UN Transcripts — https://transcripts.un.org/en/ga/c1/80/11
First Committee, 11th plenary meeting - General Assembly, 80th session — First Committee — 21 October 2025
Language: en
Automatically generated transcript — may contain errors. Not an official United Nations record.

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1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [0:02]:

The 11th meeting of the Disarmament International Security Committee the first committee of the eighth session of the General assembly is called to order distinguished delegates. In accordance with its program of work, the Committee will first engage in an exchange with the Under Secretary General and High Representative for Disarmament affairs, represented today by her Deputy. This will be followed by a panel discussion with independent experts and high level officials in the field of arms Control and Disarmament as nominated by regional groups, as well as a briefing by the Chair of the Independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War. The Latin American and Caribbean Group has nominated His Excellency Ambassador Sergio Franz Adanase of Brazil to represent Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and Caribbean.

Following these exchanges, the Committee will continue the second phase of its work, namely the thematic discussion on specific subjects and the introduction and consideration of all drafts, resolutions and decisions submitted under the agenda items allocated to the Committee. It is my pleasure to extend a warm welcome to the Director and Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Adedeji Ebo, the Representative of the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, His Excellency Ambassador Sergio Franco Denise, and to the Chair of the Independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of nuclear war, Dr. Anna Maguill Seto professor of Theoretical Physics, Physics Institute, National Autonomous University of Mexico. Joining us at the podium, I will first give our panelists the floor to make their statements. Thereafter, we will change to an informal mode to afford delegations the opportunity to ask questions. I have asked our distinguished panelists to keep their statements concise to ensure that we have adequate time for an interactive discussion on the subject.

I now invited the Director and Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, United Nations Office for disarmament affairs, Mr. Adedeji able to address the Committee? You have the floor, sir.


UNODA · Director & Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs · Adedeji Ebo [2:34]:

Thank you, Chair. Mr. Chair, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, I am honored to participate in this high level exchange on behalf of the High Representative who regrets that she cannot be here today.

She's traveling at the moment. At the outset, let me say that both the High Representative and myself have followed the general debate of the Committee.

We are heartened by the high level of engagement, but we also share the sense of concern expressed by many delegations over the current state of the international security environment, from pressure on humanitarian disarmament frameworks to rising nuclear rhetoric. I also note reflections on the UN 80 initiative and the need for reform that enables the UN to meet current and future disarmament and non proliferation challenges. There were also several mentions of growing levels of military spending across regions and the opportunity costs associated with those rising levels. This brings me to the topic of global military expenditure, which I would like to focus on today. In 2024, global military spending surged to a record $2.7 trillion.

Spending is increasing across all global regions, with the steepest year on year rise since 1988. Over 100 countries increased their military budgets, with the top 10 spenders accounting for 73% of the total.

To put the sum of $2.7 trillion into perspective, allow me to make some comparisons. $2.7 trillion equates to the size of the entire GDP of all African countries, more than half the GDP of all Latin American countries, 750 times the 2024 UN regular budget, nearly 13 times the amount of official development assistance from the world's wealthiest nations. And while military spending soars, our shared promise of sustainable development is in jeopardy. Only one in five Sustainable Development Goal targets are on track for 2030.

In the face of this very troubling imbalance, the Secretary General recently launched a new report titled the Security We Rebalancing Military Spending for a Sustainable and Peaceful Future. The report calls on all of us to fundamentally rethink the relationship between security, disarmament and development. At the outset, the Report recognizes that since its founding, the United nations has been a forum for advancing international peace and security alongside inclusive and sustainable development.

Article 26 of the charter embodies this dual commitment, calling upon Member States to promote the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security with the least diversion of amendments of the world's human and economic resources.

By laying out current trends as well as the drivers of global military spending, the report presents a startling view of a world where militarization is crowding out resources for health, education, climate action and gender equality.

As the Secretary General acknowledges that that this imbalance disproportionately affects low income and fragile states that are already grappling with considerable challenges. To meet the moment, the SG proposes a course of correction. This course requires not only a reverse of the upward tick in global military spending, but a recommitment to multilateralism and diplomacy. The report urges Member States to act with foresight and resolve. To this end, the Secretary General offers a clear five point agenda for action.

First, prioritize diplomacy, peaceful settlement of disputes, and confidence building measures that address the underlying causes of growing military expenditure. Second, bring military expenditure to the forefront of disarmament discussions and improve links between arms control and development.

Discussions such as this one in the First Committee are helpful in contributing to this objective. Third, promote transparency and accountability around military spending to build trust and confidence between states while also increasing domestic fiscal accountability. 4. Reinvigorate multilateral finance for development.

As the financing gap grows, so does the cost of inaction. Fifth and finally, advance a human centered approach to security and sustainable development. True security is multidimensional and best achieved through a human centered approach grounded in rights, equity and sustainability. We need a new vision of human centered security that safeguards people, not just borders, and prioritizes institutions, equity and planetary sustainability. It is my hope that this report will serve as a catalyst for renewed dialogue, one that challenges the status quo and inspires bold transformative action.

Before concluding, I wish to address the traditional topic of follow up on resolutions and decisions adopted at the previous session of the Committee and presentation of reports of the Secretary General.

In line with recent practice, I will forego providing a detailed account of the views received pursuant to requests by the General Assembly. Those details will be posted on the website of UNODA in an annex to this Statement. Nevertheless, allow me to provide a few observations. 16 reports of the Secretary General inviting information and views of States were prepared for the 80th session of the General Assembly. The report containing information by Member States relating to military expenditures and transfers of conventional arms continue to elicit a large number of submissions, 62 and 67 respectively.

The number of reports submitted to both transparency instruments has increased this year compared to the previous year, which is a welcome development. This year, the first time Report of the Secretary General on Artificial Intelligence in the military domain received 32 submissions from states. Several additional submissions were made and received after the publication deadline.

As has been mentioned in this briefing before, States clearly assign value to reports on so called new issues. Insofar as no report to the General assembly has been prepared on this topic previously, a compilation of views on such topics importantly informs future multilateral deliberation, particularly with a view to further action by the General Assembly. Similarly, I note that the Report of the Secretary General on Group of Scientific and Technical Experts on Nuclear Disarmament verification received 18 replies from states. This report requested concrete views on options for the establishment of such a Group, thereby serving as a vehicle for States to express very specific opinions with a clear and specific request for views. I believe the report was a useful tool for all States further consideration of the Group's possible objectives, mandates and modalities.

In contrast, and for the majority of reports on topics that have been carried over from year to year, the replies have hovered around the same low number for several sessions. Most of the reports received fewer than 10 replies. Against the backdrop of the UN80 initiative, it is especially important to consider the value of such reports. I thank you very much for your attention.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [13:51]:

I thank the Director and Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament affairs for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Ambassador Sergio Fianza Danesi as the representative of opanel. You have the floor, Ambassador.


OPANAL · Sergio França Danese [14:10]:

Muchas gracias. Thank you, Chairman Mr. Chairman of the First Committee of the General Assembly.


OPANAL · OPANAL · Sergio França Danese [14:21]:

Deputy. High Representative for his Chairman affairs and other members of the Bureau Distinguished colleagues, I have the privilege of addressing you on behalf of the Member States of the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean. Openal A month ago, 27 September, Member States of Opanau issued a joint Declaration on the International Day for the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons, continuing a tradition that goes back to 2014 when the General assembly of the United nations established this important commemorative day. The the declaration of 2025 was particularly important because it reaffirmed the unshakable commitment of our region to the total verifiable and irreversible elimination of nuclear weapons. It also underscored the urgent need to defend to uphold international law, strengthen multilateralism and preserve the credibility of the global disarmament and non proliferation regime.

In doing so, once again the unity and moral authority of Latin America and the Caribbean was reiterated reasserted on this topic. Furthermore, throughout 2025, Opinal actively contributed to important multilateral disarmament forums. At the third session of the Preparatory Committee of the Review Conference of the NPT of 2026 that took place in New York, the Agency presented a working document on the IMP of the Obligations and Commitments to Avoid nuclear Risk, highlighting the valuable contribution that nuclear weapons free zones and dialogue with the nuclear weapons possessor States have in order to reduce nuclear risks. Also, in the third meeting of States Parties of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, OPANEL presented another working document that underscored the complementarity between the TPNW and the treaties that established nuclear weapons free zones. These actions reaffirm the fact that the Tlateloco Treaty continues to be a fundamental pillar of the international disarmament non proliferation architecture and a precedent for for the NPT itself.

For this reason, Member States of OPANAO remain strongly committed to preserving and strengthening the NPT, advocating for a constructive and successful review conference in 2026 under the chairmanship of Vietnam, which we hope will identify concrete measures geared toward the future to reduce the risk of a nuclear catastrophe and to move towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons. All these documents and initiatives are the result of a carefully negotiated language that reflects the consensus of the region.

They reflect the lasting tradition of dialogue within Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as a firm conviction of the region that that it is urgent and necessary to accelerate the implementation of the nuclear disarmament commitments and advance decisively towards a world free of nuclear weapons.

I would like to turn to a. Topic that lies at the very heart of our collective efforts. The strengthening of current nuclear weapon free zones and the creation of new ones. It is essential that we continue advancing. The full realization of the principles and.

Objectives of the treaties that have given. Life to those zones, while also lending our steadfast support to the creation of. New ones in regions where they remain absent. In this context, the new comprehensive study. On nuclear weapon free zones in all.

Its aspects represents one of the most. Ambitious and promising initiatives in recent years. Mandated by the United Nations General assembly. At its 79th session, this study will provide a unique opportunity to take stock. Of what we have achieved and to chart a way forward for the future of these zones.

Latin America and the Caribbean take great. Pride in having played a leading role in in presenting and promoting the resolution that gave rise to this process. Our region, as the birthplace of the first nuclear weapon free zone in a densely populated area, remains deeply committed to advancing the universality of the principles enshrined. In the Treaty of Tlatelolco. Principles that continue to inspire and guide.

Global efforts toward disarmament and non proliferation. The work that will be carried out by the group of experts throughout 2025. And 2026 will be crucial to ensuring that this initiative delivers meaningful and forward looking outcomes. Their deliberations and recommendations will help strengthen coordination among existing zones, explore pathways toward new ones and identify concrete measures that. Can further enhance the effectiveness of the regime.

For Latin America and the Caribbean, nuclear weapon free zones are not merely regional. Arrangements or relics of the past. They are expressions of our collective conviction. That peace and security can and must. Be built through cooperation, trust and the.

Renunciation of nuclear weapons. In that spirit, we stand ready to. Continue contributing to this process and to the strengthening of the global non proliferation and disarmament architecture. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [20:35]:

I thank the Ambassador of Brazil for his statement on behalf of Opanal.

I now give the floor to Dr. Anna Mariasetto, chair of the independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War. You have the floor, Madam.


Independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War · Chair · Ana Maria Chetto [20:52]:

Thank you. Your excellency Ambassador Maurizio Massari. Excellencies, members of this panel, distinguished delegates, Ladies and gentlemen, it is an honor to brief you today on the progress of the independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War, which was established pursuant to to General Assembly Resolution 79, 238. But before doing so, please allow me to introduce myself briefly, as this is the first time I have the honor to speak before you. My name is Ana Maria Chetto, and the members of this panel have appointed me as its Chair.

I am a full research professor at the Institute of Physics of the National Autonomous University of Mexico. I've been a consultant to UNESCO for the World Conference on Science, among others, a member of the United Nations University Governing Board, Secretary General of the International Council for Science and President of the Mexican Physical Society. And from 2003 to 2010, I served as Deputy Director General for Technical Cooperation at the International Atomic Energy Agency. Ladies and gentlemen, as this committee is well aware and we have just heard, the renewed prospects of nuclear war bring with them the possibility of catastrophic humanitarian and environmental consequences. The last General assembly mandated study on the climatic and other global effects of of nuclear war was published a long time ago, in 1989.

It is against this backdrop that Resolution 79238 was adopted in 2025. The resolution recalls that removing the threat of nuclear war is the most acute and urgent task of the present day and calls for inverted commas, an updated, comprehensive scientific assessment of the effects of nuclear war and its consequences, determining where there is agreement among the scientific community and where more research is needed. Ladies and gentlemen, in accordance with the mandate set forth in resolution 79 238, the Secretary General appointed the 21 members of the Panel in their personal capacities. On the basis of nominations from Member States and the broad public call for candidates, members were selected for their leading scientific expertise across relevant disciplines, while ensuring impartiality and equitable geographical and gender representation. In selecting the panel, the Secretary General drew on the expertise and recommendations of relevant United nations agencies.

Having now been established, the Panel is mandated to examine, I cite, the physical effects and societal consequences of a nuclear war on a local, regional and planetary scale, and is empowered to review and commission relevant studies with the aim of publishing a comprehensive report. Our final report will be considered in 2027 at the UN General Assembly. 82 at its first plenary meeting, which took place on September 4 and 5, the panel appointed me as well as a Vice Chair, Sir Andrew Haynes. The panel also decided to divide its work into three groups. Working Group 1 focuses on the physical effects of nuclear explosions, single or multiple, including blast effects, climate, radiation and fires.

