General Assembly: 59th plenary meeting, 80th session

Good morning, everybody. The 59th plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will begin its consideration in a joint debate on agenda item 72, entitled “Strengthening of the coordination of humanitarian and disaster relief assistance of the United Nations, including special economic assistance”, and its sub-items A to D. The documentation under these items is listed in the Journal of the United Nations. I will now give a statement as the President of the General Assembly. Excellencies, 80 years after the founding of the United Nations, its role in humanitarian relief remains one of the clearest expressions of this institution at its best. It reminds us every day why this United Nations still matters. It stands as the best reminder in these shaky times that working together is what the world needs. And it also shows every day of how much darker the world would be without our United Nations and its daily humanitarian work. Without the coordination provided by the World Food Programme, millions would face literally starvation. Without agencies such as UNICEF, UNHCR, and UNRWA, children living through conflict and as refugees would have no access to schooling or basic services and protection. Without the UNDRR, countries would be less prepared for climate-driven disasters and more vulnerable to their impacts. And the opposite is also true. Cuts to disaster relief and humanitarian funding hollow out the promise of this institution to heed people's calls for help. Recent reductions to the World Food Programme have already forced rations to be halved in several emergencies, leaving families without enough to survive, with mothers sometimes left helpless as their infants wither from lack of adequate baby nutrition. Thus, our debate today is not only about the role and necessity of humanitarian relief, but about how deeply we believe in this institution and how willing we are to stand up for it and its principles. The United Nations' humanitarian work stands on a long tradition shaped by the Geneva Conventions. beginning with the first treaty of 1864 and expanded fundamentally through the four conventions adopted in 1949. These principles, centered on upholding human dignity at all times and to everybody, remain the foundation of meaningful humanitarian action. For millions who would otherwise be left without hope, Humanitarian relief provided by the United Nations is the light that reaches them in their darkest hour. We see this in so many places, places like Sudan, where United Nations and civil society teams are working tirelessly to reach families fleeing the atrocities in El Fasher. In Indonesia, where emergency responders were distributing food and searching for survivors in affected communities after catastrophic floods. And in the Caribbeans, where the response teams have provided critical support to those hardest hit by Hurricane Melissa. We see that on a daily basis, and we have seen it, the central role of the United Nations over decades also. after man-made or industrial catastrophic accidents, like at the Chernobyl nuclear power plants. Over the past decades, the UN system has gradually shifted its approach from emergency response alone to long-term rehabilitation, capacity building, and sustainable development. Especially as the drivers of these emergencies are many and often interconnected. Rising temperatures are fueling food crises globally. The consequences cascade across countries, across regions, across continents. If we continue like this with our climate policies, It is estimated that if the planet warms by two degrees, 189 million more people could face food insecurity. Because hunger and poverty are not contained by borders, this again would lead to estimating that every 1% increase in food insecurity drives nearly 2% more people to migrate. Thus begins a vicious circle. Climate insecurity leads to hunger and poverty, hunger and poverty spur migration, and this could lead to insecurity again and further conflicts. This vicious cycle threatens our entire sustainable development agenda, not just SDG 2 on zero hunger, but all the others as well. Because when we fail on hunger and poverty, we undermine the foundation of all progress, from education and equality to peace and security, underlining again the need of the interconnection of the three pillars this institution was built on: peace and security, sustainable development, and human rights. Yet while needs rise, the organizations responding are under immense strain. Humanitarian access is impeded by insecurity and political obstacles. Funding gaps continue to widen. Meanwhile, humanitarian workers themselves face escalating risk, with a record number killed or attacked over the past year. As of late 2025, more than 388 workers have been killed. Those standing up every day to give their life for this institution. And the threat facing humanitarian personnel continue to widen, with aid workers increasingly subjected to violence, coercion, and unlawful detention. The principle of impartiality, the foundation of humanitarian aid, is undermined, for example, in Afghanistan, where restrictions of female humanitarian workers have directly obstructed operations. If such practices are allowed to persist, they will erode the universality of humanitarian action and undermine the core principles on which it is built. In this moment, therefore, our common responsibility is clear. We must give humanitarian workers and organizations the protection, as well as the financial and political support they need, not for them, but for all of us. This entails mobilizing resources more effectively and building stronger partnerships, including with the private sector and philanthropic actors. This includes also our UNAD reform. Excellencies, the world is watching, and those who are suffering are counting on us, on you. on all Member States to uphold the role of the United Nations as a guardian of human dignity in times of crisis. We can no longer afford to stand behind rigid positions while humanitarian crises accelerate around us. Every day we delay, more lives fall into jeopardy, lives that depend on our ability to bridge differences, not deepen them. Cooperation is not a weakness. It is a recognition that the urgency of human suffering demands action over ideology. It is our common life insurance. If we fail to commit over and over again on the principles of humanitarian assistance, of human dignity, we fail the very people the United Nations exists to protect. I thank you. I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine on a point of order.

Thank you, Madam President. The delegation of Ukraine would like to move a motion before the GA takes action on draft resolution A/80/L.3. Under rule 91 of the Rules of Procedure, proposals relating to the same question are voted on in the order in which they were submitted. However, this rule also clearly provide that the General Assembly may decide otherwise. Today is precisely such a case where the Assembly should exercise this prerogative for the following reasons. This particular matter is a sovereign responsibility of Ukraine, as the Chernobyl nuclear power plant and the exclusion zone are located entirely within the sovereign territory of Ukraine. We also have to bear in mind the impact of the Russian Federation's war of aggression on the Chernobyl exclusion zone. On 24 February 2022, the Chernobyl exclusion zone became one of the first targets of the Russian Federation's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which was enabled inter alia from the territory of Belarus. Distinguished colleagues, Belarus has lost any moral standing and right to initiate decision concerning the Chernobyl issue within the United Nations, given its role in enabling the Russian Federation's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, as well as the resulting consequences of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant and the exclusion zone. The draft resolution A/80/L.3 submitted by Belarus fails to acknowledge significant developments on the ground since February 2022. By contrast, draft resolution A/80/L27, initiated by Ukraine and over 35 other United Nations member states, reflects the positions of the broad cross-regional group of sponsors, is grounded in the Charter of the United Nations, and responds directly to the humanitarian, legal, and moral dimensions of the situation at hand. It is therefore logical and appropriate that the Assembly vote on our text first, so that Member States may express their position on the substantive and widely supported proposal. For these reasons, Ukraine moves that the General Assembly take action on draft resolution A/80/L.27 first. Ukraine will vote yes, and we call on all delegations to support this motion. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ukraine. The Assembly will consider, after the conclusion of the debate, the motion submitted by the representative of Ukraine that priority be given to the consideration of draft resolution A/80/L.27. We will now continue the debate on the item, but I have seen another point of order. Therefore, before that, I will give the floor to the representative of Belarus on a point of order.

Distinguished Madam President, distinguished delegates, The present situation that we are witnessing has been created artificially. The actions that we are now witnessing do not bear any logic. The situation, de facto, has been reduced to an absurd situation. Allow me to set aside formalism and to note the following. We would like to make our thoughts known responsibly and sincerely, even if that is going to sound politically incorrect. Everyone is aware of the Rules of Procedure of the General Assembly of the United Nations. These are rules that were written long ago by the Member States, by our countries. These are rules that we have all committed to uphold. rules which today our colleagues have seemingly decided to use exclusively for procedural manipulation. We turn to you, distinguished colleagues, and we ask you to not allow this procedural manipulation. Allow me to cite Rule 91, which I'm going to do in English.

If two or more proposals relate to the same question, The General Assembly shall, unless it decides otherwise, vote.

On the proposals in the order in which they have been submitted.

The General Assembly may, after each vote on proposal, decide whether to vote on the next proposal.

End of quote. The rule is extremely clear. The proposal that was made first should be considered first. I would recall that the Belarusian draft A/AT/L.3 was put on e-delegates on 12 September. The Ukrainian draft A/AT/L.27 was only uploaded on 18 November. Thus, according to rule 91, draft A/AT/L.3, the Belarusian draft, should be considered first. Amendments that have been presented should not form the basis for reviewing the procedures for submitting proposals. Otherwise, we would have a meeting not on the substance of the proposals, but rather into a competition of in which the person who makes the largest number of proposals and makes them last can win. This is legal nihilism, and it sets a dangerous precedent. And we would like to ask for this absurdity not to be permitted here in the General Assembly Hall. We are not asking your delegations to act against your political convictions, distinguished delegations, but we want you to understand one simple thing. Each of us must uphold the proposals that respond to our national interests. However, we do ask us to adhere to the letter and the spirit of the rules of the General Assembly, and we insist on maintaining the sequencing for the consideration of draft resolutions as is established in the Rules of Procedure. And I call upon all of you with a request to not allow for that sequencing, for that order to be disrupted. Do not allow this legal nihilism to enter into the fundamental documents of the United Nations. Do not set a precedent that would make the manipulation of the entire organization possible in future. This is not a political, but a purely procedural decision. Regardless of this decision, your delegations will still have an opportunity to declare your political position subsequently when considering the draft resolutions on the substance. We call upon maintaining a slight drop of common sense and respect for the Organization and for ourselves, and to vote against changing the established order for the consideration of drafts. Thank you for your attention.

I thank the distinguished representative of Belarus. As I said, we will continue with the debate, including all the introduction of the resolution, and then we will come to the motion submitted by the representative of Ukraine. I’ve seen another point of order. Was this clarification? Was there calling on the point of order? Yes. So then I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation.

Thank you, distinguished Madam President. I indeed would like to take the floor under a point of order, leaving aside the accusations of Ukraine and my response to those for a later moment. We wish to say that we cannot support the attempt by the Ukrainian delegation to revise the sequencing for the consideration of draft resolutions. The argumentation in favour of upholding the Rules of Procedure has already been given in detail by my colleague from Belarus. We would like to point out the fact that we must not set a dangerous precedent for the violation of the Rules of Procedure. Thank you for your attention.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. As stated earlier, the Assembly will consider, after the conclusion of the debate, the motion submitted by the representative of Ukraine that priority be given to the consideration of draft resolution A/80/L.27. We will now continue the debate on the item itself. We are starting by the first introduction of the draft resolution, and in this regard, I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Belarus to introduce draft resolution A/80/L.3 and draft amendment A/80/L.35.

