(Day 3) General Debate - General Assembly: 8th and 9th plenary meeting, 80th session

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Good morning to everybody. The Assembly will hear an address. Sorry. Yes. The eighth plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will hear an address of His Excellency Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, President of the Federal Republic of Slovenia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim, Your Excellency. Antonio Guterres, the UN Secretary General, Your Excellencies, Heads of States and Governments, ladies and gentlemen, it's a great honor and privilege to address the 80th UN General Assembly today at a time when our world is at a critical juncture. The UN was founded on the principles of advancing peace, security, and development, and progress globally after the destruction of the Second World War The UN is the embodiment of our common aspiration for a global governance anchored in international law, fairness, and equality. Eight years on, since the first UN General Assembly, we should have already been better together, not seeking to justify why we can be better together today. Global challenges across the world, people and indeed humanity as a whole, is challenging with existential obstacles and threats that we can resolve through dialogue, cooperation, unity, and shared purpose. Yet, instead of seeking to strengthen existing and future partnerships and enhancing social solidarity to achieve this, we are in a world of adverse competition and increasing governance uncertainty. Where we once strived to ask what is right under the international law today, we are witnessing the unapologetic rise of national might to settle disputes. This is a truly dark and dangerous path that threatens the hard-won, rules-based international order we collectively agreed on as UN member states. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, While we should be focusing strategically on accomplishing the Sustainable Development Goals and leaving no one behind by 2030, the number of fragile states and populations living in poverty is increasing globally. Over 30 member states of the UN today, including my country, Somalia, are classified as a fragile, conflict-affected because of both conflict and social and institutional fragility. When you add the vulnerabilities stemming from climate change, this number is frightening higher. In addition to this, urbanization is the rising at the fastest rate in the human history because of conflict, climate, and lack of economic opportunities in rural communities. Furthermore, food insecurity remains a persistent and deadly challenge affecting billions. According to the World Food Program, 319 million people are facing acute hunger in 67 countries today. These stark and startling facts must give us all pause for reflection and thought. If we, as a community of nations, are serious about achieving common progress and prosperity for all, as envisioned in the Sustainable Development Goals, we must redouble efforts to strengthen multilateralism, solidarity, and shared action for all our people and planet. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia, as a broad non-member, non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, is working tirelessly to promote the ideals and the values of peace, stability, and shared opportunities across the world. We are actively working with all Security Council members and the wider UN membership to find solutions for peace in the Middle East, Africa, and Europe. Somalia remains deeply concerned by the continued suffering of the Palestinian people. The ongoing violence, displacement, and deprivation faced in the occupied territories, including Gaza, demand our collective conscience and urgent action. We call for an immediate and lasting ceasefire, unhindered humanitarian access, and renewed commitment towards the two-state solution as the only viable path for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East today. Somalia, Security Council, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia's unique history of decisively transitioning from conflict to a brighter socioeconomic and political and security future, starting from 2012, is the story of a real national effort supported by truly committed international partners, many of whom are represented in this room today. In fact, Somalia is an evidence that multilateralism and global solidarity can make the world a better, safer, and progressive place. This lived experience is our own government's inspiration for a determinedly working for a more just, peaceful, and progressive world within the UN Security Council during our membership, because we know that we are truly better together. When we all work in unison at home, we are bravely fighting the last remaining pockets of international terrorism while building a strong and sustainable national security architecture. We are working closely with all our valuable international partners in defeating the violent extremism ideology, falsehoods, and illicit financial systems that facilitate global terrorism. As a result, of our efforts in Somalia, our people and citizens across the world are safe today. Of course, while we remain grateful for all international support to combat terrorism, I strongly commend the unwavering commitment and courage of Somali security forces and the local community defensive forces for their sacrifices, resilience, and success against al-Shabaab and ISIS, the two most dangerous terror organizations in the world today. This will continue until we achieve complete victory and harmony in our country, our region, our continent, and the wider world. We must never give in to cowardly terrorists. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, our government has embarked on a historic journey to undertake universal suffrage elections in Somalia for the first time in 57 years. Somalia was Africa's first democratic nation in the 1960s, and we are proudly returning to that path of inclusive governance once again. Today, our national election registration process is ongoing, and more than 40 independent political associations have registered to participate in the upcoming elections. Our national experience is that nothing is better than a people-centered, a people-led, guided by the rule of law, to build a unified and prosperous nation in our country. Financing development The Sustainable Development Goals are the blueprint for achieving dignity, justice, and equality through real investment in human capital, job creation, and social protection for the most vulnerable in all our communities. However, it was very clear from the Fourth Financing for Development Conference in Seville earlier this year that the financing gap between our ambitions and the reality are very far apart. Today, developing nations are facing the terrible shock of high debt burden, higher cost of sovereign borrowing, and expenditure on recurrent shocks, which is impossible to budget for annually. The traditional economic model of forecasting predictable expenditure supported by clear revenue streams is no longer this simple. Governments of developing nations are also now subjected to real-time investment cuts in core developmental activities, including health, education, and basic infrastructure. This is because of realignment of the already dwindling development assistance the use it to receive from the developing nations. This is not sustainable. And if we, as a community of nations, are to achieve collective developmental progress together. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in Somalia, we are taking responsibility of our own economic development by building on the successes of our recent reform based on the debt relief. Today, We are focused on mitigating the excruciating cost of public service investment by continuously raising domestic revenue, strengthening public financial management systems, and enforcing strict expenditure controls while enhancing transparency and accountability. Furthermore, we are committed to benefiting from strategic location and natural resources through trade with our region and the world. In line support of this ambition, Somalia has joined the East Africa Community and is ratifying the African Continental Free Trade Area policies and joining World Trade Organization. Process is going on very well. Climate emergency We are also resolute in our commitment to combat the devastating impact of climate change in the most vulnerable communities, especially those who are unable to mitigate and adapt effectively. Climate change is wreaking havoc across the world, with the most vulnerable countries suffering systemic and repetitive meteorological and socioeconomic shocks. This devastating economies, destroying livelihoods, and diverting limited public resources towards mitigating and adaptation responses, which take away from other vital social investment like education and health. The impact of climate change is forcing governments in developing countries, including my own, to make impossible financial trade-offs. which hamper our own aspiration for investing in resilience and development. Around 10% of the developing nations' budgets are diverted to responding to climate change. This needs to be addressed urgently through developed industrialized nations by meeting their financial obligations for climate crisis they continue to exacerbate. the climate crisis that continue to exacerbate. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the resilient Somali people live with the climate crisis every day. For us, climate change is not an abstract. It is a horrible reality of disrupted and destroyed lives. Somalia's contribution almost contributes almost nothing to global emission. yet we endure some of the harshest consequences. Droughts, floods, and rising seas erode livelihoods and displace families, threatening to undo the progress we are making towards peace and development. As a government, we understand that addressing the adverse impact of climate change is a global public good that requires a strong partnership and genuine partner sharing. On our part, Somalia has adopted the national climate change policy, updated our national determined contribution, and is preparing its first annual transparency report. We are also developing a robust national climate finance strategy to guide how we mobilize and manage resources to address the challenge. To ensure these resources are used effectively, We have established the National Climate Fund, a dedicated institution to channel climate financing transparently and directly to the communities on the ground, to the communities on the ground. We are restoring degraded lands, strengthening water security, and piloting nature-based solutions that protect both people and ecosystems. Despite our efforts, accessing climate finance remains too slow and complex. As our government strengthens its domestic revenue capacity and initiates the process for pre-arranging disaster risk financing, we call for financial support that is accessible, affordable, predictable, and just from the international financing institutions and capital markets. Nations on the front line, like Somalia, cannot be left to face this crisis alone, unsupported by the dominant global financial architecture, which is not fit for the purpose in this age of great challenge. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in conclusion, the 80th anniversary of the UN General Assembly is the best possible opportunity to take stock of our global achievement as far as our common commitments to sustainable development are concerned. We quietly transitioned from the Millennium Development Goals to now the Sustainable Development Goals. Now, I wonder, with the clock rapidly ticking very fast towards 2030, what the next acronyms of our global development aspirations will be. For us, being better together means common ownership, common responsibility, and genuine power sharing on the global achievement of sustainable development through investment in a resilient and fair future for all. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia. And now the Assembly will hear an address of His Excellency, Jacob Mitovitch, President of Montenegro. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. Speaker, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Allow me to convey my warmest congratulations to Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock on her election as the President of the 80th session of the General Assembly. This election is both historic and inspiring, as she is only the fifth woman entrusted with this very high responsibility. We recall Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit from India, who spoke with the voice of a liberated Asia. Angie Brooks, a Liberian diplomat and a judge who championed the rights of small states and women in Africa. Haya Rashid Al Khalifa from Bahrain, who brought a message of dialogue and international law from the heart of the Middle East. And Maria Fernanda Espinosa from Ecuador, who raised her voice for climate action and indigenous people of Latin America. And each of them left a mark of their time. So this election gives Europe the opportunity to embody the principles of the unwavering defense of human rights and multilateralism. Dear colleagues, this year as we commemorate 80 years since the founding of the United Nations, we reflect on the remarkable journey of this great organization that was created as a mission of global peace. Born from the ashes of the Second World War, the United Nations emerged as a beacon of hope for humanity. Dear colleagues, imagine the devastated cities throughout the world back in 1945. Warsaw, reduced to ashes. St. Petersburg, shattered after the years of the siege, Berlin in ruins, Hiroshima and Nagasaki struck by the unimaginable horror, and my hometown and the current capital of Montenegro, Podgorica, was also in the bombings, virtually razed to the ground. And imagine at the same time, the world leaders gathered who despite their wounds looked to the future. And at that very moment, when the trenches between nations still existed and the graves of the loved ones were still fresh, the Organization of the United Nations was born. The idea that light could emerge from darkness and that solidarity could triumph over despair. Despite the unprecedented destruction, the idea of peace and unity triumphed over division and hostility. The leaders of that time understood the urgent need for a strong global organization capable of preventing all future wars and fostering cooperation among nations. As part of the former Yugoslavia, Montenegro was among the founding nations of the United Nations. We have so far established an international system that promotes peace, upholds rules-based global order, safeguards human rights, and fosters sustainable development. Dear colleagues, without the United Nations, much of our collective progress would have remained just a distant dream. Yet, even after eight decades, We must also acknowledge a sobering truth. The absence of the world war has not always meant the presence of genuine peace and prosperity in the world. Today, multilateralism is being tested like never before, and our world is confronted with devastating conflicts, rising polarization, grave human rights violations, deep economic inequalities, and the corrosive spread of disinformation. Those challenges remind us of one essential fact: we cannot afford the marginalization of the United Nations, nor the silencing of the international law. Dear colleagues, Now more than ever, we need to renew our commitment to the founding principles of the UN Charter. And despite its imperfections, the United Nations remains the only global organization where every nation has a seat and a voice, and where international law remains the basis for international legitimacy. And that makes the United Nations indispensable. Ladies and gentlemen, since regaining our independence back in 2006, Montenegro worked hand in hand with the United Nations to advance reforms in sustainable development, human rights and good governance, and in line with our European Union membership aspirations. Next year, we will proudly mark two decades of regaining our independence, as well as two decades of our UN membership. So over the past 20 years, Montenegro has evolved into a modern democracy. This transformation is also reflected in our economy, which has grown steadily, driven by key sectors such as tourism and energy. Our resilience has been tested by many global crises. Yet, Montenegro remains firmly committed to building a knowledge-based economy that fosters sustainable development and contributes to regional stability and regional prosperity. Montenegro's commitment to the United Nations and multilateralism remains a cornerstone of our foreign policy, fully in harmony with our European and Euro-Atlantic paths and our dedication to good neighborly relations and regional cooperation. With NATO membership as the pillar of our security, Our strategic focus is now on joining the European Union by 2028. It's an ambitious goal, dear colleagues, yet one that is now firmly within our reach. And as the most advanced EU candidate country, Montenegro remains steadfast in implementing structural reforms and fully aligned with the European Union's common foreign and security policy. We are convinced that the EU integration is a catalyst for lasting progress, stability, and ultimately security of the European continent. And in this process, Montenegro is not only a beneficiary, but also a contributor demonstrating that enlargement strengthens the European Union as much as it strengthens the candidate countries. Your Excellencies, to strengthen multilateralism, we also must confront its weaknesses. The Security Council is increasingly paralyzed and unable to fulfill its mandate as the primary guardian of peace, and security. The latest example is the war in Ukraine, which has brought unimaginable suffering to the people of Ukraine. And Montenegro welcomes recent diplomatic efforts of the international community, led by the United States, aimed at achieving a just and lasting peace. And we sincerely hope that these efforts will succeed. At the same time, Montenegro is deeply concerned about the unfolding humanitarian suffering of the Palestinian people in Gaza, and we call for an immediate ceasefire. Montenegro also strongly condemned the horrific terrorist attack by Hamas on October 7, 2023, and calls for unconditional release of all hostages. Montenegro has consistently supported a peaceful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on the two-state solution, in full accordance with international law and relevant United Nations resolutions. And this is why we also endorsed the New York Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution. Dear colleagues, dear delegates, Montenegro fully supports the implementation of the UN Pact for the Future as well as the Seville Compromise, a renewed global commitment for financing sustainable development, as important steps in strengthening our collective capacity to respond to global challenges. And we also believe that the upcoming Second World Summit for Social Development must move decisively beyond reflection and analysis and deliver concrete, tangible solutions that will improve lives of people across the globe. Ladies and gentlemen, Back in 1991, Montenegro proudly became the world's first ecological state, a milestone that proclaimed our commitment to the highest principles of environmental protection, the preservation of nature, and the pursuit of sustainable development. UN Agenda 2030 remains our guiding light. for sustainable development. And Montenegro takes pride in being among the first countries in the world to integrate all the SDGs into its national framework almost a decade ago. A further important step in advancing the implementation of the 2030 agenda was the creation of the SDG Acceleration Fund, a powerful mechanism for financing SDG goals. Ladies and gentlemen, for Montenegro, the priority is clear, which is to create conditions that will enable our young people to build their future at home, offering them equal opportunities to thrive. And by insisting on the value of knowledge and ensuring equal access to education, We strive to reduce inequalities and empower our citizens to reach their full potential. Ladies and gentlemen, climate change must be tackled globally and urgently. And it is no longer just warnings from the scientists. It is floods that swallow villages and cities, fires that destroy forests, fields and homes. And delaying a more decisive action on the international scale means gambling with the lives of those who live today, but also of the future generations. Dear colleagues, rapid technological change, and particularly the rise of the artificial intelligence, must be harnessed in a safe, responsible, and inclusive manner. Technology should be an evolutionary gift to humanity, developed, founded, and guided with social responsibility, serving the greater good. Ladies and gentlemen, globally, human rights and fundamental freedoms continue to face serious challenges. And while significant progress has been achieved in advancing women's rights since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration, much remains to be done. In this regard, Montenegro is fully committed to gender equality. We have harmonized national policies with the best international standards, strengthened our institutions dedicated to the protection of women's rights, and promoted women's leadership in all spheres of our society. Your Excellencies, as we celebrate today 80 years of shared achievements, our collective task is to reform the United Nations. and prepare it for the challenges and opportunities of the future. Criticism of the UN reflects not just on the organization itself, but on all of us as Member States, for it is we who have created it, who guide it, and who bear responsibility to strengthen it. This is why Montenegro strongly supports the Secretary General's reform initiative, UN80. It must not be seen as a mere bureaucratic exercise, but embraced as a commitment, a solemn commitment that the United Nations of tomorrow will be more agile and more efficient. And at the heart of these efforts must remain the UN's three key pillars: peace and security, sustainable development, and human rights as the bedrock of all United Nations action. To conclude, dear friends, Montenegro is firm in its conviction that the United Nations must remain the cornerstone of peace, international law must prevail over force, and the rule-based order must be further strengthened. For without these principles, there can be no trust among nations, no true security, and no hope for a just and lasting peace in the world. And let me, at the end, quote the most famous writer from our part of the world and the Nobel Prize laureate Ivo Andric, who wrote in his masterpiece, The Bridge on the River Drina, "Of everything that man erects and builds in his urge for living, nothing is in my eyes better and more valuable than bridges. They are more important than houses, more sacred than temples, for they belong to all and are equal for everyone. Dear colleagues, this timeless truth reminds us that bridges are not only structures of stone, but structures of peace. It is a dialogue that builds bridges, and it is only through bridges that nations can walk towards peace. So our task is not to be passive heirs of history, but active builders of a better legacy. So let the next 80 years of the United Nations be not years of hesitation, but of courage and solidarity. So guided by these values, Montenegro will continue to build bridges, strengthen dialogue, and work tirelessly towards a future of stability, future of progress, and future of common success, fully aligned with the very spirit and mission of the United Nations. Thank you very much for your attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Montenegro. In accordance with resolution 80/1 of 19 September 2025, I give the floor to the distinguished observer of the observer state of Palestine to introduce an address by the head of the state.

In the name of God, the most full, the compassionate, her Excellency, Annalena Baerbock, President of the General Assembly, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Your Excellencies, Highnesses, and Heads of Delegations, may the mercy and blessings of God be upon you. I speak to you today after almost two years in which our Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip have been facing a war of genocide, destruction, starvation, and displacement. waged by the Israeli occupation forces, in which they killed and injured more than 220,000 Palestinians, the majority of whom are unarmed children, women, and the elderly, a war in which they displaced hundreds of thousands and prevented the entry of food and medical supplies and caused the starvation of 2 million Palestinians. They imposed a stifling siege on an entire people and destroyed more than 80% of homes, schools, hospitals, churches, mosques, facilities, and infrastructure. What Israel is carrying out is not merely an aggression. It is a war crime and a crime against humanity. that is both documented and monitored. And it will be recorded in history books and the pages of international conscious as one of the most horrific chapters of humanitarian tragedy in the 20th and 21st centuries. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, the capital of the state of Palestine, The extremist Israeli government continues to implement its settlement policies through illegal settlement expansion and developing projects for annexing settlements. The latest was the construction plan for E1, which would divide the West Bank into two parts and would isolate occupied Jerusalem from its surroundings and would undermine the option of the two-state solution in a blatant violation of international law and relevant Security Council resolutions, specifically Resolution 2334. Furthermore, the Israeli Prime Minister announced a plan for what he calls Greater Israel, which we reject and completely deplore. and which involves expanding into sovereign Arab states, in addition to the brutal attack against the sisterly state of Qatar, which we condemn and see as an escalation that is grave and a blatant violation of international law, which requires a decisive intervention and deterring procedures and measures for such expansionary plans. With official support and through increasing facilities, the terrorism of settlers increases. They burn homes and fields. They uproot trees and attack villages and attack unarmed Palestinian civilians. In fact, they kill them in broad daylight under the protection of the Israeli occupation army. Furthermore, the Islamic

and Christian religious sites in Jerusalem, Hebron, and Gaza Strip have not been spared the attacks which have damaged the mosques, churches, and cemeteries in a blatant violation of the historic status quo and in a clear violation of the provisions of the international law. despite all what our people have suffered, we reject what Hamas carried out on the 7th of October, these actions that targeted Israeli civilians and took them hostages, because these actions do not represent the Palestinian people, nor do they represent their just struggle for freedom and independence. We have affirmed and we will continue to affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the state of Palestine and that we are ready to bear full responsibility for governance and security there. Hamas will not have a role to play in governance. Hamas and other factions will have to hand over their weapons to the Palestinian National Authority as part of a process to build the institutions of a one state, one law, and one legal security forces. We reiterate that we do not want an armed state. Ladies and gentlemen, our wounds are deep and our calamity is great. Seven million Palestinians are still living the tragedies of the Nakba and displacement since 1948. Our people in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and in the Gaza Strip are still living the tragedies of the Israeli aggression and occupation for decades, years that our people have spent under occupation, killing, arrests, and settlement, and the theft of money, property, and lands. And this still continues without any deterrent or accountability. Years of oppression, deprivation, and the protection for the occupier and enabling the occupier instead of protecting the people under the occupation. And more violations of the rights of our Palestinian people to self-determination, to freedom, dignity, independence, and sovereignty on the land of the State of Palestine, occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem. More than 1,000 resolutions at the United Nations, not one of them was implemented. There have been many efforts, many international initiatives without reaching an end to this tragic situation that the Palestinian people are living under the yoke of occupation. In 1993, we signed the Oslo Accords, and we adhered to all its items, and we recognized the State of Israel. Israel, at the time, recognized the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Based on that, we restructured our institutions, and we amended our national charter, and we rejected violence and terrorism, and we adopted a culture of peace. We made all our efforts to build the institutions of a modern Palestinian state that lives side by side in peace and security with Israel. But Israel did not adhere to the signed agreements and has worked systematically on undermining them. Ladies and gentlemen, just three days ago, we met at a high-level international conference in New York under the joint chairmanship of France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with wide-scale international presence and united positions that expressed a genuine international will to put an end to this historic conflict by recognizing the state of Palestine, ending the occupation, and returning hope to both the Palestinian and Israeli people. And here, I would like to, on behalf of the Palestinian people, to express our gratitude and appreciation to all the states that recently recognized the state of Palestine and those that intend to recognize the state of Palestine soon. We urge all the states that have not done so yet to recognize the state of Palestine. we call on supporting Palestine obtaining full membership in the United Nations. It should be noted that we have already recognized Israel's right to exist in 1988 and in 1993, and we still recognize this right. In this regard, we would like to thank France the UK, Canada, Australia, Belgium, Portugal, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, San Marino, Andorra, and Denmark for their recognition of the State of Palestine. We would like to thank all 149 States which had previously recognized the State of Palestine. Our people will not forget this noble position. We would also like to commend the role of the chairmanship of this conference, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and France, and also the United Kingdom. We would also like to thank all the states that headed the various working groups and those which participated and continue to participate in the International Alliance for Peace. We would also like to thank the states that are supporting our efforts to stop the genocide and the occupation and achieve peace. We highly appreciate all the peoples and organizations around the world who protested in support of the rights of the Palestinian people to freedom and independence and to stop the war, destruction and starvation. We reject confusing the solidarity with the Palestinian cause and the issue of anti-Semitism, which is something that we reject based on our values and principles. Within the framework of welcoming the outcomes of the International Conference for Peace, we reiterate today before the General Assembly the following points: First, the need for an immediate and permanent end to the war in Gaza. Second, the entry without conditions of humanitarian aid through United Nations organizations, including the UNRWA. and to stop using starvation as a weapon. And here we would like to thank the brotherly and friendly states and organizations that have been sending aids. Third, the release of all hostages and prisoners on both sides. Fourth, the complete withdrawal of the occupation from the Gaza Strip and the rejection of the plans for displacement and putting an end to settlement, the terrorism of settlers, and the theft of Palestinian lands and property under the headline of annexation, and stopping the aggression against the status quo in holy sites. These are all unilateral actions that undermine the two-state solution in Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem. the State of Palestine should take their full responsibility, starting with the Administrative Committee for the Gaza Strip, which is chaired by a minister in the Palestinian government, to manage the affairs of the Gaza Strip for a temporary period, and then to connect that with the West Bank, all through Arab and international support and with Arab and international presence to protect civilians in Gaza and support the Palestinian forces under the umbrella of the United Nations, rather than being a replacement. Sixth, to guarantee that the residents of the Gaza Strip remain on their lands without displacement, and to implement a recovery and reconstruction plan in both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Seventh, releasing the Palestinian tax money that is being held by the State of Israel unjustly, and lifting the economic siege and the barriers from the Palestinian cities, villages, and refugee camps. Eight, supporting our national efforts towards reform and conducting presidential and parliamentary elections within a year after the end of the war. The practical procedures has begun. A committee has been assigned to draft a temporary constitution, and it will end its work within three months so that we move from authority to state. We want a modern and democratic state that abides by international law, the rule of law, and multilateralism, and the peaceful transition of power. And we are extremely keen to empower women and the youth. Ninth, we declare that we are ready to work with U.S. President Donald Trump, and with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and France, the United Nations, and all partners. to implement the peace plan that was approved in the conference that was held on the 22nd of September in a way that would lead towards a just peace and regional cooperation. Ladies and gentlemen, today we say clearly Peace cannot be achieved if justice is not achieved. And there can be no justice if Palestine is not freed. We want to live in freedom, security, and peace like all other people on Earth in an independent, sovereign state on the borders of 1967 with East Jerusalem as our capital, in security and peace with our neighbors, We want a modern civilian state that is free of violence, weapons, and extremism, one that respects law, human rights, and invests in people, development, technology, and education, not in wars and conflict. The time has come for the international community to do right by the Palestinian people so that they may obtain their rightful, their legitimate rights to be rid of the occupation and to not remain a hostage to the temperament of Israeli politics, which denies our rights and continue in their injustice, oppression, and aggression. We are continuing to move forward, and we will continue our peaceful, legal, and diplomatic fight to obtain our rights. In conclusion, we say to our sons and daughters in the homeland, in the exile, and in the diaspora, no matter how much our wounds bleed, and no matter how long this suffering lasts, it will not break our will to live and survive. The dawn of freedom will emerge. and the flag of Palestine will fly high in our skies as a symbol of dignity, steadfastness, and being free from the yoke of occupation. Palestine is ours. Jerusalem is the jewel of our heart and our eternal capital. We will not leave our homeland. We will not leave our lands. Our people will remain rooted like the olive trees. firm as the rocks. We will rise from under the rubble to rebuild and to send from our blessed and holy land the messages of hope and the sound of truth and right and build the bridges of just peace for the people of our region and the entire world. May the peace and mercy and blessings of God be upon you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank His Excellency Mahmoud Abbas, President of the State of Palestine. The Assembly will hear an address now by His Excellency Rashad Mohammed Al-Alimi, President of the Presidential Leadership Council of the Republic of Yemen. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful. My statement today will be entitled, "For Yemen, for the World." Your Majesties, Your Excellencies, Your Highnesses, Madam President of the General Assembly of the United Nations, Mr. Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen, distinguished delegates. I would first like to offer Madam Annalena Baerbock and her friendly country, the Federal Republic of Germany, I'd like to offer them our sincere congratulations on her election as President of the United Nations General Assembly. I wish her success in leading this session, which we attach great importance to under the slogan, "Better Together for Peace, Development, and Human Rights." I would also like to commend the efforts of the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres. We look forward to working with these two leaders of the United Nations to champion peace and human rights in Yemen. and to offer protection to the relief staff that have been kidnapped by the terrorist Houthi militias that are backed by the Iranian regime. I also take this opportunity to offer our sincere congratulations to our great Yemeni people who tonight are celebrating the anniversary of the overthrow of the racist imamate regime 63 years ago and the birth of the Republic that is based on the principles of liberty, justice, and abolishing differences and class discrimination and encouraging the participation of women and guaranteeing rights and liberties. Ladies and gentlemen, Within this organization, which was built in the aftermath of a horrific war, humanity eight decades ago pledged that no people would be left alone to face dictatorship or chaos or famine without the backing of the international community. You pledged, and we pledged along, that this organization will safeguard human dignity. and the right of peoples to live in dignity, security, development, and peace. And today, after all these years have passed, we pose to you the same fateful question from the Yemeni people, whether these values and principles continue to exist or not, or else what would it mean for our country to be left hostage in the to the Iranian regime's expansionist schemes and its militias that that use hunger as a weapon, religion as a tool, and maritime passages as a means of blackmail. What does it mean for this country with an ancient history to become one of the most dangerous hotspots of terrorism, cross-border terrorism in the world? Therefore, We are here today not simply to speak of the epic confrontation of the Yemeni people against the most violent and arrogant of terrorist organizations at all. Rather, we are here to build on what was achieved and to call on the world once again to take action and not simply to take note, and to achieve the salvation that we have promised our people, not simply a repetition of statements of the past. Ladies and gentlemen, Yemen today is not simply a domestic crisis. Rather, it is a test of the credibility of the international organization. After a decade has passed to the coup that was orchestrated by the Houthi militias, supported by the Iranian regime, against the national consensus, our people are living one of the gravest humanitarian crises, facing security threats that transcend our borders and spread to the region and the entire world. The Houthi militias are no longer a rebel group in a remote area in the country. the Houthi militias are an international terrorist organization armed to the teeth with an advanced Iranian arsenal, including ballistic missiles and drones and booby-trapped boats and sea mines and fissile projectiles and other qualitative weapons that are internationally banned. In addition, this outlaw group supports networks that smuggle drugs and utilize new technologies to disrupt communications and guidance systems in an attempt to transform Yemen into a laboratory to experiment with the weapons of its supporters. These are not simply tools of war. Rather, this is a scheme to redraw the map of Iranian influence in the region. And those who are lenient with this group today must imagine how tomorrow will be when the Red Sea and maritime passengers fall prey permanently to this terrorism. Therefore, ladies and gentlemen, the past years have proven that the policy of conflict management by offering more incentives has only brought more disaster and destruction. Moreover, the policy of containment has given the Houthi militias the time and the resources to further expand its arsenal. The United Nations was unable to protect its own staff who were kidnapped in Sanaa, unable to protect the oil installations and the commercial ships. It has become clear that the peace we seek cannot be asked for, but must be imposed by force. Ladies and gentlemen, it has become incumbent upon the world today to reconsider its position on the Yemeni situation. On the one side, there is a widespread national front that believes in international legitimacy and adopts the values of partnership and democracy and maintains local diversity and popular participation and works on building the institutions of a state. This is the front that I represent today, myself and my brothers, the members of the presidential council and the government, which is a member of the United Nations and represents all Yemenis, men and women alike. In return, We have an exclusionary, sectarian, fascist organization that does not believe in the principles of international legitimacy and which conducts cross-border terrorism and adopts an authoritarian theocracy that is opposed to human rights, which is embodied by the Houthis and their supporters. Unfortunately, the disregard by many of the essence of the Yemeni crisis has encouraged the Houthi militias to go further in threatening peace regionally and internationally and targeting energy sources and maritime passages and even kidnapping and abusing United Nations staff. Ladies and gentlemen, I have spoken to you from this podium in the past. And at the time, I asserted that the government of the Republic of Yemen is always ready to embrace a comprehensive peace even if that includes making painful concessions as long as they come in the interest of the Yemeni people however and after our efforts to maintain peace have failed it has become necessary to move collectively and firmly to impose peace therefore I call on you today to form an effective international coalition to restore security and stability to Yemen, a coalition that would rebuild the institutions of the state and would liberate the country from the clutches of the militias and all forms of terrorist groups. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations General Assembly, in its 80th session, seems to be in dire need to prove to its members that international law is not simply a myth, and that the rules-based international order is not simply a selective call. Yemen and Gaza, in this context, are the moral testing ground of this important organization. They are the place where we can definitely confirm that the might of right is still able to confront the right of might. And here, The Palestinian cause lies in the heart of this issue as a wound that continues to bleed and the central cause of the Arab people, which is now also witnessing an important transformation, so the overwhelming recognition of an independent state. And here we would like to express our sincere gratitude to our brothers and sisters in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for their efforts along with their French partners to achieve these unprecedented political gains. We'd also like to confirm here our full support for the Palestinian Authority and the two-state solution in accordance with international and domestic resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative. And we call upon the rest of the member states to recognize Palestine and to support the rights of its people and their dignity. And at the same time, we reiterate our rejection of the use by outlaw militias of this just cause that has as a trading card, which has only brought Palestine more isolation and destruction. Your Majesties, Excellencies, and Highnesses, in the midst of the suffering of the Yemeni people that has lasted for 11 years, our brethren have not left us alone. namely the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, who have not only worked to protect the Yemeni state from collapse, but for the entire region from falling into the clutches of the Iranian scheme. They have presented a practical model of strategic partnership based on development. The world must adopt this model and not simply watch it. At the end of last week, our brothers in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia once again announced additional economic aid to the country's budget and basic services at a time when the Yemeni government is facing extreme financial bottlenecks. And we hope that the international community would join this effort so that we could keep millions of Yemenis alive. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, the title of my statement today was "For Yemen, for the World." We are not calling upon you today to simply work for Yemen, but for the entire world. Yemen must not be left to fall prey for blackmail and terrorism, because this would mean opening the door to more victims, and this would deliver a blow to the credibility of this organization. and its principles. What we ask from you are not new statements, but international action, firm international action to support the legitimate government as a trusted partner on the ground. The time has come to launch an international coalition that will liberate Yemen from terrorism and rebuild its national state, and would guarantee the security and the world the security of the region and the world from the dangers of from the dangers of cross-border terrorism. And this is what we call for to regain sovereignty in our country and into the chapter of militias once and for all. I thank you, and peace and God's blessings be upon you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Presidential Leadership Council of the Republic of Yemen. The Assembly will hear now an address by Her Excellency Gordana Zdanovska-Tarkova, President of the Republic of North Macedonia. I request protocol to score her Excellency and invite her to address the Assembly.

