhance representation in the membership of the Council and enhance the Council's working methods to increase transparency and participation. We thank member states who continue to engage constructively on reform through this debate, the intergovernmental negotiations framework, and groups of member states, including the Group of Four and the Uniting for Consensus group. Today, Australia makes three points. First, any credible Council reform needs to consider reform of Council membership. Australia's position on this has been clear and consistent. Australia supports greater participation of permanent and non-permanent representation for Africa, the Asia-Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. And Australia supports further exploration of ways to ensure more equitable representation for small island developing states to ensure the Council takes into account their perspectives and needs. Second, Australia supports reform that enhances both the transparency of the Council and participation by non-members in its sessions. We appreciate the inclusion of a dedicated chapter on the use of the veto in the Security Council's annual report to the General Assembly. Our opposition to the veto is longstanding. We strongly support ways to limit its use, including through voluntary restraint and through the proper application of Article 27.3 of the Charter. We also encourage increased consultation and coordination with the Peacebuilding Commission and welcome progress to this end, including ongoing efforts to implement the revised Note 507. And we emphasize the important contributions of briefers in the Security Council sessions, including civil society representatives and humanitarian briefers, and urge their expanded participation. Third, we are at a time when broad reform of the UN system is critical to ensure its effectiveness, transparency and accountability. The Security Council must be part of our collective efforts on reform to ensure it lives up to the promise of the Charter and delivers on its solemn responsibilities into the future. Australia's candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for 2029-2030 reflects our long-standing commitment to the United Nations peace and security agenda. We stand ready to engage productively in further efforts to deliver meaningful reform. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Australia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Kenya.
Thank you, Mr. President. At the outset, allow me to congratulate Ambassador Lise Hellen, permanent representative of the Kingdom of Netherlands, and Ambassador Talik Al-Banai, permanent representative of the State of Kuwait, on your appointment as co-facilitators of the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. We also commend both co-facilitators for the careful and inclusive way they have guided previous negotiations of this process. Their work provides a strong foundation upon which Member States can advance meaningful reform. The Security Council remains the cornerstone of international peace and security. Yet, its composition no longer reflects the realities of the 21st century. It remains frozen in the post-war structures of 1945, unable to act inclusively, with fairness and with speed. Their structural rigidity often translates into delayed responses to crises, insufficient resourcing of peace operations, and exclusion of many voices from meaningful decision-making. Africa dominates much of the Security Council's agenda and continues to contribute substantive contingents to UN peacekeeping missions, often bearing the highest human and financial costs of instability. Regions such as the Caribbean and the Pacific, small island developing states, face similar vulnerabilities where their security concerns are often overlooked. The Middle East remains a subject to repeated crisis, often accelerated by decision-making deadlocks. Asia Pacific, home to over half of the world's populations, all only one permanent seat. Reform is thus critical not only for Africa, but for all regions whose peace and security aspirations remain marginalized under the current system. Guided by this imperative, Kenya emphasizes the urgent need to expand both permanent and non-permanent membership, ensure equitable regional representation, and adopt measures that enhance transparency, accountability, and operational effectiveness. Mr. President, the 2025 Element Paper provided some guidance and clarity for this IGM process, identifying areas of broad convergence on the need for the greater representation for developing countries, small island states, and Africa's legitimate aspiration to permanent membership. Still, divergences in some areas remain. However, these differences must not stall progress, but should instead inform a structured member state-driven negotiation that balances ambition with feasibility. To advance this process, Kenya proposes clear next steps. My delegation proposes three concrete Next steps for the intergovernmental process. One, adopt a hybrid negotiation approach that combines text-based modalities with interactive consensus-oriented discussions. While it takes the best negotiation provides clarity, it should be complemented by open consultation to capture nuanced positions and regional perspectives. Two, Establish a clear timeline and milestone for finalizing reform elements, including working methods, regional representation, and permanent membership. This will create accountability and momentum while respecting the sovereignty of all Member States. Three, strengthen linkages between the Security Council reform and the operational effectiveness of UN mandates. Reform should ensure that new arrangements are accompanied by adequate resources and mechanisms to support timely and inclusive decision-making, especially in conflict-affected regions like the Great Lakes, Horn of Africa, and beyond. In conclusion, Kenya reiterates its unwavering commitment to the principles of equity, effectiveness, and inclusivity in Security Council reform. We call upon all Member States to act boldly and constructively to ensure that the Council not only represents the world of today, but is equipped to meet the challenges of tomorrow and the future generation. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Kenya. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Switzerland.