Distinguished colleagues, distinguished delegations, we'd like you to accord us a little bit of your time and to pay close attention to what the delegation of the Republic of Belarus is going to say in the next few minutes. This is a matter of principle and a question of the foundations of the work of the UN General Assembly. The Republic of Belarus has submitted for the consideration of the General Assembly the draft resolution entitled "Persistent legacy of the Chernobyl disaster", contained in document A/80/L3. The draft resolution aims to continue international cooperation under the auspices of the UN to achieve sustainable development in the regions and among the populations affected by the Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident through partnerships, innovation, and investment. The draft includes technical updates and requests the President of the General Assembly, within existing resources, to convene a special commemorative meeting of the Assembly on 24 April 2026 to mark the 40th anniversary of the Chernobyl disaster. Distinguished delegations, international solidarity in addressing the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster since 1986, that is to say, over nearly four decades, has brought the global community closer together, and it has become a prime example of multilateral diplomacy, and also an example of genuinely engaged, depoliticized international cooperation. In this context, attention must be drawn to a situation that arose two years ago. At that time, Ukraine submitted to the 77th session of the General Assembly in its own name a resolution entitled "Persistent legacy of the Chernobyl disaster". The author of that resolution had always been Belarus. And that fact was also confirmed by the acting president of the 77th session of the General Assembly during its adoption in 2023. Notably, at that time, no consultations with the real author of the resolution, that is to say Belarus, were held by Ukraine. We showed wisdom and respect two years ago. We joined as a co-sponsor of what was essentially our own resolution, even though it had been tabled by Ukraine. Today, however, history is repeating itself. In the duplicative draft presented by Ukraine today, we once again see our own text. In this regard, I wish to recall the following. First, Belarus has never renounced its penholdership of the Chernobyl resolution. During the adoption of the 2023 resolution, we stated that Belarus considers itself bound to the subject of Chernobyl. We declared then, and we continue to affirm, that we reserve the right to author the resolution. This is a resolution which our country has independently drafted and submitted to the General Assembly since 2016. The draft now presented by the esteemed delegation of Ukraine is essentially the same Belarusian text. The paradox is that today The General Assembly is considering not only the issue of the future of Chernobyl cooperation, and that is a matter of undeniable importance, but another equally important question is the question of whether any State can unilaterally appropriate the work of another. Second, At the current 80th session of the General Assembly, Belarus has taken all necessary steps to engage in bilateral discussions on the question of the submission of the Chernobyl resolution. We did so both prior to submitting our draft in September this year and also after the appearance of the duplicative text. All of our proactive efforts to resolve the situation with the Ukrainian side were not reciprocated. Third. Belarus has full moral authority, grounded in history, to make proposals on the subject of Chernobyl. Distinguished delegations, approximately 70% of the radioactive fallout in the European part of the former USSR fell on Belarus. 23% of our territory was contaminated. By comparison, in Ukraine that was 4.8% of the territory and in Russia 0.5% of the territory. As a result of the Chernobyl disaster, Belarus suffered colossal social and economic damage that is unmatched by any other country. No one is disputing Ukraine's sovereignty over the point on its map called Chornobyl. No one denies that the Chernobyl nuclear power plant is located on its territory. The purpose of our resolution is simply to continue efforts to eliminate the consequences in the affected regions, to continue those efforts to eliminate these long-term consequences. Our resolution is a purely humanitarian document. Ukraine has no right to monopolize this subject. It does not have the right to simply take this draft resolution for itself. Ukraine itself withdrew from the agenda item of Chernobyl in 2016, when it unilaterally left the Chernobyl troika of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine. It was this troika that had originally advanced the resolution, whose title Ukraine has now decided to attach to the Belarusian resolution. And it is only through Belarus's efforts that the issue of Chernobyl cooperation that stayed on the agenda of the General Assembly since 2016. I also wish to note the creative approach taken by the UN Secretariat in preparing the English version of the latest report of the Secretary-General. We note that Altering the official translation of proper names related to the Chernobyl disaster not only runs counter to the principles of consistency and the continuity of the United Nations, it also directly contradicts the official practice, the established practice of publishing names in previous documents, including the 2023 resolution itself. We are convinced that international cooperation on Chernobyl must continue and must not become a platform for manipulation or for exacerbating confrontation. We call for support for the draft document contained in document A/80/L.3. Madam President, The Republic of Belarus has submitted for the consideration of the esteemed Assembly a draft amendment to Ukraine’s draft resolution L/27, entitled “Strengthening of international cooperation and coordination of efforts to study, mitigate and minimize the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster”. The number of our amendment proposal is L/35. Our proposal consists of deleting the new elements that Ukraine has attempted to introduce into its draft, which is based on the 2023 resolution. These new elements that we oppose aim to undermine the consensus nature of the resolution adopted in 2023. The purpose of these new elements is to inject a politicized component into the traditionally humanitarian nature of all previous documents on the subject of Chernobyl. The essence of these new elements casts doubt on the memory of the largest man-made disaster in human history. It aims to prevent the traditional, historically grounded use of the geographical name Chernobyl, and to draw the humanitarian efforts of all of humanity, which have been ongoing for nearly four decades, to draw those efforts into the current geopolitical confrontation. We oppose these innovations, these new elements. We call for them to be deleted, and that is the purpose of our amendments. The Chernobyl disaster and its consequences, its legacy, is not a matter of today's disagreements in the world. They are not the result of the current geopolitical situation. The Chernobyl disaster is what is driving the entire global community towards consolidating efforts to overcoming the consequences and the legacy of that tragedy. What do current events have to do with this resolution? Why do you wish to politicize what is perhaps the last remaining neutral issue in the General Assembly in this regional context? We oppose turning this document, this work that has been done to deal with the consequences of Chernobyl, we oppose that being destroyed. We oppose that being reduced to naught. We do not want to turn this document into an arena for disputes over the correct name of the city of Chernobyl that is undoubtedly located within Ukraine's territorial borders. We call for support for amendment L-35 to draft resolution L-27 and for the text to be brought into line with its 2023 version, which was adopted by consensus. Thank you for your attention.

I thank the distinguished representative of Belarus. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Denmark to introduce draft resolution A/80/L.18 on behalf of the European Union and its member states.

President, Excellencies, colleagues, we are living through unprecedented times. 2023 was the deadliest year ever recorded for humanitarian personnel, and painfully, 2024 surpassed it, and 2025 is on track to break these records once again. Humanitarian workers are the unsung heroes of our era. Despite escalating risks, increasingly complex crises, and deteriorating operating environments, they remain on the ground, risking their lives to deliver life-saving assistance to people in need. The Secretary-General’s report once again reveals the alarming levels of violence faced by the United Nations and humanitarian personnel, and the particular vulnerability of national and locally recruited staff, who consistently account for the majority of casualties. Today, we pay tribute to those who lost their lives in the line of duty, delivering life-saving assistance to the most vulnerable. The report highlights another worrying trend. In an increasing number of contexts, attacks against humanitarian and United Nations personnel are perpetrated not only by non-state armed groups, but also by state actors. Such incidents constitute great violations of international humanitarian law. It's imperative that all states acknowledge their responsibilities and ensure that their conduct fully complies with the principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution. Together with our member states, the European Union is the world's largest relief aid provider. It places the safety and security of humanitarian and United Nations personnel at the core of its engagement. It is all our duty to protect those who protect others and ensure that they can operate in safety and security. Twenty-seven years ago, in 1998, the European Union first introduced the General Assembly resolution on the safety and security of humanitarian personnel and protection of United Nations personnel. This year marks the 27th consecutive year that the EU, on behalf of its 27 member states, facilitates this resolution in an increasingly challenging environment. Over recent years, we have collectively strengthened this resolution to reflect the realities that the UN and humanitarian personnel face. Thanks to your engagement, the text now identifies the most important risks to humanitarian personnel in terms of safety, including road safety, acts of violence, malicious ICT activities such as data breaches, and information operations that target humanitarian organizations and disrupt relief efforts. The text also acknowledges the increasingly complex, high-risk environment in which humanitarians operate and the growing number of attacks against them. It recognizes the disproportionate risks borne by locally recruited and national staff and reaffirms the zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, as well as the need for gender-sensitive approaches. We have also made significant progress on clarifying obligations under international law. The text now underscores the responsibilities of host states to ensure the safety and security of humanitarian and UN personnel, and to conduct investigations that hold perpetrators accountable, and ensuring that no act of violence goes unpunished. Given the maturity and comprehensive nature of the current text, As a result of your collective effort, the EU, as facilitator, assessed that no additional substantive elements were required this year. For that reason, we opted for a technical update, and we warmly thank all the delegations for their constructive engagement and support on this matter. Colleagues, the European Union has long called for full respect of international humanitarian law. But words must now translate into action. Impunity fuels violations. Accountability deters them. It is as simple as that. Aware that the alarming trends demand concrete action, the European Union convened a roundtable with two panel discussions in mid-November focused on advancing the implementation of the resolution. And we were pleased to see broad, cross-regional participation as we discussed concrete, forward-looking measures to strengthen implementation of this resolution and enhance the safety and security of humanitarian and UN personnel. The EU and its member states have also joined the political declaration for the protection of humanitarian personnel launched in September 2025 by Australia. and which also recalls the need of practical action to ensure greater respect for the protection of humanitarian personnel, including through greater accountability and justice. Humanitarian access should not have to risk their own lives to assist those in need. The exchanges at the roundtable reflected our shared commitment to this growing concern, and we thank you for your participation. Finally, I wish to thank the many delegations that co-sponsored this year's resolution. Today, the General Assembly sends a strong message of support to the UN and to humanitarian personnel serving in crises around the world. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Denmark. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation to introduce draft amendments A/80/L.19, A/80/L.20, and A/80/L.36.