Honorable member, President of the United Nations General Assembly, Annalena Baerbock, distinguished Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Guterres, esteemed Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Being the foundation of international law and multilateralism, the United Nations have prevented another world war and numerous conflicts and have alleviated the consequences of many humanitarian crises. They have helped many nations embark on the path to sovereign equality, lifted millions of extreme poverty, and educated entire generations. They have inspired a global movement for rights and freedoms, for social justice and equality. They have raised awareness of environmental protection and mobilized humanity in the fight against climate change. For these and many other achievements, the United Nations, its agencies and leaders have won no less than 12 Nobel Peace Prizes. Nevertheless, the United Nations today face a geopolitical and geo-economic earthquake that is shaking the foundations of the post-World War II order. Today's crisis stem from deep tectonic shifts, undermining the principles that shaped the world for the past 80 years. A new geopolitical era is emerging before our eyes. Instead of acting together on the urgent challenges such as peace and security, climate change and environmental destruction, artificial intelligence and growing inequalities, we seem to be heading towards a post-Hobbesian state of war of everyone against themselves. Instead of a single international order, parallel orders seem to be emerging, each with its own rules, values and interests, often directly against one another. Being paralyzed and isolated when most needed, I wonder if the United Nations is turning into the League of nations. The signs are all around us. Instead of creating a sense of shared future, humanity is facing wars and loss of humanness. With international humanitarian law increasingly ignored, hunger is weaponized and humanitarian workers are targeted. Amid everyday violence, the world is oscillating between nihilistic pessimism and hedonistic escapism between hopeless lamentation and heartless indifference, as in the first decades of the 20th century. The tremors of the international order have opened deep geopolitical fault lines. One of the most active is in Ukraine, where war has been raging for three and a half years. Russia's aggression is a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and a direct threat to international peace and security. We also express our deep concern over the recent violations of the airspace of Poland, Romania, and Estonia, every one of them a NATO member state. We supported the joint statement of September 12 and call for immediate de-escalation, full respect for international law, and use of preventive diplomacy to reduce tensions and preserve peace. Your Excellencies, The geopolitical fault line also runs through the Western Balkans region. The Macedonian accession process to the European Union has been continuously obstructed for 20 years, but not on the basis of objective Copenhagen criteria, but for subjective nationalistic reasons. The latest EU condition to start our negotiations is a new imposed Amendment to the Constitution: The Constitution, lex superior, and in Rousseau's sense, a social contract between citizens, represents the most internal matter of any state. Our Constitution provides 4 initiators for amendments: the President of the Republic, the Government. at least 30 members of parliament and 150,000 citizens. It is clear that neither our neighbors nor the European Union are authorized proposers of amendments. We emphasize that conditioning the start of negotiations to new constitutional amendments once again reopens issues of history, culture, and language, questions we have been assured were settled by the Prespa Agreement with Greece. We are constantly reminded that agreements must be respected. Pacta sunt servanda. We note, I agree, we note that the Treaty of Friendship, Good neighborliness and Cooperation with Bulgaria contains no provisions for constitutional amendments. Fine. Finally, through the constitutive acts, the EU defines itself as a unity of diversity and commits to respecting cultural and linguistic diversity, national and cultural identity and dignity and integrity. How then is it possible that we are asked to discuss and negotiate with a neighbor about history, culture and language? Time and again, we stress that we perceive ourselves as Europeans and deeply believe in the European project that brought peace and economic prosperity after the Second World War. The European ideal remains our greatest inspiration and strategic aspiration. As a country dedicated to good neighborly relations and regional cooperation, we do not seek disputes with our neighbors. What we desire is to be integrated in the Union, but without additional conditions. and with national dignity preserved. We warn that after the war in Ukraine, the blocked European integration of the Western Balkan is not only a political, but also a security issue. With the political door closed for the Western Balkan countries and the door wide open for influences of third geopolitical centers of power, it is ironic that the Union calls for resilience towards them. Must we end up on the Security Council's agenda for the EU to unblock enlargement? If the European Union wants to be a geopolitical union, it must not leave the Western Balkans in a geopolitical vacuum. As the President of the European Commission has noted, the European Union must break the armor of consensus. as soon as possible if it wants to complete that reunification of Europe and become a strong geopolitical factor again. Madam President, esteemed excellencies, finally, I cannot but not address one of the most geopolitically volatile regions, the Middle East and Gaza. The Middle East has an ancient and rich tradition of inter-religious and inter-ethnic coexistence. History has shown that diversity, when respected, can be a source of cultural enrichment and long-term peace. But also, history teaches that violence, regardless of its origin, deepens divisions, prolongs human suffering, and distances the parties from a just and comprehensive solution. We are convinced that sustainable peace in the Middle East can only be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy, in accord with international law. The inviolability of human life and dignity must be respected, even in times of war, in accord with international humanitarian law. In that spirit, we reaffirm our support for international efforts aimed at de-escalation, inclusive dialogue, and direct negotiations. Esteemed excellencies, these geopolitical fault lines and tensions point unequivocally to the following: without multilateral institutions and procedures, without international law and principles that would tame the strong and protect the weak, we will reenact the Thucydides-Melian dialogue. with the strong doing what they can and the weak what they must. Consider how repeated violations of the United Nations Charter were tolerated, clearing the path for new ones. Remember the General Assembly resolutions left unenforced, the International Court of Justice's judgments disregarded and its opinions ignored, and the peace initiatives obstructed in the Security Council. Facing with the dysfunction of the current international order, some realists advise forgetting international treaties and conventions as a needless burden and seeking shelter in regional blocs and alliances for them. The fastest and best way to resolve crisis is outside the United Nations without a Security Council mandate. However, departing from universal principles and mechanisms in favor of pragmatic opportunism and reaching for ad hoc measures pushes us towards an uncertain future of growing geopolitical and geo-economic competition and even confrontation in the race for resources. Is that the harsh world we mean to leave to our posterity? The alternative is to try to revitalize multilateralism and make its institutions more resilient to these systemic shocks. Respected Madam President, respected attendees, young generations have the right to a renewed charter, to a reformed and strong United Nations that will enable them to live in peace among nations and peace with nature. These reforms must not be cosmetic, but profound to enable greater inclusiveness, harmonization between values and mechanisms, optimization of national and global interests, and functional institutions. The UN reforms depend on whether they are seen as an opportunity to renew the rules-based international order or as a challenge to the privileges of some member states. Yet, what is the point of being a privileged member state of a dysfunctional, irrelevant, marginalized international organization? For effective United Nations, it is necessary for the Security Council to be reformed to be more inclusive, accountable and responsible for maintaining international peace and security. The General Assembly must evolve into a representative policy-making body, rather than a debate club. The implementation of International Court of Justice judgments must become mandatory for all Member States, ensuring the rule of international law. Reform is needed not only for old challenges, but also for new ones. Artificial intelligence brings enormous opportunities, but also incalculable risks for our civilization. It is not just a technological leap. Its impact may be greater than the industrial and digital revolutions. Aware of this, my country and I support the proposal to make artificial intelligence a priority of the 80th session. Next year, we will elect a new Secretary-General of the United Nations. We need a person with leadership skills, with rich diplomatic experience, and ability to bring differences and build consensus, but also deeply humane and committed to the vulnerable. The next top diplomat of the world must possess knowledge, patience and tact. After 80 years, it is high time for a woman to be a Secretary-General of the United Nations. In a world dominated by strong men, often with weapons, we need strong women with wisdom and empathy. I believe that women, who along with their children are the greatest and most numerous victims of wars, have an inalienable right and obligation to prevent them. The anarchic international order is a threat to all, but especially to small states. It is natural for small and medium-sized states to be the greatest supporters of the United Nations reforms. Distinguished excellencies, let me share with you what we are doing in this regard. We supported the adoption of the Pact for the Future as a new global social contract. Living in one of the most climate vulnerable regions in the world, the Mediterranean, Macedonian citizens are already experiencing the consequences of the climate crisis, such as extreme weather conditions. That is why we supported the implementation of the Paris Agreement at COP26. 29 in Baku. We supported the Sevilla commitment on financing for development and integrated the Sustainable Development Goals in our national development strategy 2024-2044. At the third UN Ocean Conference in Nice, we committed to strong international ocean governance supporting the action plan. We are making great efforts to promote women's leadership and the implementation of the agenda on women, peace and security. We signed the new 2026-2030 framework for cooperation with the United Nations to ensure inclusive social and human development, sustainable economies and decent work, resilient and green societies and ecosystems, the rule of law and good governance. Esteemed Excellencies, we are standing in front of a great test. Either we will guarantee an international order based on visionary principles, or we will rush towards a catastrophe of unimaginable proportions for humanity. Former Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold reminded us that the United Nations was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell. we should recognize the United Nations for what it is: an admittedly imperfect but indispensable instrument of nations in working for peaceful evolution towards a more just and secure world order. Let's give them that chance. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Macedonia.

The Assembly will now hear the statement of His Excellency, Mr. Antony Fanlauron, President of the Presidential Transition Council of the Republic of Haiti. I request protocol to accompany His Excellency. And I invite him to speak before the Assembly.

Madam President of

the General Assembly, Secretary-General, distinguished heads of state and government, distinguished heads of delegation, distinguished delegates, it's with a sense of gravity and a great deal of hope that I convey the voice of Haiti and the greetings of a dignified and resilient people which, despite hardships, is claiming for itself and for all of humanity three universal promises: development, respect for human dignity, and peace. Peace, which is now an absolute imperative for the Haitian people. On behalf of this people, Madam President, I would like to warmly congratulate you on your election as President of this Assembly. I also would like to thank Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his unwavering commitment to our organization and his constant and multifaceted support for the Republic of Haiti. Ladies and gentlemen, the theme of this session, "Better Together: 80 Years and More for Peace, Development, and Human Rights," honors the outstanding work carried out over the past decades. It also recalls the importance of remaining unified and resilient in the face of the unprecedented crises threatening the future of the planet, as well as international peace and security. Today, hunger is threatening millions of lives. Armed conflicts are multiplying and extreme poverty is deepening, causing forced migrations that jeopardize international stability and that put the solidarity between nations to the test. In addition to these challenges, we also are dealing with climate change, the rise of terrorism, mass atrocities, transnational crime, the erosion of human rights, and disinformation. We cannot turn a blind eye to the urgent need to strengthen our health care systems, to ensure a just energy transition, and to promote gender equality and youth inclusion. These issues require us, the world leaders, to shoulder our responsibility to build a UN that is better adapted to the challenges of today and the hopes of tomorrow. We must ensure that all of our actions, including technological breakthroughs such as artificial intelligence, foster peace, development, and human dignity. Ladies and gentlemen, Just a four-hour plane ride from here, a human tragedy is unfolding, one of the most devastating of our hemisphere. Every day, innocent lives are extinguished by bullets, fire, fear. Entire neighborhoods are disappearing, forcing more than a million people into internal exile and annihilating memories, investment, and infrastructure. Thousands of children have been deprived of their fundamental right to education. Thousands of young people are condemned to despair. Hundreds of women and girls have been raped, and they will forever carry the scars of this violence in their bodies and souls. Almost half of the population is facing acute food insecurity. The healthcare system is collapsing. Hospitals are being vandalized, burned, or forced to shut down. Doctors are fleeing. Lives are being lost due to a lack of treatment. Even the treatment for persons living with HIV and tuberculosis is under threat. This is the face of Haiti today, a country at war, a modern day Guernica, a human tragedy at the doorstep of America, only a four hour flight from here. It's important to say this. Haiti is experiencing a war, a war between criminals that want to impose violence as their social order and a population, an unarmed population that is fighting for human dignity and freedom. The response must be firm and determined. Today, the international community must stand alongside Haiti and take large-scale measures, not half-steps. A strong, coordinated, and immediate action is needed. Silence and inaction are not an option. We must act quickly to protect lives, to protect the innocence of children, to provide youth with a future, and to allow citizens to decide their own future at the voting booth. Every minute lost means human lives sacrificed and an erosion of democracy. Haiti wants peace. Haiti expects peace. Haiti has the right to peace. Yes, ladies and gentlemen. Peace today is the most pressing need of the Haitian people. It is the raison d'etre behind our tireless battle, the battle between our security forces led by our peace security forces and the Multinational Security Support Mission. Many policemen and soldiers have fallen in the war against criminal groups. We pay tribute to these heroes, Haitian and Kenyan, who have laid down their lives for their commitment to restoring peace and security in Haiti. Today, out of the 2,500 troops initially required and promised, there are only 1,000 members of the Multinational Mission on the ground. Their courage, combined with our own efforts, have not been sufficient to contain the security crisis. And yet we have increased by 40% the budget for our security forces. We've recruited new members. We have strengthened our troops and acquired more material and equipment. We must face the reality. Haiti is at the epicenter of an unprecedented regional threat. Powerful and heavily armed criminal networks are trying to destabilize our country and take over the economies of our entire common space. The new front lines of this battle are in our country, in Haiti. If we lose this battle on our soil, it will be futile to try to contain it in the rest of the region. That is why we must show the same determination, the same resolve, and the same unity that we showed in the fight against terrorism. Haiti cannot never overcome this challenge single-handedly. Today, it is crucial to mobilize a strong force with a clear mandate and with adequate material, logistical, and financial resources. In this regard, the lessons of the MMS and recommendations of Haitian experts must be taken into account. We also need heightened international cooperation based on intelligence sharing and on rigorous border control to curb the flow of arms, ammunition, drugs, and financing toward these gangs. Peace cannot be restored unless our regional partners take concrete measures to ensure their territories do not serve as a starting point or a transit hub for this kind of trafficking. Approaches that failed yesterday will not save Haiti today. It is critical to listen to the voice of the Haitian people to try new solutions that are stronger and more adapted to the realities on the ground. In this regard, we fully support the efforts made to transform the Multinational Security Support Mission. We also call for solidarity from the entire international community, especially for the commitment of members of the Security Council for a vote in favor of the resolution establishing a gang suppression force. That is why I would like to express on behalf of the Haitian people my profound gratitude to the United States and to Panama for this initiative, the implementation of which will mark a turning point in our fight against insecurity, which is suffocating our nation. I thank the administration of President Trump for the efforts made to provide support and resources in our common fight against the gangs, these enemies that are threatening both Haiti and the entire region. Today, the complexity of the Haitian crisis cannot serve as a pretext for endless talk, for drawn-out negotiations, or for stalemates caused by geopolitical considerations. Every day that we hesitate, criminal groups benefit. We urgently need to be proactive to transcend divisions, to act together, to promote the values that bring us together, peace and human dignity. Haiti would welcome the holding of a high-level meeting to overcome obstacles and to make tangible progress in this regard. welcome the countries of the region and thank them for their constant support, especially through declarations in various regional organizations, including the Organization of American States and CARICOM. We appreciate their support and advocacy with partners in the Security Council for a real solution to the security crisis in Haiti. We also pay tribute to all of those states which during previous crises stood by our side and expressed the hope to be able to count once again on their commitment. Together we can and we must resolve this crisis, which has lasted for too long already. Twelve million women, men, and children are expecting this of us. Ladies and gentlemen, the Presidential Transition Council was born of a political consensus that stemmed from intense negotiations between the nation's political parties. This council, which was escorted by various international partners and facilitated by leaders of CARICOM, has a clear agenda, which centers on holding free and credible elections. I repeat, free and credible elections. Despite the many challenges caused by the security crisis, the electoral process for which the PTC and the government have shown real political will has made real headway. The Electoral Council, Provisional Electoral Council, has already identified more than 85% of the voting centers, mobilized more than 70% of the elections personnel, and National financing to the tune of $65 million is guaranteed. The Presidential Transition Council is working closely with the MMS, the OAS, CARICOM, and BINU to ensure free, transparent, and inclusive elections reflecting the sovereign will of the Haitian people and guaranteeing the full and effective participation of young people, women, people with disabilities, and marginalized groups. To ensure productive political cooperation, constant efforts are being made and will continue to expand dialogue with the various political parties to strengthen consensus and to prevent a power vacuum, which would be fatal for democracy and stability. The Haitian people must be able to choose its own leaders. The state wants credible elections. Our greatest challenge remains restoring security. The urgent and solemn call that we have once again issued to resolve the security crisis in Haiti must not be left to languish on paper nor be lost amid rhetoric and unkept promises. In Haiti, peace can no longer wait, ladies and gentlemen. The transitional period does not allow us to launch all of the major federal reforms the country needs, but the humanitarian crisis we are currently experiencing must be overcome. To this day, the Haitian state has provided 72% of emergency assistance for IDPs and is assisting families to relocate. We are profoundly grateful to our international partners. that assisted us in the humanitarian response, and we are keenly interested in the promising initiatives put forward by those which, like the Association of Caribbean States, have chosen to join our effort. But our strategy is not limited to immediate assistance. We must move from assistance to investment. To this end, the government is determined to develop two major economic hubs, the Great North and the Great South, based on strategic sectors such as agro-industry, textiles, renewable energy, tourism, and services. Haiti will continue to count on its key partners to weather this difficult period and to relaunch its economy. We call for their support through the establishment of concrete mechanisms, such as the renewal of the Hope Help Law or launching urban renovation projects, which will allow us to create jobs, to put an end to the humanitarian impasse, and to reduce migration pressure on Haitians in the region. Ladies and gentlemen, 2025 marks the bicentennial of the order forcing Haiti to pay a ransom for recognizing its own independence. We call for reparations, not out of bitterness or vengefulness, but out of a desire for justice and truth. We developed with satisfaction the statement by the French presidency recognizing the need to open spaces for dialogue and historic truth. As was the resolution of June 5th, 2025 of the French National Assembly, recognizing the injustice of this ransom, Haiti has established a national reparations and restitution committee. We call for this progress to be accompanied by concrete action. France, which is the cradle of human rights, today has the opportunity to write a new chapter in its history with Haiti by honoring the ideals of freedom, equality, and fraternity that unite us. Ladies and gentlemen, I must underscore the invaluable support provided by the Haitian diaspora throughout the world, who are often living in hardship. Whether in America, in Europe, in Africa, or elsewhere, the millions of Haitians living abroad contribute to the development of Haiti. We are undergoing a multidimensional crisis, and we call for the patience

for patience and understanding from our partners and friends so that our nationals are always treated with respect and dignity. Behind every migrant, there is a face, a family, a history, and a contribution to be made to their new country of residence. Haiti reaffirms its commitment to dialogue and to bilateral cooperation in the spirit of neighborliness and mutual respect to identify balanced and long-term solutions to Haiti's problems. The safe and orderly circulation of goods and of people, especially through air transport, is crucial for a shared future and common prosperity. Ladies and gentlemen, the Haiti of tomorrow deserves peace and prosperity, a future based on an independent judiciary, universal education, affordable health care for all, and an economy that provides every citizen with the same chance at success. This future also requires bold reforms, independent justice, and an end to impunity. On April 16, 2025, we enacted a decree establishing two specialized judicial bodies, one to litigate crimes and complex financial infractions, and another to prosecute mass atrocities and sexual violence. We're making progress toward making these bodies operational. We are prepared to continue down this path. This is not the time for Haiti fatigue. The international community does not have the right to turn away from Haiti's situation. In light of this crisis, silence would not be neutrality, it would be complicity. Ladies and gentlemen, allow me to pay tribute to the Haitian people. Representing them here is the greatest honor of my life. Beyond my functions as president of the Presidential Transition Council of Haiti, I am a real, active Haitian citizen with a profound love for my homeland, a land of freedom and dignity, a land of courage and talent. Haiti is not a nation that has given up. We are a great people, a people that stands together, men and women who have sacrificed for their homeland and for humanity. Haiti is not a playground for armed criminals. Rather, it is a nation on its feet, comprised of dignified, resilient families who every day, despite terrible adversity, are fighting for a better future. I pay tribute to my fellow countrymen and women who are, without a doubt, among the most resilient people on Earth. They deserve better. Giving them new hope is my only mission. And that is why now I call upon you to stand side by side with Haiti. We must build peace in Haiti. for the Caribbean, for the Americas, for all of humanity. Thank you.

On behalf of the General.

Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Presidential Council of the Transition of the Republic of Haiti.

An address by His Excellency Mikheil Saakashvili, President of Georgia.

I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madam President, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen. I represent a country with a 3,000-year history, the cradle of one of the world's most ancient civilizations, and the brave Georgian people, filled with pride and dignity, a country that possesses a unique alphabet, an ancient language, and 17th-century-long Christian traditions. The history of Georgia is a continuous chronicle of our people's struggle for survival against invaders. through which we have miraculously managed to preserve our cultural identity, traditions, and national character. Despite centuries of continuous warfare with invaders, the cultural environment in Georgia has always been distinguished by exceptional humanism, tolerance, and compassion for others. Tolerance, openness to others, harmonious coexistence and diversity form the cornerstone of our ancient culture, which is brilliantly reflected in Georgian polyphony, in our national traditions and in the world-renowned Georgian epic, ***** Rustaveli's "The Knight in the Panther's Skin". Georgia is a place where, throughout history, no human has ever been oppressed or persecuted on ethnic or religious grounds. Quite the opposite, we have always been known for our profound sense of justice. I represent the Georgian people who know both the cost of war and the value of freedom and peace, a people who cherish their rich history and traditions, while at the same time facing with resolve the challenges that lie before our country. Amid a rapidly changing geopolitical landscape and unprecedented global challenges, such as ongoing conflicts, climate change, ideological polarization, cultural alienation, and war-driven humanitarian crisis, Georgia stands firmly as a guardian of dialogue, peace, stability, and sustainable development. Despite the many challenges surrounding us, we have managed to ensure the security of our people. The fundamental philosophy of the Georgian government remains to preserve peace and no matter the cost, to spare our people from war. For the fourth year now, a horrific, bloody war has been raging in Ukraine, bringing catastrophic consequences and immense human suffering. Drawing on the bitter experience of the 2008 war, whose wounds have not yet healed for the Georgian people, we understand better than many the pain that Ukrainian nation endures today. Now, as before, Georgia expresses its firm and unwavering support for Ukrainian people. As we deeply understand the importance of peace, Georgia contributes to the transformation of the South Caucasus and strives to turn it from a zone of conflicts into a space of dialogue among civilizations and economic prosperity. We welcome President Donald Trump's peace initiative between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as his efforts to bring the bloody war between Russia and Ukraine to an end soon. Georgia has always supported and actively strived to establish sustainable and long-term peace in the South Caucasus, as well as to deepen trust and cooperation amongst its neighbors. For centuries, our country has been a crossroads of civilization and a space for dialogue among diverse cultures. Today, Georgia is reclaiming its historical role close relations with the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia, existing agreements with the European Union, and the Georgia's key position in the Middle Corridor all give our country a special significance, both within the region and across the Eurasian continent. Georgia is the shortest connecting route and natural bridge between Europe and Asia, the West and the East. Thanks to our geographical location and pragmatic foreign Georgia is emerging as a multidimensional and multifunctional regional hub, both in terms of trade and energy transit. Georgia makes a significant contribution to the development of the Middle Corridor strategic route and does everything to ensure that the corridor becomes the fastest, most reliable, and most stable connecting road between East and West. We are actively working with international investors, developing infrastructure, and facilitating the creation of new energy transit routes, all of which ultimately enhance the connectivity between Asian and European markets. Within the framework of the Middle Corridor and its development, Georgia has launched strategically significant projects aimed at increasing the volume and intensity of rail, sea, and air transportation, among them the railway modernization project has already been completed, while work is actively underway on the deep-sea port in Anaklia, the new international airport in Tbilisi, and the Black Sea submarine cable projects. These projects, on one hand, provide landlocked countries in Central Asia and the South Caucasus with maritime connectivity to the rest of the world. On the other hand, the projects are implementing health, diversity, energy routes. We are implementing health, diversity, energy routes, thereby significantly enhancing the energy security of Europe and South Caucuses. To promote the development of the Middle Corridor and enhance connectivity between the two largest market, Asia and Europe, Georgia has been hosting the Tbilisi Silk Road Forum for eight years. It is an international platform for dialogue and new opportunities attended up to 2,000 delegates from 60 countries. Our goal is to develop constructive relations based on mutual respect and shared benefits with major economies such as the United States, China, European Union, and others. We are open to any dialogue and cooperation, but at the same time, we demand respect and fair and dignified approach. What the Georgian people will never accept is being spoken to in the language of ultimatums, blackmail, or intimidation. Georgia is a faithful adherent to the fundamental principles of values of the United Nations and a dignified, responsible member of the international community, as evidenced by the considerable efforts by the current government of Georgia to improve the protection of human rights. It is precisely thanks to the pragmatic and rational policies of the government of Georgia that we have maintained peace and economic growth, significantly improving the quality of life of our citizens. Despite numerous challenges in recent years, Georgia has demonstrated remarkable resilience to external shocks. The positive trajectory of Georgia's development is reflected in and confirmed by the international rankings and indicators of the world's most reputable organizations. Despite 20% of Georgia's territory remaining under occupation, we continue to pursue development and progress with great energy and determination. We are entrusted with the mission that our children may live in a stronger, dignified Georgia and peaceful world. And now I want to address our Abkhaz and Ossetian brothers and sisters on the other side of the occupation line. For centuries, we have written Georgia's history together, a history filled with the heroism of our ancestors through our shared struggle. for survival of our nation and the love for our motherland. We have never been a large empire imposing its rules on the others. We have always been a country proud of its diversity. Georgia is a place where civilizations have met, blended, and balanced each other for centuries. Our culture is the very product of this complex and enduring synthesis. My Abkhaz and Ossetian brothers and sisters, our cultural code has not changed. For us, diversity is not a problem. It remains an essential formula for our existence, which is why we always meet our compatriots from the other side of the Caucasian line with open hearts and outstretched hands. It's our duty for joint efforts to overcome artificially created obstacles, rebuild broken bridges, and leave past grievances to history. As a people of exceptional patience and resilience, I believe that one day we will, together with our children, in a united -- we will live with our children in a united, happy, and developed Georgia, where nothing will stand in the way of our harmonious coexistence. Herewith, I would like to express my gratitude to the international community for its unwavering support of Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Georgia, like the entire world, is going through a pivotal moment in modern history. We live in a transitional era where the future of the international order remains uncertain. United Nations must ensure our planet's transition to a peaceful, stable, and fair multipolar international order. Georgia is responsible, as a responsible member of international community, is ready to support the United Nations in becoming the inevitable alternative to war and the principal guarantor of peace. I would like to reiterate that we are prepared and open, taking into account our national interest, to engage in dialogue with all parties on issues of global and regional significance. The current reality requires us to face difficult issues and initiate an open, pragmatic, and result-oriented dialogue. I believe that only in this way we can overcome common global challenges and unlock new opportunities for the benefit of our countries, peoples, and future generations. Thank you very much for your attention. May God bless humanity.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Georgia.

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Luis Alberto Arce Catacora, Constitutional President of the Plurinational State of Bolivia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Muy buenos dias. A very good morning to all of you. Allow me to express brotherly greetings to the President of the General Assembly of the United Nations, Annalena Baerbock, and through her to the entire Assembly. The 80th session isn't just any other date. It is a space for a historic time which invites us to stop and to look back, to remember why this organisation was born and why it has seen the results that humanity was waiting for after the two world wars in which the fight for wealth and areas of influence left in its wake millions of dead, displaced and wounded. We are living with a wound that we're trying to overlook. Over eight decades in the concert of nations, we have seen the development of narratives that using the skill of the great powers with long-standing experience in international community have camouflaged deep wounds and the devastating memories of humanity. They've done so using smart normative texts that pretend to be the duty of the United Nations through audio visuals and others that are not very effective in light of facing flagrant problems such as neocolonialism in all of its expressions, territorial occupation, economic, political and cultural interference, racism, discrimination, the arms race and violence which is implicit in all of this, without taking into account other aspects such as hunger, climate change, the food crisis, and the increasingly frequent economic crises. The effects of these realities are clear to all. Confrontations and discourse that promotes hatred and division between kindred states inequality, exclusion, poverty and inequality and injustice still produced within institutions that were created to protect the rights of the weakest. And we're not even talking about economic, social and the cultural rights of people. And even more, if you look at the rights of indigenous peoples. A sincere assessment leads us to confirm that in 80 years, we have not met the expected results. Consequently, we are not in a good position. The world remains divided and confronted against itself more than 80 years ago. Today in the world, there is greater inequality in the distribution of wealth than there was 80 years ago. the poverty figures, inequality and injustice, rather than being curbed, is on the increase. The risk that any remaining peace should disappear and the third world war would overtake the entire planet is very close if we don't react in time. The danger here is that the unstoppable force of capitalism with the misuse of artificial intelligence would increase the climate change, would liquidate the planet and would convert the immense majority of the population into unnecessary beings is also something that we can't completely rule out. We're not in a good place. The UN was established on the basis of the foundations of the skeletons of the Holocaust and the not only physical but also moral ruins left by the fascist racism and also increasing neocolonialism with the use of two atomic bombs. One of the goals that gave rise to the United Nations was to not repeat the barbarity of war. Today we hear the echoes of the drums of war on all continents. We see the practice of genocide on the sole decision of two countries. We deny the right to be free and sovereign to a people, sovereign sophisticated weapons are used against a sovereign country and increasing militarization is being promoted within a region with double standards in combating the war on drugs and at the same time we maintain a criminal blockade against its people and the state for the sole crime of having claimed its own independence more than six decades ago. Wars not the same as we had 80 years ago. Wars now are multidimensional. They use economic, financial, media, information, cyber warfare. without even taking into account military warfare, which now encompasses biological warfare, war from space, and other technologies that continue to be developed with impunity on the basis of technology of war. It would be nothing new to have climate wars that would have an impact on sovereignty and food security. jeopardizing strategic resources such as water, we are putting at risk the very survival of the human race on earth and of life itself on the planet. Just taking off the mask from all of these tragedies, we can see that the cause of all of this is the wild capitalist system that places the greed of the few over the rights and lives of the majority on the planet. The cause of this is the current capitalist development which tries to resolve its own crisis and ends up returning to the original forms of accumulation and increasing rates of profit. Capitalism and its imperialist face is once again using the deployment of violence, plundering, plundering natural resources from sovereign states and the bloodletting to lead to the political and economic power and take that away from another. Added to that, we have a third cause of the current wars, which is more immediate. That is the obsessive zeal of the new Trump administration to give the United States back its position as a hegemonic power at the cost of the liberal system, free trade, globalization, and to cause pain and death. Why? For what? to take ownership over natural resources, to take control over commodities for the benefit of an imperialist system, and to subordinate the majority of countries for their insatiable thirst for privilege and wealth, and to try to maintain a unipolar order at any cost. The recent publication of the US Strategic Defense Policy sets out a deployment of its troops around the world in its areas of influence, Canada, Central and South America, among others. The recent history with our neighbors has made us realize this is nothing else but a new way of implementing Monroeism, which was a doctrine which said that America is for the North Americans. generating conditions for a new era of neocolonialism. Madam President, distinguished heads of state and government, from the indigenous name for Latin America and the Caribbean, we can say that we are a zone of peace, and we did so at the second summit of CELAC in Havana in 2014. The nations in our region are complying with this mandate that we set ourselves, still bearing in mind our political and ideological differences on various topics and with regard to border and territorial occupation-based disputes that remain ongoing. We can say when we invert the equation of the Pentagon that it is peace rather than war that guides our international relations. In hearing this declaration statement in 2022 in this same place, I came to appeal to the United Nations for a General Assembly to declare to the world that it would be an entire territory of peace. And 11 years have passed since that historic declaration of CELAC and three years since I made that statement in this assembly. Not only have we not declared the world as a zone of peace, rather we are facing the harsh reality of seeing how death is becoming increasingly normalized in international relations. We also feel the threat of fascism in all of its variants to try to exploit and dominate peoples at the current time. the threat of death has made is is covering Latin America and the and the Caribbean we are seeing a bellicose potential which would even go so far as to use missiles, submarines, helicopters, using the pretext that this maritime space is being used against the national security of the United States through the illegal introduction of cocaine through illegal gangs belonging to drug cartels. Beyond violations of international law, this provocative action of imperialism has two intentions. First, to intervene into our kindred Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, that since 1999 has been raising high the flags of the freedom of its people and the sovereignty of its state, and which possesses considerable natural resources, particularly in oil, which the north wishes to appropriate and claim. Secondly, to try to reconquer the Latin America and the Caribbean on the basis of undermining liberal democracy to impose militarization and to use other colonialist practices that we should call out. Imperialism is said to be used to combat drugs trafficking. This is a fallacy because if this were true, it would try to, it would actually be taking effect within their own country where the demand for this type of drugs is high. And where in its origins, where we see different types of organized crime, what the United States is trying to do is to give our region the role of holding back the edification of a multipolar world and to submit it to its own interests. Added to these military actions, the images of which have been seen around the world, we see other types of devastating actions, such as those aimed at strengthening the economic blockade against Cuba. Billions of dollars are owed by the United States to the Cuban state due to these unilateral coercive measures, which are explained on a basis of rejecting the first communist revolution, which will never be destroyed. The threat of death is also afflicting the Middle East. In the Middle East, the pain of millions of families and the death of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians finds no consolation. All of this history tells us, has the unconditional support of the United States, which wants to speed up the displacement of the Palestinian people as quickly as possible. Peace will be an empty word while the Palestinian people continues to face practices of genocide and does not have its own land and full sovereignty with East Jerusalem as its capital. But in this region, not the only thing that's happening. The fragile political and geopolitical stability is threatened by preventive attacks against the Islamic Republic of Iran and against the small nation of Yemen. Very similarly to what is happening, what was done by ex-President George Bush, the threat of death is also clear in Eurasia. In Eurasia, despite the intermittent attempts to achieve a political outcome, the expansionist ambitions of NATO, which is nothing else than the military arm of concentrated capital, is trying to protract the military conflict by using Ukraine as a launch pad against the Russian Federation. The threat of death also hangs over Asia. The East China Sea, which is an area of great geostrategic and economic importance, is facing two problems that could have an impact not only on the region, but also the entire world. The overcoming of the territory of Taiwan by the People's Republic of China is another example of explicit neocolonialism. that is encouraged by the United States as well as the dispute on the Senkaku Islands, the sovereignty of which is disputed between Japan, Taiwan and China. It appears that these islands are home to important hydrocarbon resources. Furthermore, the constant tension between North Korea and South Korea could not only become a problem that affects these two countries, but also the entire security of the world. Heads of state and government, I've been referring to this entire world to say that in this new imperialist intervention, we should call it what it is, neo-colonialism. And what should we do? I'm asking this I'm asking this because it's led to one of the most outstanding strategies of the fight for the emancipation of labor over capital. This is also the fight of life over death. I wish to propose that we firstly establish a commission for reparations following slavery, apartheid, genocide, and colonialism in the countries of the global south. To do so, the United Nations should find a way to ensure that those designing war and death pay their billions of dollars rather into a reparations fund. I hope that this rostrum, the highest on the international stage, will also serve to be able to launch an appeal and recognize that colonialism and neo-colonialism was and is an historic mistake that brings and continues to bring a social wound over the population that it victimizes. It also does this with indigenous societies that it affects in particular. Today, on behalf of the construction of a fair future, we have to condemn the devastating impact of colonialism in the past and the present. I appeal to the heads of state of CELAC and the African Union to join forces and to oppose the adverse consequences of colonialism. This commission that I've mentioned should set up effective mechanisms to restore historic justice in the following spheres. reparations, land rights, recovery of the environment destroyed through the action of the colonizers and transnational corporations, apologies for the colonial past through the restitution of cultural goods of the indigenous peoples that were taken by the colonizers during the period of expansion and genocide, the prevention of neocolonial practices, programs for the development of indigenous peoples and the preservation of their cultural identity. We should also provide compensation to people who have resisted the military occupation of their territories and those that are suffering under unilateral sanctions and economic blockades. Secondly, we should convert the UN General Assembly into a body with binding power so that it can be an effective voice for all peoples and not a space where we simply realize the will of the most powerful. We need this forum to be an ethical nucleus, a political heart, and the living spirit of a new era guided by the culture of life. We need the resolutions adopted within the UN General Assembly to not be vetoed by any superpower and to be truly complied with. This means ensuring that multilateralism is truly valid and not just a formality. We should declare the world as a zone of peace and promote demilitarization as far as possible. The immense majority of the population in the world refuses to accept that the revitalization or overcoming the cyclical crises of capital should be done on the basis of investment in billions of dollars to manufacture all types of conventional and unconventional weapons. Just one third of military expenditure would give us better and greater education, health and housing guaranteed for everyone. The UN has to become a pact for peace and for life as the shared destiny of everyone who believes in living together. Four, we need to undertake a profound reform of the Security Council that would prevent one of two countries holding up the global stability. We need to ensure this reform and ensure the reform that the countries of the global south have been insisting on for several years. Democratizing the Security Council would be giving effect to the principle of the legal equality of states and democratizing the future. It would be to ensure that the voices of Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean, Asia, and the historically marginalized peoples would also count. Five, we should move towards the universal declaration of the rights of Mother Earth. Bolivia, together with the Amazonian peoples, speaks up to recall the urgent need for international cooperation to strengthen the conservation of the Amazon. We should do so through strengthening the sovereignty of Amazonian countries over this strategic biome for the world. Defending the Amazon means defending life. Six, we must reject all forms of commercial war and work to reduce economic and social divides between the countries of central capitalism and the countries on the periphery. Trade wars not only affect companies but also the immense world of work. It also lessens to alarming levels the possibility for lower classes to access acceptable food. Hegemonic and capitalist interests don't have any right to overtake rights of trade and reduce the right to employment, food and education for the working classes. Dear guests here at the 80th session of the UN General Assembly, I'm very grateful that on this occasion of the 80th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations, having listened to the analysis and the outlook of the plurinational state of Bolivia, over critical problems facing us today and as we look ahead to working together for peace, development, and collective human rights. The Bolivian people, to whom we have guaranteed a democratic transit that we have not seen in 28 years in our country, is looking forward to seeing the changes that we must see within the United Nations in order to guarantee global peace. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Constitutional President of the Plurinational State of Bolivia. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Brice Clotaire Oligui Nengama, President of the Gabonese Republic, Head of State and Head of Government. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madame President of the General Assembly, distinguished heads of state and government, distinguished Secretary-General of the United Nations, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, At the outset, I would like to most warmly and sincerely congratulate Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock on her election as President of this 80th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Madam President, your experience, I am sure, will allow you to effectively carry out the missions of your august post. Rest assured of the full cooperation of my country. To His Excellency Philemon Yang, your predecessor, I pay tribute to the outstanding work carried out during his term. And lastly, I would like to once again commend His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of our organization, for all of the efforts that he has constantly made since he took up his office. Gabon, my country, is keenly interested in the UN 80 initiative, which aims at ensuring operational efficiency in the face of global challenges, as well as to optimize mandates within the UN system. Madam President, one year ago, before this prestigious Assembly, as the President of the transition of the Republic of Gabon, I presented the political process begun in my country after the liberation coup which took place on August 30th, 2023. After the presidential election of April 12th, 2025, for which the process and outcomes were unanimously endorsed by the international community, this transition culminated with my inauguration on May 3, 2025, as the first elected president of the Gabonese Republic, thus establishing the foundations of democratic order. As you know, Gabon has undergone a peaceful and exemplary transition that included all the political parties in our nation. This smooth transition led to an inclusive national dialogue and a constitutional referendum in accordance with the agreed upon timelines, and it will continue through the holding of legislative, local, and senatorial elections that are free and transparent. To this end, the first and second round of combined legislative and local elections will take place on September 27 and October 11, 2025. With regard to the election of senators, this will take place on November 8, and the second round is scheduled for November 29, 2025, with a view toward a definitive restoration of constitutional order by January 2026. We believe that this peaceful and historic process can serve as a lesson and a model in many other spheres. The people of Gabon have drawn the success from its history, its culture of peace, and its shared vision of the future. Here, I would like to express on behalf of the Gabonese people and on my own behalf, our sincere gratitude to the United Nations for its multifaceted assistance. I know that I can count on the support of the UN as we implement our national growth and development plan. This plan focuses on bolstering our energy capacity, on strengthening infrastructure, developing digital sector, and on enhancing youth employment. Ladies and gentlemen, Gabon is standing before you again with a clear message. Our country has changed. After decades of tensions and political and economic missteps, the Gabonese people has chosen the path of reconciliation and renewal. thus becoming the symbol of and testament to the transformation of hardship into hope, of dependency into dignity, of division into unity, and all without bloodshed. Today, Gabon is no longer a country in limbo. It has returned to stand alongside other states, upright, dignified, and ready to take up its rightful place in the community of nations. The new Gabon, the exemplary Gabon that my compatriots are calling for, also means that the state in Gabon must serve its people from now on. But our national rebirth would be futile without a change in the international order. It is no longer acceptable for African nations to remain relegated to the role of providers of raw materials for which others set the price and from which others profit. Therefore, I would like to invite public and private investors to support us through win-win partnerships. We have decided to transform, to process our resources on our territory, to create jobs at home, to develop African industries, and to interact with the world on the basis of equity, integrity, and mutual respect as we strive toward happiness. In its path toward development, Gabon, a country of peace and opportunity, will continue to welcome all those who commit to upholding our laws, our republican values, and to contributing positively to our national rise. Distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, this 80th session of the General Assembly has the theme, "Better Together: 80 Years and More for Peace, development and human rights. It takes place in an international context characterized by economic, environmental and security crises that call for more sustained and more staunch collective engagement. This is an urgent call to tackle these concerns in accordance with the spirit and the values of the UN Charter. Ladies and gentlemen, today the world has a radically different face. Humanity has never had so much technological prowess to ensure its well-being, and yet international peace and security have never seemed so fragile and so under threat. It is high time that peace reign on Earth, and especially in Africa, which has so long suffered under conflicts that have been stoked and financed from outside the continent. Let the guns at last fall silent in the DRC, in Sudan, in the Horn of Africa, and in the Sahel. In this regard, Instead of constantly stigmatizing and condemning the states of the Sahel, the international community would benefit from supporting them in their battle against the many-headed threat of terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen, on December 12, 1988, Gabon officially recognized the State of Palestine. Then, as now, we support the two-state solution. the only way in accordance with UN resolutions to guarantee a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians, as well as to guarantee international security. In this vein, Gabon must reaffirm its position in favor of lifting the embargo imposed on Cuba due to its negative effect on the well-being of Cuba's people. We solemnly reaffirm our full support for international efforts carried out throughout the world to achieve peace. These efforts must be centered on humans, especially women and youth. Through the Pact for the Future of 2024, The UN must continue to encourage and support the crucial action of women, stemming from the declaration and the Beijing Declaration and Program of Action, of which we're celebrating the 30th anniversary this year. Madam President of the General Assembly, Secretary General of the United Nations, the triple planetary crisis of climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution is an existential threat for humanity. And yet, the efforts of the international community to address these challenges remain drastically inadequate. The Treaty on Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdictions, which we have just ratified, feels a legal gap and provides an ambitious framework for equitable and sustainable governance of biodiversity. Together, we have a real opportunity to make this treaty a true driver of transformation for present and future generations. Gabon is the guardian of part of the Congo Basin, the second largest green lung of our planet, this extraordinary heritage must not be sacrificed to financial rapacity. We call for an equitable global partnership in which the protection of our forests is accompanied by fair compensation for the ecological services these forests provide to humanity. Ladies and gentlemen, the new global order is underway. The changes taking place in our societies are inevitable and cannot be overlooked. International peace and justice can only be guaranteed by a revitalized multilateralism, in particular through Security Council reform that takes into account the African claims enshrined and the Sirte Declaration and the Ezulwini Consensus to which Gabon is firmly committed. I wish every success to our work, and I wish a happy birthday to our organization. Thank you.