Mr. President, I'd like to thank you for convening this debate. Switzerland congratulates the co-chairs for their ongoing commitment to a transparent and inclusive intergovernmental negotiations process. You can count on Switzerland's constructive support. Throughout our term on the Security Council, Switzerland experienced firsthand both the Council's potential to promote peace and the limitations it faces. This experience strengthened our conviction that Security Council reform is both necessary and urgent. Switzerland supports reform that enhances the Council's legitimacy, effectiveness and accountability. In order to make tangible progress, we call for the start of text-based negotiations, which remains the only way to clearly identify convergences and to craft compromises. Allow me to outline three areas of particular importance to Switzerland. First, any discussions about Council enlargement must go hand in hand with a comprehensive and in-depth review of the use of the veto, especially in relation to the implications thereof for the Council's legitimacy and functioning. Switzerland remains deeply disquieted by the impact the veto has on the Council's ability to discharge its mandate. The increasingly frequent use of the veto in recent years, as well as the deterrent effect of the veto, significantly hinder the Council's action and also undermine its credibility. Switzerland believes that the very concept of the veto should ultimately be abolished in the interests of having a more accountable and effective Council. Pending broader reform, stricter limitations on the exercise of the veto must be introduced. Therefore, we call for a more responsible and restrained approach by those who hold this prerogative. We encourage member states who have not yet done so to sign the ACT Group's code of conduct, as well as to support the Franco-Mexican initiative on limiting the use of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. Second, Switzerland attaches particular importance to the rigorous implementation of Article 27 of the UN Charter, both now and in a future reformed Security Council. Council members that are parties to a dispute must abstain from voting on decisions taken under Chapter VI and para 3 of Article 52. Consistent application of this rule is vital if we are to ensure the legitimacy and the impartiality of the Council's decisions. Third, Switzerland is in favor of a more representative and balanced Council. Enlargement must better reflect today's global realities, first and foremost by strengthening the representation of the African continent, all the while preserving the Council's ability to adapt to future developments. Switzerland also supports greater inclusion of small as well as underrepresented groups. A more equitable distribution of seats would better reflect the diversity and the interests of all of the world's regions. It would help to strengthen trust in the United Nations. Against this backdrop, we believe that an intermediate model creating a limited category of permanent but renewable seats would be a viable option for overcoming the current impasse. Switzerland would also like to underscore that any Council expansion must absolutely go hand in hand by working methods that guarantee truly equitable participation of all elected members. More inclusive, transparent and predictable practices are indeed essential if we are to ensure balanced and effective contributions from all Council members. Mr. President, Switzerland stands ready to step up its engagement with the intergovernmental negotiations process, as well as to contribute as a constructive and moderating voice to building convergence. We need a Council that is capable of tackling today's challenges and the challenges of the future, as well as of upholding the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Switzerland. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Republic of Moldova.
Mr. President, distinguished Co-Chairs, as well as allow me to warmly welcome the reappointment of Ambassador Albani. of the State of Kuwait and appointment of Ambassador Harin of the Kingdom of the Netherlands as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations on the question of equitable representation and on increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council during the 80th session. Please be assured of my delegation's full support as you steer our work with your well-known professionalism, transparency, and commitment to inclusiveness. Mr. President, we meet at a moment when the credibility of multilateralism and the effectiveness of our collective security system are under serious strain. The Security Council, mandated to act on behalf of their member states, must be able to respond decisively to threats to international peace and security. Ongoing crises have exposed structural limitations and can no longer be ignored. The Council must evolve. For the Republic of Moldova, a state deeply reliant on international law and collective security, Security Council reform is not a theoretical exercise. It is a strategic necessity, essential to ensuring that all Member States large and small alike, can rely on a system that protects them from aggression and upholds the principles of the Charter. Mr. President, the Pact for the Future, adopted during the 79th session, provides a renewed political mandate for the IGM. Actions 30, 40 and 41 reflect the most substantial commitment to Security Council reform in decades. The revised Co-Chairs' Element Paper demonstrates real progress. Convergences and divergences across the five clusters are narrowing. We welcome this momentum and we must build upon it with determination. Allow me to highlight our core positions on Security Council reform. First, equitable representation must remain the cornerstone of reform. The world of 2025 bears little resemblance to that of 1945 or 1963. Regions that have long been underrepresented or not represented at all must have a stronger voice in the Council. The Republic of Moldova strongly supports full representation for Africa in line with the Lusaka Consensus, enhanced representation for underrepresented regions, including the Asia-Pacific Group and GRULAC. one additional non-permanent seat for the Eastern European group. Such a distribution reflects demographic and geopolitical realities and is fully consistent with the requirements of Article 23 of the Charter. A Security Council that mirrors today's membership will command greater authority and broader acceptance. Second, expansion must strengthen balance, legitimacy, and accountability. The Republic of Moldova has always adopted a flexible and pragmatic approach. We do not exclude any configuration that advances this Council's representativeness, preserves regional balance, and maintain accountability through periodic competitive elections. And expansion must not create new inequities. It must reinforce multilateralism, support the rule of law, and ensure that every Council member, regardless of category, demonstrates a credible commitment