Distinguished Madam President, Today is a somewhat complicated day, and since I only have one opportunity to introduce our amendments, then I'm going to do it all at the same time. Before that, i would like to comment on the previous statement. We can see that some delegations, particularly the European Union, very much like to sound off about impunity and responsibility or accountability, and about who needs to be judged and how. Unfortunately, we see these attempts to monopolize the judicial function and condemnation into their own hands. Russia calls for these decisions to be taken collectively and for them to take into account the diversity of the United Nations that we can all be proud of. Now, before I introduce our amendment to draft resolution A/80/L.25, strengthening of the coordination of emergency humanitarian assistance of the United Nations, allow me to underscore that we have always highly appreciated consensus and the consensus that this resolution has enjoyed in recent years. And we note that the delegation of Sweden made titanic efforts to achieve that. and we would like to preserve that practice this year as well. However, given the fact that one delegation has already submitted an amendment on the text, we also felt it necessary to propose our own amendment. In essence, on the substance, various platforms, we call for the question of the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on humanitarian activities and the situation of developing countries to be taken into account. These are countries in respect of which these measures are taken. And I would point out that we are talking about the impact of them on humanitarian assistance to developing countries. The need for greater visibility of this subject is clear. The countries of the collective West have unleashed sanctions harassment against a significant part of the planet's population, making use of tools that are illegitimate from the point of view of international law. As you, Madam President, quite rightly noted on 4 December, speaking about the illegal nature of unilateral instruments, they are causing serious suffering to the population of states that are unable to defend themselves from the blunt instrument of sanctions. Thus, they are achieving their own foreign policy and economic goals, because are not able to compete equally on an equal footing economically. It is clear that the reaction of Western states to our amendments and to our arguments is predictable. They object to the fundaments of our assertions, or they talk about the unintended consequences of sanctions policy. as the representative of the European Union noted on 4 December in the debate, and also about the effectiveness of humanitarian exemptions which allegedly exist. We have argued about this a great deal, and we asked the Secretary-General to speak on this subject. And today I would like to underscore that the UN Secretariat and entities from the UN system in general are more and more openly acknowledging that we are right in our arguments and that there is a problem stemming from sanctions and unilateral measures. The negative impact of these measures is clearly reflected in the recent report of the UN Secretary-General submitted to the Second Committee this year, in document A/80/415. It is clear that unilateral sanctions are exacerbating humanitarian crises, and that is why we submitted this amendment to reflect this key subject in the draft resolution. The amendment includes one paragraph based on the provisions of General Assembly resolution 70/1 and the conclusions of the aforementioned report of the Secretary-General. The text of the amendment is contained in document A/80/L.36. We call upon delegations to support our amendment. Madam President, now turning to the amendments to the resolution in document L.18, safety and security of humanitarian personnel and protection of UN personnel. As was the case last year, our proposals touch upon provisions pertaining to the so-called International Criminal Court and their own statute. We would like to underscore that over the years of its existence, the ICC has not justified the expectations placed upon it when it comes to the impartiality of its investigation of the most serious crimes under international law. The Rome Statute has been discredited by the failings of the Court itself, which, with generous financing from a number of Western donors, has become an instrument of political pressure that is far removed from international justice. There is more and more frequent criticism of the evident double standards. about how the ICC consistently ignores the serious crimes committed by its Western backers and their allies. None of the cases considered by the ICC has been able to stabilize the situation in the countries in question, not in terms of preventing further crimes, nor in the context of national reconciliation. It has done nothing to facilitate that. And I would point out that Denmark, on behalf of the European Union, only just said that it does help that, but it doesn't, if you take a look at the facts. Real justice within this mechanism cannot, it does not exist, and statements about the ICC's contribution to the protection of humanitarian personnel and UN personnel are empty words. We are convinced that for that reason, more than a third of UN Member States are not parties to the Rome Statute, and the number of countries that are distancing themselves from this pseudo-judicial body is going to only grow. The result of the vote on 11 November on the resolution on the ICC report clearly demonstrates States’ real position on the activities of this politicized entity. In the past year alone, the number of delegations voting in favour has fallen by 20 delegations. We express our disappointment over the fact that our proposals to remove the provisions on the ICC were declined by the coordinator of the negotiating process. And on that basis, we have submitted amendments proposing the deletion of paragraphs PP38 and OP9. We call upon delegations to support our proposal. Now on the subject of Chernobyl. We have seen an unprecedented level of politicization of the tragedy and politicization of the UN's work in the context of the Chernobyl file. I wish to underscore the absurd situation surrounding the Belarusian draft resolution, which was generated by the improper conduct of the Ukrainian delegation with their proposal of initially an alternative draft resolution and then of amendments. and now their impingement upon the Rules of Procedure. In light of Ukraine's attempts to sow division within the General Assembly Hall, allow me to recall that at the time of the accident, ukraine was a part of the Soviet Union and wasn't waging a war on the Russian language. It was the Soviet people, Belarusians, Russians, Ukrainians, and representatives of other nationalities, they were the ones that bore the heavy burden of the legacy of the consequences of this disaster in 1986. They all worked shoulder to shoulder to deal with the fallout of the accident, and they sacrificed themselves, not so that 40 years later, the Ukrainian delegation could then use this tragedy for their narrow mercantile political purposes and to draw attention to current military and political events and to create an atmosphere of confrontation. and to continue their accusatory rhetoric. Ensuring nuclear security and safety of nuclear objects is an unquestioned priority for us, and that was demonstrated fully when the Chernobyl nuclear power plant was under the control of Russian forces. The safety and security of the power plant was not harmed in any way. We also firmly reject All other unfounded accusations that have been made previously and that will have been made today, and that will, uh, we have no doubt also be made later. The background and purpose of those accusations is something that we have only just described. Unfortunately, this time, the Secretariat was also not able to demonstrate an impartial approach in the report. Report A/80/395 contains biased and politically impartial wording, and also a number of judgments and recommendations that we cannot agree with and which are unfounded. In our opinion, a report such as this should be purely technical in nature and should not be linked to the contemporary military and political situation. We call upon delegations to support the draft submitted by the Republic of Belarus in the form in which that delegation submitted it, and to vote against the Ukrainian amendments. On the whole, on agenda item 72, allow me to state that Russia aligns itself with the statement on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter, which will be delivered by our friends from the Venezuelan delegation. And as part of our national statement, I would like to highlight several points. Firstly, Contemporary humanitarian challenges require a unification of efforts based on true unity, solidarity and cooperation. Unfortunately, as the aforementioned makes clear, such unity is nowhere to be seen. Politicisation in the area of international humanitarian response should not exist. The problems that arise should be resolved through respectful, equal and substantive dialogue. Secondly, Reforms in the humanitarian wing of the United Nations are indeed necessary, particularly in light of the decision of some donors to review their financial obligations. We support the efforts of the head of OCHA, Tom Fletcher, to simplify procedures, to remove duplication, and to reduce the administrative burden. At the same time, we support not only that in words, but also in deeds. Yesterday, we actively participated in the pledging meeting to the CERF, the Central Emergency Response Fund. That should continue to be the main reference point for all humanitarian organizations of the UN system at a time of financial crisis. The priority should be life-saving assistance for people. That is the main thing that we should be doing. It's very simple to concentrate on a single goal, to save people's lives. Increasing the volume of unearmarked funding that the Archer is calling for is, of course, a relevant undertaking, but we must continue to make use of the entire range of financial instruments and work on attracting resources both from traditional and also from new donors. In our view, the reforms need to be introduced in a balanced and flexible way, taking into account the specifics of each situation. And that goes for all elements of the so-called humanitarian reset. Third, a number of states continue to see humanitarian assistance as a tool of political pressure, promoting concepts such as humanitarian intervention, the responsibility to protect, and the humanitarian development peacebuilding nexus, and the nexus with human rights as well. Some Western delegations assert that Humanitarian operations can be conducted without coordination with national authorities and without their consent. That position is unacceptable for us. It creates risks for the humanitarian organizations themselves. It creates risks for the safety and security of their personnel. We are convinced that the effectiveness of humanitarian response depends directly on constructive cooperation with partners in the national and local authorities. We once again underscore the importance of respect for state sovereignty and strict respect for the fundamental principles of the provision of humanitarian assistance as enshrined in General Assembly resolution 46/182. Thank you for your attention.

Thank you, distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Iraq to introduce draft resolution A/80/L.23 on behalf of the Group of 77 and China.

Madam President, Excellencies, On behalf of the Group of 77 on China, I have the honor to introduce to the General Assembly the draft resolution entitled “International cooperation on humanitarian assistance in the field of natural disasters: from relief to development”, as contained in document A/18/L23. As we present this draft resolution again this year, the Group of 77 and China continues to reaffirm the importance of international cooperation in providing assistance to countries and peoples affected by natural disasters. In accordance with resolution 46/182, and the guiding principles for the strengthening of the coordination of emergency humanitarian assistance of the United Nations system. The draft resolution includes these important elements, while also recognizing that it is those States affected by natural disasters that bear primary responsibility for the initiation, organization, coordination, and implementation of humanitarian assistance within their territories. The text continues to recognize the clear relationship between emergency response, rehabilitation, and development, and reaffirms that in order to ensure a smooth transition between these three stages, Emergency assistance must be provided in such a way as to be supportive of short and medium-term recovery, ultimately leading to long-term development. Today, more than ever, international cooperation and sustained technical and financial support from States and the United Nations system are indispensable, including scaling innovative funding mechanisms to ensure that no one is left behind. In times of emergencies, such support must strengthen, not replace, national and local mechanisms, enabling timely and effective responses by governments, Prioritizing capacity building and resilience, particularly in developing countries, is essential, however, this must be nationally led to ensure sustainable response to humanitarian challenges. Madam President, the draft resolution before us reflects a technical update undertaken in a constructive and transparent manner, consistent with the long-standing practice that this resolution has traditionally been adopted by consensus and enjoyed broad support. In that spirit, the Group of 77 and China invites all delegations to lend their support by co-sponsoring draft resolution L.23. We express our appreciation for those who have already done so. We strongly urge Member States to support it by voting in favor of the resolution, ensuring that the resolution before us continues to reflect the broad solidarity of this Assembly. In conclusion, the Group strongly believes that through this resolution, we can together continue to strengthen international cooperation, on natural disasters, making it more responsive, resilient, and capable of addressing the challenges of our times. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Iraq. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Sweden to introduce draft resolution A/80/L25.

Madam President, today it is my privilege to introduce to the General Assembly, on behalf of 67 co-sponsors, this year’s draft resolution on the strengthening of the coordination of emergency humanitarian assistance of the United Nations, contained in document A/80/L25, the so-called Humanitarian Omnibus Resolution. This year marks the 34th anniversary of the landmark resolution 46/182 adopted in December 1991, which laid the foundations of today's humanitarian system. Resolution 46/182 established that the United Nations should act as the central coordinator of humanitarian aid to avoid duplication and assure efficiency. That resolution, together with subsequent General Assembly and ECOSOC resolutions, also set out the guiding principles for humanitarian assistance, and it remains the cornerstone of how the UN and its partners respond to emergencies today. Having been adopted annually, the Humanitarian Omnibus Resolution marks continuity and reaffirmation of the humanitarian principles. The Humanitarian Omnibus of 2025 builds on an impressive 33 years of consensus. It carries significant weight when Member States come together year after year to send one unified message guiding global humanitarian action. The goal of our collective efforts remains the same as in 1991, to effectively assist people affected by crisis. We are closing a year marked by extraordinary challenges. Humanitarian workers continue to put their lives on the line while operating under extremely dangerous conditions. Humanitarian needs have reached record levels due to conflicts, protracted crises, and climate shocks, yet resources to meet the needs remain critically scarce. And the widening gap has pushed the system to a pivotal moment of reform to remain fit for purpose and overcome the multifaceted challenges that lie ahead. As facilitator, Sweden set out a distinct approach for this year's negotiations. We suggested to focus our negotiations on the reform efforts by the Emergency Relief Coordinator and the broader UNAT process initiated by the Secretary General. We have successfully added language on both these processes in the text that was tabled for adoption today. This is a mature resolution. Its core elements has enjoyed broad support from member states for a long time. However, The consultations this year were more challenging than ever and showed diverging positions on many issues, including on already agreed language. One delegation shared a significant amount of text proposals, deletions, and amendments in over 70 paragraphs. With a sincere intent of maintaining the consensus this resolution has enjoyed for 33 years, and at the same time not discounting the views of any Member State, Sweden led what became a robust negotiation on the resolution as a whole. The text that was tabled constitutes our best attempt at striking a balance between the views expressed by all Member States during negotiations. We decided to table the text despite two delegations breaking silence. We did so because both delegations clearly stated that they were not breaking silence with the intent to call the resolution to a vote. We based our assessment on this and tabled the text with a sincere understanding that it would receive support today. Notwithstanding, these two delegations have tabled hostile amendments with language that was not accepted by other delegations in the room, despite lengthy negotiations. Many other delegations made difficult concessions during negotiations in the hopes of contributing to consensus. I would like to thank all those delegations for their constructive engagement and flexibility. Since these delegations agreed to compromises in hopes of eventually reaching consensus, we think it would be unfair to them to now move forward towards voting on amendments and eventually on the resolution as a whole. We urge the two delegations to withdraw your amendments today and instead work with us in the new year on a new text that better caters to our interest. If these two delegations insist on moving forward with their amendments, we unfortunately are forced to withdraw the tabled text from action later today. That is not a decision we take lightly. We do this to protect the text. that we tabled and the resolution from fragmentation. This resolution has served as operational guidelines for humanitarian organizations doing crucial work all over the world. It is not in anyone's interest to call that into question. Madam President, I wish to extend my gratitude to the numerous delegation who came together in co-sponsoring this text. I'll now make a final plea. to encourage the adoption by consensus of the draft resolution before the General Assembly without any amendments. Thank you. I will now give a statement, joint statement in the humanitarian debate by Sweden and India. Madam President, distinguished delegates, Sweden and India are proud to make a joint statement in the humanitarian general debate for the 10th time. Our joint statement symbolizes the importance of nurturing the things that unite us, as opposed to allowing our differences to divide. It is an expression of a core tenet of multilateralism that acting collectively makes the international community stronger than purely pursuing self-interest. This requires the courage to compromise, which is a characteristic of the strong. We count on all of you to stay strongly behind the multilateral consensus that has been the bedrock of United Nations humanitarian system for almost 34 years. Over 300 million people around the world are living, surviving under the most challenging conditions imaginable, sometimes unimaginable. They make up 300 million reasons for having this debate today, and they are 300 million lives that must count more than on a single issue politics. Humanitarian crises are not single country issues. Humanitarian needs exist on all continents and on all longitudes. Madam President, India and Sweden believe that while primary responsibility for providing humanitarian assistance lies with the concerned country and its government, a strong coordinated and adequately funded humanitarian system is essential in addressing these massive needs in an effective, efficient, and impactful way. Local organizations, first responders, volunteers, and private sector actors are all essential when crisis hits. We welcome the humanitarian resets reset and the steps taken by the United Nations to include these actors as part of the humanitarian system. We stress the importance of a humanitarian system based on the principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and dependence. This ensures that politics does not dictate who receives assistance and that aid reaches those in most need, irrespective of who they are. Safeguarding these principles is vital. We also believe that respect for the principles of the UN Charter, including sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity of member states, is essential. Delivering humanitarian assistance presupposes a number of critical enablers. This includes concrete things like logistics, infrastructure, and supply chain solutions, as well as coherent efforts on transparency and accountability. We emphasize respect for international humanitarian law as crucial to enable the delivery of humanitarian assistance. For instance, where humanitarian access is not provided or even hindered, aid will not reach those lives may depend on it. Sweden and India are also deeply concerned over the increased number of humanitarian workers killed while performing their duties. We underscored that their obligations under international humanitarian law cannot be applied selectively and must be ensured at all times. Armed conflict and climate change are the main drivers of humanitarian needs. Severe weather, drought, and desertification are some examples that lead to loss of livelihoods, forced displacement, and increased food insecurity. Madam President, the humanitarian system is a lifeline for millions, but it is overstretched and faces chronic and growing underfunding. Indeed, the United Nations humanitarian system needs to reset, reform, and innovate. Above all, it needs to continue delivering, especially today. This is when we demonstrate multilateral strength behind a system whose core purpose is to save lives and alleviate suffering. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Sweden. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United States to introduce the amendments A/80/L-30, A/80/L-31, A/80/L-32, and A/80/L-33 as the draft amendments.