I thank you, and happy birthday to all of us.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Gabonese Republic, Head of State and Head of Government. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency John Dramani Mahama, President of the Republic of Ghana. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Thank you, Madam President, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. At this 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly, I'd like to speak about Africa's role in the future of this organization. However, it's impossible to do that without first considering the collective role that Africa played in its founding, which was small and relatively insignificant. Of the 51 member states involved in the founding of the United Nations in 1945, only four were African, Egypt, Ethiopia, Liberia, and South Africa. It is important to point out that the United Nations came into being in the aftermath of World War II because of the inability of its predecessor, the League of Nations, to avert a large-scale global conflict, which had been its guiding purpose when it was founded in 1920 at the end of the First World War. Out of the 42 founding member states of the League of Nations, only three were African, Liberia, the Union of South Africa, and Ethiopia. Egypt was to join later in 1937. Africa's overall participation in the organization's founding was minimal and relatively unimportant. That's because before all the other talks and meetings, representatives from a group of 14 nations gathered in Berlin for a series of discussions that began in 1884 and which led to the partitioning and formal colonization of the African continent, which is also called the scramble for Africa. It has famously been written that past is prologue. Well, in the past, the majority of the 54 nations that now comprise Africa were never offered a seat at the table where plans for a new world order were being drawn. But Madam President, as fate would have it, The tables are turning, and Africa's role in the authorship of whatever is yet to come for this world is going to be huge and it will be consequential. According to this organization's own projections, by the year 2050, more than 25% of the world's population is expected to come from the African continent. Additionally, by 2050, one third of all young people aged between 15 to 24 will be residing on the African continent. So you see, the future of this world is African. Allow me to say this once again a little louder for those of you in the back. The future is African. Already today, Africa is a catalyst for human potential and development, as well as for economic reform and ecological stability. Africa is a catalyst for systemic change. If this reality, which is fact-based and straightforward, seems provocative or unsettling, perhaps it's because you are viewing it through the lens of centuries of filters, colonialism and imperialism, and the resulting implicit bias. Maybe you are unaware of the resilience of African nations or their remarkable ability to make a strong comeback just when you think it's safe to count them out. That is what is happening right now in my own country, Ghana. Our constitution limits leaders to two four-year terms. In January, I was sworn in for a second term, which, let me point out, was non-consecutive with my first term. Our currency, the Ghana cedi, was rapidly depreciating, faced with rising inflation, a huge debt burden, and low morale amongst our citizens. My new administration settled down quickly and embarked on an ambitious program of comprehensive transformation designed to restructure Ghana's economic foundation and enhance our competitive standing globally. We refer to this process of recalibration as our reset agenda. In just eight months, we have achieved significant reduction in inflation from 23.8% in December 2024 to 11.5% in August 2025. restoring price stability for our citizens. Additionally, our currency, the Ghana CD, has appreciated considerably against other currencies, with Bloomberg reporting it as the best performing currency in the world at one point. Our improved sovereign credit rating reflects increasing investor confidence in our economy. And our 24-hour economy initiative promises to transform our economy. And there's a renewed willingness amongst our people to trust that their elected officials have garnered interest at heart and that we are progressing together. Madam President, I believe that in honor of this milestone celebration, the United Nations should also embark on a process of serious recalibration and establish its own reset agenda. Since the organization's founding, the number of UN member nations has nearly quadrupled. And quite frankly, it is not the same world that it was back then when the UN was formed. I mentioned earlier that I began my second non-consecutive term as president this past January. My first term ended in January 2017. In that span of time, eight years, the world has changed with such ferocity, my first

in office after my return felt as though I had just awakened from a Rip Van Winkle-style sleep. Now, no, that was only after eight years. Imagine then what it would be like after 80 years since the founding of the United Nations. In 1945, the sun had not yet set on the largest empire in history. The most common mode of international travel was by sea. The personal computer had not been invented, let alone made portable. And television, a new convenience, was still in its infancy, albeit in black and white color. Relations between the US and the Soviet Union were turning frosty, with Winston Churchill declaring that an iron curtain had descended across the European continent. Fast track 80 years on, In today's world, hundreds of thousands of commercial flights take off and land every day. Libraries have been digitized so that volumes of literature can exist on a small device, small enough to fit inside your pocket. We live in a world of cryptocurrency, artificial intelligence, social media, the internet and its dark hidden dungeon of the dark web, all of which carry a potential threat to global peace and security. Climate change is real, and we are fighting a losing battle against the loss of Maldives and other island nations to the rising sea level, against the loss of Timbuktu to desertification, and the Amazon forest to global warming and deforestation. Madam President, the UN founding charter is outdated when it comes to representation in this August Assembly. The most powerful post-World War II nations are still being rewarded with an almost totalitarian guardianship over the rest of the world. And yet, the first sentence in Chapter II, Article 1 of the UN Charter declares that the organization is based on the principle of sovereign equality of all its members. If this were true and was the case, A continent as large as Africa, with its numerous UN member states, would have at least one permanent seat on the Security Council. Furthermore, we believe that veto power should not be restricted to only five nations, nor should it be absolute. There must be a mechanism in this house for the General Assembly to challenge a veto. No single nation should be able to exercise an absolute veto to serve its own interests in a dispute. In 1995, during the 50th anniversary of the United Nations, Nelson Mandela stood in this very spot. And he said, the United Nations has to reassess its role, redefine its profile, and reshape its structures. It should truly reflect the diversity of our universe and ensure equity among the nations in the exercise of power within the system of international relations in general and the Security Council in particular." 30 years later, we African leaders are still making the same simple request for a permanent seat on the Security Council with the power of a veto. So today, Madam President, I stand here in this exact spot and ask the world, if not now, then when? We demand not only a reform of the Security Council, but also a reset of the global financial architecture, which is currently rigged against Africa. Africa must have a greater say in the world's multilateral financial institutions. And while I'm making requests, I'd like to call for the removal of the blockade on Cuba. As Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, our nation's founder, famously said, "We seek to be friends with all and enemies to none." The Cuban people shed their blood on African soil in the fight against apartheid. And indeed, Cuba has been and continues to be a faithful friend of Africa. You see, the very fact that I can stand here and ask these things and say these things And the fact that all nations can ostensibly gather here to address critical global issues, air our grievances, and express our concerns, that is what makes the survival of this organization so important. In every old city or village, you'll find a town square or a courtyard or a plaza that once served as a gathering space for the citizens of the community and their leaders. Meetings and celebrations were held there, as were trials and elections. And these were spaces that brought people together and held them together as a community. Sadly, time and technology have eroded these spaces. Madam President, in many ways, the United Nations is the proverbial town square of our modern global village. And it has never been more critical for us to protect this one space that brings and holds the world nations together as a community. The internet, social media platforms, and artificial intelligence offer us the illusion of connectivity, when in fact, what they do is reinforce isolation by using algorithms that ensure that we do not receive new ideas and perspectives, but rather more of the same content. We are served alternative facts and manipulated images, making it easy to disseminate disinformation and sow seeds of division amongst communities. Madam President, these are dangerous times. Our world is currently experiencing a rise in nationalism and economic instability. There's a general breakdown of multilateralism. Various acts of aggression have been committed against the sovereignty of others, and nations are attempting to circumvent the very safeguards that were put in place to prevent large-scale global conflict. These conditions are all too similar to the ones that led to the League of Nations' failure in fulfilling its mandate. The denial of visas to President Abbas and the Palestinian delegation sets a bad precedent and should be deeply worrying to all member nations of the United Nations. Ghana recognized the state of Palestine in 1988 and supported a two-state solution to the conflict since then. And I say, contrary to the claims of some, a two-state solution would not be a reward for Hamas. It would rather be a retrieve for the hundreds of thousands of innocent women and children and people who are facing collective punishment and forced starvation for no reason other than the fact that they are Palestinian. For nearly two years and for the fear of reprisals, we here in this General Assembly have been playing hide and seek with language to find the right words to help us avoid or excuse what we all know is taking place in Gaza. But here is the thing, it doesn't matter what you call it. If it looks like a duck, it swims like a duck, and quacks like a duck, well, then it must be a duck. The crimes in Gaza must stop. The crimes in Gaza must stop. Madam President, I also want to draw particular attention to the conflict in Sudan, which this body has described as the world's largest humanitarian crisis. 12 million people have had to flee their homes. And when we speak of migration, we refer to the 12 million new Sudanese refugees. whom we as a global community should be willing to assist in much the same way that many member nations readily assisted new refugees coming out of Ukraine. Let's dispense with the euphemisms and dog whistles and speak frankly. It is not a mystery that when leaders of Western nations complain of their migration problems, they are often referring to immigrants from the global south. But many of those immigrants are climate refugees. And interestingly, the global north emits 75% more greenhouse gases than the global south. However, the effects of climate change are more severe in the global south because we lack the resources to address them effectively. And so when the desert encroaches on our villages and towns and they become unlivable, we are forced to flee. While San Shiri, A Somali-born British poet born in Kenya to Somalian refugee parents was London's first youth poet laureate. She writes in her poem titled "Home." And it says, "You have to understand that no one puts their children in a boat unless the water is safer than the land. No one bends their palms under trains beneath carriages. No one spends days and knives in the stomach of a track feeding on newspaper unless the miles traveled mean something more than just a journey. Madam President, we cannot normalize cruelty. We cannot normalize hatred. We cannot normalize xenophobia and racism. If we're going to tell a story, let's not tell it slant. Let's tell all the truth. When we speak of migrants, we speak of Mamie Ewusi Mensah-Frempong, a judge on the US District Court for the Central District of California. She's the first Black female judge on any of California's four federal district courts. She was born here in America to immigrant parents from Ghana. We speak of Peter Bosman, a medical doctor in Ghana who moved to the town of Piran in Slovenia in the 1980s and later became the first Black mayor of Piran. the first black mayor in Slovenia and in the whole of Eastern Europe. We speak of T. Michael, the iconic Ghanaian Norwegian artist and designer. And of course, we speak of the late Kofi Annan, former United Nations Secretary General, former United Nations Secretary General and Nobel Peace Prize recipient, who was born in Ghana, but spent his adulthood in various places in America and Europe. These are people who have brought great distinction to the countries that they decided to call home. Just as the migrants and the children of migrants before them did, I dare say these are not invaders. These are not criminals. Madam President, the slave trade must be recognized as the greatest crime against humanity. As the African champion on reparations, Ghana intends to introduce a motion in this august body to that effect. More than 12.5 million Africans were forcibly taken against their will and transported to create wealth for the powerful Western nations. We must demand reparations for the enslavement of our people and the colonization of our land that resulted in the theft of our natural resources, as well as the looting of artifacts and other items of cultural heritage that have yet to be returned in total. We recognize the value of our land and the value of our lives. as did our colonizers, as well as the governments that happily paid reparations to former slave owners as compensation for the loss of their property in quotes. And that property for which they received compensation was for which compensation was paid, referred to as slave people who had been freed. Madam President, an increasingly insecure world is witnessing upward spending on defense budgets of bilateral partners and steep cuts in official development assistance. Since July 2024, it is estimated that there has been a 40% drop in humanitarian aid globally. In this era of global uncertainty, Africa must exercise sovereignty over its natural resources to raise the necessary funds to ensure the well-being of its citizens. The days of parceling out vast concession areas to foreign interests for exploitation must come to an end. We will continue to welcome foreign investment, but we must negotiate better for a bigger share of the natural resources that belong to us. And we must insist on value addition to these resources. We are tired of the continued image of poverty-stricken, disease-ridden rural communities living at the periphery of huge foreign-controlled natural resource concession areas. We're tired of having people extract the most they can from us and in return, offer us the very least by way of respect, consideration, and dignity. We're tired of not being represented in ways that reveal the richness and complexity of our history or acknowledge all that we have overcome to arrive here in this liminal space of untold possibilities. Allow me to echo the Indian-American writer, Arundhati Roy, who wrote, "Another world is not only possible. She's on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing." I want to add that for the sake of Africa, and quite selfishly for the sake of my 18-year-old daughter, I hope that this new world that is arriving is a place of safety and equality for women and girls. To succeed, we must empower everyone, including women and girls, to reach their full potential. In closing, Madam President, I'd like to congratulate you on your election to preside over this historic 80th General Assembly and on being the fifth woman to hold this distinction. I'd also like to congratulate Her Excellency Nana Jane Opoku-Agyeman on being the first woman Vice President of Ghana. Now every Ghanaian girl knows the heights to which she can ascend. Words matter, but issues of representation matter even more, which is why Ghana looks forward to the appointment of a woman as Secretary-General of this organization in the near future. Madam President, Your Excellencies, I thank you for your kind attention.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Ghana. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Omaro O. Sy Sokan Embalou, President of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madam President, distinguished heads of state and government, Mr. Secretary General, ladies and gentlemen, allow me to begin by congratulating Mrs. Annalena Baerbock on her election as President of the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly. I thank the outgoing President, Mr. Philemon Yank, for his service to the international community. To Secretary General Antonio Guterres, I wish to reaffirm Guinea-Bissau's full support for his tireless efforts in favor of world peace, international cooperation, multilateralism and sustainable. 80 years ago, the founders of the United Nations pledged to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That promise, unfortunately, has not yet been fully fulfilled. Yet this commitment undertaken by each Member State upon joining the UN Charter remains valid and continues to be honored through the dedication of every UN peacekeeper and every humanitarian worker who often make the difference between life and death in conflict zones or following natural disasters. UN agencies such as WHO, UNESCO, UNICEF, FAO, WFP, UNHCR and UNDP, among others, provide treatment, education, vaccines, food, and protect every day millions of human beings and contribute to the fight against poverty and discrimination against women and girls all over the world. The United Nations remains relevant, especially in these times of deep global uncertainty and crisis. It continues to be the only forum where all nations, large and small, have a seat and a voice. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, We live in a world confronted by multiple crises. We are witnessing what Secretary General Antonio Guterres has called poly-crisis. Conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, and other regions persist. Socioeconomic inequalities, environmental shocks, political instability, and humanitarian emergencies disproportionately affect developing countries. with the greatest impact on small island developing states. Progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals has slowed significantly or even stalled. The sovereign debt burden of poor countries is increasing, while development assistance is declining. Guinea-Bissau welcomes the UN80 initiative, and we hope it will contribute to strengthening the organization, especially in promoting peace, international security, and the achievement of the SDGs. The Pact for the Future offers a roadmap and an action plan that must not remain on paper. Madam President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Last July, Guinea-Bissau hosted the 15th Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries, CPLP. I have taken on the presidency of the CPLP for the 2025-2027 term. The CPLP places high importance on its cooperation with the United Nations and its specialized agencies. During our term, we will continue to work with all partners and multilateral organizations toward the implementation of global commitments, especially concerning the Paris Agreement on climate change, the third UN Ocean Conference, and the fourth UN Conference on Financing for Development, held last June/July in Seville. We are convinced that two major international meetings scheduled for November, namely COP30 in Belem, Brazil, and the Second World Summit for Social Development in Doha, Qatar, will serve as key platforms and opportunities to strengthen our cooperation and to advance our shared goals. Madam President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Ghana is scheduled to hold presidential and legislative elections on the 23rd of November this year. All necessary conditions are being put in place to ensure that these elections are held peacefully, freely, transparently, and credibly. Over the past five years, I have prioritized dialogue, inclusion, political stability, and the consolidation of the democratic rule of law. I am confident that these upcoming elections will reaffirm the irreversible nature of citizenship and democratic values in Guinea-Bissau. Madam President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me to conclude by saying that in an increasingly interdependent world, we need, now more than ever, a world order grounded in the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, in respect for international law and in peaceful coexistence. In this regard, Guine-Bissau reiterates our call for an end to the economic, commercial, and financial embargo and other forms of restrictions imposed on Cuba. 80 years after the creation of the United Nations, the world has changed. We are no longer just the 51 countries who signed the UN Charter in 1945. Today, the United Nations is all of us: the 193 Member States, plus observer States, NGOs, civil society organizations and other actors represented in this great assembly hall. To meet the challenges of the 21st century, the UN must undertake urgent reforms. Reforms that reflect today's geopolitical realities and global power balances. Reforms that expand and democratize the Security Council. Reforms that provide a place and a voice to the global South. Reforms that restore confidence in the multilateralism and international cooperation. The UN continues to be a unique multilateral space where dialogue is still possible, even when diplomacy and good offices fail elsewhere and in other circumstances. The legitimacy, strength, and future of the UN lie in the inclusion and full participation of all of us in deliberations and decision-making. Its core details, peace, dignity, equality, poverty eradication, cooperation, and peaceful resolution of conflicts remain alive and continue to inspire the purposes of the international community and the march of humanity. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. The Assembly will hear an address by His Majesty King Mswati III, Head of the State of the Kingdom of Eswatini. I request protocol to escort His Majesty and invite him to address the assembly.

Your Excellency, Madam President of the General Assembly, Your Majesties, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, UN Secretary-General, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great pleasure to address the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Better Together, 80 years and more for peace, development, and human rights. At the outset, we wish to assure you, Madam President, of Eswatini's unwavering support during your tenure. We also commend the UN Secretary-General and the Secretariat for their steadfast leadership in navigating our world through unprecedented challenges. As we gather today, mankind is confronted with many challenges, including conflicts around the world. We must remind ourselves that when the United Nations was established in 1945, it was during a time of widespread global strife. Its founding fathers resolved that no country or people should endure suffering due to conflict. The UN Charter and structure were designed to be clear and resolute. Now is the time to ask ourselves what has gone wrong and what steps must be taken to correct these challenges and restore the UN's mission of fostering peace. The question we must ask ourselves further is, what is the UN doing to address these issues effectively? I propose that the United Nations establishes ad hoc committees to tackle global conflicts and promote peace. These committees should have equitable representation in dealing with the relative conflicts in the diverse regions of hotspots, including Africa, the Middle East, Europe, and beyond, ensuring that all affected nations have a voice. Supported by the Secretariat of the United Nations, these ad hoc committees would visit conflict zones, engage with local communities, and work towards peaceful resolutions. For instance, in Africa, The conflicts in Sudan, South Sudan, Somalia, the Sahel, and the Great Lakes need the intervention of these ad hoc committees. In the Middle East, they should facilitate dialogue with all parties involved. The team could ask the Palestinians what it will take to release the hostages, given the fact that the Israelis would remain aggrieved as long as their loved ones are not with them. Similarly, the ad hoc committee should engage the Israelis to ascertain what it will also take for them to stop the bombardment to avoid loss of more innocent lives, widespread destruction of property, and a growing refugee crisis. By engaging directly with the affected communities, these communities could help broker solutions that address the concerns of all sides to reduce nations suffering and foster stability. In the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, these ad hoc committees could mediate discussions to identify pathways to peace. Their role would be to engage in meaningful dialogue and report back to the United Nations with actionable recommendations on what it would take to end the war. In Eswatini, we encourage that yield positive outcomes provide proving that dialogue is the cornerstone in nation building. We thank those countries already making means in finding solutions. This suggested approach It's not meant to undermine their efforts, but it would complement them as they are already working towards peaceful resolutions. We must avoid actions that could escalate tensions further and instead focus on saving innocent lives. Millions of lives have already been lost during the COVID-19 pandemic. We therefore cannot afford to lose any more to conflict. The UN must now focus on supporting the building of economies of the world to address issues of poverty and the global financial crisis, which we experienced after the COVID-19 pandemic. By investing in these areas, we can create conditions for lasting peace. We therefore need one another in building and supporting our development initiatives in our respective countries. The time for action is now. The UN was established in pursuit of international law and peace, and its mandate dates back decades. In 2025 and onwards, we must renew our commitment to this mission. By forming these ad hoc committees and making informed, inclusive decisions, we can work towards a world where peace prevails and no nation or people suffer needlessly. We have been calling for the restructuring of the United Nations as a body representing all member states. It must lead with decisions that are inclusive and widely respected, as no one will question the process taken. This These reforms should be fully representative of all countries through the regions of the world in the Security Council to create an all-inclusive structure. Without such reform, the legitimacy and effectiveness of this body will remain incomplete. We have been encouraged to witness UN high-level meetings prior to the General Assembly being held to address various issues. These include the Savel and Awaza declarations on financing for development and socio-economic challenges faced by landlocked countries. We are aware that for any growth to take place, nations must have enough resources to achieve sustainable development goals. As we convene to advance international cooperation and to uphold human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, we are reminded that our work is both urgent and indispensable. The theme, Better Together, underscores the imperative of delivering on the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and reinvigorating global cooperation. Eswatini continues to believe that working together remains our most powerful tool for addressing global challenges that transcend borders. The world stands at a critical juncture. in pursuit of Agenda 2030. With only five years remaining, we must face the reality that progress on the SDG is far off track. This is a sobering reminder that our collective efforts must be redoubled and that international solidarity, cooperation, and shared responsibility are more urgent than ever before. Through my national call to all Eswatini, to all eMatswatho of Ngwe for a greater sense of agency in the pursuit of sustainable development, the Kingdom has made important strides in advancing Agenda 2030, particularly in the areas of the economy, in various sectors, health, education, and gender equality, to mention a few. Furthermore, the country's literacy rates have improved, reflecting our investments in education, while the nation continues to be empowered through targeted programs that strengthen their role in our society and economy. These achievements demonstrate what is possible when determination and partnership come together. While we have witnessed the GDP growth of our economy, we remain with a number of challenges to address and we count on the UN for support to become one of the advanced economies of the world. We have implemented initiatives to grow our economy and attract new investments by opening trade opportunities with other countries that give access to regional and international markets. Your Excellencies, the Global economy remains fragile. Persistent inflation resulting in rising food and energy prices, as well as tightening financial conditions, have eroded fiscal space for many developing nations. Across sub-Saharan Africa, countries spend on average 12% of government revenues on debt servicing, diverting resources urgently needed for social cohesion programs. Eswatini also advocates for trade facilitation and economic diversification, simplifying customs procedures, reducing regulatory barriers, and enabling greater participation in regional and global value chains. In this regard, the African Continental Free Trade Area has the potential to boost intra-Africa trade by up to 52%, drive industrialization, and create millions of jobs. For countries like Eswatini, the AfTA offers more than market access. It provides a pathway to overcome geographic constraints through regional integration, cooperation, and efficient trade corridors. In an increasingly connected world, the Kingdom of Eswatini is actively striving for digital transformation as a catalyst for sustainable development. Eswatini is open for business in technology and looks forward to partnering and sharing experiences with other developed countries in advancing our technologies. Eswatini is proud of the significant progress achieved under Sustainable Development Goal 3, We welcome the progress made in the ratification of the pandemic treaty. This landmark agreement is essential for strengthening preparedness and resilience against future health emergencies, fostering effective and equitable cooperation. We remain deeply concerned about the decline in bilateral and multilateral support for global health priorities. Weakening our joint efforts threatens to erode decades of progress in this sector as health is a global security. The Kingdom of Eswatini recognizes that the increasing frequencies and intensify of natural disasters, emergencies, and protracted crises highlight the urgent need for integrated responses that bridge humanitarian relief, long-term development, and peacebuilding. We urgently need to strengthen disaster preparedness, build resilient communities, and integrate emergency responses with sustainable development. Eswatini, like other countries in the region, has many young and marginalized groups who face unemployment and inequality in various sectors. Ensuring empowerment, capacity building, and employment is our priority, and with the support of the UN programs, we are taking deliberate steps to provide a more enabling environment to guarantee their future. We equally recognize the rights and potential of persons with disabilities who continue to face disproportionate barriers to education, employment and social participation so that they can fully contribute to and benefit from national development. The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, adopted in 1971, did not address the issue of Taiwan's representation in the United Nations, and it does not preclude their participation in the UN system. The United Nations must seek suitable ways of including Taiwan so that she can better contribute to realizing the UN's Sustainable Development Goals. In that way, this will fulfill the UN mandate to ensure that no country is left behind. Madam. Madam President, in conclusion, we are entrusted with the hopes of our people and the future of our children. Let us not leave this Assembly without reaffirming our commitment to justice, peace and sustainable progress for all. The Kingdom of Eswatini stands ready to play its part. The international community must remain united in addressing shared global challenges from hunger and malnutrition to climate change under the guiding spirit of better together. I thank you. May almighty God bless us all.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the head of state of the Kingdom of Eswatini. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency. So now, to your left, President of the Republic of Palau. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madam President, Secretary-General, Excellencies, distinguished guests, delegates, it is my great honor to address this Assembly at a milestone moment, the 80th anniversary of the United Nations. Eighty years ago, nations scarred by war, came together to say, "Never again." They built this organization on the belief that cooperation, not conflict, could guide humanity forward. Today, as we reflect on that founding vision, let us remember the United Nations was not built for the powerful, but for all nations large and small. In Palau, we have a saying,. Small twigs banded together can light the fire that can bring the pot to boil. This wisdom reminds us that even the smallest among us, when united and determined, can drive meaningful change. The recent International Court of Justice advisory opinion affirms this truth that our voice, though often overlooked, carries the weight of justice. We thank Vanuatu for their leadership and recognize the Pacific youth who co-led this charge. The advisory opinion confirmed what we have always known. 1.5 degrees is not optional. It is now the benchmark for international law. Let us defend this limit as the political, moral, and legal anchor of the Paris Agreement. The world is at war. Defense spending is at an all-time high, approaching $3 trillion annually. We have many problems. And now more than ever, we need to come together. We are also at war. Our shores are being invaded by seawater. Our homes are being blown away by storms. Our roads are being washed away by torrential rains. Our reefs are overheating. Our fish are disappearing. And our land is on fire. This is our daily battle. And ahead of COP30 in Belem, we must see new nationally determined contributions submitted without delay, particularly from major emitters, and they must be aligned with the 1.5 degree trajectory. We applaud Australia's leadership in setting incredibly ambitious and achievable 2035 emissions reduction targets. and developing clear strategies to reach its net zero emissions pathway by 2050. Australia leads the way in supporting Pacific Islands in accelerating the energy transition. This is a testament to the kind of leadership needed to defend and ensure a safe and prosperous future for all. However, ambition without implementation is an empty promise. For SIDS, the fight depends on climate finance. Too often, our countries are trapped in systems that are overly complex, slow, inaccessible. Finance must be predictable and adequate. It should not create new debt. It should free us to implement our NDCs, adapt to climate change impacts, and address loss and damage. The 1.5 degrees Celsius limit remains our lifeline, and finance is the key to achieving it. We need investment, not in defense, but in for us to combat our greatest threat, climate change. It is not aspirational. It is scientifically, it is the scientifically grounded guardrail that protects the most vulnerable from the worst climate impacts. Madam President, our region has served as the world's moral compass on climate justice. We have helped secure the 1.5 degree goal in Paris. We have pushed for a mechanism on loss and damage. If the world is serious about 1.5, we urge you to come to our region to see with your own eyes what the Pacific is facing and be moved to act. That is why COP31 must be a Pacific COP, hosted by Australia, shaped in partnership with the Pacific. Madam President, on the issue of climate solutions, deep sea mining has been incorrectly promoted as a silver bullet for the climate crisis. If we rush forward without understanding the consequences, we risk inflicting irreparable harm. The loss of biodiversity, the release of carbon, damage to our water column, and the destruction of fisheries that sustain our people is unfathomable. At UNOC3, 38 countries, including Palau, came together to support a moratorium, and our message is clear. We must let science guide before we exploit the deep sea. The historic BBNJ agreement enters into force in January. And while Palau is proud to be the first ratifier, we couldn't have lit this fire alone. Like the Palauan proverb of the twigs, Crossing the collective effort of over 60 countries demonstrates that we are better together. While we celebrate this achievement, we need even more nations to join this commitment to truly safeguard our ocean's future. Colleagues, the BBNJ agreement presents an unprecedented opportunity to design new ocean governance new ocean governance institutions where SIDS have a voice from the start. We are big ocean states, and we call on our partners, including the EU, to support a SIDS seat in the BBNJ governance structure. Excellencies, the stakes for SIDS could not be higher. Our economies are small, our vulnerabilities are acute, and our physical space is painfully narrow. The Antigua and Barbuda agenda for SIDS gives us a blueprint for resilient prosperity, but it cannot stand without tools. That is why the Seville commitment matters. The world has finally recognized that the financial system cannot be fair if it measures only income and ignores vulnerability. Multilateralism is our only shield, yet too often it is sidelined, blacklisted, and cut off from finance and boxed in by rules we did not write. We demand a seat, not as bystanders, but as equal architects of our shared future. We call for the full and immediate integration of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index into the policies and frameworks of international financial institutions, multilateral development banks, and international organizations. It is time that we move the MVI from theory to practice. As we commemorate 80 years of this United Nations, we must look honestly at the strengths and its shortcomings. We welcome the Secretary-General's UN80 initiative, but let me be clear, reform cannot be cosmetic. This UN must be more responsive, more equitable, and more focused on delivery. Madam President, Palau knows too well the heavy cost of war, having endured the devastation of World War II on our islands. That history reminds us not only of the suffering left in the wake of conflict, but also the sacred value of peace. Palau has always stood for dignity of every human life and for the peaceful resolution of disputes through dialogue and respect for international law. Our positions, whether in support or restraint, are always guided by a deeper purpose, the pursuit of peace. that is just, lasting, and stable. We believe that a durable solution, one that envisions two peoples, Israelis and Palestinians, living in two democratic states, side by side, in peace and in dignity and security within mutually recognized borders, is essential for lasting peace. Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine is a stark reminder that when international law is disregarded, peace everywhere is placed at risk. It is only through respect for the rules-based order that all nations, large and small, can live securely. Continuing in that spirit, of respect for life and stability, I must raise an important issue of principle. Years ago, China wrongly interpreted UNGA Resolution 2758, and today it continues to claim that Taiwan is a part of the People's Republic. The end result has been Taiwan been silenced, the 23 million people's voices have been kept unheard, keeping Taiwan out of fully participating in the UN system and contributing to the world. Palau believes that inclusivity, which includes Taiwan, strengthens the United Nations, and that no community should be barred from contributing to the solutions of our world that it so desperately needs. Madam President, let me close with another Palauan proverb. It's about tides. An incoming tide should lift everyone. The choices we make together are about lifting all of us, ensuring the next generation inherits a world that sustains them just as it has sustained us. As we face today's greatest challenges, climate change, ocean decline, debt, inequality, wars, and conflict, No nation can carry the weight alone. But together, guided by the spirit of the UN's founding and strengthened by 80 years of hard-learned lessons, we can turn the tide. Let this Assembly be remembered not only for the words we speak, but for the actions we take and for the resilience we build. the justice we uphold, and the future we secure for the generations yet to be born. We are better together. God bless you. Sulang, thank you.