Working Group 2 focuses on the direct impacts on populations, ecosystems, agriculture and animal health. Working Group 3 focuses on the cascading economic, financial, societal and governance impacts, including the effects on interdependent critical infrastructure systems. The Working Groups have decided to appoint two co facilitators each for Groups one and two, and one facilitator for Group three. All of the working groups have met at least once and will meet regularly every two to three weeks. In addition to working intensely between meetings, the groups have begun compiling relevant studies and discussing possible scenarios as well as an appropriate report structure.

Panelists membership across working groups ensures cross pollination and shared awareness of the discussions in each group. Additionally, one member has been appointed to serve as the Scientific Secretary of the Panel. This will help coordinate scientific assessments and ensure consistent approaches across groups, as well as identify and address any gaps in the scope of the Panel's work.

Ladies and gentlemen, the Panel aims to analyze and synthesize the growing body of scientific knowledge on the effects of nuclear war within the context of current scientific and technological developments. The stakes are of the utmost seriousness and our work must be likewise in line with the Panel's mandate. We will determine where there is agreement among the scientific community and which areas require further research. We will draw our conclusions from a critical and rigorous assessment of the evidence.

I am fortunate to chair a panel whose distinguished members bring a wealth of experiments expertise in various fields. It includes physicists who specialize in nuclear risk assessment, atmospheric scientists, environmental and geochemists medical doctors who focus on radiation epidemiology as well as climate change and health and specialists in complex socioeconomic systems. Other panelists specialize in agricultural, animal and veterinary sciences and in data modeling. We understand, however, that we cannot undertake this work in isolation without the assistance of outside expertise. Nor should we.

Our mandate not only calls upon us to review and commission relevant studies, but also to consult with a broad range of scientists and experts, as well as the widest possible range of studies. Stakeholders, including civil society, affected communities and peoples from around the world, other parts of the United nations system and relevant agencies are also called upon to support our work. The identification of scientists and experts with whom the Panel will hold a first round of consultations is currently underway. Those consultations will be held during the first week of December, facilitated by the Secretariat. They will be preceded by the Panel's second plenary meeting at the end of November.

Ladies and gentlemen, I am encouraged by the progress that has been made so far as well as by the commitment and cooperative spirit of the Panel members. Although the presentation of the Panel's final report to States is still two years away, we are aware of the amount of information to be considered, discussions to be held and work to be done. On behalf of the Panel, I would like to express our appreciation to the General assembly for its support, to the Secretariat for its valuable assistance, and to you for this opportunity to speak with you today. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [29:57]:

I thank the representative of the Chair of the Independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War for her statement. Distinguished delegates, in keeping with the established practice of the Committee, I will now suspend the meeting to afford delegations the opportunity to have an interactive discussion with our panelists through an informal question and answer session. The meeting is suspended.

I now invite delegations to pose questions to the Director and Deputy, to the High Representative for Disarmament affairs, the representative of OPANEL and the Chair of the Independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War. I will request all delegations taking the floor to keep their questions concise and refrain from reading a statement.

I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mozambique.


Mozambique [31:05]:

Thank you, Chair and thank you, Deputy High Representative.

Mine are two quick questions. Obviously thanks for the presentation of the report of the Security of the Secretary General.

The contradictions outlined in the report increased military spending while we lag behind in the fulfillment of the SDG are acutely felt in our continent. Primarily my question is related to the follow up to the report and whether there are some ideas on how to keep track on the five points outlined by the sg. And the second question will be related to ideas on Given the widening gap between military spending and financing for development, how can we be creative in stimulating savings that could be reinvested in development? Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [32:32]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Mozambique for his statement. I will now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Pakistan.


Pakistan [32:44]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Through you I thank panelists and especially I thank to deputy Tuhai representative Mr. Abu for presenting the report of the Secretary General. We think that it's a very timely report that has been presented by the Secretary General and we endorse the reports recommendations. Especially is called for peaceful settlement of disputes and confidence building my years to address underlying causes of growing military expenditures.

From Pakistan's perspective this is an important issue not only around the world but of course in our own region as well. And from our own perspective we led the initiative earlier this year year in the Security Council for unanimous adoption of Resolution 2788 on peaceful resolution of disputes. I wanted to ask the same question that have been asked by Mozambique with respect to the follow up, but also if I may, to Mr. Abo. What specific actions do you suggest that the UN and member states should undertake in peaceful settlement of disputes that are which will certainly contribute to the slowing down of arms race and increasing military expenditures that we see in the world today? I thank you, Mr.

Chair.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [34:12]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan for his statement. We now the floor to the distinguished representative of Ireland.


Ireland [34:23]:

Thank you Chair. And I'd like to thank you for all the presentations from our distinguished guests this morning. I'd like to just offer some joint remarks and pose some questions in particular to the Chair of the independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War. On behalf of Ireland and New Zealand, we'd like to thank the Chair, Professor Chetto for their comprehensive briefing this morning. Strongly welcome the establishment of this panel.

We also want to extend our appreciation to the Chair and the other members of the panel for putting their names forward to take part in this work. We know it's no easy task. As we argued when making the case for this panel at a time of increased nuclear risks, there's a pressing need to establish an accurate and up to date understanding of the impacts of a nuclear war. To bring together evidence based understanding of the catastrophic effects of a nuclear war through an updated comprehensive report that ties together the interconnected impacts of a nuclear war. Chair, we have two specific questions we would like to raise with you on the back of your excellent briefing this morning.

Firstly, as you'll be aware, the resolution was pointedly modest in terms of associated financing and logistical support given the distinct liquidity crisis facing this vein facing the UN and in this vein, Ireland and New Zealand together with others was pleased to support the Panel's opening meeting in New York last month. We'd be interested to hear what else you believe states could do to help facilitate the Panel's work over the coming period. Secondly, the Panel's mandate has a strong emphasis on a whole of UN cross agency and institution approach, encouraging input and exchange of information from relevant bodies and experts such as the who, the World Food Programme and ocha. We'd be interested to hear more about your engagement with these organizations thus far and how you envisage this developing over the coming period. Also finally, Chair, we thank you again for the work of you and your fellow panellists.

The proceedings of the panel and the dissemination of the final report should be done in a way that is accessible to all. Ireland and New Zealand stand ready to assist you wherever possible. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [36:35]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Ireland for his statement. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico.


Mexico [36:44]:

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. First of all, I'd like to thank the presentations we heard this morning and also state that we're very proud to see three distinguished individuals from Latin America and the Caribbean on the panel. Distinguished Ambassador of Brazil, Dr. Chetto and the Rapporteur of Grillach. I think this is a testimony of the commitment of our region to disarmament and the purpose of this committee. First of all, I'd like to refer to the presentation of the Deputy High Representative and thank him for the presentation of the report of the Secretary General.

This is a report that Mexico supported from the beginning. As you recall, we had an informal consultation in the mission of Mexico and also during the launching of the report, during the High level week, the Deputy Minister of Multilateral affairs of Mexico was there. The conclusions of this report are issues that resonate very strongly with Mexico. We, through our president, proposed that 1% of global military expenditure be allocated to climate change and reforestation. So we see many issues that are reflected in the report that certainly resonate.

As I said, I would simply like to ask the Deputy High Representative what would be the next steps? And I think other delegations also ask similar questions. What will be. What will be the best way to take advantage of the conclusions and recommendations that are contained in this report for US Member States, but also in terms of civil society and academia. As far as.

Dr. Chetto, thank you once again for your presentation. And very similarly to what the representative of Ireland asked, I have a question on how is the panel thinking of having this information be more accessible for readers once this report is presented? I understand that we'll have a lot of scientific content, but how it will be implemented and disseminated, It'll be very important for it to be accessible to everyone, to the entire population to understand the risks of a nuclear conflict, nuclear war. And lastly also taking advantage of the presence of the Ambassador, Brazil. Could you comment please on your vision regarding the future once the study is completed, the expanded study on nuclear weapons free zones, what will be the best way for these contributions to be disseminated throughout the international community beyond simply member states?

Thank you.


Chair [39:42]:

Thank you, the distinguished representative of Mexico for his statement. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of of Egypt.


Egypt [39:49]:

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairperson. And allow me at the outset to welcome the three briefers. Our dear brother, fellow African Director at the DG Igbo, His Excellency the Ambassador of Brazil and Dr. Setu the first question is, I think, similar to what other colleagues raised earlier concerning what we consider a very valuable report on the global military expenditures that we warmly congratulate UN ODA on this quality product, but equally interesting to learn about what would be the next steps in trying to sensitize the community of practitioners and the public opinion with the findings of this report. I'm speaking specifically about any possible activities in the pipeline at the regional level, including collaboration with the regional organizations and regional economic communities like in Africa, but also in collaboration with climate and developmental agencies. I think that this discussion needs to go to the next step and to be looked into at deeper levels, including the overlap between the percentage of global military expenditures vis a vis the percentage of the development partners and donors that constitute the overlap between the two spheres.

The second question, I think, or a comment. The Director spoke about the state of affairs of the reports and the contributions and inputs by member states. We consider that it is natural and logic that new topics would receive more traction and that there would be excitement by member states to contribute to shaping the narrative and the discussion at the early stages. We're also conscious of the needs for rationalization and good management of resources. So I'd be keen to listen to the thoughts of the Director about what would be the best way to balance between the traction for the new topics, but at the same time not to allow deprioritization of existing important topics or allowing for the dilution of attention dedicated to them.

Thank you, Chair.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [42:12]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt for his statement. I give the floor to distinguished representative of Costa Rica.


Costa Rica [42:23]:

Gracias, Senor Presidente. Thank you, Chairman. Thank you for convening this important dialogue. We're also thinking of thank the two panelists, Ambassador Danese, on his presentation of the role and leadership of Latin America and the Caribbean, and of course, Dr. Maria Chetto for sharing with us the progress in the work of the Scientific panel. Costa Rica appreciates the report Security that we need presented by the Secretary General, and we wholeheartedly support its focus on people.

At a time when global military expenditures have reached $2.7 trillion and only one out of every five SDGs is advancing according to plan, it is clear that there is an imbalance, a structural imbalance between our security priorities and development priorities. As the report concludes, security is not built with weapons, but through education, health and trust. And bearing this in mind, we have a question to the panelists.

How can the UN system contribute to integrate more effectively into the debate on military expenditures, into the development forums, to make visible its true impact on the fulfillment of the SDGs. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [44:04]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Costa Rica for his statement. Again, now the floor to the distinguished representative of the Holy see.


Holy See [44:14]:

Thank you. Mr. Chair. Allow me to begin by thanking the Secretary General for this valuable report and all those, including many Member States who. Who contributed to it.

Thank you also to the Deputy High Representative and the other distinguished panelists for their contribution this morning. The report draws our attention to a question that could not be more relevant today. How the continuous rise in military spending affects our shared efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. In a world often driven by fear and by the belief that peace can be secured through deterrence and and the accumulation of armaments, this report offers a refreshing and I would say, almost revolutionary perspective. As its title suggests, the security we need is not about military strength.

It is about a human centered approach, a vision of security rooted in the dignity of every person, respect for human rights and integral human development. Looking at security solely through a military lens is not only morally questionable, but inevitably flawed. Security is multidimensional, and so must our approach be. Recalibrating our understanding of security in this way is both a moral responsibility and an urgent call to action. It challenges us to rethink our priorities for a true and lasting peace.

My delegation fully supports the five recommendations presented in in the report, welcoming in particular the call to strengthen multilateralism and to bring the discussion on military expenditure more prominently into disarmament. Fora, as the report and the many conflicts around the world clearly show, rising military spending does not bring greater peace. On the contrary, it fuels further conflict, deepens inequalities, and increases the suffering of those who already have so little. The report reminds us that there is no peace without sustainable development and no sustainable development without peace, a truth that echoes what Pope Paul vi said in 1967, Development is the new name for peace. In that same spirit, he called for renewed commitment to disarmament and for creating mechanisms to direct at least part of military spending toward eradicating poverty and promoting justice.

The idea of setting aside a small portion of the resources now invested in armaments to establish a global fund for peace and development is something the Holy See has long supported. My delegation remains ready to work with all Member States that share the urgency of promoting integral human development and using their resources to build a fairer, more peaceful and more sustainable world for everyone. And following up on the comments of distinguished colleagues who have spoken before me, particularly a colleague from Mexico, I would ask what the panelists think the next Steps might be to take this report forward. Thank you very much.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [47:24]:

I thank the distinguished representative of the Holy See for his statement. I will now ask our panelists to kindly respond to the questions posed and comments made, beginning with the Director and Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs. You have the floor, sir.


UNODA · Director & Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs · Adedeji Ebo [47:42]:

Thank you very much, Chair. And thank you to all the delegations for the interest, for the very well informed and insightful questions and comments.