Thank you, Madam President. The United States submitted our amendments in good faith. We have also received support from other member states, which is why we respectfully refuse to withdraw these amendments. The United States has introduced these amendments to protect the original purpose of this resolution from ideological agendas, just like the advancement of humanitarian assistance and the promotion of international humanitarian law. Specifically, these amendments address inappropriate, divisive, and harmful references to sexual and reproductive health, rights to abortion, and climate change that will undermine the purpose of this resolution. We should be looking at women's health more holistically and not breaking out specific elements. Humanitarian settings and conflicts require access to healthcare. Thus, if we start looking at specific elements of health, like SRH, we would miss other key elements. For these reasons, we prefer to make the language more general. The United States rejects terminology around sexual and reproductive healthcare. This language is unnecessary and also carries highly controversial meanings, conflating this term with notions of abortion. LGBTQ and other sexual rights. Sexual and reproductive health is also a broad category that not all can be considered a humanitarian need. It also includes many controversial health services. We stress in this regard that there is no international right to abortion, whether under that name or other terms, and there is no duty on the part of the United States to finance or facilitate abortions. The United States believes in legal protections for the unborn. Consistent with the Geneva Consensus Declaration, signed by countries representing every region of the world, we assert that each nation has the sovereign right to legislate against abortion absent external pressure, especially from the United Nations. Accordingly, The US proposed amendments to OP 66 and OP 67 are necessary to limit the reference to sexual and reproductive health to language on which there is international consensus, namely the program of action of International Conference on Population and Development and its review outcomes as adopted by the General Assembly. The United States has also offered its amendment on OP-67 ter to clarify and stress that there is no international right to abortion, whether under that name or under any other term, nor is there any duty on part of the United States to finance or facilitate abortions. Instead, humanitarian response efforts should include every attempt to eliminate the need for abortion and provide women with the best possible options for family planning, maternal health care, psychological support, and other essential services. Furthermore, President Trump has delivered a very clear message. The United Nations and so many other nations of the world have gone wildly off track. Exaggerating climate change into the world's greatest threat, this practice should no longer be tolerated by this body. The United States has therefore offered additional critical amendments to PPS 4 and 15 to address the divisive and inappropriate references to climate change in this resolution. We urge delegations to recognize the importance of upholding real humanitarianism, protecting it from infiltration by radical and ideologically driven actors by supporting these critical elements. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ukraine to introduce draft resolution A/80/L.27 and draft amendment A/80/L.28.

Madam President, distinguished delegates, I have the honour to introduce draft resolution A/80/L.27. 27 entitled “Strengthening international cooperation and coordination of efforts to study, mitigate and minimize the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster”. I would also like to present our amendment A/80/L.28 to the draft resolution A/80/L.3 entitled “Persistent legacy of the Chernobyl disaster” just announced by Belarus. Dear colleagues, almost 40 years ago, On 26 April 1986, the worst nuclear accident in human history occurred at the Chernobyl nuclear power station located on Ukrainian soil. I wish to repeat: Chernobyl is located in Ukraine. The consequences of that explosion were truly devastating for my country. More than 145,000 square kilometres of Ukrainian territory including over 2,200 cities, towns, and villages were severely contaminated with radionuclides. In the immediate aftermath of this disaster, many thousands of Ukrainians died due to radiation exposure. Around 600,000 Ukrainians involved in firefighting and cleanup operations were exposed to extremely high doses of radiation suffering lasting health damage, especially cancer diseases. Ukraine's cumulative economic losses are estimated in the tens of billions of US dollars. Madam President, let me remind this Assembly that the Chernobyl catastrophe was not merely an accident, nor simply a technical failure. It was a result of a reckless experiment ordered by the top leadership in Moscow, an experiment that blatantly violated even the most basic safety rules. Those political decisions triggered an uncontrolled reaction, the subsequent explosion, and the meltdown of the reactor core. But the Soviet regime committed a second crime. It tried to conceal the truth about the real dimension of this human tragedy. Instead of protecting people, Moscow hid the scale of this unprecedented disaster and withheld vital information from the public, even as radioactive clouds spread across borders. Just five days after this explosion, five days after this explosion, the same Soviet authorities forced, they forced people in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities to hold massive May Day parades. to pretend that nothing had happened. Many thousands, including school children, had to march through the capital of Ukraine under invisible radiation. Among those children was my wife. She was sent to spend hours under the scorching sun, exposed to this deadly danger. She, like millions of other Ukrainians, still continues to live with dire health consequences. The Soviet Union's deliberate negligence and cynical cover-up of this tragedy revealed to the world the true nature of that regime, especially its complete disregard for human life, and eventually led to the collapse of the USSR just a few years later. These are the reasons why Ukraine once again brings this draft resolution before this distinguished Assembly, as we have done so in the last years. It is a tribute to all those who suffered from this terrible accident. For me, it is also deeply personal, a matter of honour and principle, to stand for the millions of Ukrainians whose lives were forever overshadowed by the Chernobyl disaster, and to ensure that their suffering and their destiny are never forgotten. Madam President, let me be clear: because of this legacy, it is Ukraine, and Ukraine alone, that has the exclusive sovereign right to introduce draft resolutions relating to Chernobyl. The Chernobyl nuclear power plant and exclusion zones are located entirely within the territory of Ukraine. Therefore, the primary responsibility for initiating any UN decisions pertaining to this matter rests solely with Ukraine. Notwithstanding this obvious fact regarding Ukraine's penholder ship, Belarus, as you just heard, surprisingly and without any prior consultations, submitted on 12 September this year, a draft resolution L/3, "Persistent legacy of the Chernobyl disaster". I wish to emphasize that Belarus did not request consultations with Ukraine. All the allegations that we just heard are not true and have to be dismissed. The lack of engagement runs counter to established practice and should not be ignored by this Assembly. Moreover, there is another aspect. As you will recall, when Russia launched its large-scale invasion of Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022, the Chernobyl nuclear power plant was among the first targets seized by Russian troops invading from the territory of Belarus. We just heard that the Russian representative confirmed their presence at the nuclear power plant of Chernobyl. During this occupation that lasted for 36 days, Russian forces violated radiation safety protocols and used the site for military purposes as a springboard for their advance towards Kyiv. Ukraine was able to restore full control over the Chernobyl NPP on the 3rd of April 2022. Given this instrumental role played by the authorities in Minsk, in facilitating Russia’s military invasion and the occupation of the Chernobyl NPP, Belarus has lost any moral standing to initiate UN General Assembly resolutions relating to the Chernobyl issue. Let me recall the definition of aggression as adopted by this Assembly in 1974 in its resolution 3314. According to article 3, F, and I quote, "The action of a state in allowing its territory, which it has placed at the disposal of another state, to be used by that other state for perpetrating an act of aggression against a third state, qualifies as an act of aggression." End quote. So by allowing the Russian Federation to use its territory for the full-scale military invasion of Ukraine, Belarus enabled the current aggression that is still ongoing against Ukraine, as well as deaths of civilians and destruction. This will never be forgotten. Distinguished delegates, through its draft resolution, Ukraine seeks to ensure that the UNDP programme and other relevant UN entities continue to play a central role in both the immediate and long-term recovery and sustainable development of the areas affected by the most severe nuclear disaster in human history. Ukraine's draft is not only about the past, it is forward-looking, it's fact-based, it's focused on strengthening international coordination and sustained UN engagement to counter today's risk. It addresses urgent challenges, including efforts to mitigate horrible consequences of the drone strike on the new safe confinement at the Chernobyl NPP this February. It also places particular emphasis on preparations to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the Chernobyl disaster next year. Furthermore, our draft resolution employs the correct spelling "Chornobyl" with "o", in line with Ukraine's official geographic nomenclature, but contrasts the more widely used form "Chernobyl" with "e" derives from the Russian transliteration of the Soviet era, its continued use would perpetuate not only a linguistic, but also an imperial legacy. And, dear colleagues, you just heard the Russian representative dreaming of the Soviet Union many years after it collapsed and hoping to restore this empire. I wish to stress that all these efforts of Russia are doomed to fail. Madam President, distinguished delegates, Ukraine calls upon all the Member States to support our draft resolution and vote in favour of it. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ukraine. I give the floor to the representative of Sweden on a point of order.

Mr. President, Sweden would like to raise a point of order to withdraw the draft resolution A/80/L.25. This was not an easy decision. However, we believe it will protect the integrity of the text that was tabled and the interests of those whom it is for, the hundreds of millions of people who need humanitarian assistance and the system that provides it. We are convinced that a resolution with the table amendments included is not supported by all and that a better outcome can be achieved. Sweden will continue to work tirelessly to achieve a text that enjoys as broad support as possible from the membership. When we reach agreement on the text as a whole, it is a testament to the commitment member states have to principled humanitarian assistance. Sweden will protect the existing guidance of last year's resolution that was adopted by consensus, which will continue to guide humanitarian organizations in their life-saving work for hundreds of millions of people in need. We look forward to working with all Member States, as we always have, and I thank all those Member States who have engaged in this process. Thank you.

I thank the representative of Sweden. Draft resolution A/80/L.25 has been withdrawn. The Assembly will therefore not take action on the draft resolution and the draft amendments thereto. Yet, I see a point of order. Therefore, I now give the floor to the representative of the United States on a point of order.

Thank you, Madam President. The United States expresses its dissatisfaction with the withdrawal of this text. Had we not barreled past the red line concerns of numerous delegations, this would not have been necessary. The United States was prepared to give this resolution exactly the treatment it deserved today. A humanitarian resolution should not be a globalist wish list of divisive cultural causes, including the green new scam, gender ideology, radical abortion viewpoints, and perverse donor recipient industrial complex issues. No matter when this text comes to the floor, if it contains these absurd propositions again, the United States will continue to stand against it. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the United States. We have ended the introduction of resolutions and amendments. Therefore, we are coming now to the national statements and the group statements. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the European Union on behalf of the EU and its member states.

