UN Transcripts — https://transcripts.un.org/en/ga/c1/80/10
First Committee, 10th plenary meeting - General Assembly, 80th session — First Committee — 17 October 2025
Language: en
Automatically generated transcript — may contain errors. Not an official United Nations record.

---
1st Committee · Chair [0:15]:

The 10th Meeting of the Disarmament and International Security Committee, First Committee of the 80th Session of the General assembly is called to order.

Distinguished delegates. The Committee would recall that it heard the last speaker in the general debate this morning. Members would further recall that at its fifth meeting on 13 of October, the Committee decided to begin listening to statements today under the nuclear weapons cluster in the thematic discussion should the need arise. This change to the program of work is without prejudice to the schedule of panels and briefings set out in document A C1.80 CRP 2. Distinguished delegates in accordance with the Committee's decision at its organizational meeting that at least one and a half hours of the general debate be devoted to statements by civil society, the Committee will now listen to statements by the representatives of NGOs.

I extend a warm welcome to all present today and I would request all speakers to kindly make the statements short and no longer than three and a half minutes. In keeping with the Committee's established practice, I will now suspend the meeting to enable us to continue in an informal setting. The meeting is suspended.

The first speaker on the list is Ms. Piedevalto, representative of the GENEC. Please show the floor.


GENSAC · Ms. Piedevalto [2:02]:

I thank your team for their work. I'm speaking on behalf of the International Action Network on Small Arms, that is a global network of organizations that work to reduce the human cost of armed violence. During the Fourth Review Conference on the United Nations Nation's Action Plan to Prevent, Combat Eradicate the Illicit Trafficking of Small Arms and light Weapons held in June of 2024 and in the meeting of the first committee of the General assembly number 79 of that year, States demonstrated that they remain gravely concerned by the persistent effects of the illicit trade in and very scant control of the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Preoccupations embrace the whole life cycle, manufacturing, stockpiling, transfer, brokerage, danger of diversion and the problems related to their end use. There is also concern about the complete elimination of obsolete weapons and munitions.

The illicit trade in and the proliferation of small arms and light weapons continue to exacerbate and fuel armed violence and conflicts and has a wide range of humanitarian and socio economic consequences. They undermine compliance both with international humanitarian law and international human rights law and impede the provision of humanitarian assistance to those affected by armed violence. We wish to take this opportunity to urge States to adopt the necessary measures to implement instruments, treaties and global conventions, as well as the regional conventions on arms control and deregulation of their trade, that is Agreements into which they have entered. If these instruments were effectively implemented, they could resolve the problems arising from small arms and light weapons. We are referring, of course, to the United Nations Plan of Action, the International Tracing Instrument, the UN Protocol on Firearms, and the Arms Trade Treaty.

These instruments are also complemented, of course, by regional instruments and by sub regional instruments. Moreover, In December of 2023 states agreed upon the Global Framework for the for through life conventional ammunition management, including small arms and light weapons munitions. The effective implementation of the Global Framework would reduce UN envisaged explosions and would improve security and stockpile management, and that would save hundreds of lives. We encourage States to reaffirm their commitment to actively engaging with civil society and to adopt a comprehensive approach to implementation, one that promotes the equal, full, meaningful and effective participation of women in arms and ammunition control processes and ensures the full inclusion of underrepresented groups and individuals, including young people, gender diverse persons, victims and survivors. It is our hope that this meeting will consider the next steps to take in enhancing the effective implementation of these instruments.

We encourage you, Chair, to critically consider the pace of technological advances in arms manufacturing and their impact on arms control and transfer regulation, anticipating and addressing the pace of these technological developments and taking decisions the microphone has been cut off.


1st Committee · Chair [5:35]:

I thank the distinguished representative of gensac. Give now the floor to the distinguished representative of pacs.


PACS [5:44]:

Thank you, Chair Honorable Chair, Distinguished Delegates, I am delivering this statement on behalf of 19 civil society organizations across today's battlefields and beyond, the skies have become theaters of fear. Armed drones are deployed by state and non state actors alike, not only as tactical tools of war, but increasingly as weapons of terror against civilians. Yet little is done to prevent their misuse, as evidenced by notorious developments since last year's first committee. In July 2025 alone, Russia launched over 6,000 Shahed drones into Ukraine, killing civilians and destroying residential areas. In Sudan, drone strikes have targeted displacement camps and critical infrastructure, worsening an already dire humanitarian crisis.

In Gaza, drones have been used to drop grenades on civilians, including children. And even outside of active battlefields, such in Ethiopia, Somalia, Syria, or in Latin America, extrajudicial drone killings persist, resulting in civilian deaths with impunity. Drone attacks by non state actors with resulting civilian deaths or injuries also remain a serious concern, particularly in Central Africa, Colombia and Haiti. These are not isolated incidents. They are signs of the failure of the international community to govern armed violence and to prevent the erosion of international norms.

Even worse, dual use technologies and commercial components are being weaponized with ease. Civilian and military drone technologies are blending further, obscuring lines of accountability and control.

Despite years of concerns being raised by civil society subject matters experts and UN bodies. The world still lacks an international framework for the regulation of armed drones and it's civilians who pay the price. We therefore urge Member States to firstly, condemn the use of drones for extrajudicial killings or as a means to terrorize civilians and reaffirm international legal frameworks that prohibit such practices. Second, investigate with transparency any civilian harm from drone deployment and ensure victims access to justice. And third, strengthen export control regimes for armed drones transfers and use.

Chair during last year's First Committee we welcomed renewed momentum from the core group of States calling for dedicated multilateral discussions on armed drones. But these calls must be turned into concrete action. We call on States to initiate an inclusive policy process that delivers clear, robust and binding international standards on armed drones. This issue requires a truly multilateral response. In collaboration with civil society academics and survivors, we urge Member States to rise to the urgency of this moment and take decisive action to curb rampant drone violence, safeguarding civilians and bolstering international peace and security.

Thank you, Chair.


1st Committee · Chair [9:01]:

I thank the representative of PACs for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Stop Killer Robots.


Stop Killer Robots · Stop Killer Robots [9:10]:

Thank you, Chair. I'm speaking on behalf of Stop Killer Robots, a coalition of over 270 civil society organizations across more than 70 countries working to counter threats to humanity and human dignity through the adoption of a new international treaty to prohibit and regulate autonomous weapons systems. Autonomous weapons systems, particularly those that do not allow for meaningful human control and systems that target people, raise serious humanitarian, legal, security, technological and ethical concerns with implications for their use during both conflict and peacetime.


Stop Killer Robots [9:47]:

Despite these serious risks, new weapons and other militarized technologies are being rapidly developed without specific rules to govern their use. After over a decade of multilateral discussions, States must urgently begin negotiations of a legally binding instrument to prohibit and regulate autonomous weapons systems. The quest for speed in the use of force through AI and automation threatens commitments to international humanitarian law, protection of civilians, human rights and dignity. We are already witnessing the military use of AI decision support systems in current conflicts in Gaza, Iraq, Syria, Ukraine and Yemen, which in some cases have contributed to immense harm. We have also seen increased interest and investment in autonomy in weapons systems by the private sector and concerning new partnerships between the defence and tech sectors.

As the gap between development and regulation continues to grow, the international community has an obligation to establish rules for developers and militaries to prevent the unconscionable slide towards machines making life and death decisions. States must heed the repeated calls by the Secretary General and the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross to negotiate a legally binding instrument on autonomous weapons by 2026. These appeals are supported by thousands of technology and AI experts, Nobel laureates, faith leaders and civil society across the world. The race to regulate autonomous weapons is at a critical juncture, and legal red lines have never been more urgent. The clock is ticking and time is running out.

The Stop Killer Robot campaign welcomes the resolution on autonomous weapons tabled at this first committee and applauds the leadership of states that are continually pushing for progress on this issue. States committed to taking action on autonomous weapons must support this resolution. Stop Killer Robots remains ready to support all states willing to turn the common ground they have developed over the past decade into law. Autonomy in weapons systems raises profound questions about our shared humanity, but it is not a problem that is out of our hands. We have the collective power and responsibility to build a world that is peaceful and just, a world where we make decisions to protect human dignity today and for future generations.

Thank you.


Chair [12:16]:

I thank the representative of Stop Killer Robots for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of King's College, London.


King's College London [12:30]:

Mr. Chair, the biological Weapons Convention stands as the world's foundational norm against one of humanity's most abhorrent categories of weapons. Yet half a century after its entry into force, it still lacks a formal verification mechanism. Today, renewed attention to BWC verification, including AI based approaches, offers both the opportunity to modernize the BWC and the responsibility to do so in a manner that reinforces confidence, cooperation and collective security. Verification is a tool to build confidence between states, between scientific communities and between governments and the global public.

Advances in science and technology offer new avenues to enhance transparency, detect anomalies and support compliance monitoring. Properly applied AI can help identify patterns in life science research and production, improve anomaly detection and data, and assist in analyzing open source information without compromising legitimate research or commercial confidentiality. Yet technological innovation alone cannot substitute for political will. Verification will depend on layered approaches, from robust declarations and transparency initiatives to cooperative consultation and, when necessary, on site assessment. AI can augment but not replace these essential human and institutional foundations of trust.

A recent study on BWC verification from VIRTIC in King's College London underscores this point. It finds that emerging technologies and disciplines such as microbial forensics, remote sensing and open source analysis can strengthen off site monitoring and increase confidence in on site identification and analysis. However, it also concludes that no single measure can ensure compliance. Thus, renewed attention to verification is welcome. Incremental cooperative steps like practicing consultation and clarification, exercising verification techniques in the field and building shared understanding of uncertainties can prepare the ground for a future mechanism that is both technically sound and politically feasible.

Mr. Chair, AI and other emerging tools must serve the BWC's ultimate objective preventing the reemergence of biological weapons in any form. This requires that AI systems be developed and used responsibly in accordance with international and national laws, ethical norms, and scientific integrity. States, both collectively through the BWC Working Group and at the national level, along with civil society, must first define the objectives of a verification mechanism and then determine how best to design available tools to support those objectives in a manner that is financially and politically acceptable. By investing today in verification, literacy, responsible innovation, and international collaboration, we can ensure that the BWC remains fit for purpose in an age of rapid technological change.

In strengthening verification we strengthen confidence, and in strengthening confidence we strengthen peace. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [15:25]:

I thank the representative of King's College London for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Munition Coalition.


Munition Coalition [15:37]:

Thank you, Chair. The Convention on Cluster Munitions remains the only international framework for the effective eradication of this abhorrent and indiscriminate weapon. It creates a powerful global norm that stigmatizes cluster munitions through the strict prohibition of their use, production, stockpiling and transfer. The Convention continues to stand strong with 112 states, parties and 12 signatories this year. We welcome the Vanuatu as its newest member.

We urge all states, particularly those that signed the convention more than 15 years ago, to complete the ratification and join without further further delay ahead of next year's Review Conference hosted by Laos. Since its entry into Force in 2010, the convention has achieved remarkable progress. States parties have destroyed all cluster munitions once held in their stockpiles. Nearly 180 million submunitions and 11 previously affected countries have cleared all contaminated land. States Parties are also implementing strong provisions on risk education and victim assistance.

However, these achievements are overshadowed by the ongoing use of cluster munitions and one state's withdrawal from the Convention. According to the Cluster Munitions Monitor, cluster munitions continue to be used extensively in Ukraine by both Russia and Ukraine. New use has also been recorded in Myanmar and Syria, and Thailand appeared to have used them during its border conflict with Cambodia this summer. Civilians remain the vast majority of victims, with children disproportionately affected. Given the grave and long lasting humanitarian consequences these weapons cause, it is deeply disheartening to witness Ukraine's use of cluster munitions enabled by rounds of transfers from the United States last year.

All use of cluster munitions by anyone and under any circumstances must be unequivocally condemned and halted immediately along with any actions that could enable further use, including transfer and production. This year the Convention faced an absolutely unprecedented and deeply troubling development. Lithuania's decision to withdraw this withdrawal, which took effect in March, marks the first ever withdrawal from humanitarian disarmament treaty. The Clash of Munition Coalition condemns this short sighted decision and urges Lithuania to reconsider and to refrain from acquisition or production of this weapon. We appeal to all States parties to remain steadfastly committed to their obligations.

This Convention, like others aimed at protecting civilians in armed conflict, must never be treated as a fair weather commitment. Finally, universalization is more critical than ever. We call on all states outside, still outside the Convention, to take immediate steps to join and to enact moratoria on the production, transfer and use of cluster munitions. As a first and vital step, we urge all states to vote in favor of the annual UN General assembly resolution on this Convention. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [18:31]:

I thank the representative of Munition Coalition for her statement. I give now the floor to distinguished Representative of Access Now.


Access Now [18:41]:

Thank you Chair. We appreciate this opportunity to address the Committee and raise cybersecurity, peace and human security. I deliver on behalf of AccessNow, an international organization that provides digital security assistance and defends and extends digital rights.

Every day we witness more states join an irrational arms race under the sheen of digital and cyber innovation. This occurs amid the degradation of the humanitarian framework and the threats posed by the increasing use of emerging technologies such as AI, unregulated lethal autonomous weapons and spyware. We recalled last year the advances in machine learning that led to a boom in AI enthusiasm and investments. And despite our calls for enforceable human rights based legal instruments, energy and resources went to fuel AI hype and defense oriented tech investments into defense tech startups grew while the humanitarian and human rights sector are starved of funding impacting the dignity of millions. Even the traditionally cautious big tech community does not hesitate to feature children's toys and lethal autonomous weapon systems next to each other in their AI portfolios.