to the Charter and to the peaceful settlement of disputes. Third, membership categories must enhance inclusivity and responsibility. We support models that ensure regular rotation, competitive elections and strengthened opportunities for states to serve. Any reform structure must produce a Council that is more democratic, more representative and more accountable. All prospective members permanent or non-permanent, must demonstrate respect for international law, sovereign equality, and the principles of the Charter. Fourth, the question of a veto is at the heart of the reform. The increased use of veto in recent years, often preventing action in situations of great humanitarian concern, is deeply troubling. The Republic of Moldova believes that Time has come to greater accountability in the use of the veto. We therefore support the France-Mexico initiative calling for voluntary suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocity crimes. Reaffirm our commitment to ACT Code of Conduct. And we welcome the implementation of General Assembly Resolution 76/262, which Moldova proudly co-sponsored. Limiting the scope and use of veto is essential for resourcing trust in the Council and ensuring that permanent members' special responsibilities are exercised with restraint and in compliance with Article 27 of the Charter. And fifth, working methods must reflect and expand the more inclusive Council. Equitable representation is not only about who sits at the table. It is also about how all member states, members or non-members can contribute to the Council's work. My delegation support enhanced access for non-members to Council deliberations. strengthened consultations with affected states and troop and police contributing countries, greater transparency in subsidiary bodies, and the continued webcasting of IGM sessions and maintenance of the IGM's repository tools, indispensable for small delegations. Mr. President, the Republic of Moldova believes that we are at a stage when all delegations should capitalize on the current momentum. The revised elements paper provides a solid basis for the 80th session and the structured dialogue on models have proven its value. These innovations must be preserved and deepened. Our priorities remain clear. Advancing convergences across the five clusters. Maintaining strong political momentum, anchored in the Pact for the Future. Working towards a consolidated model capable of commanding the broadest possible political acceptance. Mr. President, distinguished Co-Chairs, a Security Council that reflects the world of today not the world of eight decades ago, will be better equipped to fulfill its mandate. The Republic of Moldova remains fully committed to working constructively with all delegations to achieve the Security Council that it is more representative, more legitimate, and more effective, guided by the principle of fairness, inclusivity, and shared responsibility, and with renewed with determination to advance meaningful reform. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Republic of Moldova. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of United Arab Emirates.
Mr. President, at the outset, I would like to thank you for convening this debate and for your attention to this important subject. The United Arab Emirates aligns itself with the statement delivered by the Kingdom of Bahrain on behalf of the Arab Group. I also congratulate His Excellency Ambassador Albani on his reappointment and Ambassador Gregoire van Haaren on her appointment as co-chairs of the IGN on the reform of the Security Council. I take the opportunity to appreciate Ambassador Albani's innovative approach and keen attention to the Member States' position We have no doubt that the participation of Ambassador Gregoire van Haren will bring inspiring leadership and a high ambition to the IGM. Mr. President, more than three decades since the Assembly first began discussing Security Council reform, And in light of the high-profile failures of the Security Council to deliver on its mandate, the urgency of reform across all five clusters under discussion in the IGN is clear. In this context, I would like to focus today on the issue of equitable representation and increasing the number of the members of the Security Council. First, equitable representation in the Security Council necessarily means expanding the current Council. To boost the Council's waning credibility, the Council must reflect the current membership of the United Nations and not its membership in 1945 or in 1965. The under-representation from the Global South diminishes the quality and effectiveness of decision-making in the Council, not just on the respective regional issues, but also across all the Council's files. Particular attention is also due to the legitimate aspirations of African countries as reflected in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirt Declaration. There is also a need to enhance the representation of Latin America and the Caribbean. We should also increase the representation of Asia and the Pacific. This region is the most underrepresented considering the size of its membership. This region represents more than 28% of the UN membership, but just 20% of the members of the Council. Yet many consequential agenda items are from the Asia-Pacific region, including particularly situations in the Middle East, which brings me to my next point. the limited and underrepresentation of Arab states in the Security Council. These countries have a proven record of substantial contributions to international peace and security, and this should be taken into account. Furthermore, the share of the Council's agenda that is dedicated to Arab files has been consistently high and is on the rise. In fact, over 37% of the Council's meetings last year focused on the Middle East alone. This situation highlights the urgent need for enhanced Arab representation on the Security Council. Mr. President, increasing the size of the Security Council is connected to the issue of the working methods of the Council. Hence, the need to adopt the needed adjustments to the working methods of the Council to ensure optimal functioning of an expanded Council. The IGN can benefit from insights into the current discussions within the Council's informal working group on documentation and other procedural questions. We welcome the recent practice of the IWG chair briefing the IGN. Mr. President, before closing, allow me to touch on one of the most salient issues concerning the reform of the Security Council, which is the veto right. Each time the veto is misused, the Council's credibility is undermined. Hence, the need to urgently and meaningfully address this issue in the context of the Council's reform. To conclude, I hope that this session will bring us closer than ever to the goal of a reformed, more representative and more effective Security Council. Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of United Arab Emirates. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of San Marino.