In. Terms of the next steps. Short answer is it is up to all of us. We are thinking and working on a roadmap. I've always said to my colleagues, we need to answer the so what Question.

We have a report now. So what? So we will come up with a roadmap. But while we are doing that, there are a couple of issues I'd like to emphasize in terms of the principle of that roadmap. One is the reality that we are of course on the same planet.

But we have to have to consider that perhaps within that planet we are in different worlds, by which I mean regionalization. Regional contexts are different, even if they are interlinked. So these reports, we believe, need to be regionalized and put within regional context in its implementation. So regional organizations need to own the report and to define within the parameters of the five recommendations how they want to implement those. This also, I believe should trickle down to the national level.

There is nothing too ambitious about, for example, states having their own action plans on how they want to implement the five recommendations of the report. So we regionalize, we domesticate, but ODA will come up with a road plan. There's one thing that I need to also emphasize, that there are elements of the report in the recommendation that are, I think, global low hanging fruits. This is an Article 26 report. Which.

Is in the charter already clear that we should have the least diversion of resources to the military. Now, the determination of what is the least diversion is not and should not be simply an executive governmental responsibility. It's a societal responsibility. So the importance of in military budgeting processes introducing the same transparency principles that is extended to all areas of appropriation. In other words, in military budgeting, we should recognize that there's a difference between confidentiality and secrecy.

The parliament has a strong role to play. Civil society has a strong role to play in determining military budgets. I think those are universal principles that regardless of which country can already be prioritized. That's why I call it a low hanging fruit globally. But in terms of context, we do want to emphasize and concede that nobody is saying that There are no legitimate military needs is a balancing question.

And balancing has to be put within national and regional context. So we will introduce a roadmap, suggest a roadmap for Member States to consider, but within the framework of those principles, some of which I've suggested on the question of peaceful settlement, and I think this was raised by quite a few member states. I think it is worth emphasizing that and I think the delegation from the Holy See did emphasize that. The fact that security is multi dimensional military assets, that's almost always necessary but never ever sufficient for security. So the other dimension of that is planetary consideration, some of which are facing us as we speak.

Climate is warming, floods are rising and so is the political environment. Political heat. Political heat is rising. So peaceful settlement is therefore very important. We would like to remind on importance of confidence building measures.

I think one of the things that states could do more of is promoting transparency through reporting to United nations transparency instruments, including on military expenditure and the reporting on conventional ammunition, on conventional arms. When information is transparent, available member states know what others are spending. It sort of, you know, takes the air out of the anxieties that lead states to arm. So again encourage Member States to report to Milex and to Anroka, but I think more broadly to step back from the political heat, almost an approach of antagonistic conversations and have more diplomatic conversations between states focusing on what I would call political, political conversations and stepping away from. I don't want to use the expression political bravado.

I think the political. Reducing the political temperature is an important element in reducing the political heat. There was a question about new topics.

Of course, I think it's the prerogative of Member States to consider SG reports. But in view of the financial climate, to be honest, which is very much constraining all of us, we could consider decreasing the frequency of reporting which would not deprioritize the substantive issues, but perhaps allow a longer time period between reports. So report may not need to be annual but biannual, for example. That will allow us to keep an eye on both new and what you may call old topics, but perhaps also to consider instead of having silos, linkages in terms of the reporting and see how we can combine some of these topics. Those are my initial comments so that I don't keep the podium for too long.

If there are any other issues, I can come back. Thank you.


Speaker 24 [55:47]:

I thank the Director and Deputy to the Representative for Disarmament affairs and now ask the representative of OPANAL to kindly respond to the questions posed or comments made.


OPANAL · Sergio França Danese [56:03]:

Thank you. Chair I'm going to divide my response in two parts. The first part, a response to what the representative of Mexico mentioned on how to use the study, how to make it useful. The study presented by the Department of Disarmament. I think we need to give more visibility to these kinds of reports.

And. We need to try to take it out of the sphere of the United nations here in Geneva and to kind of to take it to the regions, to the countries, to the academic circles, to the press. I think it's important.

What the study presents is very interesting. It has great value as news that might interest the media. I think there's a real public relations work in terms of diplomacy, media outreach. I think it's costly, unfortunately, to see that such high quality studies that remain confined to this organizations like Karazdin don't have much impact.

I think this information needs to be brought to the public opinion in countries, to the academia, to the media. As far as the other questions.

I. Think I could sum them up with the following. Basically, one of the forms that will take the forms of reduce, that will require reducing military expenditures, particularly related to nuclear weapons, is to follow some good examples that we've seen around the world on how to build trust, how to create commitments among countries. At least speaking of Opanal and of our region, Latin America and the Caribbean, we have at least two excellent examples in our region. First of all, the process within the Tlatelco Treaty, which is actually precedes the treaty, that precedes the NPT and that shows a clear commitment of the region to disarmament and the non development of nuclear weapons.

And this has no doubt generated an atmosphere of peace and reconciliation throughout the region. In fact, it has gone beyond the region, it has a broader scope because we've sought to incorporate other countries that have nuclear weapons to try to have them sign up to the commitments in protocols one and two of the Tlateloco Treaty. Also, following our example, other regions have declared themselves nuclear weapons free zone. But I think a lot remains to be done here. Another example which is unfortunately not well known, perhaps it's our fault that it wasn't known.

But it's a very important example of building confidence and commitments among two countries that could have started a nuclear arms race. And that is the example of nuclear cooperation between Argentina and Brazil, Which takes the form of abac, the Argentine and Brazilian Agency of Control and Monitoring of Nuclear Materials. And it's an agency. It's an example that basically demonstrates that two major important countries of Latin America, Brazil and Argentina, are committed to refraining from a nuclear arms race. And this was what made it possible to build trust among the two countries and for the two countries to move from a potential nuclear arms race to a process of cooperation and economic integration to commercial integration that is very important for a region.

And that first of all led to MERCOSUR and then to. And then further expansion. I think these examples are very concrete and very clear, and they're there for everyone. So it's really a matter of political will.

It shows that this is possible. If there is this political will, and if our public opinions put pressure, if academia puts pressure, if the media, if the political parties put pressure, it's possible to disarm the world disarmament of nuclear weapons and to allocate these significant resources to other ends for development, including the development and peaceful use of nuclear energy. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:01:33]:

I thank the representative Opanal and I now ask the chair of the independent scientific panel on the effects of nuclear war to kindly respond to the question posed and comments made.


Independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War · Chair · Ana Maria Chetto [1:01:47]:

Thank you, your excellency.

I will, with your permission, speak Spanish, feel very much more at home in speaking Spanish because it is a language of peace as represented by this on this panel. And specifically, I will respond to the questions that have been asked that have been addressed to me first by Ireland and then by Mexico. Thank you very much for your comments, very positive comments, very supportive comments. And thank you for the question. Ireland and also to New Zealand.

Thank you very much indeed for the support that you have given for the works of this panel. This has been very important. We would like to see more support because the support is now limited in the sense that most of our meetings, including our second panel meeting, will have to be online. And well, online is of course a very useful resource nowadays, but it's much more productive to meet face to face and to be able to discuss these serious matters as we have to do so. Additional support in this regard from member states would be very much welcome because we also would like to commission some specific studies.

As I said, we will of course rely on the data on what is published, what is reliable, what is scientifically rigorous, the evidence that is there. But it is not so easy to find all the evidence, as you know, and because fortunately there has not been a nuclear war. Of course, it is not enough to have the evidence of past events, but also analyze what the information that is there that can give us a good idea of possible scenarios of what would happen in case of a nuclear war of different scales of different dimensions. So it is, as I said, we want to do rigorous scientific work. And we need.

We would be very grateful to Member States if we could have some more support that would enable to carry out the needed studies.

Of course, Member States can also help support us in providing human resources. We have talked about the possibility of having, for instance, graduate students or postdocs seconded to do literature search and similar tasks. And this is another way that we think you can do. But the work of this panel.

To respond to the comments and questions by Mexico, it's the same question to which the representative Opanal replied. I wanted to develop this a little bit more because it's true that today, particularly new generations are not very much aware of the degree of nuclearization that exists, of how much money is being invested, increasingly more money, year after year into this, and how more and more powerful weapons have been developed, nuclear weapons in particular, that are much more powerful than those that were used in 1945. These generations, for these generations, this is something from the past. So it's very important that not only decision makers, politicians, receive the report that we will be presenting at the end of our term, in two years, but for the public to get to know especially younger people, to create the necessary awareness, and not only to create general awareness of this, but also to encourage. To foster further studies for new generations to be encouraged to study these topics, which is extremely important for.

For peaceful development, for the benefit of humanity.

To English, because Ireland posed another question regarding other relevant studies from other UN bodies. And in fact we are having a close contact with not just the reports that have been produced or are being produced by the other UN bodies, such as the World Health Organization and the fao, but one member, for instance, from who, who has been involved in producing the report that will be issued in the near future, has been invited to one of our working groups as an observer in order to have a closer contact and not to duplicate work, but to create synergies, because the topics, of course, are very much related. Thank you very much. Muchas gracias.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:08:28]:

I thank the chair of the independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War. If there are no further requests from the floor, the committee will resume in formal setting. The meeting is resumed. On behalf of all delegations, I would like to thank our panelists for their participation here today.

Distinguished delegates, the Committee will now continue the second phase of its work, namely the thematic discussion on specific subjects and the introduction and consideration of all draft resolutions and decisions submitted under the agenda items allocated to the Committee. I would like to remind all delegations that the time limit for statements during the thematic segment is three minutes when speaking in one's national capacity and four minutes for statements on behalf of several delegations. The Committee will meet all day today, so delegations wishing to exercise their right of reply will be able to do so once the Committee exhausts the list of speakers for the cluster or at the end of the day should the Committee continue consideration of the cluster until that time. Let me take this opportunity to remind the delegations that the rolling list of of speakers for the thematic discussions will be closed today at 6pm Therefore, all delegations intending to take the floor during this segment and who have not yet inscribed on the list are encouraged to do so before the deadline. At the same time, I strongly encourage delegations to finalize their statements for the next thematic cluster to facilitate our work.

Should the Committee be able to exhaust the list of speakers for the nuclear weapons cluster today and begin consideration of the cluster on other weapons of mass destruction. The first speaker on our rolling list for the cluster on nuclear weapons is the distinguished representative of Kikibas.


Kiribati [1:10:48]:

Chair at the Outsit. Kitipas and Kazakhstan would like to congratulate you on your election as the Chair of the first Committee and to the members of the Bureau on the election. Rest assured that both states will strive. To work with you and your team. Kiripus and Kazakhstan stand together as two states that have suffered immensely from the devastating legacy of nuclear testing.

Kiripat experienced 33 nuclear tests while Kazakhstan witnessed 456 nuclear tests respectively. These tests left deep and lasting scars inflicting physical and psychological harm including long term health impacts. Yet both states have shown great resilience and remain united in their commitment to ensuring that such strategies never occur again. Due to the harrowing legacy of nuclear testing in both states, we have been championing the cause for nuclear justice in all multilateral forums. At multiple conferences, including the meetings of state parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, survivors and victims shared their testimonies about the district's power of these nuclear tests and have awakened our conscience to reflect on the horrors of the atomic hate for all of us.

As a result, we continue to call on the international community to take collective action towards addressing the remnants of nuclear testing. We also recognize the special responsibility that the relevant nuclear weapon states have in helping to overcome the human arm caused by the development and testing of the most destructive weapons known to humanity. Due to our recognition of the need for collective action, Kiripas and Kazakhstan are coordinating efforts towards establishing an international trust fund for victim assistance through the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Both States are continuing to co chair the informal working group on articles 6 and 7 of this. In 2023, Kiribati and Kazakhstan presented the first ever resolution on providing victim assistance and environmental remediation to member States affected by the use of testing or testing of nuclear weapons.

In 2024, we modified the version to call for the Secretary General to convene the first international meeting on victim assistance. An overwhelming number of States co sponsored and supported it, a solidarity for which. We are very grateful. This year we are once again presenting the updated resolution containing concrete mortalities of next year's international meeting. Aware of the current UN budget lease struggles, we strive to reduce the financial burden to a minimum.

We thank all the locations who gave their constructive inputs during consultations so far. Finally, as we approach the forthcoming 2026 NPT Review Conference, we contend that the State parties should recognize the importance of victim assistance and environmental remediation within the context of Pillar one discussions on nuclear disarmament. We will continue to advocate for international support to help those who have suffered from the impact of nuclear weapons. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:14:31]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Kikibas for his statement on behalf of Kikibas and Kazakhstan.

I give now the floor to His Excellency Permanent Representative of Austria on behalf of a group of States.