On behalf of the

Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Palau. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Ilham Aliyev, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, I spoke from this tribune about tragedies of aggression, occupation, and injustice experienced by Azerbaijan. Today, I will speak about our long road to victory and peace, and a new era in Azerbaijan's history, about how we managed to end the occupation through a liberation war and how we won peace by political means. For nearly three decades, almost 20% of Azerbaijan's sovereign territory remained under military occupation by Armenia. One million of Azerbaijanis were expelled from their homes as a result of the policy of ethnic cleansing and war crimes conducted by Armenia. Their fundamental human rights were grossly violated. Four United Nations Security Council resolutions adopted in 1993 demanded immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of Armenian armed forces from the occupied territories. Sadly, these resolutions were never implemented. Armenia demonstratively ignored them because no sanctions were imposed on it by the international community. The OSCE Minsk Group, established in 1992 to facilitate a settlement, has failed in its mission. Instead of enforcing the norms and principles of international law, its co-chairs sought to preserve the status quo and keep the conflict frozen. In 2020, after almost 30 years of ineffective negotiations, Azerbaijan was forced to exercise its legitimate right to self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. During the war, Armenia shelled our towns and cities with ballistic missiles and cluster munitions, killing more than a hundred of innocent civilians. Azerbaijan, in its turn, conducted the war in strict compliance with international humanitarian law. We ensured protection of civilians and refrained from targeting non-military infrastructure. In 44-day patriotic war, our armed forces liberated occupied territories and restored Azerbaijan's territorial integrity in accordance with international law and relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The 10 November 2020 marked the capitulation of Armenia and restoration of Azerbaijan's territorial integrity after nearly 30 years of occupation. Right after our victorious war, Azerbaijan declared its readiness to open a new page in relations with Armenia based on mutual recognition of territorial integrity and sovereignty. We proposed five basic principles rooted in international law. We tabled the proposal for a peace treaty. Then we initiated a negotiation process on its draft text, which lasted from October 2022 to summer 2025. Despite several attempts to derail the process, The negotiations produced positive results as they were conducted on a strict bilateral basis, free from any kind of external interference. On August 8th this year, the foreign ministers of Azerbaijan and Armenia in Washington, in the White House, in presence of the leaders of the United States, Azerbaijan and Armenia, initialed the text of peace agreement. The same day, The President of Azerbaijan and the Prime Minister of Armenia signed the joint declaration. President of the United States Donald Trump also signed it as a witness. Moreover, Azerbaijan and Armenia jointly appealed for the closure of the OSCE Minsk Group and related structures as an obsolete mechanism no longer relevant to the peace process. Accordingly, on 1 September, the OIC adopted a decision to permanently close these structures. Regional connectivity has been at the core of our vision for lasting peace. Another key outcome of the Washington Summit is the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity, TRIP. which will ensure unimpeded access through the Zangezur Corridor and foster regional connectivity. The recent Washington summit has also signaled a new phase in Azerbaijan-U.S. relationship. Together with President Trump, we signed the memorandum of understanding between the two governments regarding the establishment of a strategic working group to develop a charter on strategic partnership between Azerbaijan and the United States. It opens new horizons for partnership in political, economic, energy, regional connectivity, defense, security, and other fields. The waiver by President Trump of the sanctions imposed on Azerbaijan in 1992 in the form of the Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act is a historic step as well. The permanent removal of Section 907 by the U.S. Congress would eliminate a legacy of double standards and help strengthen trust and cooperation at a time when Azerbaijan is contributing to global security and stability. Overall, the agreements reached during my August visit to the United States carry historic significance. I want to express my gratitude to President Donald Trump for opening a new chapter in the U.S.-Azerbaijan relationship, for his decision to elevate it to the strategic partnership level, and for his support to the peace process between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Right after the victory in the Patriotic War of 2020, Azerbaijan started large-scale reconstruction program in the liberated territories. During the time of occupation, Armenia leveled to the ground hundreds of Azerbaijani cities and villages, deliberately ruined 65 mosques. That was a policy of Armenia, which was ruled by war criminals for almost 30 years. We are rebuilding villages and cities razed to the ground. Under the Great Return Program, already more than 50,000 people live work, and study in the liberated territories. One of the gravest humanitarian challenges facing Azerbaijan in the post-conflict period is landmine contamination during the time of Armenian occupation. Since November 2020, more than 400 Azerbaijani civilians and military personnel were killed or seriously injured by landmine explosions. This massive contamination obstructs the safe return of displaced persons and delays reconstruction projects. Similarly, the tragic fate of nearly 4,000 Azerbaijanis who went missing during the Armenian aggression and occupation since the early 90s continue to require close attention and action. Ladies and gentlemen, Coming to the global challenges we are facing, we believe that response must be inclusive, fair, and universal. Through its many initiatives, Azerbaijan shown its clear commitment to advancing sustainable solutions. Azerbaijan is proud to have hosted COP29 last year, where we achieved important outcomes in advancing climate action, the green transition, and equitable access to financing. As a host of COP29, we guided negotiations towards ambitious and balanced outcomes, ensuring that all voices, particularly those of the developing world, were heard. The adoption of the new collective quantified goal at COP29, also known as Baku Finance Goal, is a historic milestone in global climate finance. This commitment brings previous 100 billion US dollar annual climate finance goal to at least 300 billion US dollar per year through 2035 from public sources in developed countries to developing countries. Azerbaijan also successfully finalized the long-awaited framework for carbon markets under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, making the Paris Agreement fully operational nine years after its adoption. Several key agreements were signed at COP29 to make the Loss and Damage Fund fully operational, providing critical support for vulnerable communities impacted by climate change. Being strongly committed to the green transition, we at the same time should not put unrealistic targets in front of us. The world cannot live without fossil fuels today and in foreseeable future. Energy security is closely linked to peace, regional connectivity, and economic development. Azerbaijan continues to play a proactive role in advancing these objectives globally. Azerbaijan has established itself as a reliable and indispensable partner in providing energy security to many countries. We play a strategic role connecting the Caspian region with international markets through diversified oil and gas pipeline systems. As of today, we are supplying natural gas to 14 countries. This ranks Azerbaijan as a top country in the world in terms of number of countries it supplies with pipeline gas. This reflects our strategic role in enhancing energy security and diversifying supply routes across Europe and beyond. Moreover, Azerbaijan and Syria have recently strengthened their bilateral partnership, focusing on energy supply, infrastructure development, and post-conflict reconstruction. Since August this year, Azerbaijan started to supply Syria with natural gas via Turkey, significantly reducing its electricity shortages. Azerbaijan also attracts large investments in renewable energy sources, like solar, wind, and hydropower. Almost 40% of our energy will be generated by renewables by 2030. Connectivity projects like East-West and North-South corridors cross our country. We have witnessed almost 90% growth in cargo volumes through the Middle Corridor since 2022. The transit time along the corridor have been significantly reduced. The biggest trade fleet in the Caspian, Alat International Trade Port with its annual capacity reaching 25 million tons in the near future, the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railroad, nine international airports, the biggest air cargo company in the region, and many other factors have turned Azerbaijan into one of international transport hubs. There is a great potential for cooperation in digital connectivity. Azerbaijan leads the digital transformation initiative through such ambitious projects as the Digital Silk Way. This project includes plans for the advanced fiber optic cable network under the Caspian Sea, establishing Azerbaijan as a key regional digital hub. Azerbaijan achieved significant economic growth by focusing on diversifying its economy beyond oil and gas, developing the non-oil sector, and improving the investment climate through reforms and transparency. Reducing poverty and unemployment to the historic low of 5% is another achievement of our country. Recently, two major international rating agencies, Moody's and Fitch, have increased Azerbaijan's ranking. Azerbaijan was provided with favorable investment grade status, citing very strong external balance, low public debt, and substantial sovereign wealth assets as a key strength. This underscores our economic resilience, strong fiscal discipline, and favorable investment climate. Our foreign debt is only 6.5% of GDP, which is one of the lowest in the world. Azerbaijan's foreign exchange reserves exceed its foreign debt almost 16 times. Back in 2022, at the summit of the Caspian littoral states, I raised the issue of environmental degradation of the Caspian Sea. Today's situation is much worse. Caspian Sea is shrinking rapidly. The main reason is not climate change. Joint efforts of littoral states are needed to stop ecological catastrophe with unpredictable consequences. Azerbaijan is also ready to cooperate closely with the UN to tackle this problem. Ladies and gentlemen, Azerbaijan is proud of its global humanitarian assistance efforts. We are providing aid to countries affected by natural disasters, conflicts, and public health emergencies. Azerbaijan contributed to the COVID-19 response, donating financing, protective equipment, medical devices, and vaccines to more than 80 countries in need. Azerbaijan has entered a new era. We won both war and peace. We ended the occupation and started reconstruction. Justice has triumphed. Sovereignty has been consolidated. And peace is de facto reached. We stand prepared to share our positive experience. The achievements of the recent years are not only a victory and success of Azerbaijan. They are also a demonstration that international law must ultimately prevail. Our vision is clear. Peace and development based upon international law, non-interference in internal affairs of states, mutual respect and cooperation. Let us together build a world without double standards, where justice is not selective, the rule of law is respected, And peace is achieved not through words alone, but through actions. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The Assembly will hear and address by His Excellency, as you call,. Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. Chairman, Secretary-General, Dear colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, to start with the theme of this year's session of the United Nations General Assembly, Better Together, 80 years and more for peace, development and human rights, allow me to express my congratulations to the United Nations from this important place on behalf of Bosnia and Herzegovina and all its citizens. The UN is celebrating 80 years since its founding, and at the same time 80 years of continuous work on the fundamental goal of this organization. That goal is to secure and maintain peace in the world. History will give the final judgment on how successful the UN has been in the past. as well as on the results of the work and participation of several generations in the United Nations itself, its bodies and organizations. At the same time, I believe it is important to clearly express our common position today. Peace in every part of the world has no alternative. We must continue to work together persistently on this. I would like to believe that we all share the same positive opinion, that we must protect peace in every part of the world. However, reality and what is happening today in different parts of our planet clearly show us that world peace is often not in the interest of certain geopolitical actors. For them, conflict or war is a means to realize their own political and economic interests. These interests largely diverge from the goals set out in the United Nations Charter. If we add to this the fact that attempts are being made to change the borders of states around the world by means of armed force in a manner that is contrary to the United Nations Charter, we can draw a simple conclusion: international law is not applied equally to all states that are subject of that very international law. We have been witnessing that in the past period certain armed conflicts have been deliberately provoked. What follows is the use of significant armed force, which a state with a smaller or weaker armed forces simply cannot resist. After that, the attacked state is required to sit at the negotiating table and sign a waiver of parts of its territory, ostensibly in the name of peace, but in reality in the name of force. I believe that all of us in this room know that the United Nations Charter allows for the changing of state borders. However, this can only be done by voluntary agreement between states. Armed forces or political pressure backed by armed forces cannot be used. However, if armed force is used to force the other side to agree to an imposed agreement in which it loses part of its territory, then there is no good and sincere will. Only coercion is present, which is contrary to several acts of international law. In this particular case, I'm speaking of Ukraine. and the pressures it is under as a sovereign state. These pressures require Ukraine to give up parts of its territory in order to achieve a supposedly lasting and sustainable peace. Are we, in this particular case, participants in a change in the world order? In such an order, peace is not set as the ultimate goal. On the contrary, war and armed force appear as a legitimate means to achieve the political goals of major geopolitical actors. Changing international borders through the use of armed force creates political pressure to force a state to give up parts of its territory. This creates a dangerous precedent in international law, which can easily become the rule. Ultimately, it means living in an unstable world in which peace no longer has value. This is certainly not the desired outcome. Such a thing cannot be justified by any provision of the United Nations Charter or other acts of international law. Today, we have an equally unwanted situation in the Gaza Strip. There, such violence is perpetrated against the local population, which in its form indicates the existence of several elements of genocide, as established in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Let us recall. In addition to the fact that genocide represents the physical liquidation or removal of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group from a certain territory, it can also be committed in the event that such difficult living conditions are consciously imposed on that same national, ethnic, racial, or religious group that threaten to ultimately destroy that group completely in a certain territory. Ultimately, such an aggressive genocidal approach is used as a means to forcibly occupy and take over territory. Under international law, these territories cannot belong to those who initiate and produce aggression. However, this is exactly what is happening in the Gaza Strip today. In Gaza, the people of Palestine face these two elements of genocide prescribed by the aforementioned Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. A part of the world's political public closes its eyes and keeps silent about this extremely terrible fact. There is no political interest or even economic interest motivated by the intention to exploit natural resources such as oil or natural gas in that part of the Mediterranean, which could justify such a high level of genocidal violence against the local Palestinian population. Such violence is unjustified and unacceptable. Equally unacceptable is the silence and occasional approval that comes from various political circles around the world. What kind of peace, development or protection of human rights can we even talk about if this kind of violence is allowed, violence with forms of genocide against the Palestinian people? Does something like that mean that the political interests of individual countries or the interests of corporate capital are stronger and more important than our common obligation to protect peace in every part of the world and the human rights of every individual in the world? This obligation is a prerequisite for the development and self-sustainability of various societies. This is a major challenge that we are facing today, and we cannot run away from that challenge. We must not continuously silence this interest for the sake of some higher opportunistic interests. Let us just remember the phrase: Silence is actually an expression of either cowardice or approval of cowardice. Dear Sir, allow me to briefly say something about my country, Bosnia and Herzegovina. A little more than 30 years ago, Bosnia and Herzegovina was faced with aggression coming from neighboring countries. At that time, the United Nations formed a peacekeeping military force called UNPROFOR, with the participation of countries that expressed interest in such endeavour. The role of UNPROFOR was such that they were, to a large extent, mere observers of a series of war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and ultimately genocide committed by the aggressors of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Of course, there were also positive examples of UNPROFOR's activities, which should certainly not be forgotten, and we are sincerely grateful for that. Unfortunately, a stain remains on that United Nations mission. Certain UNPROFOR commanders did not want to activate air strikes in order to prevent ethnic cleansing, especially the genocide committed in Srebrenica in July 1995. Unfortunately, genocide was committed in Srebrenica. Hundreds of thousands of citizens throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina lost their lives during the aggression. Many more were injured, and more than a million citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were displaced around the world. I would like to briefly remind you that the International Criminal Court in The Hague, established by these very United Nations, has found the guilt of several individuals for committing genocide, as well as the existence of a series of joint criminal endeavours. ethnic cleansing with the creation of ethnically pure parts of the territory in Bosnia and Herzegovina. in order to separate these parts from Bosnia and Herzegovina and annex them to neighboring states. A little over a year ago, here at the United Nations, we worked together on the adoption of the resolution on the genocide committed in Srebrenica. I consider that a major step forward and an important document, not only for Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also more widely. The strength of that resolution lies in its intention to prevent the possible commission of some new genocides, which could happen anywhere in the world. Although we were faced with lobbying from several countries not to adopt such a resolution, it was nevertheless passed. This created a new environment of preventive action through a culture of remembrance, so that genocide, the most terrible war crime, would never happen again. This is when we realized that there were states that, for their own political reasons or political convenience, were not ready to support the text of that resolution. That text is based on the rulings of the International Criminal Court in The Hague, which, I repeat once again, was founded by the United Nations. made such a refusal to support the text of the resolution serve to honour of those who lobbied against its adoption and those who did not give clear support to the resolution. I would like to remind you that during that period, in the '90s, the international community, through the United Nations, imposed an embargo on Bosnia and Herzegovina on the purchase of defensive weapons. This prevented the defence of our country from double aggression. In any case, defense would significantly shorten the duration of the war and many lives would have been saved because a peace agreement would be reached much sooner. A necessary condition for a peace agreement was the creation of a balance of military power between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the two neighboring countries that committed the aggression. Due to that embargo, the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina lasted for almost four years and a large number of human lives were unnecessarily lost. Such a war ended with the signing of the Dayton-Paris peace agreement. That agreement brought the necessary peace and we are grateful for that. However, at the same time, it created such a sui generis political system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which today, 30 days after its creation, poses a problem for the normal functioning of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such a political system does not contain democracy, but a deviant form of democracy, a form that is unheard of in practice anywhere in the world. Ethnicity is put to the fore and basic human rights are completely denied. At the same time, democracy is undermined to such an extent that it almost no longer exists. We can call this political system an incident political system, which is constantly destabilizing the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Why am I even mentioning democracy right here? For at least two reasons. The first reason is that states that opt for democracy and its principles should have the opportunity to fully implement that democracy within their own borders. we must be fully aware that there are a number of states that, for their own reasons, be it historical, cultural or religious reasons, do not want democracy and its principles. Bosnia and Herzegovina has clearly opted for democracy and the transition from the previous political system to a new democratic political system. However, this is continuously being prevented in reality through elements of the political system established by the Dayton, Paris peace agreement. The second reason I mentioned is that after facing an embargo on the import of defensive weapons during the 90s, Bosnia and Herzegovina is now facing an embargo on democracy. Some actors from the international community are trying to ensure this through their political and diplomatic activities and resources. So after we had an embargo on defense, today we have an embargo on democracy and democratic development of Bosnia and Herzegovina. How else to explain such activity by that part of the international community? They're trying in various ways to ensure this incidental political system in which the minority governs the majority. This undermines one of the fundamental principles of democracy, which requires a system in which the political majority should actually govern the state. That is not the case in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aforementioned actors describe this as an alleged distribution of political power between ethnic communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, that undermines democracy so much at its root that it almost no longer exists in my country. What does exist, however, is something simply called ethnocracy, in which a political minority rules the state. This current deviant political system makes this possible. Are such actors of the international community trying to ban or impose an embargo on democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina because of its demographic picture? Are they trying to create a situation to reopen talks on Bosnia and Herzegovina with an uncertain outcome for its existence within its current borders? These questions remain open. I would like to remind you here that without democracy, there is no rule of law. Without the rule of law, there is no protection of individual human rights. An argument for such action by a part of the international community may be the so-called Kovacevic case before the European Court of Human Rights. This case is unknown to you, perhaps unimportant to you, but it is extremely important to us in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is a case in which the appellant sought simple, justified, and logical protection of his active rights to vote, which was denied to him. The case was resolved in favour of the appellant, Mr. Kovacevic, in the first instance. The court also found the existence of ethno-territorial discrimination. However, a part of the international community invested enormous diplomatic and financial efforts in its attempt to annul the verdict during the second instance proceedings. One of the countries, which is completely incomprehensible and unacceptable, made a financial donation to the European Court of Human Rights. That country later came forward in the same case as an interested party. This is an expression of classic political corruption. Because of all this, a logical question arises here: can the judgments of international courts be bought? Are they for sale? The High Representative of the International Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina actively participated in overturning that verdict. Also, he was not given such powers by the Dayton Peace Agreement. He also invested enormous financial resources from unknown sources. He did not have the necessary consent of the Peace Implementation Council for such actions. So, a completely identical situation occurred as with the adoption of the resolution on the genocide in Srebrenica. Some countries tried to negate the judgment of the International Criminal Court in The Hague by lobbying against the resolution. In the case that I am now citing as an example, some other countries tried and are still trying to annul the judgment through their own lobbying and broader diplomatic activity. This leads us to the conclusion that there is a part of the international community that simply does not allow democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yesterday, we faced an embargo on weapons necessary for the defense of our country. Today, we have an embargo on democracy and human rights. Therefore, I would like to briefly remind you of another United Nations document called the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This document guarantees, among other things, to vote and to be elected at periodic elections, which shall be held by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, with the guarantee of free expression of the will of each voter. Unfortunately, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we are not allowed to do this. the international community is making great efforts to preserve discrimination and deny democracy. The result is the lack of the rule of law, as well as insufficient and almost no protection of individual human rights. The logical conclusion that arises is the following: Democracy, as well as the right to defend the country, are privileges whose application is determined and enabled by political elites from larger and richer countries. Small countries and poor countries can only receive as much democracy as those who are larger and richer allow them to get. That is certainly not an expression of equality. that we should all strive for today. Here we come to the issue of human rights. To be more precise, I'm referring to the equality of every individual in their own country and beyond. This particularly concerns the right of every person to participate equally and as they wish in every aspect of social life in their country. We have a whole series of documents of acts or acts of international law that guarantee such rights. This, therefore, raises an open question. Are we prepared to be consistent or persistent in protecting individual human rights in any part of the world using the tools that the aforementioned international documents provide us with? Every issue of human rights protection begins with a fight against discrimination or any form of inequality of individuals in all their rights guaranteed to them by international law. The logical continuation of this are the documents or laws in different countries. Discrimination in any form is prohibited by international law. Unfortunately, very often we encounter situations where discrimination is silenced and even encouraged. Speaking from the perspective of Bosnia and Herzegovina, we have five judgments of the European Court of Human Rights that establish the existence of discrimination against citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina based on their ethnic origin or place of residence. Some of the political elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as part of the international community present in Bosnia and Herzegovina, do not want to accept these verdicts or implement them through constitutional amendments. Therefore, the five aforementioned judgments of the European Court of Human Rights have not been implemented. The aforementioned sixth judgment in the case seeking the rejection of ethno-territorial discrimination was overturned, thanks to pressure, donations, and similar actions by certain countries. The person who was authorized by the peace agreement to implement that very peace agreement and to protect all aspects of that agreement also participated in this. This includes all acts of international law that speak of human rights. All of this leads us to difficult questions and even more difficult answers. Are human rights and the protection of the same privileges of the larger and wealthier societies and states, while those that are smaller and poorer are consciously and internationally bypassed in the protection of human rights. It starts from the right to life, all the way to the right to equality and democracy. Finally, let me emphasize that we can only respond to all three open questions which are the subject of this session of the United Nations General Assembly through consistency and principled insistence on the protection of peace. Only in this way can we create the conditions for the unhindered development of societies in the member states of the United Nations and act together as active protectors of human rights in all parts of the world. Without that consistency on those issues, we will once again be just a group expressing concern over deviant phenomena in the world, such as wars, violent border changes, genocide and war crimes, denial of human rights. In fact, we will do nothing more than express our concern. The consistency I'm referring to means complete determination to confront various deviant phenomena in the world through the tools provided to us by international law. We must be resolute and unwavering in our intentions to protect the fundamental values of the United Nations without making any distinction between States as subjects of international law. Within this determination, I call upon you to do the following: Let us not differentiate between ourselves, dividing us into large and small countries, rich and poor. Together, as an organization, let us actively seek and facilitate solutions to all the outstanding issues that arise in the world. Peace is not a privilege. Peace is an obligation of all of us, which we must ensure at all times and in all places. Likewise, human rights are not a privilege. Human rights are a permanent civilizational obligation which we must continuously fulfill. This is certainly an ongoing challenge, one that generations before us have faced and that generations after us will keep facing. Our mission is to leave them a better world than the one we live in now. Such a goal requires persistent and continuous active work. Ladies and gentlemen, Your Excellencies, thank you for your attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We shall now continue the general debate. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Theodore Ngoma Obiang Mangue, Vice President in charge of National Defense of State Security of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly. Excellentissima.

Your Excellency, Ms. Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Heads of State and Government, Heads of Delegations, Excellencies, Your Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, I am honored to take the floor on behalf of His Excellency Obiang Mba Mbasso, President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, to share with you my country's most dearly held convictions at this 80th session of the General Assembly, being held at a time in which the world is calling for a fairer, more equitable and effective international system. Madam President, 80 years ago, the founding states established this organization, aspiring to build a multilateral system based on cooperation, respect for international law, and the dignity of all human beings. This commitment was enshrined in the United Nations Charter. That Charter remains a lodestar for states' collective action. Today, under the theme Better Together, 80 years and more for peace, development and human rights, we celebrate important achievements. The UN, over these eight decades, has been a universal forum for dialogue and a space for international cooperation. It has helped to avoid conflicts. It has supported decolonization processes. It has promoted sustainable development. And it has served to pique our moral conscience in service of human rights. However, this anniversary must serve as an opportunity for critical self-reflection. It would be a mistake to simply mark the anniversary and not to recognize the woeful shortcomings of our multilateral system. Excellencies, The peoples of the world trust in the United Nations to tackle the major challenges of our time: armed conflicts, violence, climate change, growing inequalities, migration crises, cyber threats, and the lack of technological transfer are all some of these challenges. However, all too often, the response provided to those challenges has fallen short. The United Nations has been brought to a standstill by individual interests and straitjacketed by an institutional platform which no longer reflects the reality of today's world. Talking about leaving no one behind becomes meaningless if millions remain marginalized in systems of dependency and exclusion. The Security Council, the body responsible for upholding international peace and security, is perhaps the clearest example of the extent to which the United Nations is out of step Eight years after its inception, the UN's membership structure remains rooted in the geopolitical state of play we had in 1945 and not that we see in the 21st century. Consequently, the United Nations legitimacy and representativeness are quite rightly called into question. Security Council reform is an urgent need. Without that reform, the Security Council will continue to be perceived as an exclusive club of historical privileges, powerless to respond legitimately to current threats. Africa is demanding what is hers by right: full and permanent representation on the most important security organ in the world. We want to see an international governance system which serves the interests of all of us, not those of an elite. We demand a Security Council which represents the world of today, not the world of yesterday. let us take real steps forward towards collective action which is more democratic, more equitable and effective. If not, we risk finding ourselves with a United Nations which is increasingly on the sidelines and one which holds less and less weight in the international arena. Our commitment with this organization remains intact. We believe in the United Nations. We believe in the strength of international law and the force it holds. We believe in international cooperation as the only way to address challenges which no nation, however powerful it may be, can resolve alone. Our commitment is not unthinking, rather it must be rewarded with results, reforms and a UN that can move with the times. On this anniversary, we must recall that peace, development and human rights are inextricable pillars. Peace is not sustainable without development. Development is false if it is not rooted in dignity and rights for all. As such, let us state here again that we remain steadfast in our support for Agenda 2030, despite the fact that we recognize difficulties and delays in its implementation. Agenda 2030 is a collective commitment which reflects our desire to to build a world free of poverty, free of hunger, and with dignity for all. However, we have less than a decade to fulfill it, and the pace of progress is all too slow. Excellencies, climate change is the greatest threat of our age. The most vulnerable nations pay a disproportionate price for climate change. At the same time, major emitters drag their heels with commitments. Climate justice is not a token gesture. It is a moral and legal obligation. Equatorial Guinea also defends the principle of sovereignty between states. Every people has the right to design its own development model, free of interference and arbitrary sanctions which undermine their independence. We must believe in a world of peace and create one, a world in which no country is considered an enemy for being the friend of another. Allow me to share with you a recent example of the contribution that Equatorial Guinea makes to international peace. The historic agreement reached with the Republic of Gabon on the sovereignty of the Mbanje, Cocoteras, and Conga Islands. For decades, His Excellency Obiang Nguema Mbasogo handled this dispute with patience and dialogue. until it was resolved peacefully before the International Court of Justice. This case has not only created a historic precedent on the African continent. Rather, it demonstrates also that conflicts can be resolved in accordance with the spirit of the UN Charter and in line with states' political will. Excellencies, promoting human dignity is a shared responsibility. Equatorial Guinea reaffirms its commitment to the protection of the rights of the child and those of persons with a disability. Rights to food security, housing, drinking water, and the sovereign exploitation of natural resources are an inextricable part of human rights as a whole. Without dignity that comes through material comfort, freedom is an empty ideal. faithful to the principles of an inclusive international community, we insist that the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed on the Republic of Cuba be lifted. Keeping such measures in place not only gravely affects the development of a sovereign nation, it also runs counter to the fundamental principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Excellencies, To conclude, allow me also to address businessmen and women. I wish to invite them to come and discover Equatorial Guinea as a safe destination and one which is very attractive for investment. Our country offers a climate of political stability, fiscal incentives and a clear vision of the future. through our 2035 development agenda. We encourage you to accompany us on this journey, a journey which will not only generate shared dividends, but which will also consolidate the inclusive and sustainable development of our nation. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President in charge of National Defense and State Security of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. The Assembly will hear an address by Her Excellency Josephine Joseph Rago, Vice President of the Republic of South Sudan. I request protocol to escort Her Excellency and invite her to address the Assembly.

Madam President, Excellencies, Heads of States and Government, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, I bring you warm greetings and best wishes from my President, His Excellency Salva Kiir Mayardit, the President of the Republic of South Sudan. I also bring you greetings from the Government and the people of South Sudan, a message of peace, unity, development, and unwavering commitment to global partnership. I wish to extend my sincere congratulations to you, Madam President, on your election to preside over the 80th session of this esteemed Assembly. I also express appreciation to the General Secretary, Antonio Guterres, for his steadfast commitment to advancing the principles and objectives of the United Nations. The theme of this year's session, Better Together, 80 Years and More for Peace, Development and Human Rights, resonates with objectives and aspirations of our country. South Sudan is the youngest country in the world and the 193rd member of the United Nations. After 50 years of brutal armed liberation struggle, it gained independence in 2011. Unfortunately, two years later, the country descended into an internal civil war. With the support of regional and international community, a peace agreement was signed between the warring parties in 2018, known as the Revitalized Agreement for the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan. This led to the formation of the current Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity, a coalition government comprising the warring parties other peace partners and stakeholders. The peace agreement has provisions on governance structure, security sector reforms, transitional justice mechanism, economic sector reforms, and truth and reconciliation commission. The agreement also stipulates 35% affirmative action on women representation at national, state, as well as local government levels. The presidency consists of a president and five vice presidents, two of whom are female, thus achieving 40% of female representation at the highest level of government. In the first phase, the unified forces have been trained, some of the forces have

deployed and the rest are waiting deployment. The second phase of the security sector reforms is due to start imminently this October 2025. This will complete the second phase of the second protocol of the agreement. Other protocols, including public finance management reforms, are ongoing. Transitional justice mechanisms are in progress, and a truth and reconciliation commission will be established under the auspices of the African Union. Although the implementation of the peace agreement has been slower than we would have wanted due to financial constraints, some of the members of the international community have been contributing in kind. On the whole, the implementation of the peace agreement is about 60% executed. The agreement has held for seven years, and a relative peace has been attained, thus giving hope to our people. Many South Sudanese have returned from the neighboring countries and the diaspora and are rebuilding their lives and contributing to national development. Work is ongoing, including preparations for general elections in December 2026. Until recently, the permanent cessation of hostilities was observed and relative peace attained throughout the country. Climate change and environmental sustainability. South Sudan is one of the countries adversely affected by the impact of climate change, despite contributing minimally to global emissions. For the last five years, our country has suffered recurrent floods on the one hand and prolonged droughts on the other, thus contributing to crop failures, biodiversity loss, and mass displacement. These challenges intensify food insecurity, undermine livelihood support, and threaten social stability. In this regard, the government of the Republic of South Sudan calls on equitable and predictable climate financing to strengthen adaptation and resilience. The Paris Agreement and subsequent COP summits made commitments which must be honored. South Sudan requires support in technology transfer, capacity building, and foreign direct investment in national frameworks such as the South Sudan Development Plan, Nationally Determined Contribution, and National Adaptation Plan. This support is essential to address the intertwined challenges of development and environmental stability. The global community cannot afford to ignore climate injustice. Collective action is imperative for these challenges, which transcend national borders, to be addressed effectively. South Sudan has embarked on planting of 100 million trees by 2030. expanding renewable energy generation, and strengthening water infrastructure with women, youth, and people with disabilities at the center of these efforts. Our commitments to sustainable development goals. At independence, South Sudan inherited rudimentary state structures and hardly any infrastructures, such as roads, electricity, We inherited poor healthcare, inadequate educational infrastructure, abject poverty, and food insecurity. The SDGs are aligned to our national priorities. For example, each vice president is in charge of a cluster which includes governance cluster, economic cluster, service delivery cluster, infrastructure cluster, and gender, youth, and humanitarian cluster. Madam President, the 2030 Agenda remains a vital framework for peace and prosperity. South Sudan has made some remarkable progress in agricultural transformation, including commercialization and value addition, which will create jobs for women and youth, including in crop production, livestock, and fisheries. This will enable people to produce their own food rather than relying on imported foods. Our policy is, let us produce what we eat. And as a consequence, some states in our country now are self-sufficient in food production. which contributes imminently to reduction of poverty, thus the attainment of SDG 1 and SDG 2. In collaboration with our development partners, government is providing healthcare, building healthcare infrastructure, improving maternal and child care, raising awareness about communicable diseases, and providing vaccinations for diseases such as cholera, mpox, and malaria. Access to clean water and sanitation is being improved. As part of the Health Sector Transformation Program, we aim to attain universal health care for all in South Sudan. The recent pandemic outbreaks around the world revealed the agencies of strengthening health systems and equitable vaccine access. South Sudan advocates for global health framework that prioritizes preparedness for pandemics and embraces health as a universal human right. In his latest statement to Parliament in June 2025, His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit identified education as a key priority area for the government. There is improved enrollment in primary schools and secondary schools, and many young people are aspiring now to go to universities and colleges. Enrollment has risen from 300,000 to 2.1 million children with gender parity in primary schools nearly achieved. This is a remarkable national achievement. There is focus on teacher education to improve the overall quality of education. Despite these efforts and achievements, 2.8 million of our children are still out of school. South Sudan has expanded programs to promote girls' enrollment and retention in schools while investing in technical and vocational skills training for women and youth. Our government would like to take this opportunity to appreciate all those countries that have offered scholarships for our young people to study in their countries, and those supporting girls' education in particular and vocational training to provide employable skills for our young people. But more clearly needs to be done. South Sudan is a young population. Over 60% of the population is under the age of 30 years. In any society, the youth are the future of the country and the future of the society. Our youth are a source of great pride. South Sudan's recent participation in the Olympic Games in Paris last year was a unifying moment for the people of South Sudan and Africa at large. South Sudan athletes showcased talent, discipline, and resilience, embodying the spirit of a nation determined to rise. Sports have become a powerful force for unity, inspiring hope and bringing communities together across our young nation. The South Sudan basketball team emerged as the best team in the continent of Africa during the last Olympic Games and nearly beat the defending champion in the world. Since independence and in line with the transitional constitution 2011 as amended, we have taken steps to integrate gender equality into our governance and development agenda. Notably, South Sudan has enshrined the 30% of women participation in public life at all levels of government. In addition to the two female vice presidents, our cabinet, the national cabinet and state cabinets comprises of 30% of female representation. And our speaker, The speaker of the National Transitional Assembly is also a female. We have adopted national gender policies to advance women's rights and are working to harmonize our laws with international commitments. Efforts have been made to address gender-based violence through new legislation and establishment of a special court. We have mainstreamed gender into the national adaptation plan and nationally determined contributions for climate change. We are committed to advancing women's economic empowerment by improving access to land rights and credit facilities while creating opportunities for women entrepreneurs. To achieve the SDGs, we must shift from commitments to action. emphasizing multilateral cooperation, fair trade, debt relief, and tailored support for fragile and conflict-affected states. South Sudan has been advocating for debt cancellation, and the support of the international community to complement these efforts will be appreciated. Financing for development. Forming aspiration into results require adequate financing. We urge developed nations to scale up contributions to the International Development Association, which plays a central role in protecting vulnerable populations, reducing poverty, and financing sustainable development in fragile states. South Sudan supports reforms of international financial institutions to enhance the representation of developing nations, ensuring that financing mechanisms align with objectives of development priorities. Together, we can build a more inclusive and just global financial system. Internal peace and security. We acknowledge the delays in implementation of the revitalized peace agreement However, the government has renewed its political will and is accelerating key benchmarks, including the deployment of the unified forces, electoral legislation, and launching of national civic education campaigns. His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit announced on several occasions that he will not take this country back to war. And this became a theme of our engagement to restore peace and stability in the country. We reaffirm our commitment to world peace and security. In South Sudan, peace and stability remain our highest priority. Since the 2018 revitalized peace agreement, government has been working to consolidate peace through implementation of the peace agreement, transformation of the governance system and security sector reforms. Additionally, government is also engaged in promoting peace building at subnational and community levels using the principles of people to people peace initiatives. The civil society, women's group, youth group, and faith groups are all actively involved in peace-building activities, supported by UNIS, the United Nations mission in South Sudan, among others. The security sector reform is progressing well. In phase one, the first batch of unified forces are already trained, as mentioned earlier. The second phase is ongoing. At the same level, the governments at state levels are disarming civilians to bolster security. The aim is to have one national army under one commander in chief, contrary to the current state of affairs where the country has several commanders in chief, which in itself is a source of insecurity. In general, there has been relative peace and security throughout the country, with the exception of the recent attack by the White Army militia associated with the first vice president, Dr. Riak Machar, on South Sudan People's Defense Forces in Nasir, which led to his detention and the detention of the co-accused. This matter is now being handled legally and it will take due process with assurance of a fair trial in a competent court. The government is committed to following due process to achieve justice in this matter. It should be noted that the arrest of the first vice president, Dr. Riak Machar, and his co-accused was not politically motivated, but had endangered the peace process and constitutional order in the country. Notwithstanding the legal proceedings, Dr. Riak Machar and others have been formally charged and presented to court. Their legal rights have been respected, including granting access to their legal team to appear on their behalf in court. South Sudan remains open to meaningful dialogue with other holdout groups In this regard, the government is considering resumption of the Tumiani Peace Initiative and welcomes facilitation from regional and other partners. We urge regional and international communities to urge the holdout groups to renounce armed violence and engage in political dialogue. Furthermore, we appeal to the international community to continue supporting South Sudan's efforts and democratic process through provision of technical assistance, capacity building, and development support. It is worth mentioning that consolidating peace in South Sudan is not only vital for our people, but also for stability across the Horn of Africa, the Great Lakes, and beyond. Since our last statement to this General Assembly, South Sudan has embarked upon a transformative journey. We have launched the South Sudan Development Plan 2026 to 2036, a forward-looking 10-year blueprint to diversify our economy, fortify our institutions, and reduce reliance on oil. This plan is anchored in the principles of transparency, inclusivity, and resilience. It guides comprehensive reforms in public financial management and service delivery. We have initiated independent audits, strengthened procurement oversights, and recommitted ourselves to the fiscal reforms outlined in the 2018 Revitalized Peace Agreement. We are determined to foster a culture of integrity, accountability, and good governance. Determined to shift from oil dependency to a green, sustainable economy, South Sudan is investing in the future of its land and people. The Agriculture SME Grant Initiative 2025 now empowers farmers, agro-processors with vital tools, training, and market access. Our investment in irrigation, seed distribution, and post-harvest technologies are boosting productivity and strengthening food security. We have successfully established effective governance structures, both at the national and local level, including establishment of relevant commissions, such as the Constitutional Review Commission, the Judicial Review Commission, among others. The constitutional making process is in progress. Civic education and voter rights training have commenced and are progressing well. The National Bureau of Statistics will advise on options available for elections. The Political Parties Council has been established and has started registering political parties intended to contest in elections. Therefore, with these positive developments, the Government of the Republic of South Sudan appeals for the removal of targeted individual sanctions and the arms embargo on South Sudan. Elections. According to the peace agreement, the transitional period must end with the conduct of general elections currently scheduled for December 2026. This will enable the people of South Sudan to democratically elect their leaders for the first time in the history of this young nation. His Excellency President Salva Kiir has reaffirmed the government's determination to deliver credible, inclusive and peaceful elections. The establishment of electoral institutions, namely the National Election Commission, the Political Parties Council for registration of political parties and voters' right education have been established. The Bureau of Statistics has been restructured to deal with the issues of census. The restructured permanent constitution review commission has been actively working to ensure that the country has a new permanent constitution by the time of the general election in December 2026. Civil society groups are being facilitated and have started civic education of the general public, especially among women and the youth. South Sudan is committed to promoting and protecting human rights. We are strengthening national institutions, promoting accountability, empowering women and youth. We have taken steps to integrate gender equality into our governance and development agenda, not forgetting the people with disability. Civil society is actively engaged in the promotion of human rights and civic education. We believe constructive engagement and dialogue are the best path for building resilient and just institutions. Some regional concerns. Madam President, South Sudan and Sudan share deep historical and economic ties, as well as the longest border in the region. For instance, South Sudan's oil is at the moment being transported through Sudan. Developments in Sudan directly affects development in South Sudan. Since the outbreak of conflict in Sudan in 2023, South Sudan has opened its doors for Sudanese refugees and returnees from Sudan. In partnership with the international aid agencies, we are providing humanitarian assistance. And we have also gone further and given plots of land for refugees to cultivate and produce their own food, thus integrating them into our local communities. However, there are still outstanding issues with respect to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2005. Among these are issues of border demarcation and final status of Abyei, including the status of the Ngok Dinka of Abyei, which remains unresolved. We are committed to working with the Government of Sudan to amicably resolve these outstanding issues. Furthermore, the current composition of the Security Council no longer, in our view, adequately reflects the realities of today. And for this reason, South Sudan supports the call for the expansion of the permanent membership to include African representation. Furthermore, we advocate for the removal of sanctions and arms embargo on South Sudan and other sisterly countries. Madam President, at independence, South Sudan inherited a rudimentary state structures, hardly any infrastructures. The government is now working simultaneously on nation building, state building, provision of services, including healthcare, education, capacity building, poverty reduction, and food security. South Sudan is seeking to transition from humanitarian aid to development aid. What we are asking for is for the international community to continue supporting South Sudan, a country with immense potential, abundant natural resources, and a young population. We are actively empowering women and young people for the country to become a useful and productive member of the international community. And we are already seeing signs of progress. To conclude, Madam President, Excellencies, and distinguished guests, the United Nations was founded on the belief that humanity is stronger together. The theme of this HS session, "Better Together," is a reminder of our shared responsibility for survival and progress. Notwithstanding the challenges, South Sudan, with the resilience of its people under the leadership of His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit, remains committed to a multilateral solidarity and partnership with an aim of building a fairer, safer, and more prosperous world for all, for us in South Sudan. It is, sorry, a more prosperous world for all. And for us in South Sudan, we all know that it is better together. It is better together for us nationally, It is better together for us globally. Permit me in closing to reaffirm our unwavering faith in the principles of the United Nations and the possibility of a better world built upon solidarity and shared purpose. May God bless the people of South Sudan. May God bless the nations of the world. I thank you for listening. Thank you.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Republic of South Sudan. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency, Mohamed Jallow, the Vice President of the Republic of Gambia. I request protocol. to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