Mr. President, I wish to thank you for convening this important debate. We appreciate your commitment in advancing the Security Council reform process, and we thank you for appointing in this process to competent and skillful PRs. San Marino stands ready to constructively support your action and looks forward to cooperating with them in full transparency and willingness to make progress. San Marino joins the statement previously made by Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. Now I would like to make some remarks in my national capacity. We all know that a credible reform of the Security Council requires a comprehensive approach and that member states must drive the negotiations. We believe that the IGN is the right forum for negotiations as it allows a membership-driven process. In accordance with decision 62/557, the IGN ensured, so far, an open, transparent and inclusive process and the participation of all UN Member States. San Marino believes that the IGN constitutes the most legitimate and appropriate setting for the discussion on the reform of the Security Council. In our view, the difficulties in achieving a credible reform are not depending on the format of the IGN, but on the substantial divergences of the positions on the table. San Marino will engage in the new session of the IGN in a constructive manner, committing itself to integrate the principles of democracy, accountability, transparency in a new reformed Security Council. Mr. President, my country strongly supports the principle that all geographical groups must be fairly represented. San Marino believes that we need to correct the unjust underrepresentation of different regional groups on the Security Council. A fairer representation in the Council of the African continent, Arab countries, small island and developing states, and other groups of countries which are underrepresented would also be a great opportunity to advance multilateralism in the maintenance of peace and security. It is our understanding that the UFC proposal with the creation of a longer-term reelectable seat would be not only an opportunity for promoting a more equitable representation of the Security Council among regional groups, but also could serve as a compromise solution by meeting the aspirations also of these countries that wish to serve longer in the Council. At the same time, through periodic elections of its new members, the Security Council would certainly be more democratic and accountable. Mr. President, we should ask ourselves what proposal will make not only the Council more representative and accountable, but most of all more efficient than the Council we have today. It is not by adding new permanent seats that we will succeed in our reform. More permanent seats and veto powers will make the Council less capable to fulfill its duties. That is also the reason why we oppose any enlargement of the Security Council in its permanent seats. In conclusion, Mr. President, I believe that it is more important than ever to continue to work together, trying to find commonalities among us, and thus forge a stronger political consensus in this vital reform. Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of San Marino. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Morocco.
Mr. President, at the outset, I'd like to congratulate the State of Kuwait, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, as well on the appointment as co-chairs of the Intergovernmental Negotiations, the IGN, on the question of equitable representation, on an increase in the membership of the Security Council, as well as other matters related to the Security Council as part of the 80th session. My delegation would like to express our support to the co-chairs. We are ready to contribute constructively throughout this process. President, Security Council reform remains a vital priority for the Organization. Ongoing dialogue on this topic attests to the importance which Member States place on the establishment of a more representative, balanced Council that is better tailored to contemporary challenges. In this spirit, Morocco reiterates its commitment to progressive consensus. Consensus-based progress led by Member States with due attention to the priorities of all regions. We underscore the importance of equitable representation for Africa. on an enlarged Council, as Africa is the only Council which doesn't have a permanent seat on the Council. The Kingdom of Morocco continues to support the common African position as contained in the Izobini Consensus and the Set Declaration. In a similar vein, a permanent seat for the Arab group with all of the concomitant prerogatives and heightened representation in the non-permanent member category, this would allow to better respond to the legitimate aspirations of this region. Regarding the right of the veto, Morocco is of the view that while the veto exists, it must be broadened to all permanent Security Council members with a view to achieving equity and justice. Furthermore, any reform of the Council's membership must also go hand in hand with a strengthening of its working methods, so as to ensure we have a more effective and representative Council that embodies the promise of San Francisco, that is, collective action to preserve international peace and security with due respect for the law and the sovereign equality of States. Mr. President, Morocco is following with a keen interest discussions as part of the UN80 initiative, the objective being to bolster coherence and coordination of the multilateral system. This momentum is focused in particular on improving planning, monitoring of mandates and the decision-making architecture. It offers up important lessons for our collective reflection on Security Council reform. Indeed, the efforts undertaken within the UN80 initiative so as to clarify responsibilities, to streamline institutional processes and to improve accountability can all contribute, complementing an environment that is more conducive to comprehensive Security Council reform. By way of conclusion, Mr. President, the Kingdom of Morocco is of the view that regular, inclusive, and open dialogue between Member States will allow us to create the necessary conditions for measured and lasting progress. Morocco will continue contributing to this process in the spirit of openness and responsibility, so as to promote Security Council reform that is balanced, realistic, and beneficial for all United Nations Member States. I thank you.