Austria · Permanent Representative [1:14:50]:

Thank you. Chair Caro Maurizio. Congratulations to your election and all the best to you and your team in the endeavors ahead. I take the floor on behalf of Brazil, Cambodia, Chile, Costa Rica, Egypt, Ghana, Guatemala, Honduras, Indonesia, Ireland, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kiribati, Kyrgyzstan, Lesotho, Liechtenstein, Malaysia, Malta, Mexico, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Paraguay, Peru, the Philippines, San Marino, Singapore, South Africa, Switzerland, Thailand, the Moleste, Vanuatu and my own country, Austria. Chair as we meet here 80 years after the first tests and uses of nuclear weapons, we recall our joint commitment as most recently reiterated in the Pact for the future to a goal.

To the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. The treaty between the Russian Federation and the United States of America on measures for the further reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms New Start is set to expire on 6th February 2026. This treaty which entered into force on 5th February 2011 in its preamble makes very clear reference to both sides commitment to the fulfillment of their obligations under Article 6 of the Treaty on the non proliferation of nuclear weapons and to the achievement of of the historic goal of freeing humanity from the nuclear threat. Building on prior arms control treaties and agreements, the New START Treaty serves an important stabilizing role as well as a major confidence building measure. This in particular through its successful setting and the subsequent achievement of limits on deployed strategic nuclear arsenal since 5th of February 2018.

Current high tensions underscore the need for urgent progress on nuclear disarmament, including by a return to arms control and their risk reduction, trust building and stabilizing functions. It is therefore urgent to preserve and achieve further reductions and limitations of deployed strategic nuclear arsenals. We emphasize that it is in the interest of all states, I repeat of all all state security that the New START Treaty is fully implemented and that further reductions and limitations of deployed strategic nuclear arsenals are achieved. Furthermore, it is in the interest of the NPT in light of this and the rapidly approaching expiration of the New START Treaty, we therefore call for the urgent commencement of negotiations for a successor agreement and call for return to full and mutual compliance with the limits set by the Treaty until such time as a successor pact is concluded. In order to secure the achievements of the new START Treaty before its expiry and to achieve further progress on the limits on and reductions of deployed strategic nuclear arsenals, we urge both parties to the Treaty to spare no efforts in this regard and all other states to be fully supportive.

We would welcome all relevant efforts and transparency in this regard and stand ready to assist or facilitate dialogue to enable progress. I thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:18:44]:

I thank the Ambassador of Austria for his statement on behalf of a group of states and given out of floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation.


Russian Federation [1:18:57]:

Mr. Chairman. On the 22nd of September, the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, put forward an important and timely initiative, the initiative being to maintain in these turbulent times the status quo surrounding strategic offensive weapons in the arsenals of Russia and the United States, achieved thanks to the new START Treaty. After the new START Treaty expires, both parties could continue for at least one year adhering to the central quantitative limitations under the agreement. This step would prevent a strategic arms race, preserving an acceptable degree of predictability and restraint in this sphere, as well as furthering the aims of nuclear non proliferation. The time won thanks to this initiative on the proviso that the parties both exhibit political will, could be used to further stabilize the relationship between Russia and the United States, the possessors of the largest nuclear arsenals.

This would make a significant contribution to creating conducive conditions for constructive dialogue between Russia and the US Allowing for consideration of a whole host of strategic stability issues if the conditions become ripe for full scale resumption. Now, the initiative can only be viable if there's reciprocity on the Part of the US The US should refrain from taking steps undermining the existing balance of deterrence capabilities. We'll continue to closely follow U.S. activities in the strategic sphere. The alternative to our proposal is a vacuum in nuclear capabilities restrictions, heightened tensions and mounting nuclear threats. Threats.

And this on top of the fact that in the strategic sphere there's already a tangle of tightly interwoven problems which arose due to the West's pursuing highly destabilizing doctrines and military technical programs aimed at achieving overwhelming military superiority. Tackling the challenges and problems created by the west is a priority given our ultimate objective of establishing a nuclear free and safe safer world for all. All of the three pillars of the New START Treaty remain the cornerstone of the international security architecture. Maintaining a carefully calibrated equilibrium between the three without any artificial imbalances is the key to stability and predictability and instability relations. Thorny nuclear related problems and contradictions are multiplying and deepening.

There's a high risk that at the upcoming 2026 Revcon we won't be able to achieve a final outcome document. It could once again be taken hostage by inflated expectations and political ambitions issuing over politicizing discussions taken into account and embracing alternative positions is the bare minimum which can help us create conditions conducive for crafting review cycle outcomes that are agreeable to all. The full version of my statement is available on the First Committee website. I thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:21:56]:

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation for his statement.

I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Chile.


Chile [1:22:06]:

Mucha gracias. Thank you. Chair. We reaffirm the historic commitment of my country to general and complete disarmament as well as to nuclear non proliferation. Chile adheres to the principle of indivisibility of international security.

That is all states independently of their size or power should contribute to the consolidation of an international order based on cooperation regulated by norms. This historic position of my country has been concretely manifested at the regional level with the Tlateloco treaty which in 1967 established the first densely populated nuclear weapons free zone in Latin America and the Caribbean. In line with this trajectory, we have presented our candidature to assume the General Secretariat of Opanau in order to continue strengthening the important role of this regional instrument. Mr. Chairman, for Chile, the NPT is a cornerstone of the disarmament and non proliferation regime. It's important to ensure that the advances achieved in the framework of NPT are cumulative and the commitments undertaken are relevant for all states parties now in line up to the in the run up to the upcoming Review Conference.

It's important not to repeat the failures of 2015 and 2022 to achieve a consensus document. Otherwise the trip to treaty's credibility will be undermined. Mr. Chairman, it's also very important to accelerate the ratification of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

Make an appeal to redouble diplomatic efforts to achieve this. We must also highlight the efforts undertaken in the framework of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. And we welcome the third Conference of Parties meeting and the fact that at the end of 2026 a review conference of that treaty is planned. Mr. Chairman, in line with our foreign policy, we want to reiterate the importance of including integrators and statistics disaggregated by gender. This is not only an imperative of justice, but also a key factor for achieving sustainability sustainable solutions in the area of international peace and security.

Lastly, Mr. Chairman, we want to once again emphasize that the threat of the use of nuclear weapons is an open is a violation of the UN Charter and international law. 80 years after its establishment, following the disasters of the two world wars. All states present here have a duty to fulfill the obligations that we have undertaken in being members of this organization. Defending the multilateral order depends on all of us. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:24:55]:

Thank the distinguished representative of Chile for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Oman.


Oman [1:25:06]:

Chair Ladies and gentlemen, at the outset we align ourselves with the statements delivered by the Arab Group and naming. We reiterate our unwavering call for the general and complete elimination of nuclear weapons as a top priority and a precondition for the maintenance of international peace and security. The continued existence of nuclear weapons and the modernization of their arsenals pose an existential threat to humanity and undermine trust in the collective security architecture. The only guarantee against the use or threat of use of these weapons lies in their total, transparent, verifiable and irreversible elimination. We underscore the centrality of the NPT as a cornerstone of the international disarmament and non proliferation architecture.

Its three pillars must be implemented in a balanced manner. Nuclear weapons States must uphold their legal obligations under Article 6 of the NPT and must respect commitments agreed during previous Review Conferences. This will make a success of the 11th review conference in 2026. Chair establishing a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle east is a strategic objective and a regional and UN priority. We welcome the five sessions of the UN Conference for the establishment of the zone.

We reiterate our full support for the sixth session to be chaired by Morocco in November. We call on all countries of the region, without exception, to engage in serious negotiations to reach a legally binding instrument to achieve this lofty objective. We are deeply concerned over the policies that justify the acquisition or use of nuclear weapons. We strongly condemn Israeli statements through threatening to use nuclear weapons against the Palestinians in Gaza. These statements pose a dangerous threat to international peace and security and are a flagrant violation of the UN Charter.

We call again on Israel to join the NPT without restrictions or conditions and to place its nuclear facilities under the IAEA's safeguards regime.

Chair Leading the world of nuclear weapons requires a genuine political will, a real international cooperation, and a collective commitment to relevant UN treaties and resolutions, thus promoting security, peace and sustainable development for future generations. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:27:54]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Oman for a statement. I give an order for the distinguished representative of Mozambique.


Mozambique [1:28:05]:

Thank you. Chair 80 years after the detonations of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the nuclear taboo that has long defined the limits of human warfare is showing signs of strain. The survivors, the Hibakusha, now in their 80s, still await the fulfillment of their lifelong quest a world free of nuclear weapons. At 89 seconds to midnight, the Doomsday Clock, this barometer of doom stands at its closest point to catastrophe since its creation by Einstein and Co in 1947. Armed control regimes are eroding, nuclear rhetoric is re emerging and new technologies are deepening in stability.

Global Stockpiles now exceed 12,000 warheads and as we heard in the previous exchange, military expenditure reached a record $2.7 trillion last year. With more than 100 billion USD devoted to nuclear forces and billions more to private technology firms designing next generation weapon systems. More recklessly, misplaced confidence in the idea of a limited nuclear exchange could have humanity stumble into a nuclear war. Recommitment to the npt, the CTBT and the TPNW is therefore imperative. Yet non proliferation cannot endure without fairness, mutual guarantees and a credible disarmament pathway way.

While some nations regard nuclear capability as the ultimate insurance of security, others remain constrained by its fragility and arbitrary, coercive enforcement. Chair A new frontier of risk also looms. Most of today's safeguards predate the age of algorithmic warfare. The acceleration of artificial intelligence in autonomous systems in defense presents an unprecedented challenge to nuclear stability. Decision support algorithms now permeate early warning and command systems, compressing decision timelines and eroding human judgment at moments of potential crisis.

Until their total elimination, nuclear weapons must adhere to the human in the loop principle and remain under strict Human oversight to keep the nuclear taboo intact in this age. Finally, nuclear disarmament is a development imperative. The opportunity cost of the more than 100 billions of us they spent in years, last years in the nuclear forces is self evident. I thank you. Chair.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:30:56]:

Thank the distinguished representative of Mozambique for his statement. Again all the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of lithuania.


Lithuania · Permanent Representative [1:31:07]:

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Lithuania fully aligns with the statement of the European Union. The following remarks are in my national capacity. Given the complex security environment, the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the global nuclear, non proliferation and disarmament architecture. Preserving and strengthening the NPT must remain our sure and urgent priority.

The 2026 NPT Review Conference will offer a crucial opportunity to advance this goal. Mr. Chairman, Nuclear Disarmament and non proliferation are now seriously threatened. First and foremost by Russia's dangerous nuclear rhetoric and by its unjustified and illegal full scale war of aggression against Ukraine. These actions pose grave risks to nuclear safety and security, particularly as a Parisian nuclear power plant. We have all heard Russia make false claims asserting that Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant is a Russian nuclear facility under Russian jurisdiction.

To recall a general principle of law, that illegal act cannot produce legal rights for the benefit of the lawbreaker. Therefore, together with all like minded members of the international community, we will continue to call Russia to cease its aggression and withdraw its troops from Ukraine, including from the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, in line with the International Atomic Agency and UN resolutions. We strongly condemn also Belorussia's complicity in Russia's war, including in Russia's strategic intimidation exercise through the announced deployment of Russian nuclear weapons on its territory, which is also inconsistent with the commitments Belarus undertook in the Budapest memorandum. Mr. Chairman, Lithuania values peace. Our history teaches us the cost of lost freedom.

For US NATO, nuclear deterrence is a necessity, a vital safeguard against aggression. NATO's posture has always been fully compliant with the NPT and contributes to stability. Let us not be misled. The real threats to the NPT come from those who engage in irresponsible rhetoric, expand arsenals opaquely and develop nuclear weapons and missile programs in violation of international law. Not from NATO, whose doctrines remain transparent and consistent for decades.

In conclusion, Lithuania reaffirms its strong commitment to to arms control, disarmament and non proliferation. We hope for tangible progress across all three NPT pillars so that one day our collective efforts may focus solely on peaceful nuclear energy. I thank you, Mr. Chair.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:34:00]:

Thank the Ambassador of Lithuania for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency, Deputy Permanent Representative of Fiji.


Fiji · Deputy Permanent Representative [1:34:09]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Fiji attaches great importance to this cluster and is committed to the implementation of the nuclear instrument it has ratified. At the national context, we work closely with the IAEA in meeting our reporting obligations. More recently with the submission of our Small Quantities Protocol requirements.

In the Pacific region, the 40th anniversary of the Rarotonga Treaty celebrated this year reaffirms Fiji's long standing commitment to nuclear disarmament. We also welcomed and commended the Republic of Marshall Islands for joining the Rarotonga Treaty. Mr. President, the truth is we cannot address total elimination of nuclear weapons if the global community is yet to resolve the heightened atmosphere of distrust. While we applaud those who have relinquished their nuclear arsenals for global peace and security, those states must not be left vulnerable and under the risk of attack or exploitation. Transparent and reliable international safeguards should be instituted.

For over four decades, Fiji has contributed peacekeeping troops to admissions prioritizing global peace and security. With this, we have ensured consistency with our obligation as parties to all international nuclear instruments. In our region too, we showcase that peace must begin at home and with our neighbors. The Pacific Forum leaders endorsed last month in the Solomon Islands the Ocean of Peace Declaration recognizing that the blue Pacific has an ocean of peace. This is our invaluable contribution to peace and global order rooted in the fundamental values of mutual respect, sovereignty, territorial territorial integrity and political independence.