The Excellency, Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Your Majesties, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Heads of Delegation, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. As we commemorate the 80th anniversary since the founding of the United Nations, it is with great honor and profound sense of commitment that I stand before you to deliver this statement on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Adamu Bawa, who could not be here due to circumstances beyond his control. At the outset, allow me to convey warm greetings and best wishes for a successful session from His Excellency, Sir Adam Barrow, the President of the Republic of The Gambia, and government and people of The Gambia. Madam President, let me also use this opportunity to congratulate you on behalf of the Government of The Gambia on your election as President of the 88th session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your election is a testament to the importance our organization attaches to gender mainstreaming and the empowerment of women. It constitutes an affirmation that, more than ever, women are capable of leading organizations like the United Nations and achieving remarkable success. The Gambia, therefore, associates you with its unwavering support and continued collaboration, cooperation in the discharge of your duties, while reaffirming our faith in the relevance of multilateralism and the sacrosanct foundational principles of the United Nations Charter. Allow me to seize this moment to also thank and congratulate Mr. Philomene Yang, President of the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly, for his leadership and for competently guiding the work of the Assembly during his tenure. The eightieth session of the General Assembly is being held at a very pivotal moment for the international community. The enormity of the challenges of managing and resolving various wars, conflicts and ongoing threats to international peace and security require all Member States to reaffirm their collective commitment to abiding by the noble principles stipulated in the United Nations Charter. The Charter, crafted with great optimism and anchored in the ideals of maintaining and promoting world peace, security, human rights, and development, promised a new age and a new world, a world that comes together to reverse the hurdles of the past and define a common destiny premised on our shared humanity. Let us rekindle the ethos of solidarity through more multilateral engagement with all states, small or big, developed or developing, fight poverty, and address climate change. Madam President, the 88th session of the General Assembly conveys a profound symbolism for The Gambia. Our longstanding commitment to the United Nations and our election as Chair of the Second Committee during this session is not only historic, but speaks to the great strides we have been making towards shaping a stable and prosperous multilateral global order. Let me assure you that The Gambia will continue its active participation in the work of the Assembly. We remain committed to supporting optimal ways in the search for innovative and timely solutions to the common challenges facing us and would collaborate with all Member States as we address these pressing global challenges. Madam President, In 1945, the world stood united with a deep sense of solidarity, strong commitment, and an enduring hope to establish United Nations to save the succeeding generation from the scourge of war. The creation of United Nations served as a driving force for multilateralism by affirming our collective faith in the sanctity of human rights while guaranteeing international peace and security to all peoples around the world. Our collective security arrangements were rooted in multilateralism. Our commemoration of the founding of the United Nations this year is a clarion call to the future, a reaffirmation of its fundamental role as the premier global institution entrusted with the destiny of humanity towards prosperity, peace, security and human rights. Madam President, last year, our Assembly adopted the Pact of the Future to revive multilateral engagement and rekindle global solidarity. We must do more to fulfill the commitments that we assured under the pact. Eighty years on, the world is still encountering the challenges of protracted conflicts and geopolitical fragmentation, including the threat to the spirit of multilateralism under the United Nations. As the world continues to grapple with complex and unprecedented challenges on different fronts, the peace and security landscape of our world is becoming increasingly fragile. Amid the changing nature of conflicts, We are also witnessing a serious disregard for the principle of international humanitarian law in conflict zones. What is even more profound is that the rules-based international order is under enormous stress, losing its momentum, relevance, and moral underpinnings. Today, we live in a world that is undergoing profound geopolitical transformation, presenting unique emerging challenges and reflecting an international community that is still trying to find answers to the challenges it faces in the 21st century. However, despite the challenges we are confronting, the Gambia believes that the United Nations enduring relevance and structural institutions contributed to significant historic achievements in the past, particularly for countries in the global south. United Nations holds forth the hope for global stability and good governance by translating ambitions into actions and championing issues of immense international importance. In the case of The Gambia, the United Nations used its convening power and preventive diplomacy through the Peacebuilding Commission to support a democratically elected government that assumed power in 2017. The support was key to upholding the will of the Gambian people as they assured in the present government and launched our transitional justice system to promote the rule of law and respect for human rights. Madam President, as we assemble and reflect on this important and timely theme for this 80th session, Better Together, 80 Years and More for Peace, Development and Human Rights, we must admit that the daunting challenges we are facing today require us to deliberately invest in sustainable development, climate action, peace, and security. We must equally continue to foster resilience and growth for the realization of inclusive development and shared prosperity for all. Since the change of government in 2017, the administration of His Excellency President Adamu Barau had strived towards a path of development, peace, and respect for fundamental rights and freedoms. Eight years ago, we set out to build a stable and viable country, making sure national development agenda. With our current reform agenda that is inclusive, the government is eyeing a future without the realm of immense potential and possibility. By addressing the grievances of the past through the implementation of recognition of the Truth, Reconciliation, and Reparations Commission. In the past eight years, the government has also organized several elections in a credible, impartial, and transparent manner, in line with domestic laws and international norms and standards, and plans are on for holding presidential elections next year. We are committed to consolidating participatory democracy, sustainable development, and good governance, as we have done for the past eight years. Madam President, in our drive for greater reform, The Government of the Gambia will continue to take the appropriate people-driven and informed policy decision to send institutions and design processes aimed at promoting and protecting human rights, as well as addressing past violations. As we look forward to consolidating building strong state institutions and reinforce the never again principle, the Government is ushering in legislative reforms and expanding the scope of our criminal jurisdiction to prosecute international atrocity crimes. Since reforms include the enactment of the Special Prosecutor's Office Act 2024, giving that office the mandate to deal with offenses that constitute international crimes and serious rights violations, and for the first time, the enactment of an Anti-Corruption Act, a significant step towards the organization of an anti-corruption commission. These are all part of our national efforts to deliver restorative and transformative justice, build a clear path towards nation building, and lay a foundation for social justice, as well as prevent impunity. Our goal is to consolidate and nurture a more national culture of accountability and respect for human rights in fulfilment of our domestic and international obligations. To support our national development, ambitions as enshrined in our National Development Plan. We continue pursuing a national budgeting mechanism that is grounded on human development, fiscal stability, education, and building critical infrastructure to promote development and investment. Madam President, our primary social contract with the Gambian people is to meet the demands of our socio-economic challenges, whilst at the same time, encourage citizen participation and engagement in democratic governance. This propels us to ensure that our democracy continues to thrive, respect for fundamental rights, robust, expansive, and comprehensive, and the building of institutional mechanisms. In building a peaceful society, we continue to recognize the integral role of women and their representation and participation in political affairs and public life. We also continue to promote media freedom and the right to assembly and freedom of expression as guaranteed inherent rights through coordinated and sustained actions. As a government, we encourage constructive engagement with our citizenry, particularly the young people, and respect their rights to participate in democratic functioning of the state. In view of our own experience with governance challenges, we value the need for addressing the consolidation of democracy and good governance in our neighborhood. It is in this spirit The government recently hosted the Sahel Governance Forum, which seeks to galvanize a multi-stakeholder convergence to address the governance challenges that continue to hamper regional peace, stability, and development. We are confident that such forum will provide the right opportunity for systematic discussion on finding definitive solutions to the rising tide of violence, insecurity, and instability of the Sahel. Madam President, with its strong commitment to the promotion and protection of international peace, security, and human rights, The Gambia continues to be a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council, United Nations Human Rights Council, and a police and troop contributing country to UN, AU, and ECOWAS peacekeeping missions around the world. By serving on this important council of the continent and taking part in peacekeeping operations, the Gambia continues to prioritize the maintenance of peace and security, including the consolidation of political and democratic governance and strengthening partnership for African security. It is significant that the African Union and United Nations continue to work together to address regional peace and security matters, including the recalibration of our preventive diplomacy tools for maximum impact. We need to strengthen the early warning mechanisms, as well as prioritize the protection of children affected by armed conflict. Madam President. By echoing the mantra of the Africa we want, an Africa at peace with itself, the Gambia believes that more needs to be invested towards conflict prevention as part of efforts to respond robustly to challenges of insecurity and underdevelopment, particularly through resilience building. We call on the United Nations Security Council to step up and meet its responsibility towards the resolution of conflicts in Africa and beyond. The rising level of inequalities are indicative of the unequal global economic system, creating huge imbalances for countries in the global South, particularly in Africa, to address poverty, debt, and unemployment. It is indeed disheartening that five years towards the end of the targeted Agenda 2030 deadline, much remains to be accomplished, and the realization of its goals and ambitions appear to be profoundly remote. Madam President, in 2025, When the world should be forging towards a path of development and prosperity, we are once again confronted with the scourge of small conflict and war. Therefore, the 2025 Peacebuilding Architecture Review presents a unique opportunity to agree on building stronger preventive arrangements and measures for conflict prevention. The ongoing conflicts raging around the world would need to stop immediately. The unnecessary deaths Displacement and untold suffering of civilians from Palestine to Sudan, Lake Chad Basin, Ukraine to Russia, Haiti, Libya to the Sahel, and in other corners of the world is unacceptable. As members of United Nations and as consensus global citizens, we cannot relent on our collective quest for durable peace. We must continue. to pursue responsive and purposive actions by exhorting the parties to the conflicts and make progress on key milestones on their journey to political dialogue. We must all assist by putting in necessary security arrangements and frameworks for ending conflicts, including the protection of civilians, particularly women, children and the elderly. Parties to the conflicts must allow immediate and uninterrupted humanitarian aid to reach the suffering population, and they must commit to ending the hostilities. It is the responsibility of the international community to collectively muster the necessary political will and courage to end intractable conflicts. This, the bleeding, must stop. Madam President, as we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, the plight of the Palestinians remains unresolved, with the people continuing to face alarming difficulties under dire humanitarian conditions. The situation of Palestine continues to be about the core principles of justice, respect for international humanitarian law and self-determination. The ongoing situation needs to stop. We cannot remain unperturbed by these worsening conditions, and it is imperative that we act urgently and collectively by utilizing our leverage to revitalize the prospects of an inclusive peace process for Israel and Palestine and the region. In this context, We reaffirm our call for the two-state solution to urgently enable the Palestinian people to regain their legitimate national rights as recognized by the international community through its recognition of the State of Palestine within the 1967 borders with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. We also support the membership of Palestine in the United Nations. In this spirit, we express our appreciation to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and France for the recently concluded High-Level Conference on the Question of Palestine. Madam President, As part of our call for proactive engagement towards the resolution of global conflicts, the Gabon reaffirms its support for the efforts undertaken by the UN Secretary-General in relaunching the roundtable process in the Moroccan Sahara to achieve a realistic, pragmatic, and sustainable political solution to the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara. The Gambia welcomes Morocco's commitment to the ceasefire, full cooperation with MINURSO, and relaunching the political process based on the parameters of Resolution 2756 of 2024. In this regard, we call on Polisario to abandon its unilateral withdrawal from the ceasefire, lift restrictions imposed on the freedom of movement, and the provision of supplies to MINURSO. and urge all parties, Morocco, Algeria, Mauritania, Polisario, to work towards a realistic, pragmatic, and sustainable political solution based on compromise. The positive impact of the Moroccan autonomy initiative, a realistic, credible, and serious effort for the settlement of this regional dispute, is already well recognized, and the people of the region continue to enjoy peace and development and protection of their human rights, thanks to the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco's new development model for the Moroccan Sahara region. Furthermore, the summit also launched, loudly launched by His Majesty Mohammed VI, King of Morocco, of the Morocco-Nigeria gas pipeline, the Atlantic African Initiative, and the Sahel countries' access to the Atlantic. The three regional royal initiatives would give new impetus to the Moroccan Saharan region by establishing it as a new platform for security, stability, and co-development in the Atlantic, the Sahara, African, and Mediterranean areas. Madam President, the Gambia also continues to stand with the government and people of the People's Republic of China on the One China policy. China's commitment to international cooperation and support for the critical spaces of development in different sectors demonstrate that the sustainable development of South-South and triangular cooperation are possibilities. The Gambia continues to reiterate the call for the lifting of economic embargo against the brotherly people of Cuba. The embargo continues to inflict undue hardship and economic devastation, occasioning substantial challenges for the government and people of Cuba. We believe it should come to an end now. Friendly cooperation is the way forward. Madam President, as we mark 25 years since the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security, we should take a moment to renew our firm conviction that the attainment of sustainable development and the consolidation of peace and security are anchored in the full and inclusive representation of women in all spheres of political and decision-making processes. While considerable progress has been made towards the realization of women's inclusion, women's participation in the consolidation of peace and security, there continues to be significant impediments that we must overcome. Women must always have a seat at the negotiating table. They usually bear the brunt of conflicts. Therefore, as we prepare for the Fourth World Conference of Women, and as nations sharing the same destiny, we have a moral obligation and a collective responsibility to act swiftly to address all issues hampering the empowerment of women, including their advancement and their contribution to the consolidation of peace and security. Madam President, In view of the outcome of FFD4, it is our hope that international finance architecture and mechanism will change for the better as the current international financing architecture, especially as it relates to debt restructuring, continues to hamper the development aspiration of developing countries. Due to limited fiscal space exerted by debt distress, developing countries find it hard to make significant investment in the social sector. The challenge is even more profound when it comes to investment in the productive base of their economies to engender growth, employment, and development. This situation significantly contributed to the dismal attainment of only 17% of the SDGs. Therefore, to accelerate the full and effective implementation of the SDGs within the targeted framework, we must enhance international finance cooperation and review of the international financial architecture to create arrangements, facilities, and mechanisms that would cater for targeted investments, industrialization, mechanized agriculture, provision of quality education, energy, health, and water. Madam President, the Pact of the Future adopted last year at the 79th session of the General Assembly present a unique opportunity to review our realities, invigorate the implementation of the SDG Agenda 2030, and intensify our efforts towards confronting the pressing challenges of our time. The pact is about advancing our advanced prosperity. The Gambia supports the convening of the preparatory process for the review of the pact in 2028 to align effectively with the prevailing and upcoming intergovernmental processes, such as the 2025 Peacebuilding Architecture Review, the high-level plenary meeting to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the World Programme of Action on Youth and the World Social Summit. The success of these reviews will depend primarily on our commitment and concerted push to build a more equitable and resilient global governance framework that supports the attainment of our global goals. Madam President, our reform agenda is still incomplete without reform of the Security Council. The Gambia supports the reform of the United Nations Security Council and the common African position on the reform of the Council as set out in the Sirte Declaration and the Ezulwini Consensus. We strongly believe that the ongoing review and reform process of the United Nations needs to make good progress, and Africa's under-representation in the permanent and non-permanent categories of the Security Council is a historical injustice that urgently needs to be corrected. Africa has always contributed to global peace, and Africans also paid the ultimate price during the two world wars. Hence, the Gambia believes that the time has come for the international community to support Africa's call for meaningful representation in the Security Council. The reform of the Council guarantees its legitimacy and credibility as the body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. We commend the AU Committee of 10 Heads of State and Government on the United Nations Security Council reforms, chaired by His Excellency, President of the Republic of Sierra Leone, for their leadership in this legitimate quest. Madam President, As the world continues to witness heightened level of insecurity, the threat of climate change continues to aggravate security challenges, especially in the Sahel. We must address the impact of the climate crisis as part of the vital resilient measures that mitigate climate-related risk where they intersect with political, social, and economic factors. The government would like to acknowledge the progress made at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, for moving from $100 billion to the new collective quantified goal, which is still not adequate to finance all the mitigation and adaptation actions, especially for countries in special circumstances. We need to take concrete decisions at COP30 in Belem, Brazil, to galvanize support for more climate financing. The Gambay call for more ambitious national determined contributions by all states due to their submission this year to achieve net zero emissions by 2050. Madam President, as I conclude, allow me to call on Member States to use this 88th session of the General Assembly to forge a new consensus to confront our new reality, a consensus that unites us behind our shared determination to make the United Nations a potent instrument to serve our common purposes and aspirations as one human family. This is our only planet. Let us preserve it for posterity. The Gambia is here, is ready to play its part in making our world a better place for all. On behalf of His Excellency, President Adam Barrow, the Government and people of the Gambia, I wish you all fruitful deliberation towards advancing the theme of the 88th session of the General Assembly. I thank you for your kind attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Gambia.

I now give the floor to Her Excellency Sabine Monauany, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Environment and Culture of the Principality of Liechtenstein.

President, ladies and gentlemen, let me begin by saying how happy I am to see a woman preside over this Assembly for only the fifth time in the history of the United Nations and for the first time by a woman from our region. It is my hope that this is also a good sign for the selection process of the next Secretary-General, a position in which no woman has ever served over eight decades, and which will be conducted under your leadership. It is a distinct honor and pleasure for me to address this Assembly for the first time as a foreign minister. continuing a very long tradition of female foreign ministers in Liechtenstein. The United Nations is a key building block of our foreign policy, which is guided by a strong belief in international law, cooperation and multilateralism. We are gathering at a landmark moment in the history of the United Nations. For over 80 years, this has been the place where nations have come together, where international law has been developed, where human rights have been codified, where we have agreed on common development goals. Of course, it has also been the source of many disappointments. Too often, people around the world have been looking to this assembly and at the Security Council chamber next door in the hope of decisive action to secure peace. The key purpose of this organization, only to realize that political paralysis was shattering these expectations, justified as they were. In Ukraine, our system has allowed the aggressor to veto collective action supported by the vast majority of the House. In Gaza, we have become bystanders, despite the fact that the two-state solution was one of the first decisions of the United Nations many decades ago. We are merely witnesses to the unprecedented and unjustifiable suffering of civilians in spite of our pledge to end and prevent atrocity crimes. The people of Sudan must have concluded that indifference is the guiding principle of our rare discussions, and that the outrage over a cynical veto wears off after a few weeks, if not days. These challenges to the credibility of the United Nations would be massive enough in and of themselves. But if we are looking at the completely uncertain future for this organization today, it is for largely different reasons. The very foundations of the United Nations are being challenged in a way we have not seen before. Such efforts threaten to undermine our joint commitments to solve common problems together on the basis of the principle of sovereign equality, the principle that we set ourselves rules that apply to us all equally and that they are enforced equally. and the belief in the value of international law as the common ground that allows us to govern world affairs in a way that is predictable, equitable, and fair. For us in Liechtenstein, the United Nations, which we joined 35 years ago, occupies a special place. It has been instrumental in our progress towards gender equality. Our membership in the organization has helped to put human rights at the center of our foreign policy. The sustainable development goals have been embraced by civil society and the private sector. Most essentially, the charter of the United Nations is the guarantor of our sovereignty. United Nations is also our window to the world and to one place where we can connect with everyone, and it offers a unique foreign policy platform where we can present our initiatives and ideas as a sovereign equal. We have done so with commitment and enthusiasm, and I believe with some success. Today, we feel a special bond with every other state which is small in size, but not small in ambition and vision. Today, we realize more than ever that we need this organization. We need a world based on rules that we have all agreed to. And especially now, those who share these views need to join together in common purpose to safeguard our common interests. The times we live in are fast-paced and full of challenges that can seem incredibly daunting. Many years ago, we identified climate change as the biggest threat to us all, big and small, wherever we are located on the globe. And yet, we are ever closer to the climate abyss and ever further away from agreeing on a path away from disaster. Artificial intelligence is developing with lightning speed, largely unchecked, with obvious risks to our social fabric, but without any agreement on rules and boundaries. In my part of the world, priorities have shifted dramatically in the last three years. We are now mostly preoccupied with the fallout of the destruction of the European security architecture by the Russian Federation, and with preserving our trade relationships, which we had believed were on a firm basis. Liechtenstein is no different to our neighbors in this regard, and any responsible state will prioritize imminent challenges as we have to. But none of this will be meaningful if it is not embedded in a larger vision, if we do not give ourselves the space to tackle the long-term risks and dangers. The place for us to do this is the United Nations, and we are committed to doing this together with all of you represented in this room. President, today, the continued existence of the United Nations is at stake. This is a sobering observation, certainly. But we must find the opportunity that lies in this moment of existential crisis. We have allowed a system to grow that is plagued by duplication, inefficiency, and poor governance. The UN80 process is the chance, the only chance that we will have to make the organization leaner, more effective in its use of resources, and more productive in generating meaningful outcomes. When we adopted the Pact for the Future a year ago, Liechtenstein made a clear call for this organization to embrace its original purpose as the guardian of peace and security. For our people, our parliamentarians, our civil society, the United Nations is a peace organization. We have to find a way to make it effective in fulfilling this task. If the Security Council is unable to carry out its Charter responsibility, as is regularly the case due to the veto power of its permanent members, there are ways for us to take collective action elsewhere, beginning in this hall. We are equally committed to the other pillars of the work of the United Nations. development and human rights, which are existential for the dignity and well-being of the people on whose behalf we serve and pivotal for more peaceful, just and inclusive societies. President, the rule of law is the guiding principle of Liechtenstein's work at the United Nations. This can come as no surprise for one of the smallest members of the organization, that does not have armed forces and is not member of a military alliance. Our sovereignty is protected by respect for international law and by its enforcement through

Accountability where the law is violated. Naturally, we are strong supporters of international courts, the indispensable enforcement mechanism of international law. Key amongst them is the International Court of Justice, which Liechtenstein joined decades before becoming a member of the United Nations. Liechtenstein has been an active participant in the court's proceedings. We are very pleased to see the attention the Court's work has been given, particularly in recent years, and the high respect its decisions enjoy among governments and beyond. The recent advisory opinion on the question of climate change stands out in various ways. The initiative to ask for such an advisory opinion originated in the youth climate movement. The mandate to request it was adopted by this Assembly by consensus, and Liechtenstein is proud to have been among the states drafting the text of the decision. The proceedings before the Court found unprecedented attention inside and outside the courtroom. Finally and importantly, the advisory opinion was agreed on unanimously by all 15 judges, giving it further authority. We have welcomed this decision, in particular its focus on the area of human rights. Very important questions remain unaddressed, and we look forward to working with all of you to put it to the most productive use possible. For us, the International Criminal Court is a complementary and equally important institution. It is the first permanent court in the history of humankind that has jurisdiction over the crimes that are defined as the most serious ones under international law-- genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. Almost 2/3 of all states have joined this project, the most ambitious treaty since the adoption of the charter itself. Its central statement is unique and also uniquely important for the rule of law. Nobody is above the law. Nobody is protected from investigation and prosecution for what we have all agreed are the most serious crimes under international law. As we look at the flashpoints around the globe, be it Ukraine, the Middle East, or Sudan, we see how the basic rules of international law are violated. not just frequently, but systematically. This is why we have created the International Criminal Court, to offer protection for the victims and the vulnerable, but also to safeguard international peace and security. Today, the Court finds itself under significant political attack and is targeted by unprecedented sanctions. This is the moment for us to protect this unique institution, one of the most powerful statements we can make to express our commitment to international law. President, the most among many worrying trends with regard to the respect for the United Nations Charter is the rapid erosion of the rules governing the use of force. Instances of the blatantly illegal use of force without any consequences or accountability. The threat of the use of force to solve disputes and the suggestion that aggression may not only go unpunished, but in fact be rewarded and incentivized as part of a political agreement. These dangerous trends can set us back to a time we all believe we have left behind, and they are an attack on the very core of the Charter of the United Nations. Mitigating the fallout of armed conflict will sadly remain part of our daily work. But it is time that we become serious about our central task: preventing war in the first place, ending war where it takes place, and ensuring accountability for illegal war-making. The International Criminal Court, the only institution with jurisdiction over the crime of aggression, is therefore key to enforcing the UN Charter and thus deserves the support of all states, including those who have yet to join it. President, our world is in a very difficult place today, with the forces of destruction and indeed self-destruction on the rise. If we are to have a chance to be successful in our fight against them, to safeguard our planet for future generations, we need this place, a stronger, better United Nations that we can shape together.

I thank you.

I thank the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Environment and Culture of the Principality of Liechtenstein. We have heard the last speaker in the general debate for this meeting.

We will continue the general debate at 1500 hours. The meeting is adjourned.

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The 9th plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will hear an address now by His Excellency Mohamed Yunis Menfi, President of the Presidential Council of the State of Libya. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Your Excellency, Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your Excellency, Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Your Majesties, Your Highnesses, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the Libyan people, I congratulate you on the 80th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations. It remains one of the greatest pillars of the international order, one of the beacons of multilateralism over the history of humanity. We appreciate the holding of the session under the theme. Better together, 80 years and more for peace, development and human rights. These are principles that we firmly believe in. Principles that we are consolidating. At the national, regional and international levels. As we celebrate this global anniversary. We're also celebrating the 70th anniversary of Libya joining the United Nations. It was the culmination of the struggle of the Libyan people when Libyans raised their voices in this hall, demanding freedom and independence following decades of colonization. The organization heeded this urgent call and adopted the historic resolution that led to the independence of Libya in 1951, reaffirming thereby the right of peoples to self-determination. Ladies and gentlemen, I stand before you today representing the will of a people that is still holding on to hope, still believing in its ability to build a stable and prosperous future. Libya is not a zone for fighting. It's not an arena to settle scores or a place to which crises can be exported. It is a nation rich in natural resources, a cohesive society with young people that have tremendous potential. They are the backbone to build a modern state. Since the very beginning, Libya's relationship with the United Nations has been based on partnership and mutual respect. And today, at this critical juncture, we look to the United Nations to play an effective and complementary role as it supports us to overcome this crisis towards stability, and democracy. Despite the challenges, despite the threats, our people firmly believes that its experience, its society, the diverse society, its noble history will allow it to stay strong and overcome any crisis. But let me be honest with you. In Libya, multiple models and traditional mechanisms have been exhausted. They have not matched the complexity of the social and political situation. They've adversely affected the trust of Libyans in the proposed solutions. We all now bear a collective responsibility to reconsider these methods and to avoid temporary solutions and narrow understandings that only perpetuated the crisis. We firmly believe that any solution that does not restore the national ownership of the political track, any solution that is not derived from the free will of the Libyan people would be destined to fail, as we've seen in the past. In this context, we present to you a clear political vision based on four pillars. First, fully restoring national sovereignty. and rejecting all forms of foreign interference, no matter what form it might take and no matter the justifications. Second, reaching an inclusive national consensus. To achieve an inclusive national consensus, I call for holding a sincere and comprehensive dialogue held in Libya with the participation of all stakeholders without exclusion. Third, uniting the sovereign institutions, most notably security, defense, and financial institutions, according to professional mechanisms without polarization and without setting quotas. Fourth, ending the transitional period through a clear constitutional basis, through free and fair elections, allowing Libyans to freely choose who would rule them without tutelage, without and imposition from external actors. Ladies and gentlemen, as we fulfill our political responsibility and despite the challenges, we were able to maintain the highest level of stability. We were able to prevent a relapse into violence. We stress that the blood of the Libyan people is a red line. The territorial integrity, sovereignty, and social cohesion of Libya are non-negotiable. We have been observing the ceasefire agreement concluded in October 2020, and we've established the Committee on Security Arrangements in the capital, Tripoli, under my direct supervision. This contributed to enhancing stability, rendering this current phase one of the calmest we've seen in years, ladies and gentlemen. The Libyan economy, despite the challenges, can significantly contribute to the development of the country. The absence of a single budget and the absence of united institutions have been real impediments to development. We stress that we will support and we do support the economic track through the High Financial Committee to consolidate public spending and to enhance the principles of transparency, accountability, and equity in distributing wealth. Ladies and gentlemen, illegal migration is not only a security matter. It is a humanitarian challenge with deep economic roots. We call upon the international community to pursue a comprehensive development approach based on supporting and developing infrastructure and creating job opportunities in the countries of origin. In partnership with the African Union, rather than pursuing narrow security approaches that have proven to be ineffective. In this context, we have been supporting economic projects connecting the North and the South of the African continent to create a development environment obviating the need for young people to emigrate. Projects that restore demographic and economic balance in the African continent. Ladies and gentlemen, our firm position towards the question of Palestine is based on humanitarian principles and based on our commitments towards the Arab and Muslim world. Against this background, we condemn in the strongest terms the countries that are still hiding behind immoral neutrality towards the genocide and flagrant violations of international law to which the Palestinian people are being subjected, especially in Gaza. It was eight decades ago that the United Nations was established and the Palestinian people is still languishing under the yoke of occupation. We call for responsible international action that ends the occupation and guarantees the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Ladies and gentlemen, despite the crises, despite the conflicts, the fight, the divisions that Libya had to endure, the Libyan people are still committed to democratic track, still believing that the rule of law and democratic institutions are not a dream but a legitimate right. It is time for the world to look at Libya not as a complicated political file, but as a story of resilience and free will, a nation that can be successful with a noble history, cohesive society, promising resources, and free people aspiring to peace, democracy, and prosperity. Democracy is our choice and peace and reconciliation are our destiny. Our history proves that our people can achieve reconciliation, can promote tolerance and justice. We most certainly can turn the page on the past. national reconciliation is not only a necessity to build the state, it is a national legacy that we cherish. We see the future Libya, a stable state, a sovereign state with united institutions, strong with its people, peaceful, open to the world, and an effective partner at the regional and international levels. Long live Libya, united and independent. Long live the Libyan people, free and dignified. May the peace, blessings, and mercy of God be upon you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Presidential Council of the State of Libya. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Duma Gideon Mokoe, President of the Republic of Botswana. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madam President, Secretary-General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we meet here today and this whole week in these hallowed precincts to remember the overwhelming gravity of the circumstances that gave birth to the United Nations. The ruins of war, a world poised to descend into further mayhem if courageous choices were not made. Leaders of great vision and courage stepped up. They realized that the charms and allurements of our unity trumped any tendencies to divide us. And from their conviction that humanity is better together, this institution was born. Their courage and fortitude merit our recurrent admiration. So I stand on this enchanted spot today to express my thanks and the gratitude of the people of Botswana to our forerunners and to all of you. We must recommit ourselves to the vision, peace, development, and human rights for all people in all nations. I stand here today in the composite capacity of citizen of Botswana and as an African. Yes, I am an African stamping root. For Botswana, the ideals of the United Nations are not abstractions. They are the foundation of our identity. Since our independence, we have sought to embody democratic governance, respect for the rule of law, including an international rule-based normative order, and the dignity of every human being. We reaffirm today our commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to advancing equality, including the protection of indigenous peoples, women, and youth within our borders and across our region. Yet we also acknowledge that the pursuit of justice is an arduous journey. My administration has pledged to reform and strengthen institutions, enhance transparency, and root out corruption. We do so not for accolades, but because our citizens deserve governments that serve them with integrity. We are on a quest for integrity in African leadership. Excellencies, Botswana has been blessed with the gift of diamonds. For decades, this resource has financed schools, hospitals, and infrastructure. But today, we confront the fragility of that reliance. Diamond markets fluctuate. Our people's needs do not recede. Our vision is clear. To diversify our economy, empower our people, and create resilience. We invite global partners to invest in renewable energy, technology, sustainable agriculture, and value-added industries. We extend an open hand to businesses, innovators, and institutions ready to work with us on this journey of transformation. Botswana is a semi-arid country. Our people know the meaning of drought. We know the anxiety of scarce water, of crops that wilt and wither under a relentless sun. of livelihoods eroded by forces beyond our control. Climate change is not a distant threat, it is a present reality. That is why I've joined the Global Center for Adaptation, because adaptation must be at the center of sustainable development. I call on this assembly to scale up financing for climate adaptation. Let us invest in water infrastructure, early warning systems, and climate-smart agriculture. Let us ensure that the promise of the Paris Agreement is not confined to paper, but realized in the lives of farmers, of herders, and children across the Global South. Earlier this year, Botswana faced an acute shortage of essential medicines. This crisis exposed not only the vulnerabilities of our supply chains, but the wider inequities of the global health system. Access to medicines is a human right, not a privilege. We call upon the United Nations, international financial institutions, and the private sector to work with us to build resilient health systems. Together, let us explore local production, regional supply hubs, and fairer mechanisms to ensure that no nation is left to face health emergencies alone. As an African, I stand here as one of the trumpet voices of Africa, a continent all too often treated with affable indifference. Africa's voice is not heard. This United Nations cannot be truly international. It cannot be truly together. and will not be better until our continent, home to one-fifth of the population of the world, is afforded an equal voice at the highest body of this organization. Friends and partners in the Permanent Five, it is time to make good on your promise to a continent. Agree a permanent seat on the UN Security Council for Africa, for 80 years the only continent without one. I also appreciate the decision by Britain, Australia, Canada, and France, among others, to give heightened attention and consideration to the Palestinian crisis. The carnage in Gaza, it must prick our collective consciences. We stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people in their pursuit of a home and of dignity. So, too, we affirm our support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. We urge all parties to stop the war and seek a peaceful resolution. Distinguished delegates, the theme of this General Assembly is Better together. This is not a slogan. It is a truth. We are better together in combating pandemics, better together in adapting to climate change, better together in securing peace, and better together in ensuring that human dignity is not a preserve of the few, but the inheritance of all. Let us therefore recommit ourselves to multilateralism, not as a matter of convenience, but as a matter of deep necessity, for none of us can weather the storms of this century alone. As Botswana looks to the future, we do so with humility, but also with determination. We stand ready to contribute, to partner, and to lead where we can. Together, let us ensure that when future generations mark 100 years of the United Nations, they will say of us they were a generation that turned words into action, promises into progress, and hope into reality. I thank you. Thank you so very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Botswana. The Assembly will hear an address by Her Excellency Sylvanie Burton, President of the Commonwealth of Dominica. I request protocol to escort Her Excellency and invite her to address the Assembly.

Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, Mabrika, Mabrika, I bring you greetings in my native Kalinago language, the language of the first people of the Caribbean, whom I am proud to call my ancestors. Madam President, On behalf of the government and people of the Commonwealth of Dominica, I am pleased to congratulate you, my fellow woman, on your appointment to guide the affairs of the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly, a responsibility for which you are eminently qualified. We wish you every success in your new role. Excellencies, I address you at a pivotal time in the history of this organization and indeed of this world. I am reminded of the words of the famous British novelist, Charles Dickens, in his acclaimed novel, and I quote, "A Tale of Two Cities," end of quote, a novel set in a time of social upheaval, division, and transformation. I quote, "It was the best of times, it was the worst of times." End of quote. Although this novel was written over 160 years ago, these words remain relevant today. As we celebrate 80 years of the existence of the United Nations, we are living a tale of two worlds. For some, it is indeed the best of times, strong economies, access to education, medicines, top-class health care, clean water, sanitation, and housing. They are at the frontier of the artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies with expanding digital infrastructure and rising standards of living. But for many, It remains the worst of times. Persistent poverty, growing hunger, displacement, instability and war. Nations on the front lines of climate change, enduring the worst impacts and debt crisis, not of their own making, but a price they pay for the excesses of others. Unfortunately, this is not fiction, but our shared reality. If we as the United Nations do not confront this duality, this inequality, we will write a catastrophe of our own. It bears restating that the UN was created 80 years ago to prevent wars, to promote peace and international cooperation, based on ideals of mutual respect, human rights, and the rule of law. It has championed multilateralism, recognizing that no one country has the answer for the world's problem, that the world is interconnected, and to maintain peace, we should operate a rules-based and not power-based approach. A tale of two cities, portray the society where the powerful live in luxury and the oppressed suffer in silence. We can take heed of the warning that we glean from Dickens' work, that injustice should not be ignored, that when powerful nations impose their will on the less powerful without accountability or regard for the rule of law, they plant seeds of discord and future unrest. What have the lessons taught us? What should we ask ourselves as we gather year after year in this chamber? Are we truly listening to the nations that take the podium every year to decry poverty, inequality, climate change, underdevelopment and conflict? Do we have a system where resources and decision-making are truly being equitably shared? Or are we instead operating a system where power protects itself? I am reminded of the old African proverb, and I quote, "When elephants fight, the grass gets trampled." End of quote. We, the small island developing states, we are the grass. In today's geopolitical landscape, We feel the brunt of the impact when global powers engage in political, economic, or military confrontation. Economic sanctions, trade restrictions, aid conditionalities, conflict, and wars, to name a few, affect global supply and the affordability, availability, and transportation of goods and materials. This significantly increases the cost of doing business and the prices of basic foods on our supermarket shelves, putting several goods out of the price range of many. Madam President, we have come here time and time again to advocate for fairness, to advocate for understanding, to advocate for change, in respect of matters that concern our very viability as small nations, on matters that affect our very lives and livelihoods. A major area for us is the devastating impact of climate change on our nations. Yet, in climate negotiations, powerful nations still drag their feet. Polluters enjoy protection and adaptation and mitigation efforts are underfunded. Meanwhile, our countries, which everyone accepts, contribute the least to the climate crisis, continue to risk extinction from rising seas, extreme flooding, devastating storms, drought, amongst many other negative impacts of climate change. Madam President, how can this be fair? How can this be morally defensible? While we complain about these things, equally horrifying is the indiscriminate and deliberate loss of life that we see around the world from bombings, from induced hunger, from sanctioned violence and genocide. We do not have the power to prevent the storms and to bring the rains where there is drought, but we do have the power to limit further climate change and help countries adapt and mitigate its impact. So too, we have the power to end wars and not start new ones. We have to be willing to talk to each other, to empathize with each other, We should return to the founding principles of the United Nations. Wherever there is conflict, be it in the Horn of Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, or, sad to say, in the Caribbean, major powers engaging in geopolitical conflicts result in civilians becoming collateral damage, economies collapsing, increase in prices, and instability. I want to emphasize here today that there is no place in the Caribbean for war. The Caribbean is a zone of peace. Any military conflict in the Caribbean will have significant negative impacts on the Caribbean and Latin America. There is a better way to resolve differences. We urge the powers that be to find another way. And so, Madam President, I return to our tale, where a man dismissed by society gives his life for another. Are the wealthiest nations willing to give up dominance for fairness, to make sacrifices to ensure justice, equity, and climate resilience for all? Will we choose compassion and empathy over control and indifference? Madam President, we stand in solidarity with the people of Haiti. We insist, like other CARICOM Member States, that the current crisis being confronted by our sister CARICOM State in no way nullifies the entitlement of its people to the recognition of their sacred sovereignty and their right to be central in the search for a fair and durable peace in their country. The Government of Dominica remains convinced that our sister CARICOM state, Haiti, faces major challenges today in part because of the glorious contribution Haiti made to the quest for justice and freedom in our region and the world. Indeed, the current complexion of this august body would have been unimaginable without the heroic struggles of the Haitians. As such, the crisis in Haiti is much more than a Caribbean crisis. and its solution requires a united response and the support of the United Nations to resolve. My delegation unreservedly supports the position of CARICOM on the situation in Haiti, a position that rightly calls for a Haitian-led and owned transition process to bring across systematic changes for the benefit of the Haitian people. Let us provide them with all the support that they need. Nothing less is demanded of us. Madam President, the Commonwealth of Dominica is keen to underscore its commitment to advocating for unity, justice, peace, and the sustainable human development that they foster. In this regard, we continue to urge that the long-running, unjust, and illegal economic embargo against the people of Cuba be revoked. Maintaining this embargo is harmful, not only to the long-suffering people of Cuba, but also to the image and profile of its sponsors. Cuba, like every other country, has a right to its self-determination. Dominica continues to stand in solidarity with Cuba. The trade and economic embargo imposed against our brothers and sisters in Cuba continues to be of great concern to us in the Caribbean. Its lifting grows increasingly urgent. Therefore, The Commonwealth of Dominica once again joins its voices with the voices of the overwhelming majority of members of this global organization to call for the immediate lifting of trade restrictions and export bans imposed on the good people of Cuba. They are unjustified, they are unjustifiable, they belong to a bygone era. They should cease to exist. They fall, in our view, within the grand narrative of yet another Caribbean people's struggle for liberation. It is for these reasons that the government of Dominica strongly urges a radical reconsideration of these actions. Madam Speaker. Our steadfast advocacy for respect for the United Nations norms of sovereignty and non-interference impels us as well to urge that the right of the government and people of Venezuela to resolve internal challenges without outside interference be respected. We renew our condemnation of the imposition of sanctions on Venezuela. The resulting Hardship forced upon the people of Venezuela needs an immediate and complete end. We also call for restraint and strict adherence to the rule of law as it relates to the presence of US military assets in the blue waters of the Caribbean Sea. The solution to conflict, to challenges, should never be aggression and war. We urge that all diplomatic efforts be pursued to respect the sovereignty of states, preserve the dignity of human life, and promote peace. Madam President, as we celebrate this 80th year of these United Nations under the theme, and I quote, "80 years and more for peace, development, and human rights," end of quote, let it not be just mere words. Let it instead be a call for respect and adherence to a rules-based order that applies to all nations equally, weak and strong, not just when it is convenient to the most powerful. The UN arose out of the ashes of a world torn by devastating wars. Let us not return to those dark days. but instead be guided by law, diplomacy, and shared values. Let us reform the system where small and developing nations have a real seat at the table, that we may have the opportunity to influence decisions that shape global climate policy, security, and economic well-being for all. Let it be where we build solidarity and cooperation and where power is exercised with humility, compassion, and restraint. Madam President, let the history book say that in this chamber, in our time, we chose a better path. In the words of Charles Dickens, and I quote, "It is a far, far better thing that I do than I have ever done." End of quote. Let those words not only be the end of a novel, but also the beginning of a new era for us, the beginning of our collective resolve, where our actions are guided by the desire for true peace, by respect for others and the rule of law, for upholding the sanctity of human life, of ensuring true development and prosperity for all. Let us judge the strength of our global system, not by how loudly the elephants roar, but by how well we protect the grass beneath them. Excellencies, the challenges before us are too great and complex for any one nation to solve alone. We all need each other. So let us leave this hall committed to action, committed to partnership, and committed to each other. Because the truth is simple, yet profound. We are always stronger, wiser, and better together. Madam President, I look forward to the day when a woman leads this great institution as Secretary-General, which, to my mind, would be a symbol of true equality. I thank you for the courtesy of your attention.

Thank you.

I would like to thank the President of the Commonwealth of Dominica. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Wesley Simina, President and Head of Government of the Federated States of Micronesia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madam President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of my people of the Federated States of Micronesia, I am honored to extend our heartfelt national greeting, Ngamaralik, to you on this momentous celebration of the 80th session of the General Assembly. Congratulations, Madam President, on your election to preside over this distinguished Assembly. Your leadership and insights will guide us moving forward. I also wish to commend the leadership of our outgoing President. At this time, I also want to express my gratitude to the Secretary-General, for his tireless and unwavering commitment in guiding our collective work. We are grateful for your dedication and efforts in keeping hope and cooperation alive across our global community. Madam President, Micronesia joins the United Nations in commemorating its 80th anniversary. This milestone calls on us to renew our collective commitment to strengthen multilateralism for the challenges ahead. Reiterating our commitment to multilateralism and inclusive reform, Micronesia emphasizes that any measures taken under the UNAD initiative must reflect the delicate balance and unique vulnerabilities faced by small island developing states. It is paramount that structural adjustments must enhance, not limit, our access to political support and representation. We urge that reforms ensure

the continued resilience, tailored assistance, and participatory voice of small island developing states in the evolving UN system so that no one is left behind. Madam President, the climate crisis is not up for debate. We all know that. The only question now is whether we, as leaders, will act with the urgency it demands. The landmark ICJ's advisory opinion reminds us that climate action is not only a moral imperative, but also a legal one. It affirms that all states, particularly those who are parties to the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement, must do their fair share to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius and that major emitters carry the primary duty to act and keep 1.5 alive. It also underscores the obligations of developed countries to support the adaptation efforts of countries like mine, who live with the impacts of climate change every day. It confirms that not meeting these obligations can lead to legal consequences under international law. This points to the simple truth that the core of this climate crisis lies the pursuit of justice, justice for the most vulnerable, justice for future generations, and justice for our shared planet. I call on the General Assembly to adopt a resolution endorsing the ICJ's opinion so that together we send an unmistakable signal that upholding climate obligations under international law is the shared duty of all nations. Pacific Island leaders have spoken with one voice in our recent Pacific Islands Forum communique. Mitigation must be a global priority, and mitigation across all sectors must be a core objective of every country. Cutting methane now could prevent 0.3 degrees Celsius of warming by the 2040s, slowing ocean heating, and buying us time for long-term decarbonization. This is the only scalable near-term solution that can protect vulnerable nations and peoples today, while we build the future of clean energy tomorrow. The COP30 will be the first opportunity since the ICJ's advisory opinion for us to take ambitious and aggressive actions to put the world back on track for 1.5 degrees. There is no time to waste. After three decades of COPs, and now with the clearest pronouncement by the ICJ, let us get to work. Madam President, Micronesia remains committed to achieving an ambitious global agreement to end plastic pollution, including the marine environment. Micronesia actively participated in the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee on Plastic Pollution. We are proud to have stood with over 100 countries, making clear that the pollution emitted from the full life cycles of plastics requires a full life cycle approach. to address all pollutions from plastics, from the production and design stages all the way through the waste management and remediation. This pollution, including climate warming, greenhouse gases, and thousands of other toxic chemicals, severely impacts our health, our environment, and our economies. Despite the failure of the INC to produce a plastics treaty in Geneva, we are not giving up. The plastic pollution crisis is far too dire to ignore. Madam President, the year 2025 is an important year for the ocean. In June this year, the UN Ocean Conference adopted the Nice Ocean Action Agenda, a forward-looking document for to guide us all. Also, as of today, there are 145 countries that have signed the PPNJ agreement and 70 that have ratified. With this development, we are pleased that PPNJ agreement will enter into force in four months. Micronesia is also participating in the related and critical work of the International Seabed Authority. Micronesia is following a precautionary approach to deep sea mining. We emphasize the necessity of consolidating comprehensive knowledge data and scientific understanding of the marine environment and the impacts of deep sea mining before any exploitation takes place. Additionally, it is crucial that all stakeholders including adjacent coastal states, indigenous peoples, and local communities in the Pacific are consulted and their perspectives considered before any exploitation occurs. In Micronesia, we have taken steps in preparation for exploration and possible exploitation in a responsible manner. We urge the ISA to finalize without further delay all relevant regulations, standards, and guidelines for its mining gold prior to any exploitation, as failure to do so risks countries turning to alternative measures. Madam President, small island developing states face unique and heightened vulnerabilities to climate change shaped by geography and scale. Disaster risk reduction and resilience strategies must reflect these realities. That is why the multidimensional vulnerability index is so vital to us. It recognizes our economic, environmental, and social fragilities, and it ensures that support reflects genuine need, not just income levels. The NPI provides a fairer framework for allocating resource. Development partners must base their decisions or aid decisions on it, pairing it with traditional measures to better target climate and disaster support. Going forward, implementation demands three things, adoption by international bodies, continuous technical refinement, and strong commitment from partners to align financial and policy support with the vulnerabilities the NPI reveals. Only then can this tool deliver the resilience our small islands urgently need. Madam President, Micronesia continues to confront a high prevalence of non-communicable diseases, the persistence of emerging and re-emerging infectious diseases, and rising mental health concern. In response, we are reorienting our health systems around primary health care as the foundation for universal health coverage. We are investing in the rehabilitation of primary health care clinics, the development of our health workforce, and the use of telehealth to extend essential services to our most vulnerable, and hard-to-reach populations. However, to realize the goal of universal health coverage, additional financial and technical support from the international community is indispensable. Madam President, gender equality and social inclusion are equally central to our development agenda. Our strategic development plan raises this at its core. with the objective of ensuring equal access to services, equitable participation, and opportunities for all our citizens to thrive. Madam President, peace and unity are the foundation of our nation. Our FSM Constitution, or Micronesian Constitution, reminds us that we must, and I quote, "live together in peace and harmony to preserve the heritage of the past and to protect the promise of the future." End quote. Today, as conflicts continue to unfold across the world, we hold hope that they may be resolved through leadership rooted in peace. In our region, while we have both peace and unity as guiding values, we find ourselves navigating the geopolitical and geostrategic competition among major powers. As leaders of the Pacific Islands Forum, we recently adopted the Ocean of Peace Declaration at the 54th annual meeting in Oniara. In doing so, we affirmed that no single member state can face the growing threats to peace and security alone. We must act together as one Pacific family. Madam President, Micronesia co-sponsored the first-ever UN resolution on AI, alongside 120 member states. While AI holds great promise for economic development, it also carries the risk that must be carefully managed. The inclusive and constructive dialogue that shaped this resolution offers a model for future discussions including those on peace, security, and the responsible military use of AI. As the digital world advances at an unprecedented pace, global cooperation is essential to ensure that AI systems remain safe, secure, and trustworthy. Micronesia, through our own cybersecurity efforts, is committed to developing national strategies and policies to safeguard our digital data and mitigate the risk of malicious attacks. Madam President, food and water security remain pressing challenges for Micronesia as fragile freshwater sources and climate extremes undermine agriculture, marine ecosystems, reduced yields of traditional crops, and increased reliance on costly, less nutritious imports. Compounding these challenges, just days ago, I was compelled to declare a national state of emergency due to an ongoing oil leak from a World War II sunken vessel in Jube Lagoon. This ship, together with more than 60 other wartime wrecks, has rested in our waters for nearly 80 years since the war's end. But now, these remnants of conflict pose new dangers as toxic oil seeps into our ocean, threatening our fisheries, coastal communities, and livelihoods. The scale of this crisis far exceeds Micronesia's capacity to address alone. As we mark the 80th anniversary of the war's end, we appeal to the international community to work with us in transforming this legacy of war into an opportunity for cooperation. Madam President, Micronesia again emphasizes the urgent need to address the current structure of the United Nations Security Council, which fails to represent the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. The exclusive nature of its permanent membership creates inequities and hampers effective responses to global crises. To enhance legitimacy and accountability, we must restructure the Council to include underrepresented voice, including Japan, India, Germany, Brazil, and the African continent. Such reforms would better reflect modern international dynamics and strengthen the Council's role in promoting peace and security. Madam President, eight years ago, the United Nations was founded on a simple but enduring truth: every nation, big or small, has a voice, a vote, and a role to play in shaping the world we share. Micronesia may be small, but our voice, our vote, and our place within the international community is committed to choosing that we are, in fact, better together, that truth must guide us still, Because big or small, every nation has the power to choose peace over conflict. Big or small, every nation has the power to choose peace over conflict. Because small, every nation has the duty to protect our planet from harm. Big or small, every nation has the responsibility to defend justice and human dignity. Big or small, We always have been and always will be better together. I thank you.

I would like to thank the President and Head of Government of the Federated States of Micronesia. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Taye Adgesa Alase Amde, President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Your Excellency, Madam President, Your Excellency, Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, Ladies and gentlemen, Excellency Annalena Baerbock, I would like to extend my heartfelt congratulations to you and your country, Germany, on your election as President of the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly and wish you a productive tenure. I would also like to thank His Excellency Philemon Young, President of the 79th session of the General Assembly for his able leadership. It is a great honor for me to address this august assembly representing my country, Ethiopia, a founding member of United Nations on this historic occasion which marks the 80th anniversary of the organization.

Madam President, looking back On the 80 years of its existence, the United Nations has considerable achievement to celebrate. Our sacrifice for decolonization has left a lasting legacy on the global body, making it truly universal with the admission of newly independent states. Armed conflicts are prevented, humanitarian catastrophes are averted, and deadly pandemics successfully contained. Global cooperation under the framework of the Millennium and Sustainable Development Goals has resulted in a reduction of extreme poverty and paved the way for climate action. These achievements, however, cannot conceal the outstanding need for reform and revitalization. The most glaring one is the inequitable representation of states in the global security, political, and financial architecture. The United Nations must also overcome the systemic problems it suffers from a lack of impartiality, selectivity, and double standards. The emerging controversy over the fundamentals of the international system and the principles of the United Nations Charter is risking the very foundation of international cooperation. These trends should not be normalized or serve as a baseline in the determination of our standards and targets. We are also deeply concerned by isolationist policies and precedent military buildup, arms race, and the disturbing trend of retraction from development and climate commitments. These varying trajectories are counterproductive to the collective progress of humanity and undermine the very premises of peaceful inter-state relations. It is Ethiopia's conviction that the remedy lies within our reach. No state can single-handedly manage global challenges. We therefore call on fellow member states, especially developed countries that have historical responsibilities, to reverse recent downward trends and intensify efforts towards the collective public good of development and peace. Madam President, Ethiopia supports the peaceful resolution of all conflicts. The paths of violence must yield to the power of diplomacy. We affirm our historic position on the right of the Palestinian people for self-determination. Direct negotiation among the warring parties is an immediate necessity. Humanitarian assistance must reach to all the people in need. This is not a political preference, but a moral imperative. As Ethiopia has pronounced it in its position during the adoption of the resolutions on the two-state solution, The international community should join hands to end the vicious cycle of violence and stalemate in order to give peace a chance. We wish to underscore any proposed peace and reconstruction plan in the Middle East should not create complications to adjacent countries and regions. More than any time before, the United Nations is indeed called upon to face events that greatly exceeds its powers and capabilities. It was in 1949, at the first session of the General Assembly, the Egyptian delegation forewarned the risks of ineffectiveness and intrusion into the mandates of the General Assembly. This was caused by the excessive number of bodies and mechanisms created. It is in this light that we see the ongoing reform process under the UN 80 initiative as an opportunity to preserve the mandate of the General Assembly by rectifying its dispersion to a multitude of other bodies. Ethiopia reiterates Africa's longstanding call that there should be more decentralization and deployment of institutional and financial capacity to the global south, especially to the African continent, where the United Nations has most of its programs. Madam President, Africa, guided by Agenda 2063, is advancing development as its preferred security policy. The continent is scoring a higher rate of economic growth. Domestic revenue mobilization is on the rise. Africa's climate action in renewable energy development, emission reduction, and afforestation is indeed unmatched in any other parts of the world. Efforts to enhance public welfare, combat transnational threats, and decrease inequality are being intensified. Despite these achievements, the global crisis continues to impact Africa's capabilities to deliver on development aspirations. Chief among this is the compounding debt crisis. In line with the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and Civil Outcome Document, we emphasize the need to advance an ambitious agenda on development finance. Coercive measures and trade restrictions, in particular those targeting Africa, must be lifted immediately. More importantly, CEPEI calls for a new global action for debt cancellation, restructuring and suspension. Madam President, it is our view that the national security of states, especially those in the same region, is indivisible and interdependent. To this effect, We will intensify our efforts to combat global terrorists operating in our region. We call on the international community to extend the required support to the African Union peace missions, in particular the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia. Now is not the time to retreat from global action in combating terrorism. Furthermore, we reiterate our call for urgent action to reform the United Nations Security Council. Africa's representation in both categories of membership of the Council must be given priority. There is no shortcut or half solution to this longstanding pursuit for justice. Distinguished delegates, excellencies, I have the distinct pleasure to share with this august assembly recent milestones of great significance achieved by the people of the Nile River Basin. With the entry into force of the agreement on the Nile River Basin Cooperative Framework, the Entebbe-based Nile River Basin Commission is nearing establishment. This year, we also celebrated another milestone. On the eve of the Ethiopian New Year, Ethiopia commissioned the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which transforms Ethiopia's renewable energy generation capacity. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, with an installed capacity of over 5,000 megawatts, signifies our commitment to clean energy for all. Its true meaning is found in the lives it transforms. The Renaissance Dam brings light to 60 million Ethiopians who currently lack access to any form of clean energy. It promises power to Ethiopia's energy demand, which grows by more than 20% every year. It is a symbol of liberation of millions of Ethiopian women and girls freeing them from the backbreaking search for firewood. The dam will be instrumental in the attainment of all of the sustainable development goals. It boosts our capability to provide clean water to our people who live under chronic shortage, create employment for our youth, and ensure food security. GERD also enhances regional connectivity. The overwhelming support and solidarity we received on the occasion of the inauguration inspire greater efforts to forge cooperation among the riparian countries of the Nile River Basin. Madam President, our pan-African aspiration to break the vicious cycle of underdevelopment should bring our countries together to realize initiatives that will transform the lives of our people. The time is now to work towards Africa's true independence, driven by African agency and guided by the common destiny of our people. Ethiopia, with its second largest population in Africa and significant maritime trade, places high importance on the safety and security of maritime navigation in the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. We concur with the Secretary General's statement during the OASR conference that no state should be locked out of opportunities for growth, finance and technology due to geographical circumstance. The international law maxim that defines the high seas as a common heritage of mankind and guarantees equal right of access and use to all states must be brought to reality. In collaboration with other states, Ethiopia will work towards a comprehensive approach to ensure equal development and security for all states along the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Ethiopia will also keep on advancing this legitimate policy objective through diplomacy and peaceful engagement. Madam President, in conclusion, I am convinced the spirit, genius, and competence of humanity towards unity, justice, and collective well-being will triumph over the current atmosphere of rivalry and hopelessness. For its part, Ethiopia is firmly committed to upholding multilateralism centered on the Charter of the United Nations and to contributing to the maintenance of collective security and sustainable development. I thank you, Madam President.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. We shall now continue the general debate. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Antonio Costa, President of the European Council of the European Union. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Signore Presidente, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, The world faces a crucial choice. Do you want a rules-based international order that upholds multilateralism and the United Nations Charter, or a chaotic world based on unilateralism, violence, and disruption? The European Union knows where it stands. We are a project of peace, of reconciliation, of social justice. We are and will remain a steadfast defender of multilateralism, of the rules international-based order, and of the United Nations Charter. The alternative to this international rules-based order is a chaotic, and violent world. As seen in Sudan, an unreported and devastating conflict with destruction of huge proportions. As seen in Gaza, as seen in Ukraine. In Gaza, where we witness an unimaginable suffering, children starving, families shattered, a humanitarian catastrophe that shocks the world's conscience. The use of starvation as a weapon of war is immoral and one that defies words. The European Union condemns terrorism in all its forms. The horrific attacks by Hamas cannot be forgotten. And we stand with Israel's right to security. Every country, every people have the right to live in security. The hostage must be released immediately. The Palestinian people have also the same right to security and to live in a viable state. A negotiated two-state solution is the only path to peace. Security for both peoples, dignity for both peoples, this is the solution we seek. The European Union has been an indispensable partner in the region. We are the largest provider of humanitarian aid to Palestinians. European funding has kept hospitals, schools, and institutions running. We have been, over the years, the largest supporter of the Palestinian Authority, supporting them in their reform agenda and in their efforts to ensure effective control of all the territory of Palestine. Dear friends, the European Union fully assumes its responsibilities, but we alone cannot stop this humanitarian catastrophe. Peace in the Middle East requires a collective response, and we need everyone to assume their responsibilities. We must act together and demand the unconditional release of all hostages, an immediate ceasefire, full and impeded humanitarian access, an end to illegal settlements, a renewed, credible commitment to a two-state solution. This was the strong message from the two-state conference, Austin, on Monday, by France and Saudi Arabia, to which the European Union is fully committed. In Ukraine, a sovereign nation was brutally attacked by a permanent member of the Security Council, in clear violation of the United Nations Charter, a clear violation of sovereignty, territorial integrity, the respect of internationally recognized borders, and the right to choose its own destiny, principles that bind all the members of the United Nations. This aggression threatens not only Ukraine. It threatens every nation in this Assembly. If we accept Russia's invasion of Ukraine, no country will ever be safe. There is only one root cause to this war: Russia's refusal to accept Ukraine's right to choose its own destiny. For over three years, this war has claimed innocent lives, destroyed cities, and fueled global insecurity. Our collective security is tied to Ukraine's resilience. The European Union stands firm in supporting Ukraine in their fight for a just and lasting peace, in their efforts to bring an end to the killing and Russia to the negotiation table, in their future reconstruction in providing security guarantees to prevent future attacks in their path to full membership in the European Union. We will continue to apply pressure on Russia to end this war. We call for meaningful negotiations and an immediate ceasefire and a just and lasting peace. This is not Ukraine's fight alone. It is a fight for the principles we all hold dear.

Your Excellencies, the European Union is determined to build a world founded on the fundamental values that we share with the United Nations: peace, human rights, and sustainable development. Human rights are the foundation for global peace and stability. Social protection, decent jobs, gender equality, and the fight against poverty are not optional. Rather, they are the guarantees of human dignity, of social stability, and of lasting peace between nations. The European Union defends freedom, democracy and human rights, values which today are threatened by disinformation and by the abuse of digital technologies. We need to have global standards for transparency and accountability mechanisms. They also need to be as dynamic as the technologies that we are trying to regulate. to make sure that digital technologies give citizens means to act and not autocrats or the new technology oligarchs. The European Union is in favor of a human-centered approach to artificial intelligence. We are at the forefront of the first global regulatory framework in the world for responsible AI. and we are calling for an equivalent level of ambition in the international domain. We're doing this based on our fundamental values: dignity, democracy and the rule of law. Your Excellencies, climate change is not fake news. It is a scientifically proven fact that is affecting our present and our future. Destruction and deaths brought about by fires, floods and hurricanes are not an invention. We're talking about something all too real. In addition, investing in decarbonisation is key for the energy sovereignty of every country, for innovation and for the competitiveness of our economies. That is why the European Union fully shoulders and fulfills its commitments undertaken in the context of the Paris Agreement by reducing its emissions by 55% by 2030 and by achieving climate neutrality by 2050. We will continue actively promoting the protection of our oceans which are lungs and the lifeguard for our planet. We welcome the ratification of the UN Treaty on the High Seas to safeguard biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction. Sustainable development also means building alliances, not dependencies. We are at the forefront of the fight against climate change. Through the European Union's Global Gateway program, some 300 billion euros are being mobilized by 2027 in sustainable investments and connectivity throughout the world. This is a decisive contribution to help attain the Sustainable Development Goals. In addition, the European Union, together with its Member States, accounts for some 42% of global development assistance. We are the main donors to the World Health Organization, UNICEF and the United Nations Development Programme. We lead and we will continue to lead global solidarity, even at these times of major budgetary restrictions affecting the United Nations system. Lastly, we need to make headway in reforming the international financial architecture and in the management of debt. The international financial system needs to be fairer, more inclusive, and more tailored to current challenges so that it can also help us to close the financing gap for development by following the path that has been set by the Seville Commitment.

Excellencies, the European Union is a global partner. The European Union and its member states are staunch political supporters and the largest collective donors to the United Nations. As the pillar of the multilateral system, we are working closely with other regional partners. That is why we are building stronger trade and industrial partnerships across the globe. We are advancing deals with Mercosur, Mexico, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand. not just to boost trade, but to increase global predictability and resilience. The trade and investment agenda based on fairness, sustainability, digital innovation, labor rights, and climate alignment. Because trade deals, not tariffs, deliver real benefits for all countries, companies, and citizens. In the multipolar world, we are building a powerful global network of partnerships with Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean, United States and Canada, the Arab world, Asia, and the Pacific, as well with our European neighbors. In today's multipolar world, there is no global South or global North. Both are plural. And the European Union will continue to work with all partners in the spirit of global solidarity and meaningful partnership, because multipolarity needs an effective multilateral system, a rules-based international order under the United Nations Charter. And this commitment stems from our own history. Europe rebuilt itself from the ashes of old World War II through peace, through reconciliation, and through integration. We know these principles work because they worked for us. At a time when international cooperation is being tested, the value of reliable partnerships has never been greater. The European Union is a reliable and predictable partner and stands firmly with the United Nations. We will defend its principles, support the reforms of United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres, work to make the United Nations more inclusive, more representative, and more effective. With the UN80 reform initiative and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. At a time when multilateralism is under threat, let me leave you with one simple promise. You can count on the European Union. Count on us to stand for peace, for multilateralism, for justice, for human dignity, for sustainability. The time has come to choose clearly, peace over war, law over force, accountability over impunity, solidarity over division, sustainability over crisis, justice over inequality. The European Union has no doubts about where we stand, and you cannot have any doubt about where we are. Thank you very much.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the European Council of the European Union. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency, Phillip Isdore Mpongo, Vice President of the United Republic of Tanzania. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madam President, Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, This year, we gather at a historic moment when we are commemorating 80 years since the founding of the UN, but in a somber mood. The theme of this General Debate, that is, "Better Together: 80 Years and More for Peace, development and human rights reminds us that determined cooperation remains our best vehicle for addressing urgent global challenges of this century and beyond. Yet, we are faced with chaos in the form of unilateralism with arrogance, barbaric wars, persistent poverty, injustice, pandemics, as well as an impending climate catastrophe. As we mark 80 years of the UN, we are called to rekindle the vision of its founders, anchored on two pillars. First, nations can overcome difficulties and accomplish more when they work together in solidarity. Second, peace is humanity's truest desire, which we must seek and pursue relentlessly on the basis of international law. By contrast, war is undesirable. It is a senseless path to resolving conflicts on which everybody loses, and its bitter fruits include unspeakable loss of innocent lives, too many orphans, widows and refugees, as well as wanton destruction. Yet, the United Nations Charter has guided us through many challenges over the past 80 years, reminding us to uphold peace, justice, cooperation, and dialogue to resolve conflicts. Today, as the world faces new tests, we must therefore hold firmly to these same principles, for it is only by respecting and living by the Charter that we can honor the past and build a safer and better future for all of us. Excellencies, the past eight decades also remind us that change is the only constant in our world. The challenge of today are not the same as those of yesterday, nor will they be the same tomorrow. Thus, for the UN to remain relevant and is true to its noble mission, it must embrace change. Tanzania welcomes the UN80 reform initiative unveiled in March this year, which seeks to enhance efficiency across the UN system and strengthening effectiveness. My country stresses the importance of upholding the principles of transparency, equity, and objectivity in the process, so as to renew trust and foster inclusive global governance. We thank the Secretary-General for engaging Member States in this endeavor. Nevertheless, Tanzania reiterates Africa's position on redressing the continent's underrepresentation in the Security Council and calls for admission of at least two permanent seats for Africa with veto power, as articulated by the Ezulwini Consensus. Tanzania also joined other countries of the Global South in demanding urgent and comprehensive reform of the global financial system. While we support the outcomes of the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development held in Seville, Spain this year, we renew the call for scaling up long-term concessional financing, revising sovereign credit rating frameworks, and rethinking debt sustainability assessments in order to unlock capital for investment in infrastructure, education, health, and climate adaptation. We reiterate our demand for increased voice and representation of Africa in the governance structures of the IMF and the World Bank. These noble demands have gone unheeded for a very long time and must be addressed now. Excellencies, SDGs remain our common plan for a better world. Yet with only five years left before 2030, it has been established that over 80% of the targets are off track, with progress on more than half of the goals being weak and insufficient. The big elephant in the room, suffocating progress, is an estimated financing gap of $4 trillion per annum. Nevertheless, Tanzania remains committed and has made strides in implementing the 2030 agenda, with overall performance estimated at 60%. Examples include SDG 3, where maternal mortality declined from 750 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2000 to 104 in 2022. For SDG 6, access to clean and safe water increased in both rural and urban areas from 32 and 55% in 2000 to 79.9 and 94% respectively by 2024. On affordable clean energy, SDG 7, the number of villages connected to electricity increased from 8,587 in 2000 to 12,318 in 2024. Only 15 villages remain without electricity. However, significant challenges remain, especially on environmental sustainability, that is SDGs 13, 14, and 15. Going forward, We urge the international community to strengthen collective response to climate change, seizing the opportunity presented by COP30 in Belem, Brazil, prioritizing delivery on the pledges for climate action, including capitalization of the Loss and Damage Fund. We call for increased long-term concessional financing, technology transfer, and fairer trade terms to complement our zeal in domestic revenue mobilization, reversing capital flight, and pursuit of win-win partnerships in the exploitation of our natural resources. I am glad to inform the Assembly that in June 2025, we launched the Tanzania Vision 2050 that articulates our long-term development aspirations and dovetails quite well with the SDGs agenda. Excellencies, peace is not a bonus. It is a prerequisite for socioeconomic development. We must therefore seek and pursue peace tirelessly. We commend the efforts of the UN Secretary-General, world leaders, and organizations that are active in conflict mediation and resolution in countries and regions such as Eastern DRC, Sudan, Russia, Ukraine, and the Middle East. As we commemorate the Beijing+30 and celebrate the progress made in promoting gender equality and the empowerment of women, we call for full involvement of women in the quest for peace. In this regard, I must say, Her Excellency, Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan, the first woman president of Tanzania, has shown the way in articulating policies and actions that strengthen the role of women across all sectors of our society. Regionally and internationally, she has been a champion of peace, justice, security, and clean cooking. Tanzania, as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council, and in our then role as chair of the SADC organ on politics, defense, and security cooperation over the past year, actively contributed to peace initiatives and supported measures to prevent and resolve conflicts. In this spirit, Tanzania announces its candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the term 2029-2030, reaffirming our commitment to global peace and security. Excellencies, Tanzania opposes the continued imposition and proliferation of unilateral coercive measures, which undermine the principles of sovereign equality and peaceful coexistence enshrined in the UN Charter. Such measures, often applied without mandate of the Security Council, represent a form of economic aggression that disproportionately harms innocent civilians by depriving them of essential needs such as food, medicines, and capital goods. In this context, Tanzania reiterates its principle of solidarity with nations, including Zimbabwe and Cuba, and the peoples who continue to endure the adverse effects of the long-standing economic embargo and sanctions. We stress that these embargoes and sanctions contravene international law. Similarly, Tanzania stands in solidarity with the people of Palestine and Sahrawi, who continue to be denied the fundamental rights of freedom, sovereignty, and self-determination. Tanzania also strongly condemns all forms of terrorism carried out within or across national borders. Madam President, Excellencies, and distinguished delegates, in his last speech to the United Nations General Assembly prior to retirement in 1985, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the founding president of my country, articulated the principle that, and I quote, "To be silent when we see danger, to refrain from attacking policies which are seen as contrary to the interests of peace and justice, to do these things would be to surrender our freedom and our dignity. That we shall never do." End of quote. Following the same principle, Tanzania considers unilateralism and misuse of military might, as well as shameful incapacity of the international community and global powers to bring an end to bloodshed and horrific wars raging in many places around the world to be unacceptable. Similarly, Tanzania condemns the resurging use of the law of the jungle as a means of resolving conflicts, as well as committing atrocities that cast shame on the whole of humanity, particularly extreme violence against children, women, the sick, and the elderly in conflict situations, as well as imperial attitudes, including that of regarding Africa as a free mine to be exploited and ample land to be plundered. The hypocrisy and scandal of international companies some of which are state-sponsored, to continue to prosper from the exploitation of Africa's natural wealth while causing or supporting conflicts should be brought to an end now. Instead, Africa needs win-win partnerships in the exploitation of our natural wealth. Tanzania also reminds the international community that increased military spending on research and manufacture of weapons for money is tragic and morally wrong. It obstructs the quest for peace in the world and takes away an enormous amount of resources that could have been used to propel sustainable development and prosperity for all humanity. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the United Republic of Tanzania. The Assembly will now hear an address by Her Excellency, Jessica Rose Epelalupo, Vice President of the Republic

of Uganda. I request protocol to escort Her Excellency and invite her to address the Assembly.