We emphasize the need to address the militarization of commercial tech. The first committee made strides on AI use in military domains and must press forward to protect civilians from these encroaching tools in coordination with civil society. But discussions on cyber warfare often fail to reflect how to ensure processes that re establish peace and human security when hostility cease also extend to the digital dimension of people's lives. What we need to define as a digital ceasefire is a new mental and operational model to ensure the protection of peacemakers and negotiators from cyber threats on the cybersecurity front, tools for surveillance proliferate, powered by the commercial cyber intrusion sector. Those negotiating ceasefires have been targeted as well as journalists covering conflicts.

We welcome the Security Council's ARIA formula meeting on commercial spyware earlier this year as findings this Committee should build on. AccessNow further welcomes the consensus conclusion of the open ended Working Group on ICT Security and the work of its Chair, Ambassador Ghaffoor. We note that Singapore will table a draft resolution in the first committee to endorse the OUWG's final report. And we welcome both the intended new global mechanism and and the OEWG's final annual progress report with its note on the dangers posed by commercial cyber intrusion marketplaces and its call for mitigation efforts by States to create standards and take action on spyware. However, I must emphasize that this institutional transition to the permanent mechanism, while necessary, must be more than procedural.

We need a commitment for permanent accountable multilateral structures with inbuilt stakeholder participation for cyber governance. Time limited deliberations are inadequate to the speed and scale of the threats. We call for the global mechanism and the cooperation and capacity building portal to prioritize meaningful civil society participation, robust accountability mechanisms that hold states responsible and human rights centered approaches to digital security. Finally, this transition presents an opportunity to embed permanent oversight mechanisms into global governance of cyberspace and these mechanisms can ensure that international law and agreed normative frameworks are not merely aspirational Statements in Conference rooms


Speaker 14 [22:10]:

But I thank the representative of Access now for his statement. You know the floor to Distinguished representative of Disability Rights and Disarmament Initiative.


Disability Rights and Disarmament Initiative [22:26]:

Thank you Chair. Distinguished Delegates, Last October I had the honor of delivering the first statement on disability and disarmament during the civil society segment of this Committee. Our diverse coalition welcomed the opening then of a new chapter of common cause between the international disability and disarmament communities. Since then our coalition has grown, but so too has the already intolerable level of death, suffering and trauma experienced by persons with disabilities in armed conflict. So this year we reiterate our call for explicit disability rights language to be included in many of the existing First Committee resolutions and we call for a new resolution on disability disarmament and non proliferation.

The First Committee alone is uniquely qualified to consider disability in relation to disarmament. Our coalition emphasizes that the First Committee should indeed must take up this issue. It is not enough to leave it to other bodies and institutions. Doing so would help in moving this Committee into overdue alignment with the obligations set out in The Convention on the Rights of Persons with disabilities adopted nearly 20 years ago, negotiated in this very room, now universally signed, and to which all but one state belongs.

Even at a time of dangerous global divisions, disability rights can act as a bridge between issues, states and regions. Indeed, it has in many times in the past. The UN's own Disability Inclusion Strategy and the Pact for the Future clarify that the rights set out in the UN Disability Convention must be respected and applied across the UN system, including in the work of this Committee. We have a platform on which to build. The UN security council resolution 2475 established the protection of persons with disabilities in armed conflict as a matter of core concern and clearly related to the work of this Committee.

Now, to a limited extent, disability issues are minimally or implicitly addressed in First Committee resolutions related to Women Peace and Security and Youth Peace and Security. But as the CRPD exists to make clear, disability rights are not a subset of other rights. They are rights in their own right, and they deserve explicit, not implicit, recognition. Delegates Disarmament is integral to restoring dignity to all persons. Persons with disabilities are integral to all national, regional and international disarmament processes and efforts.

We urge delegations to end the virtual invisibility of disability in the First Committee's crucial work by underscoring the importance of disability rights in their statements, revising all relevant existing resolutions to include language on disability, and finally supporting a new resolution dedicated to this topic to align with UN security council resolution 2475. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [25:55]:

I thank the representative of Disability Rights and Disarmament Initiative for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Ainu.


AINU [26:06]:

Thank you. Chair. It is my pleasure to deliver this statement on behalf of the International Network on Explosive Weapons, a global network of civil society organizations that calls for strength in action to prevent human suffering from the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. A leading cause of harm to civilians in armed conflict, explosive weapons kill and injure tens of thousands of civilians each year. They destroy critical civilian infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and power and water systems, which impacts the provision of essential services and and leads to long term civilian suffering.

In towns and cities across the world Today, civilians continue to bear the brunt of bombing and shelling. This suffering is widespread and severe and has reached unprecedented levels in recent years. In 2024, civilian deaths caused by the use of explosive weapons remained staggeringly high in Gaza, while in the rest of the world they rose by more than half compared to the previous year. Driven by conflict in Lebanon, Myanmar, Syria and Ukraine, attacks with explosive weapons on civilian Infrastructure also rose sharply in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Yemen and elsewhere. The use of explosive weapons in attacks on health care alone increased by 64%, damaging and destroying health facilities and killing health workers.

While these impacts on civilians are devastating, they are also foreseeable. Most importantly, they are preventable. The Political Declaration on Strengthening the Protection of Civilians from the Humanitarian Consequences of the Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas has now been endorsed by 89 states and territories. By endorsing the Declaration, states commit to avoid civilian harm by restricting or refraining from the use of explosive weapons in populated areas and reviewing existing policies and practices relevant to the protection of civilians. In November 2025, the Second International Review Conference will be held in San Jose, Costa Rica, to review and advance implementation efforts and set a roadmap for action.

For the work ahead, States should come prepared to share progress towards implementing the Declaration's commitments and to continue to publicly acknowledge and call for action to address civilian harm from the use of explosive weapons. Endorsing States can also take action and call on parties to conflict to stop the bombardment of towns and cities. To that end, States can use diplomatic means and influence to call on States to endorse the Political Declaration and implement its commitments to stop the use of heavy explosive weapons in populated areas, to provide, facilitate or support assistance to victims and to facilitate the work of the un, the ICRC and civil society organizations aimed at protecting and assisting civilian populations. INU stands ready to support these efforts. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [29:01]:

I thank the representative of AINU for her statement. Give out the floor to distinguished representative of International League for Peace and Freedom Sorry Women's International League for Peace and Freedom Sorry.


WILPF [29:22]:

I am delivering this statement on behalf of the 23 organisations that have signed on. Interest in the topic of gender and disarmament has gathered momentum in recent years at the un, but most statements, working papers and resolutions do not take an intersectional or non binary approach to the gendered impacts of weapons, to diversifying delegations or to studying the implications of gender norms on weapons and war. A global backlash means that women's liberation, LGBTQ rights and participation and gender diversity are under extreme threat. The UN must be a place to uphold human rights and work for the freedom and equality of all people. At last year's first committee, 33.8% of resolutions included gender references and 80 delegations endorsed a Joint Statement on Gender and Disarmament.

Several disarmament treaties have gender focal points, including the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the Mine Ban Treaty, the Convention on Cluster Munitions and most recently the Arms Trade Treaty states and civil society have made the effort to mainstream gender into work on small arms and light weapons, outer space, chemical weapons, cyber issues and more. These developments are very welcome and should be continued and enhanced in as many disarmament fora as possible. However, a more robust reflection on the gendered norms associated with weapons, war and violence is also crucial for addressing the challenges associated with the proliferation and use of those weapons. Weapons are typically seen as important for security and power, while disarmament is treated as something that makes countries weaker or more vulnerable. This has implications for policies related to all weapons, from nuclear bombs to small arms.

It is also reflected in the patriarchal approach to security that we've heard in this room, including the defence of genocide and military invasions. This year marks the 25th anniversary of the Women Peace and Security agenda. A key demand of the feminist Peacebuilders behind Resolution 1325 was to stop war altogether, not make it safer for women. Empty condemnation of attacks against civilians while continuing to arm violence against them is unacceptable as we confront record levels of armed conflict. Militarization military spending States must stop arms transfers that violate international law and reduce their military spending, redirecting toward providing for people and planet.

An intersectional approach to disarmament that recognizes the importance of diverse identities and experiences is also essential. Diversity can help illuminate the various ways in which weapons have gendered, racialized, disability related and other impacts on communities and peoples. Hopefully, the new UN Panel of Experts to study the Physical and social effects of nuclear war, established on the basis of last year's first Committee resolution, will advance some of these considerations in relation to nuclear weapons. The UN Secretary General's New Agenda for Peace, released in July 2023, calls for dismantling the patriarchy and oppressive power structures and encourages government, society and the United nations to, quote, fight back and take concrete action to challenge and transform gender norms, value systems and institutional structures that perpetuate exclusion or the status quo. Unquote.


1st Committee · Chair [32:49]:

This is I thank the representative of WILPF for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Harvard Law School's International Human Rights Clinic.


Harvard Law School IHRC [33:08]:

Thank you Chair. I am pleased to deliver this joint statement on behalf of nearly 100 civil society campaigns and organizations. Humanitarian disarmament has made a critical difference for three decades in saving countless lives and in setting norms that endure over time. The people centered approach aims to prevent and remediate arms, inflicted human suffering and environmental harm. Since last year, humanitarian disarmament has faced attacks that have challenged the progress it has made.

The use of Anti personnel landmines and cluster munitions and threats of nuclear weapons use highlight the dangers posed by internationally banned weapons. Some states have withdrawn from the Mine Ban Treaty and Convention on Cluster Missions, further endangering civilians, doing to the prospect of additional use. The failure of States to fully comply with the Arms Trade Treaty and fully implement the commitments of the Political Declaration on Explosive Weapons have lessened protections for civilians, and progress on a treaty on autonomous weapon systems has not kept pace with technological developments. Nevertheless, while not a panacea, humanitarian dissemination has helped reduce the human cost of weapons for decades and will continue to do so. It has stigmatized and decreased use of certain weapons, reduced stockpiles, advanced clearance, and victim assistance.

And the process has overcome hurdles such as changing governments, economic turmoil and the evolving nature of war. The principles of humanitarian disarmament can both sustain this movement and ensure it responds to today's global challenges. These principles include, first, a humanitarian focus. The goal of protecting civilians can transcend political and national differences. Second, a cooperative approach.

States should meaningfully involve and work in partnership with each other, civil society, international organizations and survivors. Third, a commitment to international law. International law, including humanitarian disarmament, creates obligations for states, parties and standards that influence actors outside of a treaty. And finally, ability to adapt. Humanitarian disarmament is adaptable, as shown by its move to cover new weapons and new issues.

To maximize the influence of humanitarian disarmament and help it address current challenges, we urge States to ensure that the principles I mentioned guide all humanitarian disarmament efforts to highlight the humanitarian concerns raised by problematic weapons. In the course of discussions at First Committee, we urge States to call for upholding existing norms, improving implementation and creating new or stronger law where appropriate. And finally, to join, fully implement and comply with humanitarian disarmament instruments, States should push back against the threats to international law and help humanitarian disarmament achieve its full potential. Doing so is in the interest of us all. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [35:47]:

I thank the representative of Harvard Law School and for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of a Human Rights watch.


Human Rights Watch [36:01]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I am pleased to deliver this joint statement on behalf of 35 civil society organizations. The civilian deaths and devastation caused by the fire bombings of Dresden and Tokyo 80 years ago shocked the world. While they were not the first uses of incendiary weapons, the massive scale of the attacks fully demonstrated the horror of these weapons.

The conflagrations immediately killed at least 125,000 people in the two cities, left civilian structures in major cultural landmarks in Dresden and ruins, and wiped out whole neighborhoods of wooden homes in Tokyo. Due to the outrage generated by these attacks and developments in international law, particularly CCW Protocol 3, such large scale strikes with incendiary weapons have not occurred in recent years. These developments underscore the potential power of law and stigma. Protocol 3, however, has not adequately addressed the humanitarian consequences of incendiary weapons, the use of which has been documented in several recent conflicts. The weapons cause excruciating burns, severe scarring, lifelong physical and psychological harm, socioeconomic exclusion and environmental damage.

It's clear that stronger international action is needed. Human Rights Watch research has found, for example, that South Sudan's air force killed at least 58 people with improvised incendiary weapons in the Upper nile State in March 2020, five villages went up in flames, destroying dozens of homes, shops and other civilian structures. Medical personnel had limited resources to treat the injured. Human Rights Watch also documented Russia's use of quadcopter drones to deliver incendiary weapons onto civilians and civilian objects. In Kherson, Ukraine In 2024, one attack destroyed two ambulances at an oncology center.

Protocol 3 has fallen short due to loopholes in its definition which excludes multipurpose munitions, notably those containing white phosphorus, and its regulations, which are weaker for ground launched incendiary weapons than for air dropped ones. The CCW meeting of high contracting parties has failed as a forum for change because its consensus is decision making process has created a roadblock to progress. Therefore, states need to consider other forums, including the First Committee in which to take up the issue. We urge States at this meeting to raise awareness of the human cost of incendiary weapons and the need to improve international protections for civilians call for and convene dedicated discussions of the humanitarian consequences of incendiary weapons and the inadequacy of existing international law and work to create stronger standards to close loopholes in international law and further stigmatize the use of incendiary weapons. A complete ban on incendiary weapons would have the greatest humanitarian benefits.

For more information, please see our new publication Incendiary need for Stronger Law and A New Forum, co published by Human Rights Watch and Harvard Law School's International Human Rights Clinic. Thank you.


Chair [38:54]:

I thank the representative of Human Rights Watch for a statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Control Arms.


Control Arms [39:05]:

Thank you, Chair.