Thank you, the distinguished representative of Morocco. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of China.
President, I congratulate Ambassador Albani of Kuwait and Ambassador Van Heren of the Netherlands on their appointment as co-chairs of the IGM at GA80. China will fully support them in performing their duties according to the mandate given by the GA and in advancing the IG on the right track. The world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation and is prone to frequent geopolitical clashes. The international community eagerly expects the Security Council to shoulder its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security China supports the Security Council in moving with the times and undertaking necessary and reasonable reforms to enhance its authority and efficiency to better respond to crises and challenges. First, it is vital to maintain the right direction of reform. Reform of the Security Council bears on the very foundation of global governance and therefore demands a long-term perspective. It should be compatible with historical trends of our times, namely multipolarization of the world and the collective rise of the global south. The council members unreasonable composition, overrepresentation of developed countries, and the perpetual dominance of a certain bloc are the main reasons for criticism against this organ. Thus, effectively increasing the representation and voice of developing countries must be the only right direction. so that more small and medium-sized states can participate in decision-making. It is especially important to right the historical injustices suffered by Africa and make priority and special arrangements for Africa's demands. Second, it is imperative to maintain the status of IG and as the main channel on the issue of Security Council reform. The IGM process has all along been the sole negotiation platform with the mandate from the entire membership. For many years, the IGM has played an irreplaceable role in expanding convergence and narrowing differences among member states. A small number of countries, out of their own political needs, have openly challenged the authority of the IGM, abandoned the consensus of member states, and threatened. to launch an alternative platform. This is essentially an attempt to force parties to take sides and take away member states' right to continue in-depth discussion. China firmly opposes this practice. Third, it is crucial to pursue a package solution. Security Council reform is a systemic project. The five clusters of issues are its pillars and are all indispensable. Before clear consensus can be reached, any attempts to adopt a single consolidated model in haste push for tax-based negotiations, or even impose artificial timelines and take up a step-by-step or piecemeal approach will only derail the reform process and may even lead it astray. Fourth, it is important to explore advanced ideas of reform. The Security Council should not only adapt to the current international situation, but also keep up with the future evolution of global landscape. In recent years, more and more countries have adopted a strategic perspective on the Security Council reform, supporting the creation of regional and rotating seats and opposing one election giving permanent terms. They believe this approach can genuinely provide the Global South with more opportunities to serve on the Council. Compared with proposals to expand both categories of seats, this idea is fairer, more democratic, and reflects the latest thinking of member states. It merits further discussion and refinement. President, this year marks the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese people's war of resistance against Japanese aggression and the world anti-fascist war. It is also the 80th anniversary of the recovery of Taiwan. Japan, during its war of aggression during World War II, including its colonial rule over Taiwan, committed countless atrocities. subjecting the Chinese people and people in other victimized Asian countries to profound suffering. However, even today, some forces in Japan still keep on campaigning wrong perspective of history of World War II, pay homage to the Yasukuni Shrine, where Class A World War II war criminals are worshiped, revise historical textbooks in primary and middle schools, deny Nanking Massacre and forced recruitment of comfort women and other historical facts. paddle revisionist historic narratives such as end of war is not defeat in a futile attempt to distort, deny or glorify history of aggression and colonial rule. Recently, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takechi made brazen provocative statement on Taiwan at the Japanese Parliament, claiming that a Taiwan contingency could be a survival threatening situation for Japan. She implied that Japan may invoke the so-called right to collective self-defense to interfere militarily in Taiwan Strait. It is known to all that there is only one China in the world. The government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government representing entire China, and Taiwan is an inalienable part of the Chinese territory. Sunny Takechi's remarks on Taiwan are extremely wrong and dangerous. grossly interfere in China's internal affairs and gravely violate the one China principle and the spirit of the four political documents between China and Japan. They constitute an affront to international justice, damage post-World War II international order, trample on basic norms governing international relations, and blatantly breach Japan's basic commitment to pursuing a peaceful path. Such a country is in no position whatsoever to request to be a permanent member of the Security Council. China stands ready to work with all parties during the current IGM session to advance Security Council reform in a direction that serves the common interests of the entire UN membership and the long-term development of the organization, thus making a positive contribution towards building a more just and equitable global governance system. Thank you, President.