The President of the UN General Assembly, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. I bring you warm greetings from His Excellency General Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who could not be present personally on this, and on whose behalf I am privileged to address this 80th session of the UN General Assembly. Madam President, let me begin by warmly congratulating you on your election as the President of the 80th session of the UN General Assembly. Uganda assures you of its full support throughout your tenure. And I also extend our appreciation to His Excellency Philomen Yank for his capable leadership during the 79th session. We commend the Secretary-General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, for his continued commitment to the roles and responsibilities of the United Nations. This year marks 80 years since the founding of the United Nations, born out of the devastation of the Second World War, with the aim of preventing future wars and promoting global cooperation. This anniversary is timely and is a reminder of our shared responsibility to uphold multilateralism and strengthen global solidarity in addressing common challenges. The theme of this year's General Assembly, "Better Together", resonates well with our national objectives. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism remains an essential framework for building collective solutions to global problems. We reaffirm our commitment to the Charter of the United Nations as the cornerstone of multilateralism, international diplomacy and cooperation with the global mechanisms to promote and support the intertwined values of humanity, namely peace and security, human rights and shared prosperity. We are equally committed to fast-tracking the achievements of the 2030 Agenda on sustainable development and implementation of the Pact for the Future. Madam President, Uganda continues to play an active role in advancing peace, stability and security within our region, e.g. in Somalia, South Sudan, the DRC and the Sudan. Uganda remains committed to the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts. We remain the largest troop contributor to the African Union Mission in Somalia since 2007, which has been succeeded by the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia and now the African Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia. As a country, we have invested both human and financial resources in promoting peace and stability unreservedly. These efforts require reliable and predictable funding. We therefore call on the international community to commit adequate resources for peacebuilding and peacekeeping missions to ensure that their sustainability, effectiveness and success becomes a reality. In South Sudan, Uganda continues to support the peace process as one of the guarantors of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, contributing to efforts aimed at restoring stability and unity in the country. On the peace efforts in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda has been working with regional leaders on the Nairobi and Luanda processes aimed at finding a lasting solution And we also remain supportive of other complementary efforts by the international community. Madam President, we urge greater international support for regionally-led peacebuilding and stabilization initiatives, recognizing them as vital foundations for inclusive and sustainable development. We also call for enhanced global cooperation in tackling the root causes of conflict, including inequality, climate change, pandemics, new technologies, transnational crime and terrorism. Madam President, Uganda calls for the comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to address the imbalance in its current configuration and make it more equitable, just and democratic. We demand for Africa's representation on the Council as a special case. as a matter of urgency in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, in line with the common African position enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sauti Declaration. Africa must have two seats in the permanent category with all rights and privileges, and two additional seats in the non-permanent category. On the question of Palestine, we urge the international community to give renewed priority to the realization of the internationally endorsed two-state solution. We appeal to the United Nations Security Council to play a decisive and just role in resolving the Palestinian issue, which is crucial for lasting peace in the Middle East and central to global peace and security. We join the international community in the long-lasting call to end the embargo on Cuba that has been tightened recently with unfair designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. Uganda is recognized globally for its progressive refugee policies. Madam President, we host the largest number of refugees in Africa, currently standing at 1.9 million. Uganda allocates land to refugees and integrates them into our national systems, sharing public services such as education and healthcare, etc. However, this model is under serious pressure due to declining international support amidst rising global geopolitical tensions. The drop in partner funding has strained our already limited resources, affecting both host communities and our ability to meet national development targets, including SDGs. Uganda remains committed to upholding its obligations, but we cannot do this alone, as it diverts vital resources from our national development needs. Madam President, We therefore urge the international community to meet its obligation and support host countries like Uganda. Refugee hosting should not become a debt burden. Uganda should not be expected to borrow money to care for displaced population fleeing conflict. Madam President, with just five years remaining to achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, Progress in many developing countries remains far off track. Bridging the estimated US$4 trillion annual financing gap is crucial. The failure to mobilize adequate resources highlights the shortcomings of current international financial cooperation. We call on the international community to fully implement existing commitments, including the Seville Commitment, the 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda, the 2008 Doha Declaration, and the 2002 Monterrey Consensus. These agreements provide a framework for enabling developing countries to expand their physical and policy space and drive balanced and inclusive development. Accelerating the SDGs requires renewed commitment to multilateralism, global solidarity, and the strengthening of international cooperation mechanisms to ensure that no one is left behind. Madam President, Uganda's commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights remains central to our national development agenda. Our constitution guarantees civil and political rights, freedoms of association, assembly and expression, and the right of every citizen to participate in democratic governance. Since the introduction of multi-party democracy, Ugandans have enjoyed regular, free and fair elections at all levels in Uganda. Madam President, Uganda was the first country in the Sub-Saharan Africa to introduce universal free primary education in 1987 and universal free secondary education in 2007, an endeavor which has enabled our children to attain basic education and has improved the literacy at numerous levels in our country. and all the associated benefits and multiplier effects. Health remains at the core of our development strategy. Uganda is scaling up investments in primary health care and deploying digital health solutions to improve service delivery and accountability. Our HIV/AIDS response remains a global model of political will and community engagement. Under the Presidential Fast Track Initiative, Uganda has reduced HIV prevalence to 5.5%, achieved 96% treatment coverage among those diagnosed, and over 90% viral suppression. Madam President, as the current chair of NAM, Uganda is committed to advancing the principle of unity, peace, and solidarity among its members. We support stronger collaboration between NAM and the UN in promoting the interests of developing countries. In this context, we call for accelerated progress on the adoption of the long-overdue Covenant on the Right to Development. Uganda looks forward to welcoming Honourable Ministers of NAM Member States and observers at the 19th Mid-Term Ministerial Conference scheduled to take place in Kampala between 15th and 16th October 2025. Madam President, as I conclude, the United Nations has stood as a pillar of development, a pillar of peace and human dignity for the last eight decades. It remains indispensable. It would be impossible to imagine the world today without the United Nations. Uganda acknowledges the UN's many achievements, its legitimacy, convening power, and normative influence. Madam President, More must be done to adopt and adapt and strengthen multilateralism. We must redouble our efforts to uphold international cooperation and ensure that the United Nations system is reflective of the current realities and capable of addressing the intertwined global challenges of peace and security, human rights and sustainable development. Let us commit to leaving no one behind. Better together. I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Republic of Uganda. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency, **** Schoof, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, back in 1947, A seven-year-old boy, a Dutch boy called Derek Salomons and his father made a long car journey to the German city of Cologne. When he arrived, Derek couldn't believe his eyes. "It was a shocking sight," he said in a recent newspaper interview. "Rubble everywhere, people living in abject poverty, the entire city flattened by bombing." Today, almost 80 years later, Those images are still seared in Dirk's memory, and that was precisely his father's intention. "He wanted to show me what war can do to a city," Dirk recalled in the interview. At the same time, he added, "We were also hearing radio reports about the establishment of the United Nations in New York, and all my father's hope was invested in that." When the interviewer asked what exactly the hope was based on, Let me now recall the opening words of the United Nations Charter, "We, the peoples." And indeed, it is the peoples of the world, the people who task their governments with saving them from war, human rights violations, and armed conflicts. "We, the peoples." It was those words on that day in Cologne that inspired Derek Salmons to embark on a career as a UN diplomat that spent almost 30 years And it is those same words, 80 years on, from the UN Charter that still remind him and us of that task. Of course, the world has changed dramatically since then, and unfortunately we must acknowledge that the mission, no more war, has failed. In fact, this year, even as we celebrate the United Nations' 80th anniversary, we have heard it said that the UN can no longer justify its existence. Anyone who says that, however, has forgotten where we came from. Without the UN, there will be no disarmament treaties, no International Court of Justice, no climate agreements on sustainable development goals. Without the UN, which is often the only organization capable of supplying aid in the toughest places on the earth, millions of people will be deprived of food, clean water, and medical aid. Over the past 80 years, we've taken the UN's achievement for granted. We've neglected to look back on where we've come from and all the milestones we have achieved along the way. And although the situation right now might be especially difficult, I know this too, it has never been easy. Every achievement was preceded by the lengthy consultations. Countries were often at loggerheads, and sometimes we were attempting to throw in the towel, but that never happened. And the reason can only be that, despite our many differences, we all understand what's at stake. That's the context in which I feel the increasingly frank debate on the UN future. Yes, the world has changed. Yes, international relations have changed. And yes, the way we work together has changed. But I believe that this can lead us to only one conclusion. that we must change with times. And that's exactly what we're doing through initiatives like UN80, which aims to enhance the UN's impact on the ground, simplify structure, and forge stronger partnerships with other bodies, like international financial institutions, the private sector, and philanthropic organizations. Changing with the times also means making the most of today's opportunities. Early this week, I spoke with several UN youth representatives. They are growing up in a different time to you and me, with new concerns, but also new opportunities. We need their insights, not only because our decisions will affect their future, but above all, because they are the future. So if we are to move forward, we must work together by using AI and other technologies wherever possible. And the Kingdom of the Netherlands has already taken the lead on this by teaming up with donors and partners to explore new ways of boosting the efficiency and effectiveness of multilateral institutions. New ways, but not new principles. Because the guiding principles as laid down in the UN Charter 80 years ago remain unchanged. And today I'd like to reflect with you on the most important one of all, the protection of the international legal order. Back then, That inspired everything we stand for today, leading to a multilateral system of agreements and providing a powerful counterweight to the idea that might is right. In my part of the world, that's well for a long time. But now we know that this is not a given. We've seen that in Ukraine, whose people have been suffering under Russian attacks for three and a half years now. As Ukrainian troops continue fighting every day to protect their country, their families, and their right to self-determination, people in the areas occupied by Russia are enduring systematic oppression and grave human rights violations on a daily basis. We've seen several initiatives aimed at bringing peace closer since spring, such as the talks in Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the US. But peace still seems like a very distant prospect. Ukraine has adopted a constructive stance, but so far, Russia has shown no real willingness to accept the US proposals. And in the meantime, the war of aggression and the suffering continue unabated. But in case you're thinking, there goes another European who only wants to talk about European problems, let me assure you that is not the case. If the UN 80 years have taught us anything, it's that all the big issues are closely interlinked. As a kingdom of different countries in different parts of the world, we know that better than anyone. Take food security. In the European part of our kingdom, we are approaching the limits of what the earth can sustain, while the Caribbean part of the kingdom has seen how vulnerable people are when they are dependent on others for their food security. And there, there are those other matters that we hear far too little about, even though they give cause for grave concern. Just look at what is happening in Sudan. Since April 23, more than 150,000 people have been killed, and 14 million more have had to flee their homes. All trade routes and aid corridors have been cut off, so for the past year, humanitarian organisations have been unable to provide more aid. As a result, half the Sudanese population is living with the reality of food insecurity. And in parts of Darfur and Kordofan, a famine has been declared. This has to stop. The Netherlands, together with the EU and donor countries, is therefore calling on all the warring parties to respect international law and allow humanitarian aid to reach those who need it. The Netherlands will continue supporting these humanitarian efforts for Sudan, not only by working via the UN and the Red Cross, but also by giving 60 million euros to the Sudan Humanitarian Fund this year, and almost 7 million euros to the Dutch Relief Alliance in Sudan. As I said, the horrors unfolding in Sudan have barely registered in the outside world. same cannot be said of the horrors unfolding in Gaza. Every day, we see more heartbreaking images emerging from the region. Images we scarcely thought possible. Images that defy our understanding and even our faith in humanity. And there is only one appropriate response. This war, this suffering, must end now. That starts with the safe, independent, and unlimited access of humanitarian aid for the suffering people of Gaza, including UN aid. And we will continue at both national and European level to urge the Israeli government to drastically change its course. The annexation of the West Bank and Gaza City is unacceptable. We condemn any move in this direction. In addition, we are supporting the European Commission's proposal to restrict investment in Israeli companies that develop dual-use technologies. And we're also stating clearly that we want to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement, refuse goods from illegal settlements, and stop issuing export licenses for arms. At the same time, these actions must not obscure another truth. Hamas is a terrorist organization that must lay down its arms. There is no place for Hamas in the future governance of the Gaza Strip. What's more, the only route to a lasting peace is through negotiations that ultimately lead to a two-state solution. And with the signing of the New York Declaration in this high-level week, including by the Netherlands, we are taking a step on the path to a lasting peace. Ladies and gentlemen, as I come to the end of my remarks, I realize, as I'm sure you do too, how much work still needs to be done, how many areas in which we, the UN, have fallen short, and how long we've waited to adapt to this changing world. So I understand that some of us may be tempted to give in to despair. And yet, we cannot allow it, because 80 years ago, a Dutch boy stood hand in hand with his father amid the ruins of Cologne. And in that wasteland appeared a glimmer of hope, sparked by what happened here in New York, a glimmer of hope that inspired Dirk Salomons and his father, and the peoples of these United Nations, we, the peoples. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Bart De Wever, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Belgium. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President, esteemed colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, it is the first time that I stand before you. I am 54 years old, which means that I was a teenager in the 1980s, when Ronald Reagan was president of this great country, a man that I admired and that I still admire. Today, I'm nostalgic of that time because then I truly believed that the Western world was bound together by shared values and mutual respect. And I also believed that these values would eventually rule the entire world. Today, we are reminded of the Melian Dialogue of the Greek historian Thucydides. He described how envoys from Athens forced the small, neutral island of Melos to choose sides in the Peloponnesian War. If Melos refused, Athens would destroy it. Thucydides captured the brutal logic of power in one single sentence: "The strong do what they can, and the weak suffer what they must." He may have been right about human nature, but that is not the world we want to live in today. Civilization means striving to be better than our basic instincts, to rise above them. The United Nations was born out of the most destructive war in human history to embody precisely that aspiration. And yet today, international organizations are under pressure. International law is under pressure. Respect for sovereignty is under pressure. Geopolitics often boil down to sheer ego politics, and I regret this deeply. That is why I stand before you today to advocate for a world anchored in mutual respect, a world of free and fair trade, a world of strong partnerships, respect, and cooperation, a world based on international law, a world that tackles climate change, a world of peace, prosperity, and progress. The United Nations remain crucial in pursuing that ambition. The United Nations are far from perfect, And this is why we support the UN80 reform agenda, because the challenges we face are immense. And I would like to highlight two domains in which we urgently need to move forward, our security and our prosperity. First, security. All who cherish freedom must work to build resilient and vigilant societies. We face new forms of imperialism, new military threats, and violent conflicts that destabilize entire regions. This is not the path we choose, but neither can we afford to be naive. Those who wish for peace must be prepared to defend it. That is why we stand firmly with Ukraine. We must erect a barrier against those who look at us the way the Athenians looked at Melos. Belgium is therefore assuming its full responsibility investing more in defense. Together with our European partners, we are striving for greater integration of our armed forces and defense industry. At the same time, we must strengthen ties with all countries committed to peace and stability. We must also confront the rise of international organized crime, Criminals know no borders. Criminal networks exploit the gaps between police forces and legal systems. They fuel terrorism, human trafficking, and the illegal arms trade. But there is hope. Across Europe and in Latin America, I have witnessed a new willingness to deepen cooperation. And I am convinced that many African and Asian countries struggle with the same problems. Together we can make our societies open for business but closed for crime, because the security of our citizens must always remain our first responsibility. That is the first great challenge we must tackle. Another major challenge we face is to ensure as much prosperity as possible for as many people as possible. The world today is once again gripped by protectionism, and yet the evidence of history is clear. For over two centuries, free and fair trade has been the only true engine of progress. It has decimated extreme poverty. It has dramatically increased life expectancy. It has enabled medical breakthroughs that defeated once devastating diseases. Free and fair trade is the way forward. We must nurture it and we must defend it. We must tear down trade barriers. We must allow our economies to grow across borders. We must stimulate productivity, strengthen labor markets, and invest in innovation. In short, we must create prosperity that is globally shared. And let us remember, prosperity engenders peace. Prosperity builds trust. Belgium stands ready to be your partner in this endeavor. Belgium is and will always remain open for business. Mr. President, distinguished delegates, let us not succumb to the harsh logic of Thucydides. Let us prove that the destiny of humankind is not to dominate or to suffer, but to cooperate and to prosper. This is, and should always remain, the mission of the United Nations.

I thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Belgium. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency, Alain Maillet-Hallinan, Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Chad. I request protocol to escort Her Excellency and invite her to address the Assembly.

Madame President of the General Assembly, ladies and gentlemen, heads of state and government, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Because of constraints linked to his national agenda, Marshal Mahamat Idriss Deby Itno, President of the Republic of Chad, head of state, who wished to be involved in this important meeting at the United Nations, has not been able to come to New York. He would like to convey his sincere regret for not being here and has conferred upon me the task of delivering his message, which reaffirms Chad's commitment to the principles of multilateralism and the sovereignty of peoples. It is therefore for me a great honor to deliver to this august assembly the message of the President of the Republic of Chad, head of state, and I quote, "Madam President of the General Assembly, ladies and gentlemen, heads of state and government, Secretary General of the United Nations, I would like at the outset to honor God, the all-powerful force of wisdom and strength that enabled us to come here together in a spirit of dialogue to look at the challenges of our time and of our world, primarily the questions of development, but also international peace and security. I would like to convey our congratulations to Madam Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th session of the General Assembly on her election and assure her of the full support of my country in carrying out her mandate. By the same token, I would like to express our sincere thanks to Ambassador Philomene Yang, outgoing President, for his outstanding leadership of the previous session. Thus, I would also like to express our sincere appreciation and our full support to Secretary-General Mr Antonio Guterres for his unfailing efforts to fly the flag of multilateralism high, embodied by the UN, whose mission and even raison d'etre is currently being tried by numerous challenges that are constantly affecting our common bedrock of humanity. Madam President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I am speaking to you before this august assembly with a great weight of history and the force of a sincere conviction. The United Nations, 80 years after it was born, in the pain, so to speak, of wars, must come to life once again in the truth of our hopes. Better Together 80 Years for Peace, Development and Human Rights is more than just a celebration. It is something that strikes us an invitation to re-examine the role, the relevance and the political and moral legitimacy of our shared organization. It would be wrong to deny the historic merit of the UN. The UN has contributed to preserving global peace. It has helped decolonization, it has fostered human rights, and provides a multilateral cooperation framework. Nonetheless, we need to underscore that 80 years after it was established, the UN is still far from having accomplished the aims that were conferred upon it by the charter. Despite undeniable progress that I have mentioned, we have to note that the UN has never disappointed as much as it is today, in particular because of its inability to stop bloody conflicts that continue to prevail in several areas of the world, in Africa, in Asia, in South America. There is increasing defiance because too often major decisions taken by this organization seem to serve the interests of some great powers to the detriment of the aspirations of the countries of the South, because the Security Council remains a very fixed structure, a legacy of the post-war period, where Africa the cradle of a fifth of humanity remains excluded for all major representation because sanction and intervention mechanisms are often selective and indignation seems to be conditioned on where it's happening geographically. We need to be bold enough to say here. Peacekeeping missions of the UN have often failed in their promises and in their duty, be this in Haiti, in the CAR, in the Democratic Republic of Congo or in Mali. The blue helmets in certain cases have been accused of inaction and even behaviour that runs counter to the very principles of the organisation that they represent. How can we understand that instead of protecting, some have been complicit in violations? How can we explain that after being there for decades, conflicts still persist and in some cases are worsening? These failures, often tragic, erode the legitimacy of the UN on the ground and in people's hearts. It is crucial for peacekeeping operations to be reformed very deeply and evaluated it in a transparent way, refocused on their fundamental mission to protect civilians. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, for more than seven decades, the world is witness, powerless, to a human and political tragedy. I'm talking to you about the Israel-Palestinian conflict, the current situation in Gaza with indiscriminate bombing, millions of thousands rather of civilian deaths and the systematic destruction of vital infrastructure is a collective failure of the international community. We're not just talking about a conflict anymore, we're talking about a humanitarian scandal and an unprecedented moral challenge. The latent war between Israel and Iran, regional tensions and the inability of the UN to bring a lasting solution undermines not only stability in the Middle East but peace throughout the entire world. As long as justice has not triumphed in Jerusalem and Gaza, there will be no clear, people's consciences will not be clear here in New York. As long as international law is flouted in Palestine, it will be weakened elsewhere. We are calling this year, as we do every decade for the effective recognition of the Palestinian state in the 1967 borders, the immediate end to illegal settlement, and a political solution that guarantees the coexistence of two viable, free, and secure states. To this end, my country welcomes the adoption by a broad majority of the New York Declaration on Palestine, dated the 12th of September 2025. This is a historic step forward and a major step in the quest for a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East. Our collective duty from now on is to transform this strong declaration into specific acts and to turn the hope of the Palestinian people into a reality. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, in the area of development, the UN is struggling to make the collective step forward that is needed to ensure the implementation of international agendas and primarily the 2030 agenda. Five years from the fateful deadline, we are going to have to mobilize annually more than 4,000 billion dollars to meet the development financing deficit in poor countries. To this end, the civil commitment is, there is no doubt, our last chance to move from words to action to speed up the implementation of the SDGs. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, whether we're talking about peace or international security or development or climate action, the future of multilateralism, to which we're all committed, is really at stake here. For this, we need unfailing commitment relentless determination and more solidarity-based collective action and robust action to implement the common goals that we've established such as the 2030 agenda, the Seville commitment, the Paris agreement, the pact for the future, or the Doha plan of action for LDCs, the Antigua and Barbuda plan of action for small island developing states, and the OAS plan of action for landlocked developing countries. The success of the UN will be judged in the light of our collective ability to help vulnerable countries, such as African countries and countries in special situations, their ability to meet the challenges to ensure that no person be left behind. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, despite these legitimate frustrations with the UN and given the challenges that are increasing and becoming more complex, from day-to-day, it is crucial that the world really needs the UN and it needs multilateralism because the world's challenges can only be addressed through cooperation and collective action. The aspirations of the peoples of the world for a peaceful life, a healthy planet, and equal opportunities, access to well-being and prosperity, all whilst human rights are upheld. are valid, as are everybody's right to live in a just, fair, and safe society. But they can only be ensured through multilateralism. Therefore, we have the Pact for the Future and the Seville Commitment. And these are exciting because they really translate this thirst, this desire for the UN. so it cannot disappoint or betray the legitimate aspirations of the people of the world. We cannot go it alone. We cannot stop this collective impetus. Of course, we are fully aware of the troubles that are there in the world because of the increase in unilateral actions and geopolitical tensions. But development aid here is seeing drastic cuts that are having a significant impact on the most vulnerable countries and communities and are really hitting at the heart of the operations of the entire UN system. UN entities and agencies have had to cut off vital services that were benefiting the most vulnerable in the most fragile of countries, refugees, women, children, AIDS sufferers. just overnight have been found cut off from treatment and health care, and therefore their lives are now in danger. It is crucial to preserve what has been achieved in carrying out the reform of the UN very painstakingly, because a fatal blow must not be brought to the UN, because it must carry out its most noble task to assist the most vulnerable. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, strengthening and preserving multilateralism, and it's something that we all want, also involves a long expected reform of global governance. My country therefore has quickly implemented the recommendations of the pact on the reform of the international financial architecture and the UN by improving the working methods and strengthening the General Assembly. But also, we very much want to see the reform of the Security Council. and it is an extremely urgent matter. It goes without saying that if there is one body that really embodies all frustrations, all injustices and all double standards, it is the inability of the UN to respond to the expectations of the people, then that is embodied in the Security Council. It is totally unacceptable that Africa The cradle of humanity, the demographic lungs of the entire world, the strategic driving force of the 21st century, remains marginalized in the highest echelons of international governance. This exclusion is not just a political aberration; it is a historic injustice, and that injustice must be addressed without delay. For several years now, Africa has been calling consistently and with dignity for what is its right: two permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council, with a veto right, in line with the Ezulwini Consensus. This is not a favour or a concession; it is a call for justice, for representation and for coherence. The world cannot claim to be in favour of peace, balance and legitimacy while more than a billion people are held to one side, kept to one side of vital decisions for the future of the planet. We are not asking for permission in Africa. We are reaffirming our voice, our vision, and our vocation in Africa. Unfortunately, many people believe that a lot of the world is indifferent to the ills that Africans are facing, and the Security Council is just providing very basic service. There are multiple meetings on issues pertaining to the continent, but they have very little impact on people. The facts can attest to this. For example, 14 years have passed and Libya is still in a political impasse and so it is pushing peace back into the annals of history in Sudan. Civilians have been abandoned to their sad fate because the Security Council has not been able to or has not wanted to shoulder its responsibility by bringing the warmongers to a cessation of hostilities and to ensuring and bringing about a peaceful settlement of their disputes. This inability of the Council to fully play its role as the guarantor of international peace and security is a reason to speed up its reform to adapt to the reality of today's world and to make it more inclusive, more representative, more democratic and therefore more effective. Ladies and gentlemen, Madam President, in a world that is constantly changing, where there is increasing interdependence and challenges transcend borders, my country Chad would like to reaffirm from this rostrum a fundamental truth. State sovereignty is the bedrock of international order. Sovereignty is not a privilege or a concession. It is an inalienable right enshrined in the United Nations Charter. It guarantees that each people can take ownership of their own destiny. It ensures the free determination of its political, economic, and cultural choices and the respect for its own identity. In this body of nations, each state is one particular note bringing about global harmony. Nobody should be silenced. Nobody should be constrained to be uniform. Sovereignty is the very precondition for dialogue, peace and international justice. This is why we are calling for more fair global governance, where the states of the South, emerging nations, voices that have long been marginalized, can fully enjoy their rights to speak, to take part in decisions, and to enjoy dignity. Africa is calling for its legitimate place in global governance. The United Nations cannot just accept symbolic arrangements anymore. A root and branch institutional reform is necessary.

Madam President, My country, Chad, in the heart of Africa, is both witness to and part of the struggle for peace and security. We are at the crossroads of all contemporary challenges: security, humanitarian, climate challenges, but also major sources of hope. Our country is facing the persistent threat of terrorism, which is destabilising the region of the Lake Chad Basin. Given the threat posed by Boko Haram, Chad has not received any external support and has had to deal with this on our own. This sacrifice, borne by the people of Chad, which has often been done without receiving gratitude, bears witness to our country's commitment to bring about peace and security. It is time for the international community to recognize this reality and to support us in this struggle. Above and beyond security, Chad is also facing the tragic effects of climate change. We are seeing droughts and natural disasters affecting our food security and undermining our development. We are calling for heightened solidarity to provide equal access to financing, to green technologies and vaccines, which are critical to build resilient and fair societies. In this context, we urgently need to step up efforts to preserve our ecosystem, notably around the Lake Chad basin, where the retreat of this lake is directly threatening the life of millions of people. Chad and many other countries in Africa have virtually no greenhouse gas emissions, and nevertheless they are bearing the brunt of a crisis that they did not cause. That is why we're calling for fairer global governance, where Africa can have its legitimate place. We're calling for effective climate justice and equal access to financing to green technologies and vaccines. Madam President, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, Chad has been through many different political convulsions and is part of a sub-regional context which is marked by crises, conflicts and wars. But we were able to overcome this transition, holding our head high. Our country has been able to overcome the most pessimistic predictions, and we have been able to make progress based on dialogue, which has been part and parcel of this transition. From this rostrum, I would like to express our gratitude to God and to the people of Chad who have made this success possible. We would like to thank our partners, in particular the UN, for their decisive support. Thanks to this multifaceted support, Chad has been able to take decisive steps forward towards democratic and inclusive governance. I'm certain that my compatriots will continue with this momentum and that we'll be able to overcome the remaining challenges. And in so doing, we will continue dialogue and national reconciliation to bring about peace and national unity, to defend our territory, and to overcome the challenge of achieving socio-economic development. All of these measures are part and parcel of the political program which led to my election in May of 2024. It is in this context that the government has just adopted the new national development plan for 2025-2030, which is the Chad Connection 2030. This focuses on four key domains: and it aims to carry out significant changes in our economy and in our society. In order to realize this ambitious program, Chad is intending to mobilize 30 billion US dollars, of which 46% are expected to come from the private sector. I'd like to take this opportunity to invite all our partners to the roundtable for the mobilization of resources, which is scheduled for the 7th and 8th of November in Abu Dhabi in the UAE. As concerns the situation in Sudan, we'd like to express our deep concern about the war, which is devastating that country and which is affecting the entire region with incalculable humanitarian, socioeconomic, environmental and security consequences. When it comes to the humanitarian domain, for instance, the situation to the east of Chad is deeply alarming. Ladies and gentlemen, the impact of this crisis on people is also significant. We are seeing that the number of refugees from Sudan into Chad is more than 2 million, of whom 1.5 million have arrived since the 15th of April 2023. In the east, the west and the south, refugees, notably from Sudan, Nigeria and Cameroon, have been coming in in significant numbers. We have a sense of humanitarian duty and we will continue to open our doors to welcome our brothers and sisters, notably from Sudan, but we cannot bear this significant burden for humanitarian assistance alone, and that is why I call upon the international community to help these people and to help Chad to overcome this challenge with support. In the military domain, the continuation of hostilities in Sudan will only extend the suffering of civilians from Sudan and exacerbate the humanitarian situation in combat areas and also in neighboring countries such as Chad who continue to see the further influx of refugees. Chad regrets the fact that the numerous appeals for a ceasefire have not been heard and we urge the parties immediately to cease hostilities to facilitate humanitarian access and to engage once again in political dialogue. We are convinced that the current crisis in Sudan cannot be resolved through weapons but rather through peaceful means, through inclusive inter-Sudanese dialogue so that lasting peace can be achieved. Chad, which has a position of strict neutrality vis-a-vis the conflict in Sudan, and which has always supported efforts to bring about peace in Sudan, reaffirms its commitment to peace in Sudan and its availability to contribute to any initiative that can promote dialogue between the protagonists to end this war, which has lasted too long. On the situation in the Central African Republic, Chad welcomes the positive momentum towards bringing about peace to achieve national reconciliation and socio-economic progress, which are all still ongoing in that country. We welcome the policy that His Excellency Faustin-Archange Touadéra of the CAR has been rolling out. Thanks also to the mediation that Chad has had the honor to be part of, we reaffirm our commitment to the peace and stability of the CAR, and we are willing to further make efforts to support peace and reconciliation in that country. Ladies and gentlemen, beyond our region, Africa as a whole remains a continent that crystallizes all attention. in spite of our marginalization in global governance. If the UN wishes to survive the next few decades, it must once again become the house of the people and not just that of the powerful. The UN must speak to young people in the Sahel, mothers in Gaza, to farmers in the Amazon, to displaced persons in Sudan, refugees in Ukraine and Burma, with one voice, that of shared humanity. Better together, that means recognizing our failures so that better to overcome them in the future. Better together means admitting that no one has a monopoly on truth or pain. Better together means finally building an international system where every nation counts and where every human life has the same value. We therefore call on the UN to once again find its soul and its moral power. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Chad believes in peace. Chad believes in the UN. But even more than this, Chad believes in humanity, because Chad is the cradle of humanity, because we are convinced that together, united in diversity, we can overcome the challenges of our time. We can change the world. We can protect fundamental rights. We can ensure that peace wins out and we can bring about sustainable development for all. The words of Idriss Deby Itno, the President of Chad. I thank you for your kind attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank His Excellency Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Chad. The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Kamil El-Tayeb Idriss, the Transitional Prime Minister of the Republic of Sudan. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Madam Annalena Baerbock, President of the General Assembly, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Your Excellencies and Majesties, Kings and Heads of State and Government, Your Excellency, Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen, Heads of Delegations, Peace and God's blessings. be upon you. I congratulate Ms. Annalena Baerbock on her election as President of the General Assembly's 80th session. I also congratulate Mr. Filamon Yang on his presidency of the General Assembly at its previous session, and we appreciate his good performance and the efforts that he made for the cause of peace. We especially appreciate His Excellency, the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres, for his tireless efforts and valuable initiatives for peace and justice, and for the achievement of the goals and principles of the United Nations. and for his support for the causes of developing countries. I stand before you today. I stand before you today on behalf of the civilian government of the Sudan. I stand before you today on behalf of the civilian government of the Sudans and on behalf of the proud Sudanese people to fulfill the pledge made by His Excellency

President Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Chairman of the Sovereignty Council, at this August Global Forum, a pledge to appoint a civilian prime minister with independent powers to consolidate the values of civilian governance and democratic transition.

I stand before you from the banks of the Nile, from the land where history runs as deep as the river itself, from where the deserts know the footprints of ancient kingdoms, ancient civilizations, And from where? In this present hour, this present hour, the dust still carries the scent of war. Sudan has bled. Our villages and cities have fallen silent. under the shadow of unprecedented war, unprecedented invasion in the history of mankind. Our children have known fear before they have known the meaning of life. And yet, and yet, Amid the ashes of war, there is a unique pulse that refuses to die. It beats in the refugees' quiet prayer, in the farmer who plants, though he may never reap, and in the mother, the mother who sings her child to sleep beneath an open sky. From that pulse, distinguished leaders of the world, from that pulse, I share with you these words.

Amalun Hope reborn of our unity. and strength emanating in our peace.

I wish to say, in addition to this, that Sudan is a great civilization. Its resources are necessary for the entire world.