Madam President, Excellencies, I have the honor to speak on behalf of the European Union and its 27 member states. The candidate countries, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Georgia, as well as Andorra, Monaco, and San Marino, align themselves with this statement. As we near the end of 2025, the international community stands at a critical juncture for effective multilateralism. The humanitarian system is facing a systemic crisis. It is severely undermined, underfunded, and overstretched. Addressing the persistent violations of international humanitarian law and the operational impediments for aid delivery must be treated as a priority. We are extremely concerned by the record number of attacks against humanitarian and UN personnel in 2023 and 2024, respectively, 595 and 816 attacks, the highest numbers in recent decades for two consecutive years. This sobering reality puts millions of lives at risk, triggering a massive protection crisis across the globe. As Team Europe, our response is clear: The scale and intensity of these challenges demand a united and steadfast response by all actors of the international community. The European Union and its Member States remain fully committed to strengthening the global humanitarian system established in 1991 under UN General Assembly Resolution 46/182, and to ensuring that the United Nations remain the keystone of this system. Respect for international humanitarian law and the humanitarian principles of humanity, Impartiality, neutrality, and independence remain the bedrock of European Union humanitarian action, policy, and advocacy. Political efforts towards global international humanitarian law compliance are essential to protect civilians, preserve life-saving assistance, and reduce risks faced by humanitarian personnel, including from new forms of warfare. The European Union, therefore, welcomes the global initiative to galvanize political commitments to IHL as a timely process for understanding what is needed to prevent violations and enable the sharing of good practices among states, including through domestic accountability mechanisms. All 27 member states of the European Union have joined the initiative, and we encourage all regional groups to do the same. Furthermore, we remain at the forefront of addressing emergencies worldwide. To date, the European Union and its member states collectively remain the largest humanitarian donor, providing over 40% of global humanitarian funding. We call upon others to follow suit and join us in safeguarding the international consensus on principled humanitarian action. We urge new donors to step in and emerging donors to step up, shouldering their responsibility in a way which commensurates with their economic standing. Attacks against humanitarian workers must stop. They constitute a blatant and outright attack against the very core of our humanitarian system. Reports indicate a sharp rise in detentions and arrests, increasing administrative and legal barriers, and a troubling trend of criminalization of aid. Worrisomely, national and local aid workers remain disproportionately affected. in particular those working for national or local NGOs. All parties must abide by their obligations under international law to protect civilians, including humanitarian workers, and ensure humanitarian access. The European Union position remains steadfast: humanitarians are not a target, never and nowhere. We welcome the resolution on the safety and security of humanitarian personnel and the protection of UN personnel that entails important stipulations on accountability and ending impunity, as well as on recognizing the specific role of the international courts, including the International Criminal Court. Furthermore, and in this respect, European Union and its member states have proudly joined the declaration for the protection of humanitarian personnel launched in September 2025 by Australia. We commend all those who have joined the declaration and urge all others to consider doing so. Another deeply concerning trend is the increasing and deliberate targeting of civilian critical civilian infrastructure, while neutral, impartial, and independent assistance is obstructed. Destruction or damage of civilian objects, including hospitals, schools, power and water infrastructure, is a serious violation of international humanitarian law with immediate and long-term consequences for communities. To address these urgent and intersecting challenges, The European Union strongly supports the reform initiatives that provide an opportunity for transformative change, namely the humanitarian reset initiated by the Emergency Relief Coordinator Tom Fletcher and the humanitarian pillar of the UN80 initiative launched by UN Secretary-General Guterres. Ensuring coherence between these reform strands is essential to achieve a common purpose and maximizing impact for an effective UN as one delivery, especially in conflict and fragile settings. Equally important is the need to advance effective humanitarian diplomacy to preserve and protect the humanitarian space reinforce a narrative grounded on values and principles, and enhance the visibility of our joint actions. This also includes the continued promotion of gender equality and paying particular attention to addressing needs of women, as well as protection of children. We welcome the humanitarian reset as means of achieving an efficient, effective, and accountable humanitarian system that strengthens partnerships, including and especially with local actors, reduces duplication, and puts principled action at the center of all responses. As part of the required change, we need simplified humanitarian processes. scaled up common services, including on supply chains and unified procurement, and pooling of resources. We welcome the ambitious objectives that have been shared in this regard by United Nations Secretariat. This will help us to identify sustainable exit strategies where dependency on humanitarian aid and systems are decreased. The European Union integrated approach to fragility will continue to this effort. As we move forward, it is essential to build an inclusive humanitarian system, one that is locally led and internationally supported, and that leverages the unique values, specialized mandates, and responsibilities of UN entities the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, and local and international actors. Their respective contributions are indispensable in shaping and delivering humanitarian assistance and protection. Turning to the humanitarian omnibus resolution, Sweden has conducted the negotiations of its own resolution in a diligent, fair, and transparent manner. and we commend them for their genuine efforts to maintain consensus and to achieve a balanced and meaningful outcome for all. International cooperation and the strengthening of the coordination of emergency humanitarian assistance of the United Nations is a crucial matter which require us to act in a responsible way. European Union regrets actions that have undermined consensus on a humanitarian resolution critical to the UN system, the principled actors that provide it, and those requiring protection and assistance. This resolution has enjoyed consensus adoption for over three decades. In view of this, we express full support to Sweden for their difficult decision to preserve the integrity of the text. Let me conclude by underscoring that European Union and its Member States will remain global leaders in defending the normative work for the UN-coordinated and principled humanitarian action. You can count on us to continue acting as predictable, principled, and reliable partner in support of people in need worldwide. I thank you.

I would like to thank the representative of the EU. And now I give the floor to the representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

Mr. President, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela has the honor to take the floor on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations. Mr. President, we would like to reiterate our strongest condemnation of the catastrophic humanitarian situation that the Gaza Strip continues to experience and across the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem, as a result of Israel's ongoing military occupation and the relentless attacks that it continues perpetrating with total impunity. After more than two years of continued brutality, the death toll has now reached over 70,000 Palestinian deaths, in addition to thousands more who are unaccounted for, who remain under the rubble, and over 171,000 people wounded. In that sense, we call for the full respect and effective implementation of the recently agreed ceasefire, which is essential, among other things, to ensure humanitarian access that is unimpeded, safe, and scaled up to those in need in Gaza. Moreover, We reiterate our strongest condemnation of the continued attacks by Israel, the occupying power, against both the Palestinian people and against UNRWA. We insist that indiscriminate strikes against civilian infrastructures, the deliberate starvation of civilians, the deprivation of medical care, water, and sanitation, and the obstruction of humanitarian aid, as well as the attacks against humanitarian workers and medical personnel constitute grave breaches, among others, of international humanitarian law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention. Equally alarming are the Israeli legislative measures enacted in 2024 and 2025, which forbid cooperation with UNRWA and prohibit its activities in occupied East Jerusalem. as well as Israel's continued obstruction of UNRWA's access in the Gaza Strip on behalf of the occupying power. These actions, on top of what happened on Monday in Sheikh Jarrah, obviously flagrantly violate the UN Charter, the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, and the relevant General Assembly resolutions regarding UNRWA's critical mandate. Let us be clear: such measures represent a direct attack on the multilateral system itself, an attempt to erode the UN system from within, to silence international law, to withhold humanitarian aid as a tool of collective punishment and oppression, and to erase the identity and the rights of the Palestinian people, including millions of Palestine refugees. In this context, we recognize the advisory opinion that the ICJ delivered on the 22nd of October 2025, which reaffirmed Israel's obligations under international law in relation to the presence and activities of the United Nations, including UNRWA, in the occupied Palestinian territory. The Court made it clear that as the occupying power, Israel must ensure that the Palestinian population has access to the essential supplies of daily life and must facilitate, not obstruct, impartial humanitarian relief efforts undertaken by the United Nations. The Court further reaffirmed Israel's duty to respect the privileges and immunities of the United Nations and the inviolability of its premises and personnel, rejecting unfounded allegations that seek to question UNWA's neutrality. This advisory opinion underscores, moreover, the core principles of international law, the centrality of the United Nations Charter, and the indispensable humanitarian role of UNRWA as an exemplary pillar of humanitarian assistance and emergency relief within the UN system. Mr. President, the Member States of our group underscored the central importance of the United Nations in providing humanitarian and disaster relief assistance, given its multilateral character and the ethical and humanist principles that inspired its establishment. Therefore, all UN agencies, funds, programs, and bodies must fully uphold the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the founding Charter, including those relating to the sovereign equality of States, the principle of non-interference, and the right of peoples to self-determination. In this context, we also reiterate that all humanitarian activities carried out by the UN system or any other actor must strictly adhere to the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and operational independence, as established in resolution 46/182 of the General Assembly, and they should be conducted with full transparency, continuous dialogue, and the consent of receiving States, which is essential to ensure the credibility and sustainability of such assistance. Mr. President, in recent times, the international community has faced a dramatic rise in extreme natural disasters, including intensified droughts and floods, severe heat and cold waves, disrupted ecosystems and biological cycles, which have been driven, among other factors, by an unsustainable model of environmental exploitation and wealth concentration. which has left millions dead, displaced, or suffering, without the capacity of many states to respond, thereby increasing reliance on humanitarian and disaster relief assistance. At the same time, humanitarian crises have also been fueled for decades by politically driven actions linked to hegemonic ambitions, such as the pursuit of natural resources, induced armed conflicts that have turned into sources of profit, engineered social polarization, and destabilizing interventionism, all of which, coupled with the threat of the use of force and the application of so-called sanctions, exacerbate poverty, hunger, and unplanned human mobility, thus perpetuating a vicious cycle that continues to expand and disproportionately harms the most vulnerable. All of this exposes the risks of the ongoing US military buildup in the Caribbean and the continued threats against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, including in the humanitarian space. Once again, From this podium, we caution of the risks of a spillover effect should an armed aggression take place against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Venezuela, while insisting on the importance of upholding the proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a zone of peace. It is time for common sense to prevail, and for the US government desist once and for all from its hostile actions and offensive maneuvers, and instead It should fully adhere to the Charter of the United Nations, both in its letter as well as in its spirit. Moreover, we wish to emphasize that notions such as the responsibility to protect and humanitarian intervention, which lack internationally agreed definitions, are in no way a guarantee for preventing or addressing humanitarian emergencies, but rather, they can become causes of such crises while they also undermine the rule of law and the role of diplomacy and cooperation, with dire consequences for national and regional political stability, as well as for the humanitarian community. Mr. President, We should also refer to the issue of unilateral coercive measures, exceptionalist ideologies, and foreign interventionism, among others, as key root causes of global crises and humanitarian emergencies, particularly those that later are referred to as man-made crises. These factors often serve as major drivers of forced displacement and migration. They promote hunger, homelessness, lack of access to education and health care, they destabilize states, and they cause widespread human suffering, among other consequences. Such outcomes are frequently the result of political or economic interests. pursued without regard for their devastating impact on the affected populations, particularly those in developing countries, and it constitutes one of the greatest expressions of political double standards and morality by nations engaged in destabilization as part of their ongoing envision in order to maintain a global hegemony which is unsustainable. Unilateral coercive measures, imposed illegally and immorally, for clearly political purposes, remain thus one of the major drivers of humanitarian emergencies, and they prevent the national institutions of targeted states from accessing global markets for food, medicines, finance, and essential technologies, including communication and education, which undermines development plans and the achievement of the SDGs, while inflicting disproportionate harm on civilian populations, particularly children, women, older persons, and persons with disabilities, even in moments of acute crisis. In line with our principled and long-standing opposition to the promulgation and application of such measures, which are a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international law, we reiterate our call for their complete, immediate, and unconditional lifting, while highlighting that these so-called sanctions also hamper the delivery of humanitarian assistance to those who need it the most. as has been confirmed by the Secretary General in one of his most recent reports on the issue, and as reflected in document A/80/415. Mr. President, against this backdrop, we recognize the work carried out by the United Nations and its specialized humanitarian agencies in all the regions of the world, which we urge to continue exercising utmost vigilance in the face of the potential and often proven risk that external actors, including countries and economic groups, may seek to politically instrumentalize their work, a situation that would be detrimental to their mission and mandate, while also affecting the work of humanitarian assistance in situations where it is required. To conclude, the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations recognizes the efforts to reinforce coordination of the United Nations and its agencies in the humanitarian field with the leadership of OCHA, as well as other organs of the UN system, as well as the protection of personnel on the field, and all initiatives aimed at strengthening dialogue and cooperation with states in each phase of the political and operational processes of humanitarian management. insofar as it is the best guarantee for the true and effective fulfillment of its noble mission. Thank you very much, Mr. President.

I would like to thank the representative of Venezuela. And now I would like to give the floor to the representative of Canada.