In conclusion, the Pacific's duck nuclear history and legacy is familiar to all. With this we are supportive of the resolution on International Trust Fund for victims assistance. We need peace and prosperity in our region and beyond. Thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Fiji for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:36:16]:

And now the floor to the distinguished representative of Malaysia.


Malaysia [1:36:23]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Malaysia aligns itself with the statements of NAM, ASEAN and the TPNW state parties. 80 years after the establishment of the United nations, the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons has yet to be attained. The inherent threat posed by the very existence of nuclear weapons is too great for humanity to continents.

Indeed, the interests of all states are put at incalculable risk by the decision of some to maintain or otherwise rely upon nuclear arsenals. Malaysia is deeply concerned by the qualitative and quantitative enhancement of nuclear weapons as well as the expansion of extended nuclear deterrence and nuclear sharing arrangements. Increased attention should also be paid to the impact of new and emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence. In this area, renewed political will is essential in ensuring that the NPT remains the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament. And non proliferation regime, especially as we work towards the 2026 review conference.

Maintaining the integrity and credibility of the Treaty requires the full implementation of the nuclear weapons State's obligations and commitments, in particular with increased transparency and accountability in the review process. My delegation welcomes the steady advancement of the TPNW which reflects the moral, security and humanitarian imperative of a world without nuclear weapons. We are pleased to co chair with the Philippines the informal working group on Article 4, which we hope will benefit from and contribute to the broader discourse on nuclear disarmament verification. Malaysia reiterates the importance of the entry into force of the CTBT without further delay, as well as the resumption of implementation of the New START Treaty and the negotiation of a successor agreement by its parties. We also call for the strengthening of nuclear Weapon free Zones and the establishment of new zones, including in the Middle East.

We request the support of all delegations for the draft biennial resolution on the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty or the Bangkok Treaty tabled by ASEAN this session. In addition, Malaysia is presenting our annual resolution on follow up to the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons which retains its relevance nearly three decades after it was rendered. Mr. Chair, we must resist assertions that nuclear weapons can be responsibly possessed and judiciously wielded. The catastrophic humanitarian consequences of these weapons necessitate their total elimination for the sake of present and future generations.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, the distinguished representative of Malaysia for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Bangladesh.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:39:22]:

Thank you, Chair. Bangladesh alliance is safe with this statement delivered by Indonesia on behalf of nem, allow me to share our national position. Nuclear weapons continue to pose the most significant threat to humanity and the consequences of their use are catastrophic. Eight years after the adoption of Charter with the vision to create a world free of nuclear weapons, we are seeing escalation of conflicts in all corners of the world. We believe that nuclear weapons do not provide security to any nation, rather endangered security of all.


Bangladesh [1:39:48]:

That is why we remain at the forefront in assuming higher obligations under all major multilateral disarmament treaties. This unwavering commitment to disarmament is an integral part of our foreign policy. Mr. Chair. Bangladesh considers NPT as the cornerstone of the global nuclear non proliferation regime and the fundamental foundation for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament.

We firmly believe that any use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is a breach of international law. The only absolute guarantee against such use is their complete elimination. We must work towards a successful 11th review conference in 2026 and the universalization of the Treaty. Full implementation of NPT obligations, especially by Nuclear Weapon States is essential for global disarmament and non proliferation. Pending the achievement of the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, the world must expand nuclear weapon free zones including in the Middle east and South Asia and provide credible and unconditional security measures to all non nuclear weapon states.

Bangladesh emphasizes the importance of the non discriminatory implementation of Article 4 of the NPT which upholds the ineligible right of the all States to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes for us. Nuclear technology contributes to clean energy, food security and healthcare. In our national context, we remain committed to further deepening our existing cooperation with the IAEA to enhance our technical capacity. Mr. Chair, Bangladesh was one of the first State parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

We welcome the Treaty's entry into force and comment the successful convening of its third meeting of State Parties in May this year. We urge all states that have not yet done to join the Treaty. Bangladesh remains concerned about the catastrophic consequences of any possible nuclear test in our region in the form of radiation exposure, environmental degradation and health hazards in their gravest forms. We firmly believe that there is no alternative to a comprehensive and universal ban on nuclear testing. From this belief we ratified the Comprehensive Test ban treaty in 2000 as the first South Asian country.

We strongly call upon the remaining Annex 2 states to demonstrate leadership and join the global consensus without further delay. To conclude, we reiterate our ardent calls that all States must consistently renounce nuclear weapons, recognizing the critical need for a world without them. I thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Bangladesh. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Czechia.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:42:19]:

Thank you, Chair. Distinguished Delegates, Czechia fully subscribes to the statement delivered by the European Union. Allow me to add several remarks in our national capacity. Chair Czechia remains firmly committed to the npt. We welcome the enhanced transparency by some nuclear weapons states and encourage others to follow suit at the upcoming Review Conference.


Czechia [1:42:43]:

State Parties should work in a constructive manner and reconfirm their existing commitments in order to restore the Treaty's credibility. We reiterate our referral support to the IAEA and its safeguard system and call upon all remaining NPT State Parties that have not yet done so to ratify and bring into force their comprehensive safeguards, agreements and additional protocols. Mr. Chair, Russia's reckless nuclear rhetoric, the suspension of New START and withdrawal of its CTBT ratification undermine decades of arms control and disarmament progress and reflect a broader disregard for international law. For Czechia, these actions reaffirm a vital import.

For Czechia, these actions reaffirm the vital importance of collective defense within NATO and the essential role of allied nuclear deterrence in ensuring national, regional and global security. Czechia believes that credible deterrence and responsible arms control are mutually reinforcing. NATO's nuclear sharing, conducted in full compliance with the NPT, enhances stability by maintaining a credible retirement while reducing incentives for nuclear military programs. The extended nuclear umbrella has long anchored allied security within the NPT framework, demonstrating how cooperative arrangements can strengthen non proliferation and prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Chair we remain convinced that the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons does not provide a viable pathway to nuclear disarmament.

It disregards the current security realities and risks undermining the NPT regime which enjoys near universal adherence and proven effectiveness. Real and lasting progress in disarmament can only be achieved through a gradual, pragmatic and verifiable approach, one that strengthens, not weakens the NPT and the broader non proliferation regime. CKI will work with any willing partners around the world to restore the credibility of arms control and non proliferation. We view responsible and transparent nuclear deterrence as vital to collective defense and stability while continuing to promote risk reduction and confidence building. Our commitment to a world without nuclear weapons endures to be achieved through verifiable, reciprocal and realistic steps that strengthen our collective security.

Thank you Chair.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:45:17]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Czechia for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Zimbabwe.


Zimbabwe [1:45:28]:

Mr. Chair, my delegation welcomes this discussion and aligns itself with the statements delivered by the Non Aligned Movement and the African Group. We add the following in our national capacity. Distinguished delegates, as we look ahead to. The 11th review conference of the NPT.

In 2026, this 80th session of the first committee provides a timely opportunity to galvanize renewed multilateralism, political will and good faith negotiations aimed at achieving general and complete nuclear disarmament under strict and effective international control. We implore nuclear weapons states to reaffirm their joint statement that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought and to recommit to their NPT Article 6 Disarmament Obligations and to other existing undertakings in this regard. Pending the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Zimbabwe calls for the delivery of negative security assurances to all non nuclear weapons states and for the articulation of no first use policies as an immediate guardrail. Zimbabwe urges all the remaining annexed two states to ratify the CTBT with a.

Renewed sense of urgency. Horrific humanitarian and environmental consequences left in the wake of nuclear testing are are permanent reminders of the grave effects which must never be allowed to recur. Zimbabwe calls for the universalization of nuclear weapon free zones in all the remaining parts of the world. And we look forward to the first Review conference of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons to be held in 2026 under the presidency of South Africa as an important platform to reinforce the incompatibility of of nuclear weapons with international humanitarian law. Chair the possible use of artificial intelligence in nuclear command control and communications arouses grave concerns and we underline that human control is an imperative that should have no compromise even for the perceived efficiencies or expedients of emerging technologies.

Distinguished Delegates to achieve the balanced implementation of the npt, we call for the increased provision of peaceful nuclear science related capacity building and training programs especially for the Global South. We further underscore the important role of the IAEA and its safeguards regime to ensure the safety and security of nuclear materials and installations. In conclusion, Chair, we call for bridge building, collective responsibility and renewed commitment to towards irreversible, irrevocable, complete and verifiable nuclear disarmament. I thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Zimbabwe for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [1:48:21]:

I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Kuwait.


Kuwait [1:48:30]:

Mr. Chair, we align ourselves with the statement made by NAAM and the Arab Group. I wish to make the following remarks on our national capacity. Mr. Chair, the state of Kuwait reiterates its steadfast commitment to disarmament and non proliferation as we believe that peace and stability cannot be achieved while there is continuous spread of weapons, including nuclear weapons.

Resources must be channeled not towards armament but sustainable development, namely amid the current ongoing rising tensions as well as the threat of use of nuclear weapons and the modernization of arsenals which is a threat to international peace and security and the disarmament regime. We stress that the NPT remains the cornerstone of this regime and we call for further cooperation and constructive dialogue to ensure the success of the coming Review Conference to ensure outcomes that can pave the way for a world free free from nuclear weapons. Especially after the two consecutive failures of the Review Conferences in adopting an outcome document. We reiterate our proposal to establish a committee on the negative safeguards as part of the work of the PrepCom of the review Committee of the Review Conference to strengthen the credibility of the non proliferation regime. We consider that nuclear weapons free zones constitute a cornerstone for international peace and stability.

We reiterate our commitment to establishing a nuclear weapons free zone in the Middle East. In accordance with the outcome or the resolution of 1995, we look forward to the success success of the sixth review conference under the chairmanship of the Kingdom of Morocco. To achieve this goal. We reiterate the need for the international community to shoulder its responsibility to compel Israel, the occupying power, to join the NPT and place its facilities under the safeguards system as it remains the main obstacle curtaining the establishment of this free zone as Israeli officials have called for the use of nuclear weapons against the Gaza Strip, which is a blatant violation of international law, and IHL which prohibit the use of such weapons under any conditions. Mr.

Chair, and before I conclude, I wish to seize this opportunity and this very important committee to thank the United States, Qatar and Egypt, as well as Turkey for the efforts made to pave the way for the peace agreement in Sharm el Sheikh to end the war against Gaza. We reiterate our full commitment to working.


Chair [1:51:28]:

With you, the distinguished representative of Kuwait, for his statement give the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Germany to the Conference on disarmament.


Germany · Permanent Representative [1:51:40]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Germany fully aligns itself with the statement of the EU. Mr. Chair, we assemble here in New York 80 years after Hiroshima and Nakazaki and 30 years after indefinite extension of the NPT. Next spring we will come together for the NPT Review Conference. Meanwhile, I hear voices expressing concern that the NPT might erode without a successful outcome of the RIBO Conference.

Lest we forget, it is important to differentiate between the NPT and its review cycle. In today's world, the NPT is a bedrock in stormy weather, a near universal, universal global good. The NPT helped cutting the nuclear arsenals of yes and Russia after the Cold War. It curbed proliferation, preventing the scenario of dozens of nuclear weapon states predicted in the 1960s. And it guaranteed access to a vast range of peaceful nuclear applications so beneficial to millions of people around the globe, whilst being supervised by a strong and highly capable iaea.

In short, the NPT is a success story. Even more important, during 80 years after Hiroshima and Nakazaki, no nuclear weapon has been used. The testimony of the survivors of the nuclear detonations, the Ibakusha played an important role and their work has been widely recognized. By awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to Nihon hidankyo last year. Mr.

Chair, it is paramount to reflect on the value and the benefits of the NPT when approaching drafcon. In doing so, all of us should be ready to reconfirm our commitment to the npt, its principles and objectives and previous commitments undertaken in the review process from 1995 until today. This should be the basis we have to build upon, Mr. Chair. No doubt the NPT does not exist in a back home and actions of its member states, especially some of its nuclear weapon states, affect the future and credibility of the treaty.

Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, starting with the breach of the Budapest Memorandum and its repeated threats of nuclear weapons used to support its aggression, as well as its violations of international law and ADN commitments, has severely damaged the nonprotifen and disarmament regime. China's massive nuclear buildup, opaque and untransparent, contravenes its Article 6 obligation and its nonverifiable no first use pledge is not sufficient to address the concern. We highlight the P3's exemplary transparency regarding their stockpiles and doctrines through the provision of national reports and NATO's transparency regarding its nuclear exercise. With tension rising, risk reduction measures become even more urgent. Risk reduction must therefore be at the center of next year's deliberations alongside transparency and verification and our ambition to strengthen the review process, Bringing the CDBET into force and starting work on an FMCT remain key priorities.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I thank the distinguished representative of Germany for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Italy to the Conference on Disarmament. Thank you, Chair.