Madam President, We are witnessing great challenges. We are facing enormous dangers posed to the principles of the Charter and multilateralism, while threatening regional and international stability. Meanwhile, the norms of international law are being eroded as the crimes of genocide, aggression, and the employment of foreign mercenaries to occupy the territories of states and slaughter their peoples. These crimes multiply in contempt of the Charter and in violation of international law, as is now happening in my country. Mr. President, we must build trust. We must reinforce transparency and strengthen the role of the General Assembly, preventive diplomacy, and the peaceful settlement of conflicts. The capacity and the role of the United Nations can be strengthened through collective action and multilateral international cooperation. We can take advantage of the momentum generated by the UN80 initiative, the outcomes of the future summits, and of major international conferences. Despite the international consensus on the illegality of unilateral sanctions and unilateral coercive measures, which violate international law. These sanctions continue. They are imposed for political reasons, which threatens the values and bonds of international cooperation, international relations, and the rights of peoples to development, well-being, and the enjoyment of human rights, especially in developing and least developed countries. We are concerned over the political exploitation of human rights and their use as a means to pressure our country without considering the economic aspects of human rights that are affected by these unilateral sanctions and measures. We renew our rejection, our absolute rejection of hate speech, racism, extremism, Islamophobia, and all forms of discrimination and racial supremacy that threaten humanity as a whole. Madam Mr. President, during the past three years, the people of the Sudan have been subject to existential dangers and threats as a result of the crimes perpetrated by the rebel Rapid Support Militia. The people of Sudan have been forced out of their homes and of their homeland. to flee systematic killing and torture and looting and rape and humiliation and the savage destruction of all the components of life, the basic components of life. These actions were deliberate. These actions were part of an integrated project to control Sudan, to plunder its wealth, and to change the demographics of its population. Preserving the sovereignty of the state and its well-established national institutions is a top priority. It is an existential issue for the Sudanese people. Therefore, the civilian transition and democratic transformation under the leadership of the civilian government of hope and the establishment of peace will not be achieved without ensuring that we have strong national institutions that preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state. The international community, and you are the leaders of this international community, You are the entire international family. The international community must work to stop the flows of lethal weapons, advanced ones, to the terrorist militia. It must condemn the militia, criminalize it, and classify it as a terrorist group, and must stop the flow of mercenaries. Violating resolution 1591 threatens to prolong the war and prolong the suffering of civilians with it. It decreases the chances of peace and threatens the safety unity and stability of Sudan and the entire region. Achieving comprehensive peace in Sudan requires the participation of Sudanese political forces and the different walks of Sudanese society in decision making and in determining their future because they are the true stakeholders. There must be no foreign interference or pressure, no hasty partial solutions, and no support for ethnic political extremism that plots to destroy Sudan. We affirm from this podium the commitment of the government of Sudan to the roadmap, which was drawn up by a group of national forces and civil organizations, and which we presented to the United Nations and to the mediators. This roadmap includes a ceasefire accompanied by the withdrawal of the terrorist Rapid Support Militia from the areas and cities it occupies. It includes lifting the siege of the city of Al-Fashir immediately, lifting the siege on the city of Al-Fashir immediately, as well as the city's environs, and implementation of Security Council Resolution 2736, adopted over a year ago. Imagine this, this resolution was adopted by the Security Council over a year ago and nothing has happened to this very day. Is this plausible? Let us take a moment to reflect. Children are dying, women are dying, the elderly are dying because of starvation and the international community is silent. All of these measures include the dignified and safe return of the displaced and of refugees. It includes facilitating humanitarian access to the needy and affected, and continuing with the transitional political process towards democracy. Here, Advanced steps, truly advanced ones, have been taken to implement this roadmap. I have formed a civilian government of technocrats that will engage in a Sudanese-Sudanese national dialogue that includes all political and societal forces to lay the groundwork for elections that are free and fair and to engage positively with regional and international communities. In this context, the government has committed and continues to facilitate all procedures for all Sudanese citizens abroad to return and engage in this important historic dialogue. Mr. President, one of the priorities of the civilian government of hope is to work to achieve objectives that include the following: achieving peace as a top priority, establishing the rule of law, a state based on the rule of law, fighting poverty and corruption in all its forms, activating transitional justice, accountability, ending impunity, adopting a balanced foreign policy, engaging positively with international and regional organizations, providing services such as electricity, water, security, pensions, revitalizing rural development, providing national health care, and laying the groundwork for comprehensive national elections with regional and international observers. We will work to remove the remnants of war, to return to the national capital, Khartoum, and start reconstruction efforts, raise the quality of the health sector, and increase the participation of women and youth in the National Dialogue for Peace. Mr. President, the Government of the Sudan affirms its commitment to humanitarian international law. The Government of Sudan developed a comprehensive national plan for the protection of civilians that it submitted to the Security Council and the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The plan covers all aspects of protection, including the establishment of a national mechanism of protection and a mechanism that facilitates humanitarian access and supports United Nations humanitarian efforts under rule of law, accountability, and action to halt the proliferation of weapons and combat violence against women and children. This plan addresses issues of displaced persons and the refugees and seeks to achieve a comprehensive peace. Moreover, the government has signed a cooperation framework with the United Nations. And in this regard, the government renews its commitment to facilitate, protect, and secure the passage of humanitarian aid through all the agreed upon crossings identified by the government of Sudan. The continued international silence on the crimes of the rebel terrorist militia and their siege of the city of Al-Fasher and their bombing of IDP camps and places of worship and educational institutions, the looting of markets and of public and private property, and the destruction of health facilities throughout the country. This silence is tantamount to an encouragement and to giving a green light for these militias to continue with their crimes and their violations. Our doors will remain open. Our doors will remain open to the United Nations and regional and international organizations. We call on the international community to support the choices of the Sudanese people and their civilian government and to support African solutions to conflicts through the will and national ownership and without any tutelage. Mr. President, the dangerous deterioration and escalation and the status quo, what has become of the situation in the Middle East, especially the catastrophic situation in occupied Palestine and the Gaza Strip. warn of serious consequences for the region and its peoples. And here we renew our conviction that no stability and no security will be achieved in the region without a just and permanent and comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian question. that would allow for the establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state with Al-Quds as its capital on the borders of June 1967, in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions. And here, we condemn the blatant Israeli attack on the sovereignty of the sisterly state of Qatar, which threatens international peace and security.

Without peace, there is no viable future. Without peace, there is no viable future.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen.

Be supportive of peace and security. human rights, and sustainable development goals, without which there will be no lasting peace. However, let me say clearly and openly, our sovereignty and territorial integrity are red lines. We will never give up. I promise you, we will never give up. And I thank you for your attention.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank His Excellency the Transitional Prime Minister of the Republic of Sudan. The assembly will now hear an address by his excellency Americo de Oliveira dos Ramos, Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. I request protocol to escort his excellency and invite him to address the assembly.

Madam President of the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. Allow me, Excellencies, to express the profound honor of addressing this distinguished Assembly on behalf of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. At a time when the international community faces challenges of unprecedented complexity, the theme of the 80th session, "Better Together," resonates not only as an ideal but as an imperative necessity for humanity, for collective development and prosperity. On this solemn occasion, we express our solidarity with all nations that, in recent months, have endured natural disasters, conflicts, and humanitarian crises. Here we speak not of mere statistics, but of real human lives, of broken families, of entire communities forced into suffering. Your losses are felt by us all, and your resilience inspires us to redouble our efforts in pursuit of a safer and fairer world. In the same spirit, I take this opportunity to warmly congratulate Your Excellency, Madam President Annalena Baerbock, on your election to preside over this august and historic session. Your vast diplomatic experience and commitment to multilateralism are guarantees of wise and effective leadership. I assure you, Madam President, of the full support of Sao Tome and Principe in the fulfillment of your mandate. Likewise, I extend warm congratulations to the outgoing President, Philemon Yeng, for his very successful leadership of the previous session, which greatly honored the legacy of all those who came before him. I could not fail to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, whose tireless and persistent voice in defense of peace, human rights, and sustainable development continues to serve as a moral compass for our organization. His visionary leadership has contributed to revitalizing the United Nations and adapting it to the pressing challenges of the 21st century. Madam President, Heads of State and Government, Excellencies, Sao Tome and Principe comes before this Assembly with a message of hope and a call to action. In recent years, our country has made remarkable progress in consolidating democracy, promoting peace, and defending human rights. We are an example that even with limited resources, it is possible to build an open, pluralistic, and tolerant society and to sow the seeds of a better future. The privileged geographical position of Sao Tome and Principe in the heart of the Gulf Guinea grants us an added responsibility in promoting regional stability and security. Our country has sought to establish itself as a natural bridge between continental Africa and the Atlantic island communities, facilitating dialogue, cooperation, cultural and economic exchange, combating piracy, and promoting safe trade routes that benefit the entire international community. Our democratic journey, which has become a reference in our sub-region, is marked by the regular holding under existing law of free and transparent elections, by the active participation of political actors and civil society, and by the guarantee of freedom of the press. We believe that democracy is a fundamental pillar of sustainable development and lasting peace. Domestically, the Santomean state has responsibly undertaken reform processes in the fiscal, economic, judicial, and public administration sectors. Implementing public policies aimed at improving human development indicators. Yet, we recognize that the progress achieved remains fragile and constantly under threat. Excellencies, the recent graduation of Sao Tome and Principe to the category of middle-income country in December 2024, becoming the eighth to achieve such milestone, constitutes without a doubt a significant achievement and a just recognition of the efforts made by our people. This graduation is the fruit of concrete and measurable gains that attest to our progress. Between 2020 and 2022, our gross national per capita income reached $2,271, significantly surpassing degree graduation threshold set at $1,306. At the same time, our human development index showed remarkable progress, rising from 59.3 in 2002 to 91.4 in 2024. far above the threshold of 66 points. These indicators reflect advances in fundamental areas such as health, education, and macroeconomic stability. Nevertheless, while this achievement honors us, it also places us before new and demanding challenges that require appropriate responses. It is in this context that we appeal to the international community to ensure that this transition is carried out gradually and harmoniously, accompanied by continuous and transformative support so that we may advance in the economic and productive sectors. preserve the gains achieved and prevent our hard-won progress from being undermined. Aligned with our development efforts, we have defined a vision and the National Sustainable Development Strategy 2026-2040, anchored in sustainable tourism, which will be presented at the Investment Forum scheduled for December of this year in Brussels. On this occasion, we appeal to and invite our bilateral and multilateral development partners to participate actively in this important event, which represents a unique opportunity to establish lasting strategic partnerships. This forum will provide a privileged platform to present our national priority projects, attract foreign direct investment, and consolidate alliances that will accelerate our transition to a green and resilient economy. The implementation of the SDGs remains our primary priority. Despite challenges, we have made significant progress in areas such as health, education, and access to energy. However, the impacts of the recent global health crisis, coupled with the ensuing global economic crisis and the reduction of development financing, reflecting a decline in solidarity and new donor country priorities, have slowed our progress toward the SDGs. This requires a joint and redoubled effort from our country. Sao Tome and Principe remains firmly committed to the 2030 Our current performance places us 112th among 167 countries with a score of 64, reflecting the significant challenges we still face, notably in Sustainable Development Goal 8, decent work and economic growth. This highlights the urgency of diversifying our economy and creating more opportunities for our youth, the fundamental pillar of our future. We are fully aware that we still have a long road ahead. With satisfaction, we recognized our best performance in Sustainable Development Goal 14, Life Below Water, which constitutes tangible proof of our unwavering commitments to marine protection and the sustainable management of our ocean resources. Excellencies, Sao Tome and Principe reaffirms its commitment to the biosphere and to the protection of biodiversity, promoting public policies for the preservation and sustainable use of natural resources. We also note the conclusion of our rotating presidency of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking countries, exercised under the theme youth and sustainability, which reflected our vision of a future built on inclusion, youth empowerment, and collective responsibility for protecting the environment. Saint Thomas in principle is proud to be a pioneer in global biodiversity conservation, with the island of Principe having been recognized by UNESCO in 2010 as a World Biosphere Reserve, an acknowledgement of the exceptional nature of our ecosystems and of our exemplary commitment to environmental preservation. We now look forward with equal anticipation to the conclusion of the ongoing process that will, at the 5th World Congress of Biosphere Reserves, designate the island of Saint-Tome as a World Biosphere Reserve, along with the creation of 8 marine protected areas. Once completed, these initiatives will make Sao Tome and Principe the first country in the world with its entire national territory designated as a World Biosphere Reserve. alongside extensive marine biodiversity protection areas. This will represent an unprecedented milestone in global conservation history and position our archipelago as a living laboratory of sustainability and global model for a small island developing states. I also highlight the decision of the Economic Community of Central African States to establish in Sao Tome and Principe the regional headquarters dedicated to the blue economy. This initiative reflects our vision of sustainable development that balances economic growth with the preservation of marine ecosystems, a vital heritage for all humanity. Ladies and gentlemen, As a small island developing state, we face one of the greatest injustices of our time. We are among the main victims of climate change, despite not contributing to this global scourge. Our greenhouse gas emissions are practically negligible on the global scale, yet we suffer from heavy rains, floods, the destruction of infrastructure, displacement of populations, and social problems. all consequences of climate change driven by the irresponsible actions of the world's largest polluters. In light of this reality, we need new approaches to financing mechanisms that incorporate multi-dimensional vulnerability criteria, integrating environmental, climate, and structural risks that do not focus solely on per capita income. We require financial instruments that are more predictable and accessible with concessional conditions, lower interest rates and repayment terms compatible with our real capacity, as well as simplified procedures for accessing multilateral climate funds, namely the Green Climate Fund and the Adaptation Fund, whose current administrative complexity excludes countries with limited institutional capacity. These reforms are essential to ensure that international financing translates into tangible, resilient and sustainable development for small island developing states. Excellencies, development requires a context of peace and security. We are deeply concerned by the proliferation of conflicts in various regions of the world, from Ukraine to Sudan, including the Sahel, the Great Lakes, and the Horn of Africa, causing immense human suffering and undermining development efforts in those regions of the continent. In this regard, we advocate for the peaceful resolution of all these conflicts because only silencing the guns can create an environment in which a better future with peace and development for all peoples can be built. Saint Helena and Principe strongly condemns all forms of violence and aggression. We stand for full respect of international law and the charter of the United Nations. We reiterate our call for a peaceful and lasting solution for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on the coexistence of two states with secure and internationally recognized borders. We urge the international community to intensify support for African peace and security initiatives, always respecting African leadership and endogenous solutions. Sao Tome and Principe solemnly reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the fundamental principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states and respect for territorial integrity, essential pillars of the international law and the UN Charter. Sao Tome and Principe also expressed its deep concern regarding the persistent Disregard of the international community's appeals for the lifting of economic, financial, and commercial restrictions imposed on the Republic of Cuba. We observe that concerns... with concern the worsening of these policies through new extraterritorial measures that compromise Cuba's economy and affect its resilient people. Domestically, we remain committed to consolidating peace and stability, essential conditions for our progress. In this regard, a reform of our security and defense system is underway, aimed at institutional modernization, technical capacity building, and the construction of a more effective, transparent, and resilient sector, founded on a preventive approach to conflict. However, this is a demanding process that requires the cooperation of our international partners, both technically and financially, to guarantee its success. Distinguished participants, to control these challenges, we need a revitalized United Nations, more agile and more representative of the diversity of today's world. We support reform of the Security Council so that it reflects 21st century geopolitical realities and includes at least one permanent seat for the African continent. It is equally crucial to reduce bureaucracy within the UN system so that our organization can respond more rapidly and effectively in global crises. We need a UN that is closer to the people it serves, more transparent, more inclusive in its decision-making, and more accountable for its results. Cross-cutting issues such as women's empowerment and multilingualism must be at the heart of this reform. Sao Tome and Principe has made significant progress in promoting gender equality, with women occupying leadership positions in government, parliament, the judiciary, and the private sector. We cannot build a sustainable future without the full participation of women at all levels of decision-making. Sao Tomean women are the pillars of our society, leaders in their communities, and agents of change in their families. Madam President, in conclusion, I wish to reiterate the unwavering commitment of Sao Tome and Principe to multilateralism. In an increasingly polarized world, we believe that cooperation and solidarity are the only weapons capable of overcoming the challenges that threaten us all. As a small island, our voice may be modest, but we bring a message of great significance to the world. Our strength lies in the unity of peoples and in our capacity to converge efforts toward a common destiny. Our hope is nourished by the conviction that, united, we can build a more just, sustainable, and harmonious future for all, and by our resolve truly to be better together. In this spirit, I cannot fail to congratulate the United Nations on its 80th anniversary, eight decades of tireless service to peace, human dignity, and sustainable development, have made this organization a symbol of hope for all humanity. We therefore reaffirm our confidence in the central role of the UN as the pillar of multilateralism, and we renew our commitment to continue walking side by side so that all peoples may live in peace, with justice and prosperity. At this solemn moment, I would also like to express our sincere gratitude to all cooperation partners with whom Sao Tome and Principe has the privilege to work. In particular, I highlight the support of the United Nations and its various agencies, whose contributions have been decisive in strengthening institutions and improving the living conditions of the Santomean people. Our gratitude also extends to our bilateral, multilateral, and regional partners, whose solidarity has allowed our country to overcome structural challenges and move forward on the path of progress. Sao Tome and Principe will continue to be an active voice and make its contribution on the international agenda, advocating for democracy and peace, for justice and equality, for sustainable development, and for a prosperous and shared future centered on people and on the good of humanity. Together, we can build a world where no child, youth, woman, or elderly person goes hungry or suffers violence, where no family fears climate change, and where all peoples can live in peace, with dignity, and happiness. Thank you.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. I now give the floor to His Excellency David Lammy, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice and Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.

Well, thank you, President, Your Excellencies, colleagues and friends. Having witnessed the United Nations work throughout his life, His Majesty the King has asked me to offer a personal message of his congratulations to the UN on its 80th anniversary. the United Nations is a powerful testament to our collective determination for a better world. The King recalls that on the eve of the first UN General Assembly, His Majesty's grandfather, King George VI, told the delegates gathered in London, "In the long course of our history, no more important meeting has ever taken place within its boundaries. Millions of people across the United Kingdom, the Commonwealth, and the wider international community share the view that the UN's founding principles and the work of its organizations remain essential, particularly as the world must face new and pressing challenges. Let us affirm these principles as the United Nations responds to today's reality and evolves for tomorrow's challenges. My friends, today I echo His Majesty's sentiments and I join him in celebrating the remarkable institution's proud 80 years as we reaffirm our historic commitment to the United Nations, we must face the challenges of the present. A present in which we in the United Kingdom do not stand up for one nation's rights whilst ignoring others, but act resolutely with the Charter as our compass. This is why I want to address directly the Israeli-Palestinian tragedy. What is happening in Gaza is indefensible. It is inhumane. It is utterly unjustifiable. And it must end now. The people of Palestine, whose state we proudly recognise this week, and the people of Israel deserve better. Better than the horrific acts by Hamas on October 7th that left children without their parents and parents without their children. Better than the torment of families waiting desperately for the return of their loved ones from the most barbaric captivity. Better than the fanatical rule by Hamas, a vile, pitiless terrorist organisation that must have no future in Gaza. Better than Israel's denial of life-saving humanitarian aid and the catastrophic famine that it has caused. As Israel escalates its military operations and displaces Palestinian families again and again and again, there can be no answer to these horrors but concerted diplomatic action to keep the hope of peace alive. As we work with leaders from across the region and beyond in support of the US's efforts to build a consensus around a durable plan for peace. We commend the momentum achieved by the United States, Arab and Muslim states. Annexation must be prevented, a process of peace advanced, and this terrible, terrible war ended. There can be no answer, except for the hostages out now, aid in now and a ceasefire now. And I vow to you that we will not rest until this day has come and there are two states living side by side in peace and security. Friends, we stand with Palestine because we believe in the values of the UN Charter in equal rights, self-determination, and the dignity of all peoples. We stand with Ukraine because we must defend the core values of the UN Charter, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the respect for international law. And because the world will suffer if aggression is allowed to pay. We must all strive for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, which maintains the integrity of our UN Charter and sees Ukraine emerge from Russia's brutal war as a sovereign, secure and independent nation. President Zelensky has shown his commitment to that peace at every turn, while President Putin savagely rains down ever more missiles and drones on the Ukrainian people. Our message to Ukraine is clear. We will stand with you today, tomorrow, and 100 years from now. We also stand with the people of Sudan because we never forget the values of the UN Charter, of human rights, and the pursuit of peace for all men and women. This is a conflict waged against Sudan's civilian population. Millions displaced, more facing famine. As I speak, the long-besieged city of El Fasher is falling. Its people facing unspeakable atrocities. The people of El Fasher and all across Sudan need the international community to come together to make renewed efforts to achieve peace and allow aid to reach those who desperately need it now. We do all this with our Charter as our guide, in the name of the equal rights of men and women and nations large and small. the United Nations and its reform are vital because we need our United Nations more than ever to confront these tragedies and to face our historic opportunity. As we are living through a moment of revelation, a new technological frontier is coming into view. we are entering a bracing new era of promise, power and potential. You know, my friends, to live through the Industrial Revolution was to see the first iron bridges that mankind had made, the first railways, the first smokestacks. And to live today through the technological revolution, as we are, It is to witness the coming of the internet, the spread of smartphones, and now the dawn of super powerful AI. This is a lightning strike of change, a technological revolution which our leading scientists think could only be compared to the industrial revolution, compressed into a decade. This is a moment of truth for us, our institutions, and our ability to work together. And I believe we must act. I see promise on this technological frontier. AI is the most powerful new lever we have to advance the Charter's vision of social progress, better standards of life. This is why it is at the very heart of my own country's growth plan. I believe that by embracing artificial intelligence, We can all build better businesses. We can better fight crime. Look, for example, at dirty money. By spotting fraud in real time, we can crack down on illicit finance, a fight we will lead at a UK-hosted summit next year. And AI is not hypothetically making lives better, it is already saving At Imperial College, a new AI stethoscope detects major heart conditions in seconds. In our National Health Service, AI mammogram trials double the speed of diagnosis. And AI research tools are unlocking new drug combos to fight cancer. On the horizon, the promise of fusion power, powering limitless servers through quantum computing, enabling ever stronger AI, could unleash ever more advanced biotech. This is the defining opportunity of our generation, and we must run towards it with hope. I believe in this promise. I believe in our UN values, which is why this promise must now be shared. We are witnessing a truly historic surge in investment in AI. This investment promises outstanding productivity gains and with it, growth of historic proportions. Yet while this promise may well be diffuse, for now it remains concentrated. But there's not just possibility on the technological frontier. There are profound challenges as well, as AI is being used to consolidate repression, fuel disinformation, empower criminals across the internet. Authoritarian states, notably Russia, are manipulating large-scale, large model language models so that chatbots answer in the voice of their propaganda across the world. Organised crime is using AI to supercharge their scams, deceiving victims on an unprecedented scale. This is the truth. AI can empower freedom or it can entrench repression. AI can empower truth or it can entrench lies. AI can empower law or it can empower crime. Only by cooperation together can we set artificial intelligence on the right millennia-defining course. So my question is this, how can we most effectively share the glittering prizes of this new era across our global community? Well, this is how. We must invest, invest, invest. We must partner, partner, partner. Because without a concerted effort, we risk a world of ever deeper inequality, where the benefits of this technology fail to reach those who need it most. That revolution in healthcare, that revolution in education, that revolution in opportunity, this we must share. This is the world we face, and we take it and its challenges as it is. But never lose sight of the world as it can be. This is why our approach to foreign policy is one of progressive realism, patiently advancing progress through pragmatism and persistence. I see this in the United Nations as it approaches the technological frontier. I salute the Secretary-General for championing the Global Digital Compact, which embodies both progress and realism. And this is why I commend the new independent international scientific panel on AI, which will provide evidence-based assessments to all. And I welcome the new global dialogue on AI governance. It is in this spirit of progressive realism that the UK champions AI as a bridge builder across the Atlantic, across the Commonwealth and across continents, seeking everywhere to share its extraordinary potential. This is why we invest so heavily in the AI Security Institute, with more dedicated researchers than anywhere else in the world. And this is why we launched OpenBind and its gigantic data set. And this is why we champion AI for development, working with 10 African partners creating AI ecosystems that empower thousands of communities to meet the sustainable development goals. And this drives our digital access programs, which seek to narrow the technological divide for millions. I have seen this happening with my own eyes. I've been so moved to see in Africa, the continent of my ancestors, the young entrepreneurs using artificial intelligence to launch and scale so many businesses that I know will astonish the world. Like the UK funded startup, Vinsight. Supported by our assistive technologies programme, which is using its AI powered app to help thousands of blind Nigerian students read, learn and live more independently. This is the promise of tech. promise of growth, the promise of a better world. A better tomorrow turns on one pivotal question. Can we seize the potential in the technological revolution? Can we commit to forging AI as a force for freedom, prosperity, and human dignity? I believe we can together. together we must. Thank you very much indeed.

I thank the Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice and Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Beate Meinl-Reisinger, Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of Austria.

Madam President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, dear friends, As the Austrian Foreign Minister, it is both a truly an honor and a profound responsibility to address this Assembly today. Yet, I am not only a Foreign Minister and, by the way, a party leader, I am also a mother of three daughters. When I reflected about why I'm coming to New York to participate in the General Assembly, it became clear to me.

of the United Nations are the very same values that my husband and I try to pass down to our children. That conflict and dispute can and must be resolved by mediation. That every human being, regardless of their offspring, sex, religion or race, deserves dignity and owns the same rights. That rules have to be followed by everyone and big problems can only be solved together, and that every one of us has the responsibility to act, not only in their own interest, but to work for a better future for everyone. I suppose that all parents around the globe share a common wish for their children to grow up with the promise of a bright future, especially now, especially in critical times like these. especially in times when these values and simple rules are threatened by disrespect. Madam President, Excellencies, when I listen to my oldest daughter, a teenager, I sometimes get the feeling that weighs really heavy on me, namely that for our children, for my children's generation, the future does not seem brighter than the present. We all can sense that there are fundamental fears. Fears of war and conflict, fears of climate change, of radicalization, of fundamentalism, and the division of our societies. That burdens me deeply as a mother, but also as a leader. I believe that the most powerful and most important promise leaders can make is to do everything in their power to ensure that our future is at least a little better than the present. Yet today, we cannot close our eyes to the gap between this aspiration and the harsh reality we live in. For example, in Gaza, where devastation, starvation, and despair have reached terrible proportions. For Austria, it is clear the attacks of Hamas on Israel on October 7th were horrible and beyond imaginable brutality. They must be condemned by all of us. We have said it from day one and will continue to do so. Hamas must immediately and unconditionally free all hostages and its rule in Gaza and hand over its weapons. At the same time, nothing. justifies the devastating humanitarian catastrophe we are witnessing in Gaza. Civilians must be protected at all times. There is no justification for violating international law, including international humanitarian law. Austria is not only because of our own historical responsibility, a friend of the people of Israel. but the actions and decisions of the Israeli government break my heart. This war must end now. The hostages must be freed, and humanitarian aid must reach the suffering civilians in Gaza as soon as possible. Our vision, the Austrian vision, is clear: a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Two states Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security within recognized borders. Austria's support for the two-state solution is not just words. We have supported the Palestinian Authority for many decades. At that point in the future, when this step can make the most meaningful contribution to peace, and when the right conditions have been met, we will also recognize Palestine as a state. We welcome President Abbas' condemnation of the October 7th attacks, his call to free the hostages, the prospect of elections, and his demand to disarm Hamas. We thank all those who took a huge effort to end this war and bring solutions for peace and security to this region. These are steps towards peace, and Austria will work with all partners to turn them into reality. Madam President, Excellencies, we all see the basic principles of the Charter challenged in Ukraine, where Russia has been waging an illegal and unprovoked war of aggression against its neighbor. A very brutal war with horrific numbers of dead and wounded, soldiers and civilians. We support US and all efforts to end the war through high-level diplomacy. Since the beginning of the war, and especially since March, many initiatives have been launched to end this war. Ukraine showed several times that they are ready for peace. But instead, Russia continues its attacks on cities and villages, on schools, on hospitals and kindergartens. Russia even escalates now towards the EU and NATO countries, and this is unacceptable. Austria calls urgently for an immediate ceasefire as a precondition for genuine talks to end this war. Russia cannot simply talk peace during the day and bomb during the night. And it is absolutely clear that it is up to Ukraine and Europe to decide on their, on our hopefully common future and security architecture. But Ukraine and Gaza are not alone. In Sudan, civilians face massacres while a humanitarian catastrophe unfolds on an unparalleled scale. In Haiti, gang violence and organized crime hold an entire nation hostage. In Afghanistan, women and girls are denied their most basic human rights. Against the backdrop of rising insecurity and armed conflicts, countries are now heavily investing in security and defence, also in Europe, also in Austria. We all have the duty to protect our citizens. This is necessary, as we are confronted with the biggest war on our continent since 1945. But let us not fool ourselves. Growing nuclear arsenals or uncontrolled autonomous weapons systems will not make our world a safer one. While we all must ensure the safety and security of our populations, we must never give up on international humanitarian law and we must ban weapons which kill randomly. Excellencies, today we face growing disregard of the UN Charter itself. a rising tide of coercion and unilateralism, a dangerous erosion of trust. The United Nations were born out of the ashes of war and the promise of never again. Do we, does the UN still live up to this promise? Is the UN still fit for purpose? What we do today matters. We must not fail our ancestors. We must not fail our population. We must not fail our children. We must therefore ensure our activeness, an active world community and effective United Nations that can deliver. Austria is ready to do its part to fulfill the UN's promise. to engage in open and fair dialogue, to build true partnerships, to rebuild trust that has been eroded by reckless actions of one country without considerations of others. It is about time to rebuild partnerships. It is about time to rebuild trust. That is why Austria presented its candidacy for the UN Security Council for 2027/28 already back in 2011. We strongly hope to count on your valuable support at the elections in June next year. Why should you support us? Austria is a rather small country and a military neutral one. We are a reliable host country, proud host country, of one of the UN headquarters in Vienna and support the Secretary General's reform efforts. Many negotiations in Vienna took place that have bridged divides and saved lives. We know that small countries depend on the rule of law, on diplomacy, transparency and inclusiveness. That's why we will serve the entire international community if elected. We champion international law, the protection of civilians, disarmament and UN peacekeeping. More than 100,000 Austrians have served as peacekeepers around the world since the 1960s. We are a reliable development partner and make our contribution to the enormous challenge of climate change. And no, denial will not help us to adapt to this challenge. This is why Austria is proud to co-chair the UN Climate Security Mechanism this year. Excellencies, the people of the world, our populations, the children of the world rely on us. They trust us to protect peace, prosperity, stability, and healthy United Nations that delivers answers to global challenges. 80 years ago, our predecessors gave the world a charter and a promise for a better future. Let us renew this promise and work hard so that the future is better than the present. Thank you very much.

I thank the Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of Austria.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Juan Ramon de la Fuente Ramirez, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mexico. Madam President, Excellencies, The time of women has come. And Mexico has made this very clear. Through the landslide election of Dr. Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo as the first female president of our country. It's an honor for me to participate in this assembly representing her. And being the voice of a government that is delivering the transformation of the public life of Mexico. I come from a country that was born in the wisdom, bravery and dignity of its original peoples, with a rich political history of extraordinary heroes and heroines who built a free, independent and sovereign country. Now, We must also say that we are becoming an ever more prosperous country with shared prosperity. The Mexican people are a fraternal people, both within and beyond our borders. We have shown this, being an active and responsible member of the United Nations community, under the premise of defending the dignity and the rights of individuals and nations who love peace. with full respect for the sovereign equality of states. The historic time that we are living through in Mexico under the leadership of our first female president is rooted in a vision that we have called Mexican humanism. The trail blazed over the last seven years is a clear one and has a universal vocation, that is, to build a society based on democracy, freedom, equality and shared prosperity for the benefit of everyone, putting the poor first. The guiding pillar of this project is a vision of justice, full recognition of the dignity of people and inclusive social development without discrimination. It is a project that establishes a separation between political and economic power that moves towards achieving a moral economy that seeks coordination and cooperation with external actors and doesn't accept any type of subordination because national sovereignty is non-negotiable. This new way of doing politics has given voice and agency to those who were historically marginalized and forgotten. Women, girls, indigenous peoples and persons of African descent, youth, LGBT+ persons and the elderly. And the results speak for themselves. The UN itself has recognized that 13.5 million Mexicans were raised out of poverty thanks to a policy of labor justice and social programs. Inequality is being reduced. Peace is being built and violence contained. Justice has reached indigenous peoples. There is democracy, freedoms, plurality and the right to dissent. Justice is being transformed and today an indigenous person is president of the Supreme Court of Justice of our nation. We have the largest reforestation program in the world with a billion trees planted, girls, boys and youth are being included in social programs and have access to school, elderly adults have a guaranteed and universal pension, and women are exercising power. These are some of the good things that we have achieved in this fourth transformation of public life in Mexico. and that deserve to be proudly proclaimed loud and clear from this podium, from this rostrum. As members of the international community, the challenges that we face are huge. Poverty persists in a world of exorbitant wealth. There are countries that spend more servicing their debt than they do in investments in health and education for their peoples, and expenditure on arms has tripled, has grown at tripled the rate of the global economy, just to mention a few. And the diagnostic has always been clear, the arms race, the immoral concentration of wealth, violations of international law and of human rights are the fuel that fuel the flame, the flames of war and violence. Mexico has not forgotten the lessons of history. 80 years ago, we participated in founding the United Nations, convinced of the moral obligation that we have as a nation to contribute to avoiding the scourge of wars. It is not a coincidence that many of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter are reflected in the constitutional principles of our foreign policy. the self-determination of peoples, the peaceful settlement of disputes, prohibiting the threat or the use of force, the legal equality of states, cooperation for development, and the defense of human rights. Without seeking to be exhaustive, please allow me to share some of the premises that can contribute to getting the international community back on track. Number one, The world needs a moral economy of well-being. It's necessary to mobilize regional coalitions around well-being in order to deliver effective cooperation for development that acknowledges that fighting poverty is the investment that gives the best return, both financially and socially speaking. an international financial architecture that includes criteria of collective well-being and trade that is grounded in clear rules with shared benefits between peoples. Number two, peace. Peace is built from the bottom up. Ensuring well-being involves addressing the structural causes of violence. Solving conflicts often begins in the home. It continues in education and then in decent jobs with fair wages and social security that enables the inclusion of the whole of the social fabric. The international community must take a look with a more critical and innovative spirit at what youth today have as alternatives. Similarly, it's the role of the international community to put an end to the arms race, not only when it comes to nuclear weapons, but also the illicit trafficking of firearms and the spiral of expenditure on arms that is feeding poverty and exacerbating conflict. In response to the staggering proliferation of weapons, it is necessary to respond with Politics, mediation, diplomacy, law and dialogue. The United Nations must play a much more active role in the prevention and the solving of these conflicts. Multilateralism must become again the space where disputes are settled. And this leads us to our third premise. Number three, it's necessary to uphold international law alongside human rights. If we really want to avoid the proliferation of conflicts that have an impact on the lives and the dignity of people, we must respect international law, including international human rights law and international humanitarian law, whether it's in the Middle East, in Europe, in Africa, in Latin America, or in any other part of the world. War is taking an intolerable toll. And it threatens triggering an even larger escalation of conflict that could even be profoundly destructive for the whole world. The wars in Gaza, in Ukraine, and in all the other places that they're taking place must end now. We will not tire in insisting on the urgent appeal for a ceasefire to always achieve a negotiated solution with the participation of all parties directly involved. There can be no negotiated solution if any of the parties are excluded. The solution must be a diplomatic one, otherwise it will be hardly achievable. Mexico will always advocate for the peaceful settlement of disputes, and that's why we reject sanctions and trade embargoes that only harm the well-being of peoples and do not contribute to building regions of peace or prosperity. We reiterate unambiguously our historic position against the embargo on Cuba and our appeal to remove this country from the list of countries that sponsor terrorism, state sponsors of terrorism. Respecting international law is safeguarding peace. It's the antidote to a logic of power that makes the weakest nations even more vulnerable. In the words of our Benemérito de las Américas, our eminent Benito Juarez Garcia, "Everything through reason and law and nothing by force." Madam President, the struggle for justice is rooted in the conviction that all people are equal before the law. compelled by fraternity to understand each other and to respect each other as equals in dignity and in rights. Mexico has a tireless commitment to human rights, to freedoms and to non-discrimination in the world. We condemn classism, racism and all forms of discrimination, including discrimination based on sexual diversity or gender identity. We particularly reject the criminalization of people who, for whatever reason, have been forced to leave their homes and forced to migrate, whether it's to seek refuge or to escape conditions of injustice or poverty. For us, migrants are people with rights who care for their families, and who contribute with their efforts to improving and strengthening their host communities. It's only by understanding the phenomenon and addressing its structural causes that we will be able to move towards a framework of global and regional collaboration that will enable us to move towards a safer and more orderly mobility. Let there be no doubt. Mexico will not tire in ensuring the attention to and protection of Mexican nationals who are outside of our country and those that deserve all of our support and assistance. In this framework of justice and rights, we are including the fight of women and for gender equality, because despite the progress, there are still gaps. and violence against women in the world that are wrenching away freedom from girls, young women, and women in all of their diversity. 30 years since the Beijing Declaration and Programme of Action, the diagnostics and the roadmap are clear, and we invite all nations to mobilize to accelerate the progress towards gender equality. In my country, The transformation of consciences has been intrinsically linked to the fight for gender equality. Today in Mexico, we are seeing gender parity prevail in the legislative and judicial branches of government, in public policies. We are including a strict gender perspective, and that has been enshrined in our constitution. Madam President, 80 years since the United Nations was created, we must recognize the grave dilemma that it faces, and this is something that cannot be delayed. The United Nations must assert itself once again as an institution that not only helps to contain war and prevents pandemics, but also shapes narratives that lead to public policies for human dignity. We believe that the United Nations must go back to its purposes and its principles and return to its fundamental pillars, which are the maintenance of international peace and security, sustainable development and the protection and promotion of human rights. It is necessary to get back to these objectives and everything must revolve around this, from working on the budget to reviewing the thousands of mandates that we have given to the Secretariat, many of which really are not that useful today. The legitimacy of the United Nations will depend ever increasingly more on its ability to respond to the grave challenges that the world faces. We trust that the next Secretary-General, who we hope will be a woman from our region, will accelerate progress, will accelerate the transformation process that we set forth with the objective of ensuring peace and justice, as well as the well-being and freedom of people, the sustainability of the planet and shared prosperity. In Mexico, Excellencies, colleagues, Madam President, in Mexico, the time of women has come and it's going very well for us. We think that at the United Nations also the time for women has come. Thank you very much.