I'm honored to speak today on behalf of Control Arms, a global coalition that works to prevent the human suffering caused by poorly regulated arms transfers. Since last year first committed conflict in Gaza, Myanmar, Sudan and Ukraine have continued unabated for most of the year and New conflicts and tensions started or intensified in other areas of the world. According to the Peace Research Institute Oslo, in 2024 there were 61 active state based conflicts across 36 countries, the highest number recorded since 1946. In parallel, the world has witnessed a general distrust in and a decreased engagement from multilateral instruments. This broadstone states to withdraw or express the intention to withdraw selectively from international instruments such as the International Criminal Court, the Anti Personal mindbank Convention and the Convention on Clusters Munitions Civilians are the ones who suffer the most from armed violence and the indiscriminate use of arms and ammunition in conflict.

According to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, in 2024, civilian deaths in conflict rose 40%. Further, OEH CHR reports that every 12 minutes a civilian dies in armed conflict. Control Arms works to promote the universalization and effective implementation of the Arms Trade Treaty, a treaty that aims to improve the regulation of the international trade in conventional arms. Articles 6 and 7 of the ATT provide a clear framework for States to prevent transfers of arms, ammunition and parts and components that could be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and that can contribute to, commit or facilitate serious violations of IHL and human rights. This August, the ATT Conference of State Parties welcomed a working paper on strengthening youth participation in the att.

It encouraged States, Parties and other stakeholders to consider youth perspectives in the work of the attention and to explore measures to strengthen the meaningful participation, engagement and leadership of young people in ATT related efforts. Yet what response can we provide to these young people who see that atrocities are committed in conflicts around the world? To the numbers of young people that have taken to the streets to protest against the transfers of weapons to Israel? To those seeing war, Military expenditure rising to US 2.7 trillion in 2024, the highest level ever recorded with increases in all geographical regions of the world. We believe the rigorous implementation of Articles 6 and 7 of the ATT can provide a response.

Only effective implementation and compliance with these articles can contribute to achieve the object and purpose of the treaty. Help reduce human suffering and leave to young generations and and our children a legacy to be proud of. I thank you Chair.


Chair [42:11]:

I thank the representative of Control Arms for his statement. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of International Campaign to Ban Landmines.


ICBL [42:23]:

Thank you, Chairperson. The Mine Ban Treaty remains a shining example of humanitarian disarmament. A groundbreaking instrument that for the first time banned a conventional weapon and set a precedent for future disarmament instruments. Today, 80% of the world's nations are on board. We warmly welcome Marshall Islands and Tonga this year.

Over its 25 year history, the treaty has stigmatized anti personnel landmines globally, created a strong framework for their total eradication and upheld the rights and dignity of landmine victims and survivors. Some 30 states parties have become mine free to date. Tens of millions of stockpiled mines have been destroyed and risk education and assistance to victims are provided at levels unimaginable before this treaty delegates. These hard won gains are now under grave threat. Since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia, anti personnel mines have been used on a massive scale not seen in decades.

And last year, for the first time since 1997, the United States transferred antipersonnel mines to state party Ukraine. Meanwhile, the government forces of Myanmar have expanded their mine use causing widespread casualties and displacement. We are deeply concerned by new use reported in Iran and North Korea and saddened by reports of new mine use along the Cambodia Thai border where we urge both governments to clarify the situation and swiftly clear any remaining contamination. This year the treaty has been shaken further by the recent notification of withdrawal by five European countries. Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland.

The ICBL condemns these short sighted shameful decisions and urges states to reverse course and not to engage in production of these appalling primitive weapons. Even more alarming, however, is Ukraine's unilateral decision to suspend its obligations under the Mine Ban Convention. This action is not permitted under the treaty. This could set a very dangerous precedent allowing to pause humanitarian obligations in wartime. Is this what you want?

The ICBL calls on Ukraine to immediately retract this unlawful suspension. We urge all states parties to take a clear and united stance to affirm that the suspension is impermissible and incompatible with the treaty. Silence or inaction would risk legitimizing a precedent that could unravel decades of humanitarian progress and provide a path for halting government obligations under disarmament and IHL treaties. We call on all states to condemn any use of anti personnel mines by anyone under any circumstances. Our full version is online.

Thank you.


Speaker 28 [45:50]:

I thank the representative of International Campaign to Ban Land Mines for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear weapons.


ICAN [46:05]:

Distinguished delegates, 80 years ago this August, two nuclear weapons considered small by today's standards obliterated Hiroshima and Nagasaki, killing more than a quarter of a million people. Two months later, a new international organization was born to quote, save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. With nuclear disarmament among its paramount objectives Today, the risk of A recurrence of the atrocities of August 1945 is perhaps as great as it has ever been. Last year alone, the nine nuclear armed states squandered more than US$100 billion, enhancing and expanding their nuclear forces, as documented in ICANN's annual Nuclear Weapons Spending Report. None is currently pursuing nuclear disarmament in good faith, as legally required under the npt.

Most no longer even pay lip service to the idea of a nuclear weapon free world. It is a dire state of affairs, made even worse by the prospect of artificial intelligence being integrated into early warning and command, control and communication systems. In challenging times like these, rather than lowering expectations and tempering demands, we must pursue the total elimination of nuclear weapons with even greater ambition. It is worth recalling that historically, some of the greatest breakthroughs in this field have emerged out of crisis. But it depends on you.

You're seizing this moment to advance what you know to be necessary, instead of settling for what you think to be possible. As many delegations have noted, against an otherwise bleak backdrop, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons stands out as a beacon of hope. As of last month, a majority of the world's nations are either parties or signatories to this landmark accord. ICAN takes this opportunity to congratulate Ghana on its ratification and Kyrgyzstan on its signature. At a time when multilateralism and international law face extraordinary challenge, adhering to and implementing the TPNW is the strongest action a state can take to reject nuclear weapons, to advance the law and norms of nuclear disarmament, and to act as a further guardrail against nuclear proliferation.

Today, ICANN appeals for all states, including those that possess or claim protection from nuclear weapons, to join this treaty without delay. The first review conference of the TPNW, to be held in November 2026 under the presidency of South Africa, would be one milestone to work toward. As South Africa has proven, disarmament can be achieved when there is political will to do so, and doing so reduces enmity and mistrust in others. Maintaining nuclear weapons, conversely, undermines international law, human rights, environmental sustainability, indeed most every principle that the UN stands for. Eighty years ago, our forebears rose from the ashes of tragedy to create this institution.

Now we must do what we know is necessary to fulfill its potential to eliminate nuclear weapons and to safeguard our survival as a species. Thank you.


Chair [49:29]:

I thank you, the representative of International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons for his statement. I give the floor to distinguished representative of the Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy.


LCNP [49:41]:

Chair Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy.

I thank you for this opportunity. The International Court of justice, in its 1996 advisory opinion, affirmed that the threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to the principles and rules of international humanitarian law, in particular the principles of distinction, proportionality and unnecessary suffering. The Court also affirmed that there exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiation leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control. This obligation, restated in Article 6 of the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty, is not aspirational. It is legally binding.

Yet instead of progress, we see new generations of warheads, delivery systems, and doctrines that expand the role of nuclear weapons in national security strategies. Such actions not only breach the spirit and letter of Article 6, they erode the very foundation of collective security that the UN Charter demands. Nuclear risk today is being reshaped by technological acceleration and emerging technologies. Developments in artificial intelligence, cyber warfare, hypersonic delivery systems, and autonomous weapons are eroding human oversight and compressing decision timelines. These unregulated risks heighten the probability of nuclear use by accident or miscalculation.

It is therefore imperative that human judgment and control is preserved at every step. Excellencies, the 80th anniversary of the United nations coincides with the 80th anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, events that testify that no use of nuclear weapons could ever comply with international humanitarian law, given their indiscriminate effects and catastrophic humanitarian consequences. With each passing year, the message of the Hibakushas or the atomic bomb survivors only becomes louder and clearer that humanity and nuclear weapons cannot coexist, yet compassion and courage can. Therefore, civil society around the world cooperated for collaborative action to commemorate the International Day for the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons with a joint appeal that I present to you today. This appeal, endorsed by over 1700 organizations and individuals, called on member states to number one.

Affirm that the threat or use of nuclear weapons is inadmissible. 2. Stand down nuclear forces and adopt policies never to initiate a nuclear war. 3 3. Commit to eliminating nuclear weapons no later than the United Nations 100th anniversary in 2045.

4. Redirect the billions spent on nuclear weapons to urgent global needs. Excellencies, as I conclude, I humbly submit the choice between elimination of nuclear weapons over annihilation by nuclear weapons is not a difficult one. Let this 80th session be remembered not for hesitation or delay, but as the moment when humanity chose hope over fear and disarmament over destruction for our planet, our life and future generations yet to come. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [52:52]:

I thank the representative of Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy. And I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Project Plowshares.


Project Plowshares · Kiana Loici [53:03]:

Thank you, Chair. My name is Kiana Loici and I'm here from Project Plowshares to deliver a joint statement Statement on outer space Security. Space may seem distant, but it touches us every day.

From weather forecasts to banking and global communications, billions of people depend on satellites that knit our lives together, often invisibly. But what is invisible is also fragile. The insecurity growing on Earth is now spilling into orbit around the world. Many states are taking steps to keep space safe and sustainable. These efforts are commendable, but without collective security, space will remain vulnerable to mistrust and potential conflict.

Civil society is deeply concerned by the growing pursuit of weapons capabilities in space, including renewed interest in missile defense interceptors long ago judged to be impractical. And destabilizing these developments is fueling an arms race no one can win while increasing the danger of misperception and escalation. We urge states to reaffirm the core principle of the prevention of an arms race in outer space, keeping space free from weapons and armed conflict. The new open ended Working Group on PAROS offers a clear opportunity to advance that goal, but only if states move beyond procedural debate and focus on results. Practical steps are within reach.

Establish standards for safe and predictable proximity operations. Create emergency communication channels, protect space based early warning systems linked to nuclear forces transp refrain from placing or testing weapons in orbit. Reinforce transparency and confidence building through information and sharing and dialogue and ensure inclusive participation. Bringing states from all regions, civil society and industry voices. These measures would directly reduce risk, build trust and safeguard peaceful uses of space.

They are practical, achievable and urgent. This statement was developed collaboratively with civil society experts from around the world and is endorsed by more than 10 organizations. The full version, including detailed recommendations, is available online. Space must remain a domain that benefits all of humanity, not a new arena of conflict. As Ambassador Maritza Chan reminds us, peace is possible, though it often requires a thousand attempts.

We must keep trying. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [55:55]:

I thank the representative of Project Plowshares for his statement. I give now the floor to distinguished representative of the Conflict and Environment Observatory.


Conflict and Environment Observatory [56:08]:

Thank you, Chair. I'm delivering this statement on behalf of 31 organizations. The scale of environmental devastation caused by armed conflicts and military activities is accelerating humanitarian crisis and ecological collapse in ways we can no longer afford to ignore. These vulnerabilities threaten human security and fundamental human rights, deepen vulnerability to the environmental crisis and undermine our shared prospects for peace and sustainable development. Take, for example, the genocide in Gaza.

Beyond the tens of thousands of deaths, the population is facing acute and long term environmental health risks. Millions of tons of contaminated debris and solid waste are leading to the spread of communicable diseases, while most of Gaza's water infrastructure and agricultural areas are destroyed. Or consider the severe environmental consequences of the war in Sudan, where oil and energy facilities continue to be targeted, resulting in conflict, pollution and disrupted access to electricity and water. In Ukraine, Russia's war is creating novel environmental risks, from the widespread use of drones to the unprecedented militarization of nuclear facilities. All these developments are deeply concerning.

Yet environmental degradation arises also from military activities in peacetime, including weapons production and testing, as highlighted in the latest report by the Special Rapporteur on toxics and Human Rights. Moreover, spiraling military expenditure diverts resources from climate finance and sustainability efforts while increasing military emissions. This is precisely why it is crucial for the First Committee to integrate environmental concerns in its deliberations. Chair Although the environment remains under prioritized in the context of armed conflicts, this year has shown encouraging signs of progress. The ICC launched a policy initiative to advance accountability for environmental harm, while the ICJ affirmed states obligations to protect the climate system.

We also welcome the growing attention to environmental harm within the UN Security Council's protection of civilians agenda, as well as the increasing recognition of environmental risks related to nuclear weapons. But the First Committee must do more. We therefore urge all Member States to raise concerns over the environmental dimensions of armed conflicts and militarism in national interventions, champion the Payer act principles on the protection of the environment in relation to armed conflict and commit to reducing military greenhouse gas emissions and enhancing transparency of emissions reporting. Protecting the environment is a matter of civilian protection, human rights and lasting peace and stability. The evidence is overwhelming.

The tools are available. What is needed now is the political will to act for the sake of current and future generations. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [59:15]:

I thank the representative of the Conflict and Environment Observatory for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of CELS on behalf of the Torture Free Trade Network.


CELS [59:30]:

Distinguished Chair, Excellencies, colleagues, I stand before you today to highlight the urgent need for a global, legally binding Torture Free Trade Treaty. Around the world, law enforcement equipment and weapons are being used to commit acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. This includes both standard equipment such as tear gas, some types of rubber bullets and batons, as well as inherently abusive equipment such as spiked buttons, body worn electric shock devices and inhumane restraints. These abuses can be committed during protests, in places of detention, in the process of arrests or in other settings. And the devastating physical and psychological impacts on survivors can be life altering.

Despite the serious human rights risks involved, the international trade in law enforcement equipment remains largely unregulated. Recent positive steps at the regional level, such as the European Union's update to its anti torture regulation to expand its list of prohibited and controlled goods, should inspire global action. But regional efforts alone are not sufficient. Only international cooperation and enforceable global norms can end this shameful trade. There is growing momentum to establish international standards.