Italy · Permanent Representative [1:54:55]:

Italy aligns itself with a statement delivered by the European Union. I will now add some remarks in my national capacity. It has been 80 years since the explosion of the first atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki brought unprecedented suffering and devastation. Earlier this year, the President of Italy, Sergio Mattarella, was in Hiroshima where He met the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize recipients and the Hiba Crucia and remarked that, and I quote, the atrocity of those moments contributed to forming an international consensus around a moral imperative that atomic bombs should never be used again. We must all now recommit to the principle that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.

The corollary to this affirmation is that nuclear weapons must be eliminated. Italy believes that we should all strive towards a world free of the nightmare of nuclear annihilation. In Italy's view, these weapons, for as long as they exist, should only serve defensive purposes, deter aggression and prevent war and coercion. Complete nuclear disarmament is possible and can be achieved through a progressive, realistic and responsible approach based on concrete measures and on an effective, verifiable and irreversible process. The NPT provides the only realistic multilateral framework to reach this objective.

In a way that promotes international stability based on the principle of undiminished security for all, we call on those countries with the largest arsenals to lead the way. In under seven months, we'll gather here again at the 11th NPT Review Conference. After two review conferences without a substantive final document, it should be every delegation's priority to put this process in back on a consensual track. There are some topics on which we see possible convergence, but it will be extremely arduous to reach consensus on a comprehensive final document. We should all, at the very least, recommit to the core goals and Principles of the NPT and to the 2010 Action Plan.

Chair. Far from being against the spirit or even the letter of the npt, extended deterrence. Extended nuclear deterrence has over the decades prevented proliferation in that it has removed incentives for states and a nuclear alliance to develop their own arsenals. In the 55 years since the NPT came into force, not one single country in the NATO alliance has gone nuclear. We can therefore with confidence state that extended deterrence has contributed to one of the treaty's main goals.

I thank you, Chair,


Chair [1:57:53]:

the distinguished representative of Italy, for his statement. I give now the distinct the floor to the distinguished representative of Cameron.


Cameroon [1:58:03]:

Monsieur le president. Mr. Chairman, my delegation would like to appeal to the international community on this fundamental issue. Can we really discuss nuclear disarmament when we see ongoing deep set contradictions undermining the very credibility of all this? How can we believe in the fact that these commitments to disarmament are genuine when nuclear deterrence remains at the heart of security doctrines of nuclear powers? How can we justify the fact that research labs continue to receive hefty sums of funding?

Researching WMDs at a time when dialogue on disarmament is at a standstill, Cameroon notes with concern that the npt, a cornerstone of our collective security architecture, is now fragile owing to unacceptable contradictions. Repeated failures of review conferences, failures to produce concrete results, have undermined confidence in the entire regime. They have sapped its credibility. Faced with this impasse, Africa, thanks to the Pelindaba Treaty, is showing the way forward, showing a credible alternative. We are continuing to make the courageous choice of collective security, cooperating for development rather than for nuclear.

This is a pragmatic choice. Spending on nuclear military spending is exploding. At the same time, humanitarian needs lack funding. They're not receiving that funding. So what message are we sending to the people who lack food, who lack schools and medicine?

What message are we sending when we are investing more and more in the tools of war rather than the tools of life. Cameroon is deeply disquieted by the new risks arising from the integration of AI and nuclear arms. No algorithm should ever be able to decide the fate of humanity. Mr. Chairman, as the NPT review conference approaches scheduled for 2026, we call for clear sighted bold action discussion of our commitments, strategic priorities and budgets. We should be focusing on humanitarian imperatives.

The credibility of the non proliferation regime is at stake. What's even more important is trust between states and the very future of our collective security. Both are in peril. We'd like to reaffirm that lasting peace and security can only be underpinned. Well, they cannot be underpinned by terror, but only by health, education and the fight against inequality.

That is the only viable way forward for humanity. I thank you. Thank you to distinguished representative of Cameroon for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Singapore.


Singapore [2:01:03]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Singapore aligns itself with the statements delivered by Malaysia on behalf of ASEAN and by Indonesia on behalf of naam. While the international community has seen significant progress in the nuclear disarmament agenda over the past 80 years, rising geopolitical tensions today threaten to unravel the progress we have made. We must redouble our efforts to engage in dialogue, rebuild trust and restore momentum.

In this regard, we would like to emphasize four points. First, we must resume progress on nuclear disarmament. Agreements like the NPT are only as meaningful as their implementation. Singapore calls on all nuclear weapons states to commit to significant reductions in their nuclear arsenals. We also call for the commencement of long overdue FMCT negotiations.

Second, we must accelerate efforts to bring the CTBT into force. We call on all remaining countries, especially Annex 2 states, to ratify the CTBT and urge all states to avoid any actions that could unravel the substantial progress achieved to date. Third, Singapore reaffirms our support for the establishment and maintenance of Nuclear Weapon Free Zones as a state party to the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Sean First Treaty, we will continue to closely engage nuclear weapons states to address their reservations regarding the Protocol and look forward to their signing and ratification of the Protocol without reservations. At the same time, we will continue to explore the possibility of allowing individual nuclear weapons states willing to sign and ratify the Protocol to the Sean Fest Treaty without reservations and provide written formal assurance of this commitment to go ahead with the signing. As ASEAN tables our biannual resolution on the Choanfest Treaty, we look forward to engaging with all nuclear weapons states, including those with reservations, to resolve outstanding issues in accordance with the objectives and principles of the Treaty.

Finally, we must uphold the right to the safe and peaceful use of nuclear energy under Article 4 of the NPT. Mr. Chair, Singapore remains committed to working with all states to achieve our shared goal of of a world without nuclear weapons. Thank you very much. Our full statement has been uploaded online.

In the interest of time.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:03:26]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Singapore for his statement. Now the floor to Her Excellency, Permanent Representative of Belize, on behalf of Cavicom.


Belize · CARICOM · Permanent Representative [2:03:39]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the 14 member states of the Caribbean Community. CARICOM reiterates its steadfast commitment to the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. We view the total elimination of these weapons as the only absolute guarantee against their use or threat of use.

The continued existence of nuclear weapons poses an unacceptable risk to humanity, undermining both international peace and security and the sustainable development of all states. Chairman CARICOM reaffirms its unwavering support for the NPT, which remains the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and non proliferation regime. We underscore the importance of the full and balanced implementation of its three pillars, disarmament, non proliferation and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. CARICOM also attaches great importance to the 2026 NPT Review Conference. The Conference will take place at a time of growing geopolitical tension and eroding trust in multilateral disarmament processes.

It must therefore serve as a turning point, one that reinvigorates dialogue, restores faith in NPT's effectiveness and results in concrete progress towards fulfilling nuclear disarmament obligations under Article 6. We call upon all State parties, particularly the Nuclear Weapons States, to honor their obligations under Article 6 and to take urgent and concrete steps steps towards nuclear disarmament, including through the reduction of the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines and the maintenance of existing arms control agreements. CARICOM underscores the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons TPNW as a landmark achievement that reinforces and complements the international legal framework for nuclear disarmament. This treaty embodies the collective moral, legal and humanitarian imperative to eliminate these weapons once and for all. Any use of nuclear weapons would have catastrophic consequences for humanity and the environment.

We commend all States that have acceded to or ratified a treaty and urge those yet to join to do so without delay. CARICOM welcomes the continued progress in its implementation and looks Forward to the first review conference of the treaty in 2020. Together, 2026 review conferences of the NPT and the TPNW represent a critical moment for the international community to demonstrate genuine political will and collective responsibility. CARICOM firmly believes that these two treaties, along with the CTBT are mutually reinforcing and indispensable pillars of the global disarmament architecture, each contributing to the shared vision of a world free of nuclear weapons. As a region that has long upheld the principle of a world free of nuclear weapons.

CARICOM recalls that the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which established the first nuclear weapon free zone in a densely populated region, remains a testament to the enduring commitment of Latin America and the Caribbean to peace and disarmament. In closing, the international community must move beyond words to towards verifiable, irreversible and legally binding actions that will bring us closer to a world free of nuclear weapons. CARICOM remains steadfast in its commitment to working constructively with all partners to advance this shared objective guided by the principles of peace, security and humanity. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:07:12]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Obelisk for her statement on behalf of CAGICOM and and give now the floor to the distinguished representative of El Salvador.


El Salvador [2:07:26]:

Thank you Chair. El Salvador is grateful for the opportunity to contribute to this important thematic debate on nuclear weapons. We reaffirm the importance of the Treaty of Tlateloco and would like to underscore its role in the establishment of nuclear the Nuclear Weapons Free Zone in Latin America and the Arabian as well as the work of Openal which in an effective way verifies the implementation of the zone and the implementation of the treaty. Nuclear Weapons Free Zone are an essential pillar of international nuclear disarmament and non proliferation. As we stated during the general debate, El Salvador notes with concern that more than 12,200 nuclear warheads that currently exist and the trend towards their modernization which has led to an unprecedented increase in military expenditures.

This situation is contrary to the objectives of the NPT Treaty. Its disarmament pillar continues to show the least progress. As long as we don't achieve balance amongst three pillars, the Treaty will remain asymmetric. Let's not forget that the NPT is not only an instrument for non proliferation and the peaceful use of nuclear energy, but also an instrument of disarmament. As a state party of the Treaty for the prohibition of nuclear weapons, we'd like to stress its complementarity with the npt.

While the NPT did not manage to adopt recommendations at its last preparatory meeting, the TPNW did successfully adopt its political declaration as preparing for its review conference in 2026. Nuclear weapons represent A global threat whose humanitarian consequences cannot be dealt with by any single state. This is why we continue to advocate for the early entry into force for the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. We are concerned about nuclear modernization and this is being advanced by new technology such as quantum computing, AI and others. In this context, we welcome the resolution of Mexico on the risks of incorporating artificial intelligence in the nuclear control, command and communication systems.

It's important there's certain technical limitations as well as cognitive and automated bias in data used for training and design of these algorithms. We also would like to stress the importance of equal participation of men and women and the participation of various stakeholders in the processes related to disarming non proliferation. Thank you very much.


Chair [2:10:23]:

Thank the distinguished representative of Salvador for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Poland.


Poland [2:10:34]:

Thank you very much. Mr. Chair. Poland aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union. We address the First Committee again amid growing nuclear risks and geopolitical tensions.

Against this backdrop, it's our collective d duty to strengthen the global nuclear non proliferation regime and reaffirm its principles. For Poland, the NPT remains the cornerstone of the international non proliferation architecture. The treaty has played a vital role in curbing the spread of nuclear weapons. And as we approach the 2026 review conference, we urge all states to recommit to the NPT's three pillars. Mr.

Chair, unfortunately, the list of challenges we have to address to preserve the NPT is growing. As a matter of priority, we must confront the grave implications of Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. Since the onset of the invasion, Moscow has repeatedly practiced nuclear blackmail to deter international support for Ukraine. To grant itself even more flexibility, Russia has updated its nuclear doctrine and deployed tactical nuclear weapons, including ballistic missiles such as Ogashnik in Belarus. These developments are irresponsible and contrary to the spirit of the NPT.

Mr. Chair, Poland remains alarmed by the expansion of nuclear arsenals by certain nuclear weapon states. The absence of transparency and clear strategic intent accelerates the beginning of new arms race. Poland calls on both Russia and China to clarify their nuclear doctrines and false postures. We further encourage China to join other nuclear weapons states in adopting a voluntary moratorium on the production of fissile material for military purposes.

Such a commitment would be a meaningful step towards reinforcing the global non proliferation framework. It's also imperative that three largest nuclear powers, Russia, the United States and China, engage in dialogue on strategic arms limitation. Their leadership is a essential to reduce nuclear threats and uphold the credibility of the NPT. Mr. Chair, looking beyond we must be aware of other security and proliferation challenges.

Remain gravely concerned about the continued development of nuclear weapons outside the NPT framework and the IAEA safeguards by the dprk. Equally troubling is the trajectory of Iran's nuclear activities. Non cooperation with the IAEA raises serious questions about Haran's intentions. Mr. Chair, the path towards demands courage, foresight and cooperation.

The NPT must be upheld. Nuclear risks must be reduced and transparency must be restored. Poland remains committed to working with all partners to ensure a safer, more secure world free from the threat of nuclear weapons. Thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Poland for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:13:25]:

Again out of fraternity. Distinguished representative of Mauritania.


Mauritania [2:13:34]:

Thank you, chair.

My delegation aligns itself with a statement made by nam, the Arab Group and the African Group. And I'd like to add the following comments on my national capacity. The threat represented by nuclear weapons for humanity and for the environment and for sustainable development, for international peace and security, are elements that call on us to renew our international commitment to eliminate completely these weapons which are an existential threat. My delegation reaffirms its commitment to participate in international efforts in disarmament and non proliferation.

It's a commitment that we have reaffirmed by.