I thank the distinguished representative of China. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ethiopia.
Mr. President, I would like to take this opportunity to appreciate the continued efforts you have made to enhance our discussions on the IGA. Ethiopia aligns itself with the statement delivered by the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone on behalf of the African Group. Ethiopia fully subscribes to the common African position on Security Council reform. Accordingly, it is our firm view that all elements of the reform outlined in General Assembly decision 62/557 must be fully and comprehensively implemented. The five key issues must be treated as an integrated package. We do not support any approach that isolates one element of reform from the others. Mr. President, it is important to underscore that Africa remains the only region without representation in the Council's permanent category. Moreover, while all other regions have at least one permanent seat and three, or at times, four rotating seats, Africa continues to have only three fixed rotating seats. This situation not only prevents us from adequately representing our interests, but it also limits our ability to make a meaningful contribution while serving on the Council. In a Council whose agenda is overwhelmingly dominated by African issues, our absence from permanent representation is both a cause and a consequence of worsening security situations. Without African representation, the Security Council lacks the capacity to fully and effectively discharge its mandate for international peace and security. Therefore, regarding the size of an enlarged Council, the common African position, as articulated in the Azuluni Consensus and the Cirta Declaration, asserts that expansion must include two permanent seats and two additional non-permanent seats for Africa. This position is inseparable from Africa's stance on the veto. While we continue to call for its abolition, in the event that the veto is retained, all new permanent members, including the two African seats, must be vested with the same prerogatives and privileges. In conclusion, Mr. President, the expansion of the Security Council must correct this historic injustice against Africa. While we appreciate the expressions of support from negotiating groups for Africa's representation, we reaffirm that Africa's case must be treated as a matter of priority and on its own merits. We will follow this year's AGN closely with a view to further consolidating converging views. I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Ethiopia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea.
Mr. President, Equatorial Guinea aligns itself with the statements delivered by the Permanent Representative of Sierra Leone on behalf of the African Group, and by the Permanent Representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations, and makes the following statement in its national capacity. First of all, we would like to extend our sincere congratulations to Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for convening today's general debate on the question of equitable representation on the Security Council and the increase in its members and other matters related to the Security Council. And we also appreciate her opening remarks. Secondly, Our delegation would like to congratulate the President of the General Assembly for the re-election of His Excellency Mr. Tarek Al-Banai, Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait, who has accumulated rich experience as co-facilitator of the intergovernmental negotiations. And we also welcome and congratulate the election of Her Excellency Ms. Lies Greger van Haaren, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the United Nations, as co-facilitator. We are confident that the combined expertise of these two great diplomats will be fundamental in revitalizing and driving forward the reform process. and we extend to them our warmest congratulations and firm support in carrying out the intergovernmental negotiation process. Mr. President, as we commemorate the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, at a time when ongoing conflicts and humanitarian crises threaten to undermine progress on development, peace, and international security, objectives that the UN has worked for 80 years to achieve and uphold. In these circumstances, it is extremely important that we ask ourselves whether there truly is a genuine willingness to reform the Security Council, or whether, on the contrary, we intend to continue along the path of endless and incessant discussions about the need for such reform. The effective realisation of a reformed Security Council is categorically necessary, particularly given the current composition of the Council it is clear that it lacks both the capacity and legitimacy to address the conflict's characteristic of multi-polarity and the geopolitical realities that confront it today. Elements that can only be guaranteed by a Security Council that is more representative, more effective, more balanced, more democratic and more transparent. Mr. President, Despite being the region that occupies the largest portion of the Security Council's agenda, the African continent is inadequately represented in the category of non-permanent members and has no representation in the category of permanent members. Africa's demands within the framework of Security Council reform are clear and well known. five seats in the non-permanent category and two seats in the permanent category, with all prerogatives and privileges, including the veto, as outlined in the Sert Declaration and the Ezulwini Consensus. It is essential that the reform process guarantee Africa's voice and vote on an equal footing in decision-making on matters of international peace and security. For this reason, we welcomed with great satisfaction the adoption of the Pact for the Future, as it laid the foundation for the UN's commitment to reform the Security Council. correcting the historical injustices and imbalances perpetuated by its current structure, and ensuring that Africa receives special treatment in the reform process. Mr President, before concluding, we would like to highlight that, despite the slow progress of the intergovernmental negotiations, we have been able to take a step forward with the introduction of the website, the presentation of reform models for the Security Council, and the broadcast of the