The alliance for Torture Free Trade, which includes over 60 states, has pledged to act collectively to stop the trade in goods used for torture. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, UN Special Rapporteurs and regional organizations have stated their support for torture free trade. The Special rapporteur on torture's 2023 thematic study made a compelling case for a legally binding treaty. Notably, in June this year, the Special Rapporteur on Torture, the Committee Against Torture, and the Subcommittee on the Prevention of Torture, among others, called for an international legal instrument regulating the global trade in law enforcement equipment to help stamp out torture and other ill treatment, protect victims and prevent further violations. Increasingly, people across the world are making their voices heard.

The Civil society Torture Free Trade Network that I represent here today is made up of over 85 organizations from around the world. More than 250,000 people have signed Amnesty International's petition demanding an end to the trade and instruments of torture. The message is loud and clear. The international community must act. There is an urgent need to begin negotiations for a legally binding Torture free trade treaty.

Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [1:02:26]:

I thank the representative of CELS for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Youth and Disarmament Education.


Youth and Disarmament Education [1:02:41]:

Thank you. Chair. I'm addressing you on behalf of 60 organizations and campaigns from around the world. Let us begin with good news. Recently, civil society advocacy and diplomatic attention have generated exciting progress in the field of youth and disarmament education.

Youth have had opportunities to address this and many other disarmament bodies. This week, the first ever UN Youth for Disarmament Forum met here in this very building. This shows us that change is possible and these spaces can become more inclusive. Of course, disarmament education is not just a youth thing. Disarmament education spans across generations.

Educators foster critical thinking, ethical awareness about militarization and help all people, young and old, understand international frameworks. However, we also feel despair. Our lives are threatened by some of the highest levels of armed violence since the founding of The United Nations. Many of us also face genocide, climate catastrophe, easy access to small arms, growing inequality, online radicalization and digital dehumanization. We fear growing autonomy in weapon systems and increasing, increasing.

Nuclear states use these very conditions as excuses to avoid making progress on disarmament. Educational institutions also rarely change this inertia. Youth participation is also limited by intersections of gender, race, class, indigeneity, disability, national origin and sexuality. Funding for disarmament and youth participation is minuscule compared to record military expenditure diverted from social services vital to our futures. Meanwhile, our right to protest these threats are under profound attack.

Thus, we call on you to support and strengthen the First Committee Youth Disarmament and Non Proliferation Resolution. Make statements drawing linkages between youth disarmament, education and other pressing issues such as climate action, human rights and sustainable development. Support platforms for freedom of speech, scientific inquiry and reliable information. Builds peace in areas of intensive armed violence. Protecting young people through disarmament and ending the diversion of resources from other crucial priorities.

Yes, young people are the future, but we are also here now. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [1:05:03]:

I thank the representative of Pace University for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Open Nuclear Network work.


Open Nuclear Network [1:05:14]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Distinguished Representatives the erosion of information integrity in the chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear domain remains a pressing concern. We witnessed continued disputes over confirmed chemical weapons attacks in direct contradiction to the findings of independent and internationally mandated investigations. Investigations.

We have seen the spread of false accusations of biological weapons programs designed to stoke fear, spread panic and sow mistrust between states. We have also observed the deliberate promotion of radiological and nuclear falsehoods intended to also stoke fear, cast doubts on non proliferation commitments and undermine confidence in nuclear safety. Distinguished representatives in our interconnected information environment. Such campaigns exploit vulnerabilities in our global communication ecosystem, undermining not only the integrity of facts, but also the stability of collective security arrangements. This information erodes confidence in disarmament and multilateral institutions and the treaties that underpin international security, especially the Chemical Weapons Convention, the Biological Weapons Convention and the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty.

Addressing this challenge requires reaffirming our collective commitment to truth, transparency and verification. These are the norms and mechanisms that underpin the United nations disarmament architecture. To support this architecture, the Global Partnership's Counter WMD Disinformation Initiative has produced a series of concrete tools. Our most recent tool is an interactive resource that tracks how disinformation is shaping our multilateral disarmament debates. In this Committee, in the Security Council, in the Chemical Weapons Convention and in the Biological Weapons Convention we see this information shaping debates and we are tracking this with our tool.

And so this coming Monday on the 20th of October, we're actually launching the CBRN Disinformation Tracker on the margins of this meeting and you're all invited to attend. Registration details are available on the UNLDA meeting pages. Thank you for your attention.


1st Committee · Chair [1:07:43]:

I thank the representative of Open Nuclear Network for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Quasak Nuclear Frontline Coalition. Your Excellency, Honorable Chair Massari Excellencies, distinguished delegates and fellow civil society representatives. We youth leaders from across the globe convened through the inaugural Youthful Disarmament Forum, are deeply honored to deliver a youth led statement on emerging technologies to this committee. This statement, endorsed by more than 55 individuals and organizations, represents not only the perspectives of youth, but also those of historically marginalized and underrepresented voices that are systematically excluded from multilateral decision making processes.


Quasak Nuclear Frontline Coalition [1:08:32]:

Humanity is confronting unprecedented and interconnected poly crisis. We are witnessing climate emergencies, wars and profound geopolitical shifts that exacerbate global inequalities. Central to these challenges is the rapid advancement and weaponization of emerging technologies. While these technologies have immense potential to support sustainable development, their entanglement with nuclear and conventional weapons represents an existential threat.

Emerging technologies.

Human rights, sustainability, equity, justice and ethics the application of AI systems to nuclear weapons should be halted. The acceleration of AI development places enormous demands on water, energy, mineral resources, creating environmental risk that directly threaten the achievement of the SDGs. At the same time, the concentration of technological power within a few corporations further risk perpetuating digital colonialism where economic benefits are extracted from sensitive regions without justice or reciprocal value. Populations, particularly youth from the global majority, are placed in vulnerable situations and face systemic exclusion from decision making on technologies that would shape their futures. Youth have a unique role to play in addressing these converging challenges.

Building on the discussions and the outcome document from the Youth for Disarmament Forum, we urge the Committee to institutionalize purposeful youth participation, invest in youth capacity building and education and structure multi stakeholder engagement to bridge policy and technical communities.

The extended submitted version of this statement Our commitment is clear. Youth are not passive stakeholders, but active partners ready to co create governance frameworks that safeguard peace, protect rights and foster equitable access to the benefits of technological advancement. Thank you for your attention.


1st Committee · Chair [1:10:44]:

I thank you both for your statement. Quasi Nuclear Frontline Coalition and United States Network of Young Peace Builders. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of International Humanitarian Law and Youth Initiative.


IHLYI [1:11:04]:

Thank you, Chair. I deliver this statement on behalf of members of the International Humanitarian Law and Youth Initiative. IHLYI is a grassroots, youth led initiative bringing together young professionals and international law practitioners from 16 countries across the Global South. Most of our members come from communities directly affected by armed conflicts, which shapes our understanding of humanitarian challenges on the ground. Our focus is documentation, advocacy and legal awareness, particularly in the Middle east and Africa, where the application of IHL remains most critical.

IHLYI has established itself as a credible and dynamic platform for advancing disarmament, humanitarian norms and inclusive peace building globally. Mr. Chair, we support all the statements delivered today by civil society addressing the challenges that hinder the effective implementation of international legal instruments, particularly those related to ihl, the protection of civilians and sustainable peace. Among these pressing challenges is the use of naval mines and improvised maritime explosive devices, which in recent years have reemerged as serious threats to international peace, security, maritime safety and the environment. Although naval mines are not new weapons, their deployment today in congested sea lanes and strategic waterways creates unprecedented risks for civilians, shipping, global trade and marine ecosystems.

According to the latest GICHD report on underwater explosive ordnance, Yemen has recorded the highest number of incidents in the past decade, around 78 cases related to naval mines, with 142 mines washed ashore since 2017. Most of these mines, locally manufactured types, were designed to disrupt ports and vital maritime routes, causing severe environmental contamination and restricting fishing and trade in the Red Sea and the Bab El Mandeb Strait in Ukraine. Several drifting naval mines were detected this year near the coast of Odessa. Meanwhile, in the Mediterranean Sea and Gulf of Oman, 2025 witnessed explosions affecting oil tankers reportedly caused by limpet mines, highlighting the evolving and persistent nature of this threat even outside active conflict zones. For example, in July 2025, the Villamora oil tanker flying the Marshall Islands flag suffered an explosion off the Libyan coast, with security sources indicating that a limpet mine was the likely cause.

The humanitarian environmental consequences of these practices are grave. They kill civilians, destroy critical infrastructure, pollute marine ecosystems, and undermine prospects of economic recovery and maritime development. Unlike land mines, which are addressed under the 1997 Ottawa Convention, naval mines remain outside of comprehend outside of comprehensive and modern international regulatory framework. Mr. Chair, the IHOI emphasizes the urgent need for coordinated international action and we call upon Member States to renew their commitment to IHL and maritime law.

Encouraged the First Committee to integrate humanitarian environmental dimensions of naval mines into its deliberation on disarmament, peace and security, particularly in views of emerging risks in Red Sea. Support the development of clear international standards governing the responsible use of naval mines enhance cooperation with youth initiatives by involving them in the thematic discussions and promote transparency and accountability among all actor states. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [1:14:39]:

Thank you very much for the representative of International Humanitarian Law and Youth Initiative for his statement. Distinguished delegates, we have heard the last NGO statement. I will now give the floor to delegations wishing to contribute to the discussion or to make any comments in response to the Civil Society's representatives here today. Kindly press the microphone button to join the list of speakers.

The first speaker I see on the list is Israel. I give the floor to the representative of Israel.


Israel [1:15:23]:

Thank you. Chair this is a brief reaction to the statement heard by the speaker on behalf of the Conflict and Environment Observatory. Just like to state that Israel is a nation strongly committed to security, peace and the rule of law. It upholds international law and conforms with obligations, including in the face of relentless attacks in spite of the most complex conditions. This is in contrast to terrorist groups that abide to no law or moral standards, them and their patrons.

We will continue to exert our right and duty to defend our population, hoping for a different future where terrorists do not put the security of the region at risk. Chair I take this opportunity and turn to the speaker and wonder if she has any concern or compassion in light of the disturbing images coming out of Gaza over the course of the last few days showing Hamas executing masses of Gazans, innocent Gazans, following the Israeli withdrawal. I wonder if this is a matter of concern to the speaker and her organization. I thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [1:16:45]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Israel for his statement.

I see no further request for the floor. On behalf of the Committee, I would like to thank the representatives of the non governmental organizations who participated in today's interactive discussion for the informative presentation contribution to the international debate on these crucial disarmament issues. The Committee will now resume its formal meeting.

The meeting is resumed this brings to an end the general debate of the Committee on all disarmament and international security agenda items allocated to it.

The Committee will now begin the second phase of its work, namely the thematic discussion on specific subjects and the introduction and consideration of all draft resolutions and decisions submitted under the agenda items allocated to the Committee in accordance with the established practice. Our discussions during this segment of our work will focus on specific issues grouped under the following seven agreed thematic nuclear weapons, other weapons of mass destruction, outer space disarmament aspects, conventional weapons, other disarmament measures and international security, regional disarmament and security and disarmament machinery. The thematic discussions will run from today, the 17th to Thursday, the 30th of October for a total of 12 meetings. I would like to remind all delegations that the time limit for statements during the thematic segment is three minutes when speaking in one's national capacity and four minutes for statement on behalf of several delegations. The Committee will now take up the class on nuclear weapons.

The first speaker on my list is the distinguished representative of South Africa to whom I give the floor.


South Africa · TPNW States Parties and Signatories [1:19:02]:

Thank you, Chairperson. I take the floor on behalf of the state parties and signatory states of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Our firm conviction to prevent catastrophic humanitarian consequences continue to guide our work to advance nuclear disarmament. We reaffirm that the prohibition of nuclear weapons, the core purpose of the tpnw, is necessary in preventing a nuclear arms race and achieving nuclear disarmament. We also reaffirm that the TPNW is fully complementary to the Non Proliferation Treaty, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and with treaties establishing Nuclear Weapon free zones.

The TPNW's provisions provide further impetus to nuclear disarmament and create a legal framework that helps implement Article 6 of the NPT as an effective measure to achieve a nuclear weapons free world. Chairperson we remain gravely concerned that nine states still possess arsenals of nuclear weapons. The inherent risks and transboundary consequences of nuclear weapons make clear that all states security is jeopardized and that all States therefore have an interest in their total elimination. Further expansion and modernization of nuclear arsenals. The increasing salience of nuclear weapons and military and security doctrines, including through security guarantees and the growing dangers of nuclear proliferation and potential devastating nuclear arms race, demands immediate and decisive decisive action.

Chairperson Further embedding nuclear deterrence in security policies around the world will weaken the nuclear, non proliferation and disarmament architecture. The risk of nuclear weapons being used again remains a threat due to their very existence. We reiterate that nuclear weapons do not provide sustainable security. Nuclear weapons and nuclear deterrence pose significant and existential risks and we welcome the establishment by the UN General assembly of an independent scientific panel on the effects of nuclear war. Emerging technologies incorporated into nuclear weapons systems, including in command control and communication systems, heighten the risks of nuclear weapons use.

States must therefore maintain meaningful human control over nuclear weapons and their delivery systems within the context of artificial intelligence technology in the military field. Chairperson we stress that any use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is a violation of international law. Nuclear testing must not resume and therefore we urge all states to uphold the global norm against nuclear testing. This is unacceptable or it is unacceptable that decades after the use or testing of nuclear weapons, many affected communities still await assistance and environmental remediation. We are advancing the implementation of the TPNW including through the potential establishment, amongst any other feasible mechanisms of an international trust fund for victim assistance and environmental remediation.