Mr. President, Canada stands before this assembly to underscore the pivotal moment that the humanitarian sector is facing. The world we live in today is a sobering one. Worldwide, conflict and climate change drive mass displacement, hunger, and instability. Ongoing crises in contexts such as Sudan, Palestine, Myanmar, Haiti, and Ukraine are stark reminders of the fragility of peace and the urgency of our collective responsibility. These tragedies are not distant events; they are human lives torn apart and communities uprooted. The suffering we witness is not confined by borders; it reaches across nations and communities, reminding us of our shared humanity. These crises demand that we act not as separate states, but as one international community bound by responsibility and by compassion. At this moment, multilateral action is not a choice. It is a necessity. And without it, the progress we have built together risks unraveling. The demand for humanitarian aid has reached unprecedented levels, yet we find ourselves at a moment where the very organizations devoted to saving lives are constrained by reduced funding and overwhelming demands, faced with doing more with less in increasingly complex and hostile operating environments. As the humanitarian sector adapts to this new and challenging reality, We must not lose sight of the purpose behind the resolutions we consider this week and the people we have collectively pledged to protect. We must rise above politicization and ensure that humanitarian principles guide our response.

Mr. President, Canada firmly supports the humanitarian reset and the UN80 initiative, and we remain committed, remain determined to overcome the challenges before us. Although the reform of the system is not easy, it does also provide an opportunity to make sure that humanitarian assistance is more effective, more efficient, and focused on protection and the relief of the most vulnerable people. including women and girls, who are often disproportionately affected by crises. As a Member State, we also recognize our clear and central role in respect for international humanitarian law and in protecting the operating space of humanitarian actors through our actions, our role as a donor, and our diplomacy. Attacks against civilians, civilian infrastructure, and humanitarian workers cannot continue to be a key characteristic of armed conflicts. Faced with such serious violations, Canada will not remain silent. We are proud to have endorsed the Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel and the Humanity and War Initiative in the previous year, and we remain firmly committed to those important initiatives, and also to other efforts which aim to uphold and to promote international humanitarian law. Faced with needs around the world, we must reaffirm our commitment to multilateralism and to collaboration in order to protect and support the most vulnerable. Only collective action will allow us to address these crises with the strength and the determination that they require. Thank you.

I thank the representative of Canada. I now give the floor to the representative of Australia.

Thank you, Mr. President. I also thank the facilitators of the humanitarian resolutions we have been considering today and reaffirm Australia’s support for them as tabled. The humanitarian system is at a critical juncture: more protracted conflicts, more frequent disasters, but fewer resources to respond. Simultaneously, respect for international humanitarian law is being severely undermined. In 2025, there is again an unacceptably high risk to humanitarian personnel, with 320 devastating deaths and many more workers wounded or kidnapped. To reverse this trend, governments, the United Nations, international organizations, NGOs, and civil society must come together to demand that in every conflict, international humanitarian law must be upheld. I would like to thank the more than 100 countries who have endorsed the new declaration for the protection of humanitarian personnel, particularly Brazil, Colombia, Indonesia, Japan, Jordan, Sierra Leone, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom, with whom Australia worked to drive this important initiative. To protect civilians, we must protect humanitarian personnel. And we ask a lot of humanitarians: to deliver principled, high-quality aid and protection across frontlines and in disasters; to reach people in the most vulnerable situations; and to build resilience to future shocks. But they are overstretched, underfunded, and under attack. It’s only by working together that we can safeguard a United Nations that helps solve the world’s most pressing problems and delivers for the people who need it most. The humanitarian system cannot prevent or solve conflict and crises alone. We must, therefore, strengthen our efforts across the humanitarian-development-peace-political nexus, forging new partnerships and ways of working collaboratively to address the root causes of humanitarian need, build peace, and enable communities to recover and rebuild. The General Assembly must also play its part, now more than ever, by working constructively to support the Emergency Relief Coordinator to convene humanitarian actors to prioritize resources; by encouraging ambitious, meaningful, and lasting reform through the Humanitarian Reset and UN80 initiative for a more effective and efficient global humanitarian response; By being clear-eyed about the capacity of a more streamlined system, by preserving the functions that only the United Nations can deliver, and by putting local communities first. Those communities are the best placed to understand their own needs and must be empowered to make decisions in crises. And this requires engagement with groups not always heard, including women, children, people with disability, LGBTQIA+ people, and refugees. Australia recognises the vital role of the humanitarian system in our region, the Indo-Pacific, home to some of the most complex but forgotten crises. The humanitarian situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate. Humanitarian need has increased 20-fold since the 2021 coup, and more than 3.6 million people are internally displaced. Australia remains committed to assisting the people of Myanmar and displaced Rohingyas and their host communities in Bangladesh. We also remain steadfast in assisting the people of Afghanistan, who face dire humanitarian needs due to ongoing political and economic instability. Australia also advocates for continued prioritization of climate responsive and preparedness initiatives in our region, including anticipatory action and early warning systems, which save lives and reduce the costs of responding. We recognize that donors have a key role to play. For our part, we are committed to supporting multi-year funding and pooled funds backed up by robust accountability mechanisms. And Australia recognizes that bold reform will require new approaches to managing risk. President, Australia is proud to be a part of a global humanitarian system that responds to crises and saves millions of lives every year. Once again, I thank the facilitators of this year's resolutions for their constructive leadership. And let me acknowledge the efforts of Sweden in relation to the humanitarian omnibus resolution. And let me support the decision to withdraw the resolution from consideration this morning. Australia will continue to support efforts to shape a reimagined humanitarian system that, despite challenges, will continue to save lives and reduce suffering for crisis-affected peoples. Thank

you.

I thank the representative of Australia. I now give the floor to the representative of Qatar.

Mr. President, the General Assembly convenes today to consider the item on the strengthening of the coordination of humanitarian assistance of the United Nations, while the humanitarian situation exacerbates across the world, namely in the Gaza Strip, where humanitarian needs are at unprecedented levels due to the Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip. Based on the instructions of His Highness Sheikh Hamim bin Tamad al- bin Hamad Al-Thani, the Amir of the State of Qatar, last October we established a land bridge for the provision of humanitarian assistance to alleviate the suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip through the territories of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the Arab Republic of Egypt. This initiative was undertaken in the wake of the signing of the document that ended the war in the Gaza Strip in the Sharm el-Sheikh summit. We reiterate the need to fully consolidate the ceasefire and put an end to the suffering of the civilians, and provide unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance, including the initiation of reconstruction and early recovery efforts in the Gaza Strip. Mr. President, amid the current deteriorating situation, in the city of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, and amid the devastating situation plaguing civilians due to acute food shortage and rising needs in terms of shelter and basic goods, the State of Qatar last November provided relief and humanitarian assistance to support displaced persons from Al-Fashir in Darfur and neighbouring areas. In this regard, we underline the need for the rapid support forces to shoulder their responsibilities in the protection of civilians and delivery of humanitarian assistance, as well as the full respect of international humanitarian as outlined in the Jeddah Declaration. In light of the assistance provided to the State of Qatar to United Nations organizations since 2013 and until October 2025, the contributions we've provided rose to the tune of $1.9 billion to support the budget and to provide core contributions for United Nations agencies, regional offices and initiatives, as well as economic development through programs that focus on early recovery. Based on the partnership established between the State of Qatar and the United Nations, we provided multilateral core service support to UN OCHA from 2017 until 2026 to the tune of 88 million US dollars to ensure mandated delivery. Yesterday, we announced the renewal of the support provided by the State of Qatar to the Central Emergency Response Fund, bringing the total of assistance provided by the Qatar Fund for Development to 22 million US dollars. We are proud to be one of the five top donors providing humanitarian assistance contributions to UN OCHA in in 2025, our contributions were to the tune of $528 million, and this reflects the importance that we attach to humanitarian responses. Mr. President, Amid the exacerbation of the humanitarian situation across the world, there is a need to intensify diplomatic efforts to build an environment conducive to the timely and unconditional delivery of humanitarian assistance to salvage millions of people from humanitarian suffering, including civilians. Therefore, in international and regional efforts, priority must be given to humanitarian personnel to ensure, or since they constitute the main driver of humanitarian assistance On 21 September 2025, we have joined the Declaration on the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel, spearheaded by Australia, and we have also taken part in the global initiative launched by the ICRC to ensure the protection of IHL. As a credible partner in international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance, we stand ready to strengthen humanitarian diplomacy to alleviate human suffering.

I thank the representative of Qatar. I now give the floor to the representative of Thailand.

Mr. President, at the outset, my delegation thanks the Secretary-General for his report. Thailand also commends United Nations humanitarian agencies and all personnel for their efforts in responding to the humanitarian emergencies globally. As outlined in the report, 2024 was the deadliest year for aid workers, the hottest year for the planet and ocean on record, and the worst year for disaster-related internal displacement. This worrying trend continues in 2025. Against this backdrop, Thailand is deeply concerned with the growing number of people in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Particularly, many have been affected by conflict, violence, and intensifying disasters caused by natural hazards, overstretching the humanitarian system. Despite these challenges, violations of international humanitarian law continue to exacerbate, humanitarian funding gaps persist, and access to humanitarian assistance remains limited. Mr. President, In the past few months, climate-related disasters ranging from droughts in Southern Africa, hurricanes in the Caribbean, and super typhoons in Southeast Asia have caused untold misery and humanitarian emergencies. Only a few weeks ago, devastating floods in southern Thailand claimed more than 250 lives and over 1,700 lives when combined with floods in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, and Malaysia. Year 2025, therefore, serves as a sobering reminder of the urgent need to strengthen resilience, preparedness and response capabilities to disasters and humanitarian emergencies at all levels. Thailand therefore wishes to share the following three points. First, we need to strengthen the implementation of Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction to build capacities of countries and relevant actors to prepare for and respond to natural hazards. This includes scaling up early warning, investing in coordinated anticipatory action, and localizing disaster preparedness and response. This brings us to the second point: To build long-term resilience, humanitarian programs must engage local actors and communities who best understand their context, needs, and priorities. As local communities are often at the forefront in providing aid to their people and vulnerable groups, particularly women and youth, This would make assistance more needs-driven and timely, while strengthening accountability to affected populations. Third, we call on all parties to strengthen effectiveness of global humanitarian architecture through improving coordination and scaling up of sustainable financing. We must maximize synergies in humanitarian response, in particular by strengthening coherence of the work of UN agencies, IASC, and regional organizations. They are key to effective delivery of humanitarian and disaster relief to the peoples in times of need. Innovative financing models should also be explored and expanded, including deeper engagement with private sector, stronger links between humanitarian and development programs, and broader use of pool funding mechanism. We therefore look forward to the implementation of Humanitarian Reset Initiative and the relevant efforts. under the UN80s initiative in this context to support future-ready humanitarian system. Mr. President, Thailand has a long-standing humanitarian tradition through providing assistance to people crossing into our border from neighboring countries, seeking refuge and better livelihood. Currently, through the implementation of our policy framework to provide humanitarian assistance for the vulnerable populations along Thailand and Myanmar border, Thailand has been working closely with partners to ensure access to public health services and education for the group, and will continue to do so despite many challenges. Regrettably, in the past five months, we have been confronting with humanitarian consequences of a conflict situation along our border. Indiscriminate weapons like landmines were used. As a state party to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention, We call on all parties to fully adhere to their obligations under the Convention. This is imperative to protect civilians' lives and ensure the safety of local communities. In this context, we underscore that the protection of humanitarian personnel is non-negotiable. Thailand is alarmed by the rising attacks against healthcare personnel and facilities, which erode humanitarian principles and contravene international humanitarian law. We therefore urge all parties to respect and protect medical workers and health facilities at all time, ensure self-sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access and medical evacuations, and uphold accountability for attacks against humanitarian and medical missions. Mr. President, allow me to conclude by reiterating Thailand's commitment to work constructively with all member states, UN agencies, and humanitarian partners in time of these unprecedented humanitarian challenges, to save lives, alleviate suffering, and strive to build a more sustainable and resilient world. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Thailand. I now give the floor to the representative of Norway.