meetings. Nevertheless, it is important that the introduction of these innovations with regard to the process, although they have enriched the Security Council reform, It's important that they not lead us into complacency or distract us from the main goal, which is to realize, bring about a reformed Security Council. We hope that with the revised elements paper of the co-chairs and especially the 2015 framework document, which reflects the positions and proposals of more than 120 member states, together with these new innovations, we hope that we will finally be able to lay the foundation and take the next step in the reform process. We must avoid perpetuating these incessant debates, which only consume scarce financial resources. We have to take the decisive step forward, because, as we have observed from the overwhelming majority of today's interventions, there is broad support for Security Council reform. and the vast majority recognize the historical injustice suffered by Africa and support correcting this great injustice. Therefore, Mr. President, Africa must be treated as a very special case in this reform process. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
I thank the distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Timor-Leste.
Mr. President, thank you for convening this important session and for the opportunity to speak. At the outset, Timor-Leste warmly welcomes the timely confirmation of the ICGN co-chairs. We look forward to the capable leadership of Ambassador Tarek Al-Banai of Kuwait and Ambassador Lies Greger van Haren of the Netherlands, as we collectively advance this critical process. Timor-Leste aligns itself with the statement delivered by Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on behalf of the Group of L69, and we wish to add the following points in our national capacity. We reaffirm our strong and principled commitment to reforming the United Nations Security Council, encompassing both categories of membership, through the intergovernmental negotiations process. Reform is indispensable. The current Council structure does not reflect today's geopolitical realities. Nor does it equip the UN to respond effectively to the complex threats of the 21st century: climate-driven insecurity, pandemics, cyber risks, and rapidly shifting multipolar dynamics. These structural limitations undermine the Council's legitimacy and weaken its capacity to act decisively. A more representative and responsive Council will strengthen global confidence in multilateralism, improve the implementation of mandates, and enable more coherent collective actions in times of crisis. Mr. President, Timor-Leste welcomes the recent expression from some permanent members of the Security Council indicating openness to expanding its membership. Such readiness is a constructive signal and should be harnessed to advance inclusive reform. A cornerstone of this reform must be equitable geographic representation. Africa, home to 54 UN member states and bearing a significant share of Council's agenda, remains underrepresented. The A consensus adopted by the African Union provides a clear, principled, and widely supported framework that calls for at least two permanent seats with veto rights and five non-permanent seats. Timor-Leste fully endorses this position as a necessary correction to historical inequalities and as a step toward empowering African states to shape outcomes on issues directly affecting the continent. Mr. President, as a small island developing state, Timor-Leste underscores the vital importance of integrating diverse perspective from the global south and other historically marginalized groups. Small island states represent one-fifth of the world population and steward a vast ocean space critical to climate regulation, global trade, and biodiversity. Their voice are not optional. They are essential in a world where local crisis rapidly becomes global challenges. Equitable representation also means addressing the long-standing over-representation of Europe and North America, while ensuring proportional inclusion of Asia and the Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and small island states. A Council that mirrors modern demographic and geopolitical realities is one better positioned to build consensus, identify emerging risks, and act swiftly on security threats. Mr. President, on categories of membership, Timor-Leste supports adaptable, regionally balanced frameworks that allow for phased incorporation of new members without compromising the Council's operational effectiveness. Similarly, on the size of an enlarged Council, we favor a moderate expansion guided by regional equity, population, development levels, and contributions to the UN system. The goal must be a Council that is both representative and nimble. Timor-Leste advocates for a comprehensive reforms package that encompasses membership categories, regional representation, veto use, Council size and working methods. Fragmented or selective reform would only perpetuate imbalance. While a comprehensive approach may extend our timeliness, it is the only path to coherent and lasting solutions. We therefore support the effort to accelerate progress, including the establishment of focused working groups, the initiation of text-based negotiations, as proposed by France and the United Kingdom, and the development of bridging proposals that can unlock longstanding deadlocks. In closing, Timor-Leste reiterates its unwavering commitment to meaningful and inclusive Security Council reform through the IGC and process. We urge all Member States to champion reforms that reflect the principles of equity, accountability, and shared responsibility enshrined in the UN Charter. A reformed Council, more legitimate, representative, and effective, will better equip to safeguard peace, support sustainable development, and steer our international system toward a cooperative and stable multipolar future. Timor-Leste stands ready to continue engaging constructively in this collective endeavour. I thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the distinguished representative of Timor-Leste. We have heard the last speaker in the debate on this item. The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. May I remind members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and 5 minutes for the second intervention, and should be made by delegations from their seats. I call on the representative of Japan.