Chairperson, we welcome the latest States that have signed and ratified the TPNW demonstrating the determination of a global majority to eliminate nuclear weapons. The complete, verifiable and irreversible elimination of nuclear weapons is not just an aspiration but an imperative of the global security and the survival of humanity. I thank you.


Chair [1:22:54]:

I thank the representative of South Africa for his statement on behalf of the Party's signatures to the tpnw. I give now the floor to His Excellency Shaj d' Affaire of indonesia.


Indonesia · NAM · Chargé d’Affaires [1:23:13]:

Thank you. Mr. Chair. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the Non Aligned Movement and If I may, Mr. Chair, I wish to start by underlining that as customary, the Non Aligned Movement has always been accorded the first picking slot under this cluster and I understand there has been a mix up by the Secretariat.

I do hope that this will not set a precedent for the forthcoming years. I have the honor to deliver a shortened version of this statement and the full version will be submitted to the Secretariat and made available online. Mr. Chair, the non Aligned Movement expresses concern at the sustained modernization of nuclear weapons, the continuous improvements in existing nuclear weapons and the development of new types of nuclear weapons including new delivery vehicles as provided for in the military doctrines of the Nuclear Weapon states, including the U.S. nuclear Posture Review that set out rationales for the use of such weapons, including against non NWs, reaffirming NOM's principal positions on nuclear disarmament which remains the agreed highest disarmament priority for the un. NAM strongly calls upon the NWS to comply with their legal obligations and undertaking urgently and eliminate their nuclear weapons totally in a transparent, irreversible, time bound and internationally verifiable manner.

All modernization or extension of their nuclear weapons related facilities should also cease immediately. NAM calls for the urgent commencement of negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament on further effective nuclear disarmament measures to achieve the total elimination of nuclear weapons, including in particular on a Comprehensive Convention on Nuclear Weapons. NOM further calls for urgent compliance with legal obligations and fulfillment of commitment undertaken on nuclear disarmament. NAM welcomes the multilateral effort towards nuclear disarmament and the total elimination of nuclear weapons and takes note of the entry into force of the Treaty on the Prohibition of nuclear weapons on 22 January 2021. Non state parties and signatories to The TPNW are fully committed to its implementation and are engaged constructively in preparation for the Perth TPNW Review Conference Towards Achieving a World Free of nuclear weapons Mr.

Chair Nam State's party to the NPT expressed their disappointment over the consecutive Failure of the 9th and 10th NPT review conferences to adopt a consensual outcome document despite constructive engagement made by non State parties to the NPT and call upon NWS to demonstrate political will to enable the 11th review conference to achieve concrete recommendations towards achieving nuclear disarmament. The ultimate objective of the NPT nom states parties to the NPT call on all the NWs to promptly implement their long overdue obligations under the NPT and the commitments agreed by consensus at the NPT Review Conferences without further delay. NAAM reiterates its full support for the establishment in the Middle east of a zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction. The resolution on the Middle east adopted by the 1995 Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the NPT and the annual resolutions presented in this regard, including most Recently UNGA Resolution 7916 NAM continues to note with concern that undue restrictions on export to developing countries of material, equipment and technology for peaceful purposes persists and emphasizes that measures and initiatives aimed at strengthening nuclear safety and security must not be be used as a pretext or leverage to violate, deny or restrict the right of income.


Chair [1:27:14]:

I thank you the representative of Indonesia for his statement on behalf of NAM and I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Oman on behalf of the Arab Group.


Oman · Arab Group [1:27:32]:

Mr. Mr. Chairperson, we align ourselves with the statement delivered on behalf of the Non Aligned Movement. We reaffirm our firm position on nuclear disarmament and the total elimination of nuclear weapons as a key pillar and top priority and a self evident requirement for international peace and security, as well as the importance of the NPT as the cornerstone of the disarmament of non proliferation regime. Renewing commitment to these principles is increasingly important, particularly in light of the extreme, extremely dangerous geopolitical tensions our world is witnessing as well as the continuing erosion of arms controls agreements. We reject the continued adoption by nuclear weapon states of military doctrines that allow the use of a threat or that allow the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons as well as nuclear sharing arrangements and extended nuclear deterrence. This is in contradiction with the spirit and purposes of the npt.

We stress that the complete and total elimination of nuclear weapons in a transparent, irreversible and internationally verifiable manner is the only guarantee against the use of such weapons. While acknowledging the positive aspects of CBMS and nuclear weapon risk reduction, such as the declaration by some states of their commitment not to be the first to use nuclear weapons and negative security assurances, these cannot be an alternative to the complete and irrevincable elimination of nuclear weapons. We express concern about any integration of AI into the management of nuclear arsenals and emphasize full human control over nuclear weapon decisions until their complete elimination. We regret the two recent consecutive failures of the NPT Review Conference to adopt an outcome document. We call for working hard and ensuring the success of the April 26 conference by reaching a comprehensive and balanced outcome document that promotes the NPT's credibility and sustainability.

We also stress the importance of the pillars of the npt. We continue to stress the need for balance in implementing the three NPT and we stress the responsibility of Nuclear Weapon States regarding the ratification of such.

The ratification of the ctbt. We encourage the States that have yet to accede to do so. Mr. President, the responsibility for ridding the Middle east of nuclear weapons is a collective international responsibility to which the Arab Group is committed. It is high time other parties become committed otherwise the credibility of the NPT and the entire non proliferation regime will be at stake. We stress the need to take immediate practical steps to achieve this goal as called for in the annual Arab Draft resolution entitled the Risk of Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle east which enjoys broad cross regional support.

We express concern about the threat posed by Israel's continued refusal to accede to the npt. It is the only country in the Middle east that is not party to the NPT and refuses to subject its nuclear facilities to the IAEA Comprehensive Safeguards Regime.

The continued delay in implementing the international commitments related to the 1995 resolution on the Middle east is a very serious setback. It hinders progress in nuclear non proliferation. We welcome the holding of five sessions of the Conference on the Establishment of a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone and all other weapons of Mass destruction in the Middle east and we call upon all members of the Conference and invited observers to participate in the upcoming sixth session.


Chair [1:31:31]:

The full version of the statement is available online for his statement on behalf of the Agab Group and give the floor to the distinguished representative of Nigeria on behalf of the African group.


Nigeria · Africa Group [1:31:46]:

Thank you Mr. Chair. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the African Group. The Group aligns itself with the statement delivered by Non Aligned Movement and wishes to make the following remarks. Nuclear weapons remain a grave essential threat to humanity.

Their continued possession and modernization by nuclear weapons state undermine collective security The African Group underscored the importance of General Assembly Resolution 70 and reiterate that the risk education measure cannot substitute for genuine and irreversible nuclear disarmament. In this regard, we express concern over the integration of artificial intelligence in the command and control of nuclear weapons which must remain under full and effective human oversight until their total elimination. The African Guru reaffirmed that complete nuclear disarmament is the only absolute guarantee against the use or threat of use of this weapon and a prerequisite for lasting international peace and security. We are deeply concerned by the persistent resistance of nuclear weapons State to fulfill their obligation under Article 6 of the NPT and by the repeated failure of successful Review Conference to achieve concession, thereby eroding confidence in the Treaty. The continued modernization, stockpiling and inclusion of nuclear weapons in military doctrine contradicts the both the latter and spirit of the npt.

The Group stresses the vital role of nuclear weapon free zone in strengthening the global disarmament and non proliferation region. In this regard, Africa remains fully committed to the Treaty of Pelindaba which affirmed our continent as a nuclear weapon free zone and serve as a model for other regions. We also call for the full implementation of the 1995 NPT resolution on the Middle east and urge all Parties to engage constructively in the UN Conference on establishing a Middle East Zone free of nuclear weapons, another weapon of mass destruction whose next section will be chaired by Morocco in November 2025. Mr. Chair, the African Group condemned the recent nuclear threat issued by Israel against the region, including against the people of Gaza, and stressed the urgency of establishing such a zone as an indefendable pillar of regional and global peace and security.

The Group further emphasized the inelienable right of all States to peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the safeguard of the AIA whose technical cooperation continues to contribute to a sustainable development in Africa. We urge that humanitarian consideration remain central in all deliberations on nuclear weapons given their catastrophic consequences for humankind and environment. The African Group welcomed the entry into force of the TPNW and the outcome of its third meeting of state party held in March 2025. We look forward to its first ever review conference under the Chairmanship of South Africa. Finally, the Group reaffirmed the importance of achieving universal adherence to compressive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty during taking into consideration the special responsibility of Nuclear Weapons State in accordance with Africa in accordance with Action 10 of 2010 NPT Review Conference


1st Committee · Chair [1:35:31]:

we thank you Representative of Nigeria for his statement on behalf of African Group.

I give now the floor to distinguished representative of Malaysia on behalf of ASEAN.


Malaysia · ASEAN [1:35:47]:

Thank you Mr. Chair. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the Member States of asean. The full statement can be found on E. Statements ASEAN underscores its commitment to the goal of the total and complete elimination of nuclear weapons and the imperatives of strengthened cooperation full and effective implementation of commitments under international law to promote mutual trust and progress towards our shared goal. ASEAN recognizes the NPT as the cornerstone of the global regime of nuclear disarmament, non proliferation and peaceful uses of nuclear energy and look forward to the 2026 review conference.

We call on all States Parties to work towards a meaningful consensual outcome of the Conference which upholds the credibility and integrity of the npt. ASEAN opposes all forms of nuclear testing. We reiterate the urgency of achieving the universalization and entry into force of the CTBT and the remaining Annex 2 states to sign and ratify the Treaty without further delay. We also recognize the historic significance of the TPNW and its contribution to the global nuclear disarmament and non proliferation architecture. Mr.

Chair, pending the total elimination of nuclear weapons, ASEAN calls on all nuclear weapons States to provide and adhere to unconditional, legally binding negative security assurances to non nuclear weapon states and within nuclear weapon free zones, adopt a no first use policy and take steps to reduce and eliminate the risks of nuclear weapons, including those posed by the use of emerging technologies in nuclear systems. ASEAN reaffirms the right of all States to the users of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. We support relevant proposals of the Secretary General in his agenda for disarmament. ASEAN supports all efforts to establish and strengthen nuclear weapon free zones, including in the Middle East. We commit to preserve Southeast Asia as a zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction and look forward to Timor Leste's accession to the Bangkok Treaty on the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon Free zone at the 47th summit and its related meetings.

ASEAN continues to explore the possibility of allowing individual nuclear weapons States which are willing to sign and ratify the protocol to the Sunfest Treaty without reservations and provide prior formal assurances of this commitment in writing to proceed with signature. We welcome any nuclear weapons States ready to do so and reaffirm ASEAN's commitment to continuously engaging with all nuclear weapons states, including those with reservations, and intensifying efforts of all parties to resolve all outstanding issues in line with the objectives and principles of the Sunfest treaty. Mr. Chairman, ASEAN is tabling at this session the biannual resolution on the Sunfest Treaty which highlights its contribution to regional and International Peace and Security. We look forward to the continued support of all Member States for this important resolution. I thank you.


Netherlands (Kingdom of the) · Broadly like minded · PR to CD [1:39:14]:

I thank the representative of Malaysia for his statement on behalf of ASEAN and give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of the Netherlands to the Conference on Disarmament on behalf of broadly like minded Chair I take the floor on behalf of Albania, Australia, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Japan, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Luxembourg, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Norway, Poland, Portugal, the Republic of Korea, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Turkey and my own country, the Netherlands. Chair, Excellencies, distinguished Delegates. It is in the interest of humanity that nuclear weapons are never used again. Maintaining the nuclear taboo is essential to achieving our common goal of complete, irreversible and verifiable nuclear nuclear disarmament. In January 22, the leaders of the P5 reaffirmed in a joint statement that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.

We urge the P5 to uphold this commitment in 2024. An overwhelming majority of UN members have committed themselves to this principle through the adoption of the Pact for the Future. We remain dedicated to pursuing a practical and achievable path toward a shared vision of a world free from nuclear weapons. Our approach to disarmament takes careful account of the global security environment with a clear focus on the risks posed by nuclear weapons. At its heart, our commitment is informed by a deep awareness of the devastating humanitarian and environmental consequences that nuclear conflict would bring.

Chair Much of the nuclear arms control, disarmament and non proliferation are architecture remains strong and functional even under the present security conditions. In implementing the npt, the International Atomic Energy Agency works every day to promote global nuclear, non proliferation and peaceful uses of nuclear energy and technology. It does so through the application of safeguards and its contributions to strengthening nuclear safety and security. The ctbto, while still to be formally established, is already operational with its global monitoring system. Yet our common pursuit is facing fundamental challenges, including irresponsible nuclear rhetoric, a lack of respect for international law as well as the expansion of nuclear arsenals and an unfortunate stalemate in reaching new agreements such as on fissile materials for nuclear weapons.

The nuclear weapons states and especially the holders of the largest arsenals have a particular responsibility. We call on them to pursue transparency measures and enter into talks on risk reduction measures, arms control and reduction of their arsenals. With the new START Treaty suspended and approaching its expiration, we face the prospect of losing the last remaining bilateral nuclear arms control agreement between the United States and Russia. It's of the utmost importance that an appropriate successive agreement be put in place as soon as possible. Chair in concluding our goal is an ambitious and successful NPT Review Conference.

At the Conference we must recommit ourselves to the obligations and commitments across all three pillars of the treaty. As tensions continue to rise globally and nuclear risks increase concurrently, it's more important than ever to find common ground on measures to prevent nuclear war, increase transparency and accountability, and build confidence and trust. These steps are not a replacement or a prerequisite for disarmament. They lay the crucial groundwork for long awaited arms control and disarmament Progress and the 2026 review conference is the right time and place for this. I thank you Chair for giving me the floor.