Adhering to all the relevant international agreements. Eliminating nuclear weapons in a complete and verifiable way is the only guarantee to avoid to prevent the use of these weapons or the even the threat of their use. Eliminate the threat of their use. We must work on strengthening the non proliferation and disarmament regime and in particular the NPT which is its cornerstone. My delegation deplores the failure of the two consecutive review conferences and their failure to inability to adopt a final document.

This is a setback for non proliferation and and disarmament. It's time to adopt results adopt documents during the upcoming Review conference of the npt. The creation of a nuclear weapon free zone at the regional level is an essential mechanism, an element that allows for progressive disarmament at the international level. It's a goal that unfortunately remains far off. However, we remain convinced of the importance of this regime and my country joined The NPT in 1993 and the Pelindaba Treaty in 1996.

As well as the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. We also took place in the 1995 conference on establishing a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone in the Middle East. We have supported all UN resolutions including 73, 540. Furthermore, annual conferences have been.

We have held these conferences every year since 2019 and then they've been very successful and my delegation will Continue to provide its support, particularly during the microphone has been cut off.


Chair [2:16:42]:

I thank the distinguished representative of MOV for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Hungary.


Hungary [2:16:55]:

Mr. Chair, Hungary aligns itself with the state. Statement made by the EU in relation to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. However, we have more reservations compared to other EU member states. Hungary shares the ultimate goal of a.

World free of nuclear weapons. We are deeply concerned that the rising geopolitical tensions threaten to erode long standing norms against the use, spread and testing of such weapons. Open communication and confidence building remain essential. To avoid miscalculation and escalation. We remain firmly committed to strengthening the.

International nuclear disarmament and non proliferation regime. Granted in the NPT, the CTBT and the safeguard system of the IAEA. Hungary commands and supports the IAEA's crucial. Work all around the world in the field of nuclear disarmament. Progress can only be incremental prioritizing, pragmatic and achievable concrete steps.

In this regard, the entry into force. Of the CTBT is a priority. We call on all remaining Annex 2 states to ratify it. The Treaty's monitoring system is indispensable to. Maintaining the global norm against nuclear testing.

Such steps also include starting negotiations on the FMCT and further discussions on transparency and risk reduction measures. We call for the denuclearization of the. Korean Peninsula and condemn the DPRK's ongoing. Nuclear and missile activities which violate UN. Security Resolutions and urge its return to.

Compliance with the amputee. We also support efforts aimed at ensuring the exclusively peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear activities and emphasize the importance of full compliance with the obligations under the npt. As a NATO member, we recognize the role of allied nuclear deterrence in collective. Security while maintaining our full commitment to. Disarmament and non proliferation.

Effective export controls and adherence to multilateral regimes. Addressing nuclear weapons and their ways of delivery such as NSG and MTCR are also vital to address proliferation threats. In conclusion, let me reaffirm Hungary's commitment. To a world free of nuclear weapons. Achieved through a balanced step by step approach with the NPT at its core.

I thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Hungary for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Latvia.


Latvia [2:19:41]:

Mr. Chair. Latvia fully aligns itself with the statement of the European Union and wishes to make a few remarks in its national capacity. The International Arms Control, Disarmament and non proliferation architecture was created to reduce global security risks through transparency, predictability and restraint. Wealth security.

Significant progress towards this goal has been made. It's being eroded by states that disregard their international obligations, thereby intensifying risks of proliferation and instability. Mr. Chair, Russia's dangerous, irresponsible and reckless nuclear signalling aims to manipulate, intimidate and coerce. By announcing deployment of nuclear weapons in Belarus, lowering threshold for nuclear use and deploying strategic strategic capabilities in the battlefield against Ukraine, Russia greatly increases nuclear risks.

Russia's continuous militarization of Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, suspension of participation in New START Treaty and revocation of its CTBT ratification erode credibility of the global non proliferation regime. Russia's proposal on extending new START limits by one year do not represent sufficient. Commitments to reduce strategic risks. We urge Russia to resume full adherence to the New start, including its verification and transparency mechanisms and engage constructively in further strategic risk reduction efforts. As a bordering country, Latvia faces constant attempts of coercion and intimidation by a reckless and aggressive nuclear Russian.

Therefore, to prevent aggression and ensure our security, security, a credible deterrence and a robust collective defense, particularly through NATO's nuclear deterrence arrangements, is a necessity for us. Mr. Chair, Latvia continues to support the ultimate goal of a world without nuclear weapons. However, attempts for unilateral disarmament and calls to outlaw nuclear weapons lack credibility and realism. We believe that reciprocity, transparency, verifiability and full respect to NPT commitments must stay at the core of disarmament and non proliferation.

Latvia supports credible risk reduction efforts aimed at building confidence and predictability. Meanwhile, the integrity of the global non proliferation regime is further undermined by persistent violations by the dprk, Iran's continued pursuit of its nuclear program, but also by China's opaque nuclear expansion. These challenges must be addressed collectively through compliance and accountability. Mr. Chair, Latvia shares the commitment to strengthen the arms control, non proliferation and disarmament architecture, ensuring that nuclear weapons are never used, including as instruments of coercion.

Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:22:34]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Latvia for his statement. Give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Dominican Republic.


Dominican Republic [2:22:46]:

Thank you. Chair. Allow me to start by reiterating the firm commitment of the Dominican Republic to the cause of nuclear disarmament and to all efforts that bring the international community closer to a world free of nuclear weapons. This ideal, which has guided the international community since the beginning of the atomic age, is an essential condition for peace, security and the very survival of humanity. Mr. Chairman, we regret that in spite of the advances achieved in various items of our agenda, nuclear disarmament continues to be a task that remains inconcluded.

Geopolitical tensions, modernization of arsenals and the lack of substantive progress in multilateral forms, put at risk commitments undertaken by States and weaken the international disarmament and non proliferation architecture. My country acknowledges the NPT continues to be the cornerstone of the international non proliferation and disarmament regime. However, its full effectiveness depends on on the balanced implementation of its three non proliferation, nuclear disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. It is essential that nuclear weapons states fulfill their obligations of disarmament in line with Article 6. With this in mind, the review conference of 2026 will be an excellent opportunity to reaffirm and strengthen our commitment to the treaty.

Also, we hail and support efforts to renew the START Treaty. Also, the Dominican Republic reiterates its support for the TPNW rather the CTBT and calls on states that haven't ratified yet to do it without delay for it to enter into force. We also would like to acknowledge the importance of the TPNW, which is an instrument that reflects the will of the majority of Member States of the UN to move towards the elimination of these weapons in our region. The Tlateloco Treaty represents an example of commitment and leadership of Latin America and the Caribbean. This region was a pioneer in establishing the very first nuclear weapons free zone in the world.

Mr. Chairman, nuclear disarmament cannot be disassociated from strengthening of multilateralism and of trust among states. With this in mind, the Dominican Republic considers that multilateral forums, and in particular this First Committee, offer necessary and legitimate forum through renewed dialogue, transparency and international cooperation. Lastly, humanity should not accept that its security is based on the threat of mutual destruction based on nuclear deterrence. The true, true path towards peace and lasting security can only be built based on disarmament, diplomacy and respect for international law. Thank you very much.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:25:43]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Dominican Republic for his statement. I give down the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria.


Algeria [2:25:55]:

Thank you, Chair. We align ourselves with the statements delivered by nam, the African Group and the Arab Group. Needless to say, nuclear disarmament is a top priority for the international community at a time when nuclear weapons continue to pose the gravest threat to humanity at large. Eight decades after the first GA resolution on the elimination of nuclear weapons, nuclear threat persists and its catastrophic effects have become more dangerous. The use of nuclear weapons had destructive humanitarian consequences.

International conferences have confirmed their destructive effect beyond redress. This requires decisive action. We would like to note the following in our national the legal and moral grounds for nuclear disarmament is established in international law and international humanitarian law, with the ICJ confirming the State's commitment to pursue negotiations until total disarmament.

We underscore the importance of upholding obligations under Article 6 of the NPT in a decisive and time bound manner. The NPT is the pillar of the nuclear disarmament regime and a key component of collective security. We are confident the next Review Conference will promote the credibility of this regime. We welcome the adoption and entry into force of the tpnw. It's an important milestone that fills a legal gap.

We look forward to its first review conference in 2026. We underscore the urgent need for legally binding unconditional nuclear security assurances for non nuclear weapons States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons that CTBT must enter into effect immediately as a crucial step towards nuclear non proliferation and disarmament. The establishment of nuclear weapon free zones mainly in the Middle east is an effective measure to promote international peace. We welcome the progress achieved at the UN Conference for the establishment of this zone in the Middle east in its first session in 2019 and in subsequent sessions. We look forward to the sixth session of the Conference as a vital opportunity to renew momentum for the implementation of the 1995 resolution on the Middle East.

We underscore the inherent and inalienable right of States to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. This is a key pillar with peaceful applications contributing to sustainable development in developing countries. A world free of nuclear weapons is not an impossible task. This requires political will. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:28:55]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Algeria for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Argentina.


Argentina [2:29:05]:

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Argentina would like to start by highlighting our concern about the current current international context in the area of security and disarmament. The progressive deterioration of the multilateral normative architecture in the sphere marked by the erosion of key agreements in the area of arms control, disarmament and confidence building measures is a source of serious worry. This allow me to share the following comments. First of all, Argentina reiterates its historic commitment to the exclusive exclusively peaceful use of nuclear energy.

Our country has developed a solid tradition in this area of more than 70 years that are reflected in the responsible development of a comprehensive transparent nuclear program under international safeguards. The Treaty of Tlatelolco which pioneered the creation of nuclear weapons free zone in Latin America and the Caribbean and the Brazilian Argentina Agency of Accountability and Control of Nuclear Materials is a unique example of bilateral verification. These are concrete contributions of our region to strengthening the non proliferation and disarmament regime and ultimately to a world free of nuclear weapons. Second, we reaffirmed the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency as a central pillar of the non proliferation regime, as a technical guarantor of the effective implementation of the system of safeguards as well as the promotion of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Its double function, preventing proliferation and promoting peaceful uses, is essential to maintain the balance on which the system rests.

Under the leadership of its Director General, Rafael Mariano Grossi, the Agency has demonstrated dynamism and fulfilled the expectations of Member States in both areas in line with its statute. The sustained presence of the IAEA in Ukraine, guaranteeing the security of nuclear installations in a context of armed conflict, as well as its diplomatic efforts with Iran demonstrate its sustained commitment to international security. Furthermore, its program of technical cooperation and numerous initiatives of peaceful use is provide concrete solutions to Member States in such areas as nuclear medicine, agriculture, water management, energy production, amongst others. Lastly, we'd like to underscore the importance and centrality of the NPT Treaty as the cornerstone of the non proliferation and disarmament regime. After two consecutive Review Conferences without positive results, it is essential to redouble efforts and to seek points of consensus to send a signal of vitality of the multilateral system.

Argentina reaffirms its readiness to work with all Member States to achieve this. Thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Myanmar. Thank you, Mr.


Myanmar [2:32:14]:

Chair. Myanmar aligns with the statements of ASEAN and NEM. A single use of nuclear weapons, whether accidental or intentional, will have catastrophic humanitarian and environmental consequences. Therefore, Myanmar reaffirms our principal position that the only guarantee against the use of nuclear weapons is their total elimination. To this end, Myanmar has submitted the draft resolution entitled Nuclear Disarmament at this session.

The draft contains only technical updates and is open for co sponsorship. We urge Member States to extend their usual support and the co sponsorship of this important resolution. Mr. Chair, it is in our collective security interest to uphold the credibility and integrity of the NPT as the cornerstone of the nuclear disarmament. And we all must redouble our efforts to overcome the PASCAL consecutive failures and walk towards a meaningful consensual outcome of the 2026 Review Conference.

Myanmar calls upon all states that have not yet redefined the CDPD, especially the remaining Annex 2 states, to do so without delay for its entry into force. We believe that the TPNW complements the NPT and welcome the decision to hold its first Review Conference next year as a State party to the Treaty on the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone. Myanmar believes that the Nuclear weapon free zones can contribute to further strategic global norms against nuclear weapons and look forward to Timor les accession to the treaty. Mr. Chair, under the elected civilian government Myanmar signed the TPNW and ratifying the cns, CPPNM and the ctbt.

Unfortunately, our plan to redefine the tpnw, put the IAEA Additional Protocol into force and adhere to MSQP were all disrupted by the illegal military coup in 2021. In the face of growing atrocities and indiscriminate airstrikes against civilians by the military, we are seriously concerned with the enhanced collaboration between the military junta and a major nuclear weapon state on their so called nuclear Power plan. I wish to raise the alarm that the notion of peaceful uses of nuclear energy and the military junta are mutually exclusive. The military that weaponize recreational paramounters against civilians will also weaponize nuclear energy. The military that violates the ASEAN five point consensus, UN Security Council resolution 2669 and many other UN resolutions will also violate the IAEA safeguard.