President, this year we have seen yet another increase in humanitarian needs and human suffering due to armed conflict and violence exacerbated by climate change and natural disasters. During the 80 years since it was founded, the UN has helped to prevent wars and international crisis, defined fundamental rights for everyone across the globe, and saved millions of lives through humanitarian and development assistance. The UN and its Charter is essential to maintaining international law. President, we are deeply concerned by the continuous disregard, in many cases, for the principles and rules of international humanitarian law, and international human rights law, including attacks directed against civilians and civilian objects and infrastructure. In Ukraine, we see an alarming pattern of intensified Russian attacks on critical civilian infrastructure. The human suffering in Sudan is unimaginable. And in Gaza, despite the ceasefire, delivery of emergency aid remains very challenging. I could mention many other horrific wars and conflicts that receive way too little attention. We strongly condemn all attacks on and threats against medical personnel and humanitarian personnel. Norway is therefore committed to doing its part for people in need. The official development assistance remains at 1% of GDP, And we maintain our funding to humanitarian efforts through the UN, the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, to international and local organizations, who all have their essential role in the humanitarian ecosystem. Protection of civilians remains one of our main priorities, including combating sexual and gender-based violence, and the protection of health and education, children and youth. Protection of refugees and internally displaced populations is also a priority for us, including finding durable solutions. And of course, another priority is also combating hunger. For the first time in recent history, we have two simultaneous famines in Sudan and in Gaza. In addition, The situation is alarming in South Sudan, Haiti, Mali, DRC, Myanmar, Nigeria and Yemen. In all these cases, hunger is man-made. The use of starvation as a method of warfare must end. President, Norway stands fully behind the Secretary-General to drive forward UNHCR reform. We support humanitarian reset to reform the humanitarian system to meet the unprecedented challenges currently faced, based on the centrality of protection, gender-responsive approaches, and locally-led response. We are concerned about the many people in need who will not receive assistance because of the dramatic funding cuts. We all need to work more closely with peace and development actors to reduce humanitarian needs and to prevent conflicts and crisis. And in all our efforts, those in need must always be at the center of an inclusive, need-based humanitarian response. Finally, President, regarding the draft Humanitarian Omnibus Resolution, We deeply commend Sweden for an extraordinary effort this year to maintain more than 30 years of consensus, which have been the legacy of this resolution. We supported the tabled draft, and we regrettably also support the decision to withdraw the draft or tabled resolution from action today. And we do that as we regret actions and positions by those that made consensus practically impossible. In this context and at this stage, I would just like to stress for Norway that the main purpose of this resolution, the letter and the spirit of it, is deeply centered on the rationale and the meaning that International cooperation and international coordination on humanitarian assistance remains the backbone of the UN system to deliver and to function in practice, and to deliver on the ground, and to address the needs of the most vulnerable people in need. Thank you, President.

I thank the representative of Norway, and I give the floor to the representative of Egypt.

I thank you, Mr. President. We stress the need for the full application of IHL and the commitment to the protection of civilians, including humanitarian personnel. We stress the need to continue to provide humanitarian assistance and to respond to needs in accordance with the norms of the United Nations Charter, without any selectiveness or double standards, to protect humanitarian action from any politicization or illicit exploitation, to uphold the principles of humanity, neutrality, accountability, transparency and independence, and these are pillars that are well established. Our world continues to face the exacerbation of humanitarian situations. In 2026, humanitarian needs have reached unprecedented levels. The gap in funding reached 33 billion dollars, and this requires international coordination as well as the distribution of funding in an equitable manner based on needs on the ground. We convene today to shed light on the need to galvanize international cooperation, to alleviate humanitarian suffering, and to provide effective responses. And we welcome the draft resolutions tabled here before the General Assembly as an expression of our commitment to alleviate humanitarian suffering, protect civilians, provide humanitarian assistance, ensure access, and protect civilians from any attack and violence, as well as end any violation of international humanitarian law. These past few years have been the worst in terms of risks posed to humanitarian personnel due to ongoing violations of IHL, as well as wide-scale crimes perpetrated in conflict-affected areas and attacks against civilians and humanitarian objects in a blatant violation of IHL. This is outrageous and must be rejected unequivocally by all. It must be prevented in the first place. We must link humanitarian relief with early recovery and sustainable development to provide long-term solutions to protracted conflicts, namely in regions where humanitarian needs are critical, such as Gaza, the Sudan, Yemen, the Horn of Africa, and the Sahel. We must ensure immediate, safe, and unconditional access to civilians in conflict-affected areas in accordance with the principles of IHL. Mr. President, through the Egyptian Agency for Partnership for Development, we continue to provide assistance to friendly and brotherly states We continue to strengthen bilateral and trilateral coordination and cooperation, namely capacity building, the provision of educational project and relief assistance, and we focus on the priorities of countries most in need, in line with the principles of transparency and independence. And we continue to play our vital role in the coordination of relief assistance, and we facilitate that through our infrastructure, humanitarian ports and corridors. We will continue to shoulder our responsibilities to consolidate peace and conflict, strengthen resilience, and end humanitarian suffering, since we believe that upholding human dignity is the cornerstone of stability and development. I thank you, Mr. President.

I would like to thank the representative of Egypt. And now, I would like to give the floor to the representative of New Zealand.

President, Excellencies, distinguished colleagues, at the outset, allow me to express New Zealand's deep regret that it has become necessary to withdraw this year's omnibus resolution due to the various amendments hanging over it. This was despite long and productive good faith discussions aimed at finding a path forward to maintaining consensus. We thank Sweden for their skilled stewardship of this foundational resolution. New Zealand deeply values the tradition of consensus on the humanitarian resolutions, and we consider the overt politicization of this space to be an unfortunate and dangerous development. New Zealand looks forward to returning to consensus on these important resolutions in the near future. President, as many have noted, this is a moment of significant change for the humanitarian system. New Zealand recognizes the challenges and uncertainty this brings for humanitarians worldwide. We extend our deep gratitude to those working tirelessly to deliver life-saving assistance in extremely complicated and demanding contexts, while upholding humanitarian principles and values. As we look ahead, it is essential that the system remains firmly anchored in humanitarian principles and international humanitarian law. The erosion of respect for IHL that we have witnessed in recent years is of grave concern. As such, we are strong supporters of the International Committee of the Red Cross's and Red Crescent's global initiative to galvanize political commitment to international humanitarian law, and of the Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel. And I'd like to welcome Australia's leadership of this latter initiative. The Secretary-General’s UN80 initiative offers a critical opportunity to strengthen and reshape the UN’s delivery of humanitarian assistance. We welcome these efforts and will support reforms that build a more resilient and sustainable humanitarian system. We look forward to further detail on the Humanitarian Compact and encourage a coordinated, system-wide approach that reinforces existing initiatives. We welcome the Compact’s emphasis on defending principles, ensuring access, and protecting civilians. New Zealand commends the Emergency Relief Coordinator’s continued leadership on reform. We support bold action to streamline humanitarian assistance, improving efficiency, reducing duplication, strengthening enablers, and simplifying coordination structures. Resident and humanitarian coordinators must be empowered and authorised to lead effective UN responses. Our priority must always be on supporting the most vulnerable. For New Zealand, the Pacific remains at the heart of our approach to humanitarian preparedness and response. Our region faces escalating risks from climate change and is acutely vulnerable to natural disasters. We remain committed to being a reliable and responsive partner, providing practical, timely assistance, and working alongside Pacific governments and communities to strengthen resilience and preparedness. Across the wider Asia-Pacific, which hosts three quarters of the world's disaster-affected people, we have supported governments and the multilateral system to respond to extreme weather events in Southeast Asia, including those in the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Vietnam. Of great concern for New Zealand remains the continuing conflict and the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Myanmar, where over one third of the population now requires humanitarian assistance. The number of people in need has surged from 1 million people in 2020 to almost 22 million in 2025, a staggering increase in just five years that demands urgent attention. New Zealand has provided NZ$31 million in humanitarian support to this grave situation since 2021. President, New Zealand is proud to play our part in the global humanitarian system and to stand for action that saves lives. I thank you.

I would like to thank the representative of New Zealand, and now I give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, President. Humanitarian needs have reached historic levels. Conflict, climate shocks, and displacement have left 305 million people in need of life-saving support. The United Kingdom is on course to provide over $1 billion in humanitarian assistance this financial year. Yet, as global needs escalate, overall funding falls short, and protection risks continue to rise. Meeting these challenges demands bold and principled action. First, we need a humanitarian system fit for the future. The UK strongly supports the Humanitarian Reset and the UN80 initiative. Reform must deliver a measurable impact for those most in need. We are championing prioritized and localized action, supporting UN humanitarian pooled funds, scaling up cash assistance, and empowering local actors. This includes funding, capacity building, and protection. For example, our support to Sudan's mutual aid movement, including locally led emergency response rooms, a model for the future of locally driven humanitarian response. Second, international humanitarian law must be upheld. This is essential in protecting civilians, ensuring humanitarian access, and safeguarding those delivering life-saving assistance. Last year saw the highest number of humanitarian personnel deaths the majority of whom were local staff. This is unacceptable. The United Kingdom was proud to co-launch the Political Declaration on the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel alongside Australia and other partners. We also joined the Global IHL Initiative, spearheaded by ICRC, and are co-leading a workstream on National IHL Committees. In April, We launched a conflict, hunger and IHL handbook. Yet we must all go further. It is appalling that two famines, in Gaza and Sudan, are raging in the 21st century. Third, we must invest in prevention and resilience. Well over 90% of global humanitarian resources go to protracted crises. We can and must work across the humanitarian, climate, peace, and development systems to build long-term resilience and reduce humanitarian need. We must also prepare for foreseeable shocks. The UK continues to champion pre-arranged finance. Following Hurricane Melissa, Jamaica accessed $242 million from insurance and catastrophe bonds, as well as anticipatory funding from global mechanisms like CERF and the Disaster Response Emergency Fund. Demonstrating our support for this approach, this year the UK committed $77 million to pre-arranged finance. President, we cannot just recommend change, we need to deliver it. We must work together to make sure we have the information and data needed to hold us to account and make sure we are delivering to those most in need. In this regard, we would like to thank Sweden for their facilitation and tireless efforts to maintain consensus on the humanitarian omnibus resolution. This resolution is a cornerstone humanitarian text, encapsulating Member States' expectations the UN and partners’ humanitarian operations. We regret actions have been taken to undermine the text, and we support Sweden’s difficult decision to maintain its integrity. The UK remains committed to working across the membership to ensure we continue to send a strong, unified message to the humanitarian system at this critical time. I thank you.

I would like to thank you, representative of the UK. And now I give the floor to the representative of Poland.