EU [1:43:14]:

I thank the representative of Netherlands for his statement on behalf of broadly like minded I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of the European Union. Mr. Chair, I have the honor to speak on behalf of the European Union in its member states. North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iceland, Monaco and San Marino align themselves with this statement upholding the Fully implementing the NPT remains a key priority of the eu. We stress the need to implement all obligations under the NPT as well as commitments from previous conferences, including the need for concrete progress on the full implementation of Article 6 with the ultimate goal of the total elimination of nuclear weapons.

The EU cause of upon nuclear weapons states to enhance transparency and increase mutual confidence. The EU notes the very severe consequences associated with nuclear weapons use and emphasizes that all states share the responsibility to prevent such an occurrence from happening. The EU reiterates its resolute condemnation of Russia's aggressive actions, irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and threats to use nuclear force which are provocative, dangerous and escalatory and it's justified an illegal full scale of war of aggression against Ukraine. We call on Belarus, DPRK and Iran to put an immediate stop to their direct military assistance and to Russia and Belarus to abide by all their commitments under the Budapest Memorandum. The EU cause for the immediate commencement of an early conclusion of negotiations of a treaty banning the production of fissile material and calls on China and all other states concerned to declare and uphold an immediate moratorium on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.

The reduction of deployed strategic nuclear weapons under the New START Treaty, enhanced notably by its robust verification mechanism, contributes to the implementation of Article 6 of the NPT. We call on Russia to immediately return to full compliance with the Treaty. We underscore the importance of a successor agreement to New START in the interest of international peace and security and for the prevention of a new nuclear arms race. We underline that the nuclear weapons states with the largest arsenals hold a special responsibility in the area of nuclear disarmament and arms control. We strongly encouraged to further reduce their nuclear arsenals.

The EU remains deeply concerned by the rapid and opaque expansion of China's nuclear arsenal, which raises serious questions and is inconsistent with its disarmament commitments under the npt. China's lack of transparency over its nuclear doctrine policies and expanding arsenal fuels mistrust and raises questions about the credibility of its no first use policy. We urge China to engage in arms control dialogue as a first step, improve information sharing and hold further expansion of its nuclear arsenal. The EU has always been clear that Iran must never be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon and that it must comply with its legally binding nuclear safeguards obligations under the npt. We call on Iran to remedy its non compliance by taking all steps deemed necessary by the IAEA and note the announcement of an agreement reached between Iran and the Agency and call for the immediate implementation.

The EU will reaffirm its full support for the establishment of a zone which free of nuclear and all other weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems in the Middle East. Mr. Chair, the EU urges DPRK to cease all unlawful and destabilizing actions that undermine regional and international peace.


1st Committee · Chair [1:47:28]:

I thank the representative European Union for his statement and I give now the floor to her excellent Permanent Representative of Costa Rica.


Costa Rica · PR [1:47:41]:

Mr. Chair, allow me to underscore four points. This will be an abridged version of our complete statement. First of all, 55 years after the entry into force of the NPT, we are facing a compliance crisis which is threatening its very survival. Nuclear weapons States have legally binding obligations under Article 6 to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to nuclear disarmament.

These are treaty obligations reaffirmed through NPT review conferences and advisory opinions of the icj. They fail to be complied with as we draw nearer to the next review conference, that is the 2023 review conference. As such, the upcoming Review Conference must establish standardized reporting mechanisms for nuclear weapons states and requirements regarding their arsenals, modernization processes and concrete measures they're taking towards disarmament. My second point, the New START treaty expires on February 5, 2026. There is no replacements and no negotiations are underway.

For the first time since 1972, the world's two largest nuclear arsenals will operate without bilateral limits. At the same time, all nuclear weapons states continue modernization programs designed to extend and enhance nuclear capabilities for decades to come. Costa Rica urges the commencement of negotiations on a successor agreement without delay and pending its entry into force. We urge maintaining adherence to new START central quantitative limits. We also encourage an expanded arms control dialogue which includes all nuclear weapons states and which addresses the full range of nuclear weapon systems.

Third, the nuclear taboo has been established over eight decades and it is under unprecedented power pressure. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons is the first legally binding instrument which comprehensively prohibits nuclear weapons. It fills a critical legal vacuum. It complements the NPT and provides a concrete pathway towards compliance with Article 6 obligations. We encourage all states to sign and ratify this treaty.

Nuclear weapon free zones demonstrate that security can be achieved through legally binding commitments. However, Nuclear weapons States continue to withhold full support. They're refusing to ratify protocols and they maintain reservations that undermine the integrity of these nuclear weapons free zones. We encourage full ratification to all protocols without reservations. The microphone has been cut.


1st Committee · Chair [1:50:44]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Costa Rica for her statement. I give now the floor to Her Excellency, Permanent Representative of Australia to the United Nations Office in Geneva.


Australia · PR to UNOG [1:50:56]:

Thank you, Chair. Australia's commitment to a world without nuclear weapons is enduring, underpinned by solemn recognition of the devastating humanitarian consequences of nuclear war. Eighty years ago, the world changed with the first and only use of nuclear weapons in Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Australia solemnly remembers those who lost their lives and all of those who suffered. We likewise recognise the work undertaken since that time in pursuit of a world free of nuclear weapons. We must protect the nuclear taboo. The United nations has been pivotal in establishing norms and institutions to advance nuclear non proliferation disarmament. But these norms and institutions are coming under strain and nuclear risks are increasing.

So what do we need to do first? Now more than ever, we need to take urgent action to protect what we have built. The Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and in particular the review conference in 2026 must be a key focus for our efforts. Despite its challenges, the NPT continues to to deliver unparalleled security benefits for us all. To protect the npt, we need to deal effectively with proliferation.

The world must remain united in addressing the DPRK's continued advancement of its illegal nuclear weapons program. Australia will continue to strictly enforce UNSC sanctions and remains committed to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We must also address Iran's nuclear program. We urge Iran to immediately return to full cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency and engage to find a diplomatic solution that assures the world that it can never develop a nuclear weapon. Australia supports the vital role of the IAEA in safeguards, security and safety and urges all states to stand up for the Agency's independence mandate and technical authority.

Protecting what we have built also means calling out nuclear threats. That is why Australia condemns unequivocally Russia's nuclear posturing and rhetoric in the context of its illegal invasion of Ukraine. Protecting the nuclear, non proliferation and disarmament regime also means harnessing diversity. Australia knows that societies and economies are stronger when they draw on the talents of all their citizens. The same applies to our work to advance nuclear non proliferation and Disarmament.

Chair Second, as long as nuclear weapons exist, we must work to reduce the risk of nuclear conflict. Hotlines and data exchange arrangements are examples of concrete measures that can and should be taken. Good faith dialogue, particularly among states possessing nuclear weapons, is key to reducing nuclear risks and making progress towards disarmament. This is especially pressing as the exploration of New START approaches. As a great power pursuing rapid nuclear explosion expansion, China's substantive engagement in arms control processes and good faith dialogue is essential.

Transparency can pave the way for dialogue and reduce nuclear risks. Australia will continue to pursue improved transparency and accountability.


1st Committee · Chair [1:54:00]:

I thank the Representative of Australia for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of the Netherlands to the Conference on Disarmament


Netherlands (Kingdom of the) · PR to CD [1:54:12]:

Chair in addition to the statements delivered by the European Union and the blm, I would like to offer the following remarks in my national capacity. Chair Excellencies and Distinguished Delegates, Agreements and instruments for maintaining peace and stability are under immense stress. The global nuclear weapons stockpile is growing again and to cap it all off, a nuclear weapon state is waging war against against a non nuclear weapon state in Europe and routinely threatening with the use of nuclear weapons. In the face of these developments, the Netherlands remains firmly committed to reducing the global nuclear stockpile, resolving nuclear tensions and standing up against any backsliding on our shared commitment to non proliferation.

Therefore, we call on states that have not yet done so, particularly those listed in Annex 2, to ratify the CTBT and maintain the moratorium on nuclear testing. We strongly deplore the withdrawal by Russia of its ratification of the CTBT and the so called suspension of its participation in New start. We are also concerned about China's rapidly increasing nuclear arsenal which is inconsistent with its disarmament commitments. Therefore, we call on China to reverse this expansion and to engage in bilateral and trilateral arms control target products instead. We also urge Iran to return on the path of diplomacy and commence negotiations in good faith and to fully implement all of its safeguards obligations Iran should provide insight into its stockpile of highly enriched uranium and reinstate full cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Nuclear weapon Processing States should recommit to reducing nuclear stockpiles and to engage in talks on nuclear doctrine doctrines and risk reduction measures and ultimately arms control and disarmament. The three states with the largest arsenals have a special responsibility in this regard. That said, a follow up to New START is of particular importance. Chair the NPT is the foundation of the global nuclear, non proliferation and disarmament regime. With the 11th review conference of the NPT ahead, we will prioritize discussing and identifying identifying effective measures to minimize nuclear risks and to improve transparency and accountability, which is of particular importance under the present circumstances.

While we regret that the 2025 NPT Preparatory Committee was unable to agree on consensus recommendations, we approached the upcoming Review Conference with cautious optimism and the unwavering conviction that the NPT also must and will continue to deliver on its non proliferation and peaceful uses. Record I thank you for giving me the Chair.


1st Committee · Chair [1:56:53]:

I thank you, the representative of the Netherlands for his statement to give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Qatar.


Qatar [1:57:04]:

Mr. Chair, my delegation would like to associate itself with a statement of the Arab Group and the non aligned movement. Mr. President, the proliferation of nuclear weapons is a source of deep concern for the international community. As the further proliferation of such weapons increases the risk of accidents and potential attacks using such weapons with their costly consequences for humanity and for future generations. The continued development or threat of use of such weapons exacerbates tensions in international relations and destabilizes international and regional peace and security.

Therefore, international efforts for general and complete disarmament and nuclear non proliferation are the cornerstone of achieving secure and peaceful societies. The General Assembly's adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons reflects the international community's awareness of the dangers of nuclear proliferation, starting with the risks associated with nuclear testing and the development of such weapons. Moreover, the possession of such weapons increases the complexity of existing armed conflicts, exacerbates regional crises and warrants the lack of international peace and security. Mr. President, in light of the current tensions resulting from regional and international conflicts and crises, and the tendency of some states to entrench nuclear weapons in their military and security doctrines and in light of the continued testing of nuclear weapons and their means of delivery, reaching international and regional understandings in the Middle east and strengthening ties of good neighborliness have become a priority for resolving disputes, enhancing security and protecting civilians and critical infrastructure. The establishment of a Middle east zone free of nuclear weapons has become more urgent than ever before.

Here, the state of Qatar reaffirms its support for convening the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on the Establishment of a Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and other Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle east in November 2025. Mr. Chair, we underscore the importance of the 2026 NPT Review Conference which is due to be held from 27 April to 22 May of next year. We welcome Vietnam's presidency of the conference and support the President's efforts in making it a success. And we hope that it would be a fruitful Review Conference.

In closing, we stress the importance of implementing obligations stemming from international conventions in the field of nuclear disarmament. We underscore the importance of the responsible development of the peaceful nuclear energy programs, one that takes into account the risk of the leakage of radioactive material into neighboring countries and regions. We call for strong safeguards that to prevent the transfer of such material and to adhere to the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement under IAEA supervision to ensure the highest standards of safety and security in a world where nuclear proliferation is a major concern for all. I thank you. I thank the representative of Qatar for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair [1:59:47]:

I give now the floor to the distinguished representative people of Austria. Thank you. Austria aligns with the EU and TPNW statements. Chair the volume of challenges facing the global community is overwhelming. But there's only one challenge that could end civilization in an afternoon.


Austria [2:00:03]:

This year's Nobel Laureate assembly captured the stark reality we face. All indicators on nuclear weapons have gone from bad to worse. Nuclear risks already at an all time high have intensified further. The erosion of norms, the weakening of the nuclear taboo, the modernization and expansion of arsenals and increasing nuclear threats, notably by the Russian Federation, are driving mistrust and heightening nuclear proliferation pressures. In parallel with the opacity with in some cases secrecy appearing a strategy, these risks are created by a few, but are borne by all.

The catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons would know no borders. The scientific evidence is clear and continues to grow from climate modeling to health impact assessments. It shows clearly the use of nuclear weapons would trigger a cascading global human, ecological and developmental catastrophe. We also understand more about the complexities of nuclear risks which continue to rise. This nuclear trajectory is neither sustainable nor responsible.

It must be urgently reversed and the United nations must remain at the center of of our collective action to do so. For nuclear armed states we call on first the cessation of any and all nuclear threats, explicit or implicit and irrespective of the circumstances, they are unacceptable, inadmissible and irresponsible. 2. Full implementation of the New Start limits also after the Treaty expires, as fortunately appears to be possible and to urgently use this time to negotiate further reductions through a successor agreement. 3.

Meaningful engagement with the legitimate and scientifically grounded security concerns of the non nuclear armed majority, in particular through robust transparency, accountability and risk reduction. More broadly, we call for all States to reinvest in and strengthen the global disarmament and non proliferation architecture, in particular the MPT insisting on non proliferation obligations and bringing the CTBT into force and investing in new norms from artificial intelligence to the protection of civil nuclear instruments installations. Chair the vast global majority of States seeks a shift away from a security paradigm that holds all of us and future generations hostage with the threat of mass destruction. Through the tpnw, its states parties have taken concrete action towards this paradigm shift. It is a powerful example of multilateralism at work, giving voice to legitimate security concerns, shaping international norms and building a credible path towards nuclear disarmament while also voluntarily taking on an even higher level of non proliferation commitments.