Thank you, President. It is regrettable that some delegations made a groundless statement regarding Japan. Since the end of World War II, Japan has consistently followed the path of a peace-loving nation and made innumerable contributions to the peace and prosperity of the world, including having served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council 12 times. Japan will continue such contributions as a responsible member state of the United Nations. Thank you.
I now call on the representative of China.
Thank you, Chair. In response to the absurd remarks just made by Japan, I would like to further emphasize that it has been 80 years since the victory of World War II. and the facts of World War II are irrefutable and cannot be denied. Japan's war and colonial crimes are too numerous to count and cannot be overturned. Any explanation from Japan only further proves that Japan is still unable to face up to and reflect on its history of aggression. Throughout its history, Japanese militarism has repeatedly used the so-called "survival-threatening situation" as a pretext to launch foreign aggression, including the September 18 incident in 1931 under the pretext of exercising the "right of self-defense", which provoked a war of aggression against China and brought profound disasters to people of the world, including China. Today, Japanese Prime Minister Senator Takagi again raised the issue of a survival-threatening situation. What is her true intention? Is she trying to revive militarism? Takagi has consistently advocated for the abolition of the renunciation of war clause in the peace constitution. Given Takagi's egregious behavior, how can the international community trust that Japan is committed to a peaceful path? that it would uphold justice and fairness, that Japan would uphold justice and fairness, that Japan will shoulder its responsibility in maintaining international peace and security. China strongly warns Japan against interfering in China's internal affairs. Japan must retract its proactive and transgressive actions, and refrain from playing with fire on the Taiwan issue, otherwise Japan will bear all the consequences. If Japan dares to intervene militarily in the cross-strait situation, it will constitute an act of aggression and will certainly meet a firm response from China. We will firmly exercise our right to self-defense under the UN Charter and international law and defend China's sovereignty and territorial integrity. I thank you.
I call on the representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Mr. President, thank you for giving me the floor. Japan is a country that has neither the moral qualification nor the justification to look over the permanent seat of the UN Security Council. The international community still vividly remembers the extraordinary and heinous crimes against humanity committed by Japan in the past century during the occupation of Asian countries, including my country, which are unprecedented in the history. Across all the ages and countries of the world, there have been many atrocities recorded that shocked the world, but no crime more brutal and barbaric than the crimes committed by Japanese imperialism during the occupation of my country has ever been found. However, Japan still denies its past crimes and stubbornly refuses to compensate for them, and is even resorting to distorting.
History.
The continued visits and offerings by Japanese politicians to Yasukuni Shrine, where the memorial tablets of high-class war criminals who were indicted for war crimes and executed at the Far East Military Tribunal are enshrined, are not only an act of insult to the countless victims and sufferers in Asia, but also an act of denying the victory in the World Anti-Fascist War. The Japanese authorities have openly set the establishment of a nation capable of waging war as a strategic goal and are drastically increasing their military spending and developing new attack cruise missiles and hypersonic missiles with ranges of thousands of kilometers, while also inviting NATO to the Asia-Pacific region to conduct joint military exercises, thereby constantly threatening regional peace and stability. That is precisely why many countries around the world, including Asian countries, are repeatedly expressing a sense of crisis and concern that if Japan becomes a permanent member of UN Security Council, it will not only be condoning Japan's past crimes, but also be encouraging them to repeat such crimes. The permanent seat of UN Security Council is by no means a commodity that can be bought and sold for money. Rather than shaking its purse strings and looking over the permanent seat of UN Security Council, Japan must liquidate the past at the earliest possible date and fulfill its unavoidable moral responsibility and international legal obligations which it bears before the times and humanity. Thank you, Mr. President.
The assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda item 122. The meeting is adjourned.