Mr. President, Excellencies, friends, colleagues, my name is Szymon Hołownia. I'm not diplomats. I am the former speaker of the Polish Parliament, right now deputy speaker of the Polish House, responsible for international relations. And it's an honor for me to say here in this chamber that Poland aligns itself with the statement delivered previously by the European Union and would like to add a few remarks in its national capacity. The latest report of the Secretary General paints a grim picture, with the number of people in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection against reaching unprecedented levels. This year, we have been witnessing scarce funding of humanitarian aid in response to their growing needs. At a moment of global funding pressure, Poland has significantly increased its humanitarian support. In 2025, Polish contributions to UN OCHA increased by 50% compared to 24, to the year 24, and our financial engagement to UNHCR rose by 35% compared to 2024. Together with the EU and its member states, we are currently the largest, most predictable, and trustworthy humanitarian donor. We appreciate the United Nations' humanitarian efforts in response to the dire global humanitarian situation, especially in Africa, the Middle East, but also in Europe, in Ukraine. When it comes to coordination, improvements are needed to meet the approaching challenges. We know that the humanitarian system is overstretched, underfunded, and in need of reform in order to adequately respond to multiple crises and to make tough decisions where the aid should be directed. We strongly support the work of United Nations leadership in addressing the needs of the global humanitarian system, the Humanitarian Reset, the UN80 initiative, and the New Humanitarian Compact, all focus on the proper use of gathered assets, financial, personnel, logistics, putting principled actions at the forefront of all responses. In the process, one should not lose sight of the very basics of humanitarian aid, including the international humanitarian law guaranteeing the humanitarian access and the protection of civilians and humanitarian workers. The record number of attacks against humanitarian personnel in the last years is a blow to the whole UN community. Poland is strongly committed to supporting the United Nations leadership in addressing global humanitarian challenges, as well as efforts to protect civilians in conflicts. Our financial support to UN humanitarian agencies has reached a record high this year, and we will remain a stable and predictable donor committed to multilateralism. We are proud to say that our development and humanitarian budget for 26 will not be reduced, and we will continue our engagement in order to help bring relief to all those in need of assistance. Investment in humanitarian actions is an investment in stability and resilience. Ladies and gentlemen, Let me just say a few words, more from my heart, from the heart of the Polish politician, but formerly Polish journalist, Polish NGOs, NGOs founder. I look at you, I look at the community of the nations sitting here in the center of the world, in the very precarious and very delicate moment in the history of humankind. Right now, we are responsible not only for the future of United Nations, and we should do everything what is possible to make them still united, not divided nations. We are responsible for millions of people who are right now suffering all around the world, and they are waiting, not for our words, not for our declarations, but for our decisions. I used to say to my colleagues, our friends in OCHA, in UNHCR, in many, many United Nations agencies all over the world during past months, that remember that you are not working in damage control. You are working in hope industry. I'm sure that if we will fix the mindset, money will come. I'm sure that if we will decide to build not only another reform or create not only the other reform of the institution, but we will restart community thinking around what United Nations are, the future of this community, the future of United Nations, will be the future of hope, will be the future of satisfaction for all of us, for well serving to all human beings all over the world. Ladies and gentlemen, here in United Nations, we are sometimes the last hope for the millions of our brothers and sisters all around the world. It's a great burden, great challenge, but it's also the great chance for all of us. As Winston Churchill used to say, never waste a good crisis. and I hope that we will follow his thoughts and instructions. I thank you.

I would like to thank the representative of Poland, and now I give the floor to the representative of Morocco.

Ladies and gentlemen, Our world is experiencing a series of major humanitarian crises. 2025 was an especially difficult year, as confirmed in multiple reports of the Secretary General. with many challenges that exacerbate humanitarian needs and are an obstacle towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and Agenda 2030. Humanitarian actors are working to respond not just to crises caused by armed conflicts, but also to incidents, extreme climate incidents. as well as the multiple risks and the grave consequences that are provoked by them, from food insecurity to forced displacement of populations. In order to reduce the risks of these natural catastrophes, we must invest in a preventative approach and also in the application of the Sendai Framework to reduce the risk of disasters. Morocco welcomes the progress in the initiative of early alerts for everyone from 2027 in order to reinforce protection systems through rapid alerts. In 2021, Morocco hosted the fifth Arab Forum for Reducing the Risk of Disasters that ended in the Rabat Declaration, which reaffirmed the need to accelerate the achievement of the goals of the Sendai Framework. Today, it is imperative to collaborate within a diverse network of humanitarian partners, which would include the UN and its organs, international financial institutions, humanitarian organizations and civil society in order to reduce the financing gap and mitigate the suffering of vulnerable populations. The report of the SG on humanitarian action for 2025 underlines the urgent need for 190 million people in 72 countries which we would need $47 billion. Only 12 billion has been received, the lowest registered number in 10 years. Likewise, the Global Humanitarian Overview 2026, recently published, calls for $23 billion to help billions of people in 50 countries. by prioritizing vital responses in the face of a climate crisis that has placed 305 million people in a situation of need. This situation calls upon us to mobilize in order to respect IHL, invest in resilience, and protect civilians as well as humanitarian workers. Mr. President, The Kingdom of Morocco welcomes the efforts and leadership of the Secretary-General as well as the head of OCHA for the wonderful work done in the humanitarian space. At the same time, Mr. President, Morocco would like to highlight that the humanitarian situation that is currently unfolding in the Palestinian territories, especially the Gaza Strip, is a stain on our global consciousness and demands decisive interventions in order to implement a sustainable peace. Morocco would like to reiterate its firm commitment the Palestinian cause and to actively contribute to a just and sustainable solution that will put an end to the suffering of the Palestinian population. In this moment, which is especially critical, and based on the instructions of His Majesty, the Kingdom of Morocco has continued to strive to support the Palestinian people since October 2023. emergency aid operations have been dispatched to Gaza. This means 300 tons of supplies, water, medicines, and emergency relief, which includes a land corridor and an air bridge. These dispatches, which were coordinated by Bait Mal Al-Quds al-Sharif, allowed for us to respond to the immediate needs of the civilian population. Mr. President, Morocco has always been committed to international humanitarian action through our regular financial support to the Central Emergency Fund, as well as voluntary contributions to different humanitarian agencies. Our commitment also applies to peacekeeping missions organized by the United Nations, where Moroccan contingents have been recognized for their high level of competency and commitment. Beyond these efforts, Morocco is fundamental to regional African initiatives based on the support of His Majesty the King, may God keep him. Our kingdom promotes South-South cooperation through the triple-A Initiative, Adaptation of African Agriculture, which in 2025 benefited 9 million vulnerable farmers in seven African countries with an investment of $2.4 million. We have a climate commission that was created after the African Summit for Co-emergence launched a pilot project on climate alerts for island states. In conclusion, Mr. President, Morocco would like to support the humanitarian resolutions that will be adopted today during this 80th session of the GA, which reinforces our multilateral commitment to peace, development, and human rights. My country would like to reiterate the importance of boosting our collective efforts in order to reach our development objectives in the Agenda 2030 so that no one is left behind. Thank you.

I would like to thank the representative of Morocco, and now I give the floor to the representative of Indonesia.

Mr. President, we meet today at a time when humanitarian crises continue to rise to unprecedented levels, stretching the capacity of the international humanitarian system. Indonesia understands this reality first-hand. As a country that has had to repeatedly recover from major natural disasters, including one we are navigating today, we know the immense emotional, social, and economic toll that such emergencies inflict. It is in this spirit that Indonesia extends its solidarity not only to our neighbors and countries currently recovering from disasters, but also to all those experiencing crisis and emergencies. Our support goes to those affected, as well as to the brave individuals who work tirelessly to provide life-saving assistance – the humanitarian personnel on whom millions depend. Mr. President, Over the years, our discussions on the betterment of humanitarian coordination and assistance have been guided by a shared value, namely the pursuit of consensus. This reflects our collective determination that humanitarian actions must remain above political divides. This is why Indonesia is truly disappointed that now we seem to have abandoned that spirit. At a time when the world is facing unprecedented humanitarian needs, our deliberations are made by numerous calls for votes. This risks eroding the foundation of cooperation that has taken years and even decades to build. which has allowed us to find common ground based on the real needs of those enduring hardship on the ground. Mr. President, against this backdrop, allow me to underline two points. First, the escalating humanitarian casualties, along with unprecedented risks faced by humanitarian personnel worldwide, should be a major source of concern for all. For two consecutive years, the number of humanitarian worker fatalities remains the highest on record. Any attacks on those who deliver life-saving assistance are unacceptable and must be unequivocally condemned. Indonesia’s commitment to addressing these challenges was reaffirmed when our Foreign Ministers signed the Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel in September 2025. The declaration represents our highest political commitment to protect humanitarian personnel before, during, and after conflict, and to uphold international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Indonesia stands ready to work with all partners to translate this commitment into concrete improvements on the ground. Second, we must be firm in putting people at heart and not allowing politicized process to distract the humanitarian nature of our work. It draws attention and resources away from the central purpose of humanitarian action in protecting civilians, ensuring safe and timely access, and supporting those most in need, hence weakening our collective capacity to ensure a robust, effective, and efficient humanitarian system. We must all become part of the solution. Approaches that leave little room for genuine dialogue do not serve our shared need to progressively strengthen humanitarian assistance and coordination, but rather hinder our collective capacity to craft effective, needs-driven responses to crisis. Indonesia, therefore, calls for renewed commitment by all Member States to uphold humanitarian principles, strengthen multilateralism and ensure that United Nations remains the central platform for guiding global humanitarian efforts. Mr. President, in closing, Indonesia believes that effective humanitarian action requires constructive cooperation and a strong, trusted multilateral system. Indonesia therefore extends its support to the UN80 initiative, which seeks to chart a path toward a more efficient and effective humanitarian system. Indonesia stands ready to work with all Member States, the United Nations, and humanitarian partners to ensure that our collective efforts continue to contribute to the betterment of the humanitarian system as a whole. Thank you.

I would like to thank the representative of Indonesia. And now I give the floor to the representative of Switzerland.

[Foreign Language].

Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this year, once again, humanitarian crises have caused inexplicable suffering for millions of people throughout the world in armed conflicts, International humanitarian law is often breached or interpreted in a permissive manner, which thus weakens the protection that is supposed to ensure for people affected. A large number of civilians are killed or injured. In many regions, access to food, medical care, and basic services is severely limited. This year, once again, Many humanitarian workers, as well as United Nations staff members who are working on the front lines in some of the most difficult conditions in order to protect and save lives, were attacked. National staff recruited locally once again has paid the heaviest price in these situations. Without strict compliance with IHL, civilians and people that are not a part of the hostilities are exposed to serious danger. Moreover, respecting humanitarian principles such as humanity, impartiality, are essential in order to ensure the work and the safety of our humanitarian personnel, and they constitute the basis of international cooperation. Switzerland remains committed to protecting humanitarian personnel. of the United Nations, specifically through its follow-up of the application of resolution 2730 of the Security Council, which we introduced during our mandate in the Security Council. Ladies and gentlemen, Switzerland underlines the importance of the three humanitarian resolutions which we are considering today. They illustrate the need to have collective and universal instruments which allow the international community to address issues that are central to humanitarian aid. Switzerland would like to thank the EU and Iraq as well as Sweden for having served as facilitators to draft these resolutions. During this year's negotiations, and given recent evolutions, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to highlight three essential priorities for Switzerland. First, Switzerland considers that it is essential to preserve the consensus around respecting international law and humanitarian values. These rules and principles must continue to be our absolute priority. In this context, Switzerland would like to express its serious concern over how the negotiations were carried out in terms of the resolution for strengthening the coordination of humanitarian assistance of the United Nations. Switzerland regrets the fact that there was an attempt to weaken language, which has been validated over the years, as well as the crucial and irreplaceable role of UN humanitarian actors, specifically the role of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, as a coordinator whose functions are currently being questioned. In that sense, Switzerland also regrets the lack of consensus around this resolution and therefore supports the difficult decision taken by Sweden to withdraw its text. Second, Switzerland would like to underline the importance of accountability and the central role of the ICC, the International Criminal Court, in order to put a stop to impunity, protect the rights of victims, and break the cycle of violations. Third, Switzerland would like to underline the importance of a humanitarian system that is more efficient, effective and responsible, based on long-term perspectives and supported by local actors. The humanitarian reset and the humanitarian aspects of UN80 should move forward in a coherent fashion in order to avoid redundancies and ensure a clear general vision and include all relevant actors, including local actors. Switzerland actively supports this reform process And it recommends a focus that favors the creation of a system that is truly supported by local actors and geared towards the needs of affected communities. This is the only way to ensure a humanitarian response that is efficient and sustainable. Thank you.

I would like to thank the representative of Switzerland. Distinguished colleagues, we have heard the last intervention. for this meeting. We will listen to the remaining speakers this afternoon at 3:00 PM in this room. The meeting is adjourned.