We invite all States that not have joined the TPNW so far to do so. As Ban Ki Moon reminds us, nuclear disarmament is the only sane path to a safer world. Austria stands fully committed to that path. Thank you and thank you to translators. I thank the representative of Austria for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair [2:02:44]:

I give now the floor to Her Excellency, Permanent Representative of France to the Conference on Disarmament Government. Monsieur Le President Mr. Chairman, France aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union and we wish to deliver the following remarks in our national capacity. The Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty is the cornerstone for the disarmament and nuclear nuclear disarmament and non proliferation regimes and it remains the only nuke multilateral framework allowing for the goals to be met. France hopes to work towards a successful NPT Review Conference. We have adopted unparalleled unilateral measures for nuclear disarmament.


France · PR to CD [2:03:25]:

We intend to build upon this commitment on the basis of a progressive approach which is anchored in the reality of the strategic environment France will support in accordance with the 2010 Action Plan in depth discussions of transparency under the three pillars of the treaty and this this year we submitted an interim report on the implementation of this treaty. France supports the work for nuclear disarmament, verification and strategic risk reduction. We also reaffirm our commitment to the security guarantees already granted to non nuclear weapons states and France's full willingness to work towards the signing of the Protocol for the Bangkok Treaty. Nuclear weapons must never be considered as battlefield weapons. They need to remain deterrence tools strictly for deter for defensive purposes.

France reaffirms our commitment to the joint 2022 statement of heads of State and Government to prevent nuclear war and avoid arms races. Mr. Chairman, France remains fully mobilized to address nuclear proliferation crises. Iran must never acquire a nuclear weapon. We condemn Iran's serious violations of its commitments under the JCPOA, which prompted us, together with the E3 to trigger the snapback mechanism and to reimpose the sanctions that had been lifted in 2015. France will continue to engage in diplomatic efforts alongside our E3 partners to arrive at a negotiated, lasting solution to the Iranian nuclear crisis.

France calls upon the whole international community to implement sanctions adopted by the Security Council which, in accordance with the Charter of the un, need to be applicable to all and in light of proliferation risks. We remain committed to multilateral and national export control regimes for sensitive technologies which contribute to preventing diversion and thereby contributing to the cooperation on peaceful use of nuclear power. Thank you. I thank the representative of France for her statement. Give now the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.


1st Committee · Chair [2:05:43]:

Thank you. Chair. The UK remains fully committed to the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. However, this commitment is not just set out in fine words, it is how we act. The UK will continue to promote and show transparency, engaging regularly with civil society and international partners, including to promote understanding and confidence in our policies.


United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland [2:06:07]:

We will continue to champion crucial collaboration on irreversibility and effective verification to ensure that, when the circumstances allow, rapid progress can be made on the path towards a world free of nuclear weapons. We take our commitment to the MPT review process just as seriously. We published our draft national report for the MPT Review Conference in April. We have held open consultations with stakeholders in New York and Vienna and will hold consultations in Geneva in November. We continue to invite input via email from anyone who would like to send us feedback on that.

We are committed to dialogue among nuclear weapons states, including on nuclear doctrines and strategic risk reduction, and the UK is pleased to chair the P5 process this year. Chair we are committed to bringing the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty into force, to beginning negotiations on a fissile Materiel cut Off treaty in the Conference on Disarmament, and to championing the vital work of the IAEA alongside its independence and impartiality. However, we regret that others have chosen a different path. Russia's decision to deratify the CTBT was a significant setback for international arms control. China's rapid and opaque expansion of its nuclear arsenal raises serious concerns about its commitment to transparency and nuclear risk reduction.

Since 2019, Iran has exceeded all limits on its nuclear program that it had freely committed to under the JCPOA. DPRK's persistent violations of UN Security Council resolutions and provocative nuclear activities remain a grave threat to the non proliferation regime. Chair we should be under no illusions as to the security context within which the NPT Review Conference Conference will take place. But it is precisely because of these challenges that the UK stands ready to work constructively with all partners towards a successful outcome. Of course, the Treaty is about more than conferences.

It has served all our interests well for the past 50 years. And my delegation is confident it will continue to serve our collective interests for decades to come. Thank you, Chair.


1st Committee · Chair [2:08:31]:

I thank the representative of United Kingdom for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico, Senor Presidente. Mr. Chairman, Mexico notes with grave concern the unprecedented levels of nuclear risk and a growing dynamic of confrontation between major powers. Both put both imperil the security of humankind as a whole. We must reiterate once again the catastrophic humanitarian consequences involved as a state party to the Tlacilulco Treaty, the Non Proliferation Treaty and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.


Mexico [2:09:10]:

Mexico reiterates that international security cannot be maintained by nuclear weapons or by the so called deterrent based on the threat of use of nuclear weapons. Our region, Latin America and the Caribbean has been free of nuclear weapons for more than five decades now. As such, we can demonstrate that nuclear disarmament is possible and beneficial for collective security. And we can demonstrate that the above are possible without being underpinned by the threat of use or possession of a nuclear weapon. Mexico regrets the lack of verifiable and measurable progress made by nuclear weapons states in terms of compliance with their disarmament obligations.

We recall that the NPT never granted a permanent right to retaining nuclear arsenals. We are concerned by the trend that had remained relatively stable in terms of the possession of nuclear weapons in the hands of nine states could start to sharply reverse because there are people calling for greater and better arsenal. We even have parties championing for the resumption of nuclear tests in States signatories to the ctbt. This is quite frankly unacceptable. We take note of possible understandings for the reduction of greater nuclear weapons arsenals.

These intentions are very welcome indeed if they really do translate into tangible results with no conditions attached. In 2026 we will hold the NPT Review Conference. We hope that all States parties will commit to seeking agreements in good faith to achieve new agreements and better understanding because we cannot afford to see a third consecutive conference fail. I wish to conclude by briefly referring to the initiative championed by Mexico to ensure that the first Committee urgently addresses the risks of seeing artificial intelligence integrated into nuclear weapons command and control systems. We thank all countries that contributed to strengthening the relevant draft resolution.

The text that will be considered by the Committee is the fruit of all of your efforts and we are sure that it will contribute to international security and to the security of all the peoples that we here represent present. Thank you. I thank the representative of Mexico for his statement giving all the floor to Her Excellency, Acting Permanent Representative of the United States to the Conference on Disarmament. Thank you. Chair the United States remains steadfast in its commitment to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and nuclear war.


1st Committee · Chair [2:11:55]:

President Trump has made clear he is open to engaging in good faith on arms control and has shown a commitment to safeguarding the nuclear non proliferation regime on which we all depend. But as long as US Adversaries continue to undermine peace and security, the United States will ensure our nuclear deterrent is safe, secure, effective and reliable. Chair for decades, the United States has demonstrated its commitment to arms control and disarmament through concrete actions, including a 90% reduction of our nuclear arsenal arsenal, a moratorium on the production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices since the 1990s, and proven dedication to transparency and accountability. Yet Russia continues to pursue novel and dangerous weapons while China rapidly and opaquely expands its nuclear forces. Russia also is supplying nuclear fuel for China's plutonium generating breeder reactors, which is particularly troubling because those facilities could support China's nuclear warhead production.


United States of America · Acting PR to CD [2:13:00]:

Such actions run counter to our collective goal to prevent a nuclear arms race. These past two weeks we have heard China say it was committed to arms control, avoiding an arms race and engaging in dialogue on strategic risk reduction. We are ready for China to turn those words into actions. Chair OF the United States also has demonstrated its commitment to non proliferation through our support for IAEA safeguards, nuclear security and multilateral initiatives that help partners develop capabilities to prevent proliferation. Meanwhile, the DPRK advances its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programs in violation of multiple UN Security Council resolutions.

With Russia's support and China standing by idly, Iran's repeated violations of its safeguards obligations seriously threaten the international non proliferation regime. President Trump has never wavered. Iran cannot be allowed to have a nuclear weapon. Chair the United States will seek to Strengthen the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty implementation at next year's Review Conference including by advancing risk reduction, expanded access to peaceful uses of nuclear energy and promoting a more effective review process. The MPT obligates all nuclear weapons states including Russia and China to negotiate in good faith on effective measures to advance nuclear disarmament.

President Trump wants to reduce nuclear weapons and all countries should encourage Russia and China to join the United States in implementing NPT obligations and advancing the goals of the NPT. Article 6 Otherwise, stability and the ultimate goal of a world without nuclear weapons will be prove elusive. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [2:14:42]:

Thank the representative of the United States for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Switzerland.


Switzerland [2:14:52]:

Thank you. Mr. Chairman. Our committee is meeting at a moment, a crucial moment for non proliferation nuclear disarmament. The NPT remains the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament non proliferation architecture. We shoulder collective responsibility to achieve positive results during the next Review Conference and this will require flexibility on the part of all parties and a number of options in our view can be considered regarding the form of the final document as we prepare for this event.

It is critical for States parties to refrain from any actions that may undermine this tool. With regard to nuclear non proliferation. Verifications of the IAEA remains the best tool to reduce uncertainty in this regard. The situation concerning Iran's nuclear program continues to give rise to profound concerns. Switzerland reaffirms that nuclear facilities must not be attacked.

We call upon Iran to grant access to the IAEA for all relevant facilities and to provide information regarding regarding its highly enriched uranium stockpile. A new military escalation must be avoided. Switzerland stands ready to facilitate all diplomatic efforts to that end. We remain concerned about the DPRK's nuclear and ballistic missile programs. We urge the DPRK to refrain from any nuclear tests, to sign and ratify the ctbt, to return to the NPT and to adherence with its IAEA safeguards agreements.

Turning to nuclear disarmament Progress has been slow in the past, but it has been clear. Today. However, we see a reversal. Arsenals are growing, destabilizing delivery systems are being deployed and there are additional layers of uncertainty arising. Renewed efforts are necessary.

First and foremost, we urge the US and Russia to respect the new start limits beyond their expiry and to urgently work on a follow up agreement. Revitalization of the P5 process will also be necessary. Second, it will be critical to reaffirm certain of the key gains at the upcoming NPT Review Conference including existing commitments and the unequivocal commitment of nuclear weapons states to eliminate all nuclear weapons. Third, we need to address the heightened risk of nuclear weapons use. We call upon all nuclear weapons states to refrain from behaviors or actions that could have a destabilizing effect, to address risks related to emerging capabilities and to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in their doctrines.

We urge them to engage on hotlines, multilateral hotlines, risk reduction centers and other cooperative risk reduction mechanisms. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I thank representative of Switzerland for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa.


South Africa [2:17:55]:

South Africa associates itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the African Group, the Non Aligned Movement and the New Agenda Coalition for South Africa. Humanitarian imperatives continue to underpin our search for a world without the threat posed by the position, use and proliferation of nuclear weapons. Article 6 of the treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons continues to be undermined by nuclear weapon modernization programs, policy pronouncements on stockpile increases and a continued reliance on nuclear weapons insecurity doctrines. The approach of non nuclear weapon States that advocate for nuclear disarmament while under extended nuclear deterrence guarantees and nuclear sharing arrangements call into question the compliance by these States to the provisions of the NPT and merely encourages proliferation. Chairperson South Africa laments that out of the three pillars of the npt, nuclear disarmament remains one of the pillars where the least amount of progress has been achieved.

In this regard, we restate our call to nuclear weapons States and States that under extended nuclear security guarantees for concrete and measurable actions in implementing nuclear disarmament obligations of the npt. The goals of the NPT can never be achieved if they are seen only as a means to protect the security concerns of a few countries at the expense of the greater of humanity. Chairperson South Africa reiterates the importance of the universalization of the TPNW as a catalyst for much overdue progress on nuclear disarmament. The Treaty remains open and will always be open for more Member States to join. As President of the First Review Conference of the tpnw, we are committed to deliver on our collective commitment to the Treaty's obligations by showcasing concrete progress in implementing the Vienna Action Plan and the decisions adopted at the meetings of State Parties.

Chairperson, we will continue to rally the international community around the urgent need to eliminate this existential threat as well as the need for urgent action to address the long term impact of nuclear weapons, especially in light of stalled nuclear disarmament efforts that have deepened divisions and challenged the credibility of the non proliferation regime. Nuclear disarmament is both a legal obligation and a moral and ethical Imperative. I thank you. I thank the representative of South Africa for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Armenia.


1st Committee · Chair [2:20:36]:

Mr. Chair, disarmament and non proliferation are among the priorities of Armenia's foreign policy agenda. Armenia touches great importance to the existing arms reduction and disarmament regimes and stresses the necessity of the universality of MPT and the IAEA safeguards regime. Armenia remains firmly committed to fulfilling its obligations under the NPT and reiterates its firm support for the full, complete, effective implementation of the treaty and calls upon the states that have not yet done so to join the NPT as non nuclear weapons states. Mr.


Armenia [2:21:11]:

Chair, we opted for a transparent and open policy for safe and peaceful use of nuclear energy and we will continue to pursue this policy further by strengthening and undertaking necessary measures to enhance and maintain nuclear safety. We appreciate the crucial role of the cooperation with IAEA through its safeguards agreements and Additional Protocol as well as its technical assistance program. The safe and secure operation of the Armenian nuclear power plant is a strategic priority for the government of Armenia and we are committed to to upholding the IAEA's standards on nuclear safety and security and to their continuous enhancement. Mr. Chair, this year Armenia's tenure on the IAEA Board of Governors came to an end marked by active and constructive participation in the Board's deliberations and decision making processes.

We take this opportunity to reaffirm our continued commitment to the Agency's mission and express our readiness to maintain close cooperation with all stakeholders. There are crucial steps that must be taken to further advance disarmament efforts and among them is the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Armenia views it as one of the key elements of the nuclear non proliferation regime. We extend our call upon all Annex 2 states that have not yet done so to sign and ratify the treaty. Armenia reaffirms its full support for the establishment of nuclear weapon free zone in the Mid list.

We are of the view that such zones should be established on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at among all the states of the region concerned. In conclusion, Mr. Chair, we would like to express our hope that inclusive and transparent discussions on global security matters will bring our positions closer and will create more conducive environment for achieving tangible results in the areas of disarmament, non proliferation and arms control. Thank you. Thank the representative of Armenia for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair [2:23:11]:

I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of New Zealand. Thank you. New Zealand is deeply concerned by the deteriorating state of nuclear disarmament and arms control. A lack of progress has given way to active reversals exacerbating global insecurity. Escalating tensions between nuclear armed states and the erosion of key agreements underscore the urgent need for renewed commitment to disarmament.


New Zealand [2:23:38]:

The NPT is the cornerstone of nuclear disarmament and non proliferation. However, two review cycles without consensus have widened the gap between the Treaty's aims and its implementation. As well as facing ongoing non proliferation challenges, the NPT's obligation to negotiate in good faith on nuclear disarmament is not being met. The NPT was never intended to entrench permanent nuclear weapons possession. We call on nuclear weapons states to take practical steps to implement their disarmament commitments, including through transparency and reporting measures.

We also observe increasing reliance on nuclear weapons and security doctrines, continued investment in modernisation, expansion of arsenals and alarming nuclear rhetoric. These developments are deeply troubling. We urge the parties to arms control agreements to fully comply with their obligations. We call for the negotiation of a successor to new start. States that have not yet joined the CTBT must accede without delay.

The total elimination of nuclear weapons is the only guarantee against their catastrophic consequences. The risks remain as long as these weapons weapons exist. To advance understanding of these consequences, last year New Zealand and Ireland led a resolution mandating a comprehensive scientific study on nuclear war effects. We welcome the establishment of the Independent Panel and we look forward to its findings. The Treaty of Rarotonga reflects our region's enduring opposition to nuclear weapons.

Chair we reject the notion that nuclear disarmament must wait until a hypothetical favourable security environment. The new Agenda coalition offers concrete recommendations to fulfil disarmament commitments, including in our resolution to this Committee. Finally, to conclude on a positive note, membership of the TPNW continues to grow. We congratulate Ghana for their ratification and Kyrgyzstan for their signature. Joining the global movement towards the elimination of nuclear weapons.

I thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [2:25:42]:

I thank the representative of New Zealand for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Guatemala.


Guatemala [2:25:55]:

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Guatemala Notes with concern the current state of international security. A landscape marked by persistent and complex geopolitical tensions and slow progress towards compliance with male multilateral commitments in the field of disarmament. Against that backdrop, the threat posed by nuclear weapons remains one of the greatest risks to humankind. Our country firmly believes that the only guarantee against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is their total elimination in a verifiable, irreversible and transparent fashion until while these weapons still exist.

The risk of a humanitarian and invasion environmental disaster be that by accident, miscalculation or a deliberate decision will be a latent one. Consequently, we are proud to be a state party to the Treaty of Tatilolco, a pioneering instrument that decreed Latin America and the Caribbean as the first densely populated area free of nuclear weapons. This historic decision reflects our conviction that real security cannot be built on arsenals, but rather through respect for international law, multilateral cooperation, mutual trust and the quest for peace. In that same vein, we reiterate our staunch support for the Treaty on Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons for the CTBT and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. These are all complementary instruments and are essential if we are to move towards a world free of nuclear weapons.

Chair we note with grave concern the fact that instead of seeing progress, it's clear that we're undoing progress with the global disarmament agenda. The mobilization of arsenals and the maintenance of the lack of compliance with Article 6 of the NPT, as well as growing international tensions, imperil the very pillars of the multilateral disarmament and non proliferation regimes. Global military expenditure has reached record figures exceeding $2.4 trillion annually. This increase reflects an imbalance and the fact we're out of sync with the SDGs that more than ever before are calling for political will and financial resources. Every dollar invested in WMDs is in reality a dollar taken away from health, education and the fight against climate change.

Finally, Guatemala appeals to nuclear weapons states to honor their legally and legal and moral commitments. They must urgently reduce the role these weapons plays in their military and doctrines and move towards their total elimination. Today let us renew our collective commitment and work with resolve so that future generations are able to live free of the horror of nuclear annihilation. Thank you. I thank you Representative Guatemala for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair [2:28:41]:

I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Portugal.


Portugal [2:28:47]:

Chair. This year we mark two anniversaries which set a different tone. In 45, the UN was created enshrining multilateral diplomacy as the means to resolve conflict. At the same time, the first nuclear test was conducted and the first nuclear weapon was used. These events showed how dangerous and destructive such weapons can be.

This is why, a little over 20 years after states came together and agreed on the NPT, the treaty remains the cornerstone of global non proliferation regime. It is also the basis upon which we can incrementally work towards nuclear disarmament while ensuring peaceful uses of nuclear energy. In the decades since, much progress has been achieved, arsenals were reduced and also due to the CTBT's adoption, nuclear testing almost halted. However, today things are Changing the disarmament architecture is eroding. Geopolitical mistrust is growing.

The development of AI hypersonic missiles or deep sea drones have complexified the scenario. The risk of miscalculation and of escalation is increasing. What then must the international community do? To answer this, Portugal offers eight recommendations. First, the NPT must be universalized.

This is why we call on states which have not ratified them treaty to do so. Second, the NPT must be fully implemented. This is why we encourage constructive participation at next year's RevCon. Third, we must address emerging technologies, namely AI. Fourth, all states must continue supporting the work of the IAEA.

Fifth, the CTBT must enter into. Fourth, we call on Annex 2 states to ratify the treaty and on all states to support the work of the CTBTO. 6. The CD must negotiate and conclude a treaty banning the production of fissile material. 7.

Given that the New Start Treaty is due to expire, we call on agreed limits to be fulfilled pending a successor treaty. 8. We urge the establishment of a nuclear Weapon free zone in the Middle East. Chair as the Secretary General put it, disarmament is not the reward for peace, it is the foundation of peace. Let's then rebuild trust and reinvigorate our global non proliferation architecture.

I thank you.


1st Committee · Chair [2:31:40]:

I thank the representative of Portugal for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency Ambassador for Disarmament affairs of China.


China · Ambassador Disarmament Affairs [2:31:54]:

Mr. Chair facing multiple risks and challenges in the nuclear field, the international community should uphold the vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security and join hands to meet the challenges. First, reduce the role of nuclear weapons in national security policies. All NWs should adopt a no first use policy, negotiate and conclude, include a treaty on mutual no first use of nuclear weapons and conclude a legally binding instrument on NSAs at an early date. Meanwhile, we should prioritize crisis prevention over crisis control and reject the hypocritical approach of inciting confrontation on the one hand or calling for reducing nuclear risks on the other.

Second, adhere to the principles of maintaining global strategic stability and undiminished security for all with an aim of achieving sustainable nuclear disarmament. The narrative of the so called trilateral nuclear arms control serves merely as a pretext and tool for some nuclear weapons state to shirk its responsibility on nuclear disarmament and advance its geopolitical goals. Third, further strengthen the universality and effectiveness of the Nuclear Arms Control Treaty regime. China is committed to practical outcomes at the 2026 NPT Review Conference calls upon all parties to treat rationally the differences among the nuclear weapons states in terms of their nuclear forces, nuclear policies and security environment. China insists on the settlement of regional nuclear issues through political and diplomatic means and rejects frequently resorting to the use of force and the abuse of illegal unilateral sanctions.

Sufficient and effective effective nuclear disarmament verification measures could serve as an important guarantee for the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. The establishment of a group of scientific and technical experts should be fully informed by the unique function and expertise of the cd. Fourth, oppose firmly any unilateral act that undermines strategic stability, pursuing absolute security, some country strengthen nuclear alliance and and extended deterrence, forward deployed land based intermediate range missiles and advanced global missile defense systems. These actions undermine other countries legitimate security interests and global strategic stability. China attaches importance to the potential risks of the military application of AI and always insists on ensuring the absolute security reliability and controllability of nuclear weapons and hope relevant resolution could fully address the legitimate concerns of all parties, in particular those of NWS.

Mr. Chair, China always pursues a nuclear strategy of self defense and firmly adheres to a policy of no first use. China categorically rejects all groundless accusations against China's nuclear policy. Chinese President Xi Jinping put forward the Global Governance Initiative which is of great significance to solve the current nuclear global governance dilemma. China is willing to strengthen communication and coordination with all parties to jointly promote international nuclear disarmament process.


1st Committee · Chair [2:34:58]:

I thank the Representative China for his statement. I shall now call on delegations who have requested the right of reply. May I remind members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to four and a half minutes for the first intervention and two and a half minutes for the second intervention. I call on the representative of DPRK to take the floor.


Democratic People's Republic of Korea [2:35:34]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. My delegation is compelled to take the floor to exercise right of reply. In response to provocative statements made by the delegations of the US the uk, the eu, Australia and Switzerland. We categorically reject the stereotype and absurd accusations against the DPRK as they are intended to mislead the international community and evade the responsibility for the deterioration of the tension on the Korean Peninsula.

As we have stated on several occasions, DPRK's possession of nuclear weapons is an exercise of sovereign right to self defense against the persistent nuclear threats from the United States lasted for several decades. Even today, the objective security situation on and around the Korean Peninsula is renewing one lost record after another. At present, various forms of bilateral and multilateral road rails targeting the DPRK are taking place simultaneously and continuously involving an ever growing nuclear element. Under such circumstances, it is a realistic and inevitable requirement for the DPRK to rapidly and decisively strengthen its deterrent capabilities in order to counter the military threats posed by the United States and its allies. Our nuclear deterrent serves as a crucial factor in maintaining peace and the balance of power in the region.

The double standards of labeling the DPRK's self defensive nuclear deterrent as illegitimate while justifying US nuclear buildup for hegemony as lawful and regular will never be accepted by the dprk. The DPRK will always as firmly adhere to the line of strengthening its nuclear force, fully contain the threats and blackmail of the United States and its allies through all available political and military means, and ultimately achieve its strategic goals in a thorough and perfect manner. Mr. Chair, as stated before several times, the friendly cooperation between DPRK and Russian Federation is just and legal. It completely meets the words and spirit of treaty on comprehensive strategic partnership between DPRK and Russian Federation as well as international laws including UN Charter.

Thank you, Mr. Chair.


1st Committee · Chair [2:37:58]:

I thank the representative of DPRK for his intervention. I now call on the representative of the Russia Federation to take the floor.


Russian Federation [2:38:11]:

Mr. Chairman, it is my duty to react to the provocative statements delivered by a number of Western countries in the context of the Russian Belarusian cooperation in the military nuclear sphere. In fact, destabilizing policies in this area has already been carried out for a number of years precisely by NATO countries. NATO, which has proclaimed itself to be a nuclear alliance over decades. Members of the alliance have had practice and continue to this day to develop so called joint nuclear missions. This practice is rooted in US Nuclear weapons which are deployed in six military facilities in five countries on the European continent of which the United States is not a part.

Nuclear weapons, which Washington holds in operating bases thousands of kilometers from its national territory and which it is actively modernizing, are capable of being promptly deployed to target a broader range of strategic goals on the territory of the Russian Federation Belarus. Furthermore, there is no concealment of the fact that these are the goals which are being pursued during the relevant drills with the use of the second echelon of NATO countries which provide for air escorts and cover for US Nuclear weapon delivery platform. At the same time, almost all members of the alliance are engaged directly in the planning for the use of nuclear weapons. Recently, NATO has activized the development of schemes and potentials for joint nuclear missions. Specifically, the geography of nuclear weapon presence of the US In Europe is being expanded and that of a number of countries which have been delegated to deliver US Special munitions to goals.

This factor is particularly significant presently where Russia has to take into account a significant escalation of threats linked to the West's policy of inflicting upon our country a strategic defeat which is fraught with risk of direct to military confrontation of nuclear powers. Our closest allies in Belarus are also experiencing NATO's growing military political pressure, including with the efforts of countries directly bordering the Union States, some of whom have long been seeking to deploy part of the U.S. s nuclear arsenal on their territory. We have long exercised restraint. For years we sought to persuade Washington to follow our example and to bring all of its nuclear weapons back to their national territory. This was in vain, so we had to do something else.

The response measures undertaken by Russia and Belarus are necessary and very reciprocal in nature. They are adopted strictly in line with the deterrence approach and they are calibrated and they are not at all commensurate with the steps undertaken by NATO which are being carried out on the territory of the two fraternal countries who are part of a single defense space. The consideration of the decision taken by Russia and Belarus jointly in nuclear in the Euclid sphere is linked to the US and NATO's pernicious policy as it seeks to undermine our security. And there's a need to remove US Nuclear weapons from Europe and to eliminate the relevant infrastructure in connection with the joint nuclear missions. We note the following.

We understand the willingness of a number of non nuclear NPT member states to develop jointly with nuclear weapons states to develop a standalone universal agreement which contains legally binding negative security assurances. At the same time, we cannot universally consider all non nuclear weapons states as countries that have justification to legitimately claim such guarantees. Specifically, Russia does not see compelling reasons to include in this category those formal non nuclear weapons states who directly or indirectly are engaged in the deeply destabilizing practice of NATO's joint military missions. Thank you for your attention. I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for his intervention.


1st Committee · Chair [2:42:10]:

Distinguished delegates, we have exhausted the time available for this meeting. I would like to remind that there will be no meeting of the First Committee on Monday due to the Diwali floating holiday. The next meeting of the Committee will be held on Tuesday, October 21st at 10am sharp in this conference room when the Committee will continue its thematic discussion. The meeting is adjourned.