The military and its affiliate that facilitate the illicit aims and procurement activity will also felicitate the illicit nuclear I thank. The distinguished representative of Myanmar for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Indonesia.


Indonesia [2:35:24]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Indonesia aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the the Non Aligned Movement, ASEAN and state parties and signatories of the TPNW in our national capacity. Allow me to highlight two points. First, restoring credibility in nuclear disarmament is important.

The continued erosion of long standing arms control frameworks, the modernization of nuclear arsenals and the normalization of nuclear detriments as a security doctrine have severely undermined global security and stability. Stability These trends must be reversed by the Nuclear Weapon States through the full implementation of their disarmament obligations under Article 6 of the NPT. For Indonesia, the complete and irreversible elimination of nuclear weapons remain the only credible path to restore trust and guarantee lasting Global Security. The 2026 NPT Review Conference should serve as a momentum to reaffirm our shared commitment to towards a world free of nuclear weapons. Second, strengthening the nuclear disarmament architecture, we underline the importance of the CTBT's entry into force and the universalization of TPNW as reinforcing instruments towards nuclear disarmament.

Negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament must also be revived, particularly on the cessation of the nuclear arms race and nuclear disarmament, followed by legally binding negative security assurances which continue to enjoy broad support. We must also advance regional disarmament architecture by establishing nuclear weapon free zones where they do not yet exist, including in the Middle east, within Southeast Asia. Indonesia reiterates the call for the immediate accession of the Protocol to the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty by all nuclear weapons states. In this regard, we seek your support for the biennial draft resolution on the Bangkok Treaty presented by Malaysia as the Chair of asean. Lastly, a strong disarmament architecture should also be strengthened to ensure that potential integration of emerging technologies with nuclear delivery system maintains meaningful and effective human control.

Mr. Chair, as we approach the 80th anniversary of the United nations, let us make the elimination of nuclear weapons not only an aspiration, but a reality. Thank you, Mr. Chair.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:37:57]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia for her statement. Give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Namibia.


Namibia [2:38:09]:

Thank you, Chair. This meeting takes place against the backdrop of heightened geopolitical tensions compounded by an alarming arms race and the persistent risks of nuclear confrontation. In light of these challenges, I wish to reaffirm Namibia's unwavering commitment to the total elimination of nuclear weapons, as highlighted by the Pact for the Future. This pivotal agreement is one of the tools that not only symbolizes our dedication to a world free from the threat of nuclear devastation, but also our recognition that the modernization of nuclear arsenals, which is a world concern, presents a significant challenge to global security and to humanity. The total elimination of nuclear weapons is the only absolute guarantee against their use or threat.

Threat OF USE the continued existence of nuclear weapons poses a grave threat to international peace and security and undermines the principles of the UN Charter. We therefore urge all member states, particularly nuclear weapons State states, to make military decisions informed by the enduring humanitarian and environmental consequences that arise from nuclear weapons testing and use. It is imperative that our actions reflect a commitment to the well being of present and future generations. Namibia joins others to reiterate the call to all nuclear armed states to adhere to global disarmament initiatives and arms control treaties, including the NPT and the ctbt. The implementation of such agreements has been instrumental in preventing the further use of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and has fostered the establishment of nuclear weapon free zones, including in Africa, through the Pelindaba Treaty.

Consistent with this approach, we'd like to renew our desire to see the creation of a nuclear weapon free zone that bans the development, possession or testing of nuclear explosive devices in the Middle East. To enhance regional stability and security, our common objective must remain the complete elimination of the risk of nuclear war. This cannot be achieved without the universalization and implementation of measures that prevent an arms race and pave the way towards lasting peace. In keeping with this objective, Namibia has submitted its dossier for membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group. As the largest producer of uranium in Africa and the third globally, we aim to ensure the peaceful nature of nuclear trade and to strengthen non proliferation proliferation regime.

We must collectively intensify our efforts to promote the peaceful uses of atomic energy by upholding the inalienable right of every nation to develop, research, produce and utilize nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:41:10]:

Thank you distinguished representative of Namibia for his statement. Give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia.


Saudi Arabia [2:41:27]:

Thank you Chair. We align ourselves with the statements delivered by the Arab Group and Dinam. We delivered the statement in our national capacity.

Peaceful cooperation among States is the means to achieve security, stability and prosperity. We attach great importance to the nuclear non proliferation architecture with the NPT at its core.

The full implementation and universalization of the NPT will rid the world of nuclear weapons.

More effective international efforts must be exerted to achieve the NPT objectives. We call on non state parties to accede to the NPT and to place their nuclear facilities under the full scope IAEA safeguard Nuclear Weapon States must honor their obligations under Article 6 of the NPT. The Complete and final elimination of nuclear weapons is the only guarantee against their use. We underscore the importance of complementarity among the three pillars that must be implemented on an equal footing. The NPT's credibility rests on maintaining balance among the three pillars with no pillar gaining precedence over another.

In this context, on the 26th of September of every year the UN underscores the importance of the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Security and stability will not be achieved with the possession of lethal weapons or development of deterrence systems. The world must redirect resources towards development, human capacity building and assistance to LDCs, thus promoting international stability and security. Countries must refrain from the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons and and must uphold dialogue as a trust building and dispute resolution means. We commend the important role of the IAEA and its Director General to verify the peaceful nature of nuclear programs.

We support the IAEA's effort to verify compliance with the NPT. We commend its technical assistance capacity and development infrastructure development for the benefit of Member States. The IAEA must continue to fulfill its mandate with impartiality and transparency. We underscore the inherent right of State Parties to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. In accordance with Article 4 of the NPT, nuclear technology must be made available for peaceful uses.

I will submit my full statement for publishing on the website. Thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Sri Lanka.


Sri Lanka [2:44:35]:

Sri Lanka aligns itself with statements delivered on behalf of NAM and TPNW states and wishes to make the following remarks in its national capacity. We gather today under the shadow of a continuing and deeply troubling reality. Nuclear weapons remain the greatest single threat to the survival of humankind. Sri Lanka's commitment to nuclear disarmament and non proliferation is long standing and principled. We are proud to be a state party to the NPT.

CTBT, TPNW and ICSANT. Mr. Chair, Sri Lanka remains deeply concerned about the stagnation of the disarmament pillar of the npt. While non nuclear weapon states have fulfilled and continue to uphold their obligations, progress on disarmament by nuclear weapons states has been continuously delayed. Various justifications such as strategic stability, deterrence or an unfavourable security environment are given good faith.

Dialogue among the nuclear weapon states remains limited. Sri Lanka reaffirms that the only absolute guarantee against the use of nuclear weapon is their total elimination. We support the urgent start of negotiations toward a comprehensive convention prohibiting the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances as called for in General assembly resolutions. We also reiterate the long standing call for a universal, unconditional, legally binding instrument that offers effective assurances to non nuclear weapons states against the use or threat of nuclear use of nuclear weapons. Mr.

Chair, we continue to express concern over instances where non nuclear weapon states have been subject to explicit or implicit nuclear threats. Such threats are in clear violation of the UN Charter and serve only to aggravate global insecurity. The expansion of nuclear sharing arrangements and the growing prevalence of nuclear weapons in military drop trains and including among some nuclear weapons states constitute a dangerous regression that is inconsistent with the spirit of npt. Sri Lanka reiterates its unwavering support for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We uphold the right of all states to pursue nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination consistent with IAEA safeguards.

Mr. Chairman, we stand at a critical juncture. The global disarmament agenda built through decades of effect is at risk of unraveling. We cannot allow the progress we have fought so hard to achieve to slip away through apathy or division. The stakes are too high and the consequences too irreversible. I thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:47:26]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Sri Lanka for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of of Bahrain.


Bahrain [2:47:46]:

Thank you, Chair. We align ourselves with the statements delivered by the gcc, the Arab Group and the Naming Chair we attach great importance to the NPT as a key pillar of the international nuclear disarmament and non proliferation architecture.

We underscore the importance of international cooperation for the peaceful use of nuclear energy, thus striking balance between security and development. The only guarantee against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons lies in their total elimination under Article 6 of the NPT. All countries must accede to the NPT and place their nuclear facilities and programs under the IAEA's full safeguards regime. We remain committed to the relevant international disarmament and nuclear safety treaties we are party to, including the International Convention for the Suppression of Nuclear Terrorism. We ratified the IAEA Safeguards Agreement as part of the NPT and its Protocol.

Chair we reiterate our unwavering call for a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle east, thus preserving regional and international peace and security. In implementation of the 1995 resolution.

We. Look forward to participating in the sixth session of the Conference for the Establishment of a Zone free of Nuclear Weapons in the Middle east, to be presided over by Morocco in November. Chair we underscore the importance of international cooperation and the right of Member States to the peaceful use of nuclear energy in vital and development areas, thus achieving the SDGs. We encourage exchange of expertise and transfer of knowledge and peaceful nuclear applications in nuclear technology, thus strengthening nuclear security and safety and entrenching the principle of responsible use of nuclear energy for peace and development.

All countries have the right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy, mainly in health, education, environment and clean energy, thus contributing to the attainment of the SDGs. And we support the role of international organizations, including the IAEA and help countries exchange information and develop national expertise for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. In conclusion, we underscore the importance of Member States pursuing international cooperation with the UN on issues pertaining to disarmament. Efforts for the maintenance of international peace and security must be supported. Thank you.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:50:39]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Bahrain for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency, Deputy Permanent Representative of Pakistan.


Pakistan · Deputy Permanent Representative [2:50:49]:

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Nuclear disarmament has been a central goal of the international community since 1946. The final document of the SSOD one. In 1978 set a clear direction, general and complete disarmament under effective international control as the final objective and the time bound elimination of nuclear weapons as the immediate one. It also reminded us that the right.

Of every state to security must be safeguarded and that disarmament should bring undiminished security for all at the lowest possible level of armaments. Yet today we are witnessing a troubling regression. The salience of nuclear weapons in military doctrines is rising along with modernization of arsenal personnel, heightening risks of escalation. The global disarmament and arms control framework is under stress. Compounding this is the weaponization of emerging technologies, blurring the line between conventional and nuclear domains and increasing risks of miscalculation.

We also see states with vast fissile material stockpiles pushing selective cost free proposals. Such as focusing only on a cutoff. While ignoring existing asymmetries. At the same time, the non proliferation. Regime is weakened by discriminatory waivers and.

Selective safeguards, especially in the transfer of nuclear material and sensitive technology. Nowhere is this erosion clearer than in South Asia. Our eastern neighbor continues to expand unsafeguarded. Stockpiles while benefiting from special nuclear cooperation agreements. Agreements.

It has raised the operational readiness of. Its arsenal through canisterization of delivery systems. Despite a record of accidental launches earlier. This year, it used dual capable delivery. System for the first time.

A reckless act that heightened regional instability and underscored the fragility of nuclear restraint. Chairman Pakistan remains committed to the goal of a nuclear weapon free world achieved in a universal, verifiable and non discriminatory manner. Disarmament must address both regional and global realities. For many states, the reasons for retaining. Nuclear weapons remain clear.

Unequal security environments, unresolved disputes, threat from. Larger military state, failure of UN to. Implement its own charter and resolutions and discriminatory application of international norms. Until we achieve a world without nuclear. Weapons, the negotiation of a legally binding instrument providing non nuclear weapons states with assurances against the use of or threat of use of such weapons is the most urgent priority.

We will table our traditional resolution on negative security assurances during this session and look forward to its adoption with the widest possible support. I thank you very much. I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Kazakhstan.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:53:55]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Full statement will be uploaded to the website. Distinguished delegates. Nuclear weapons remain the gravest danger confronting humanity in era of eroded trust, deepening rivalry and disruptive technologies.


Kazakhstan [2:54:08]:

The risk of nuclear use by miscalculation, accident or design is at its highest point since the Cold War. Even a single nuclear detonation, deliberate or accidental, would have far reaching and unpredictable consequences for the entire planet. Kazakhstan speaks about the dangers of nuclear weapons from the tragic first hand experience at the simulating test site. More than 450 nuclear explosions inflicted irreversible harm on our land and people. From this painful legacy emerges a conviction that instead of reliance on nuclear weapons, we must strive to achieve lasting safety for all based on principles of cooperation, international law and the moral conscience of humanity.

Kazakhstan remains steadfast in its commitment to the NPT in its Article 6 obligations. As Chair of the Second Preparatory Committee for the 2026 Review Conference and as President of the Third Meeting of the State Parties to the TPNW which concluded earlier this year, we worked to sustain dialogue in a polished environment. We acknowledge with appreciation that the majority of the states are now either signatories or parties to the tpnw, including our brotherly nation of Kyrgyz Republic whose recent signature to the treaty is most welcome. Together with Kiribati, we are advancing the establishment of international Trust fund for victim assistance and environmental remediation. Mr.

Chair, the CTBT is another unfinished promise. Kazakhstan urges the remaining annexed two states to ratify without delay and calls all states to preserve strict adherence to the existing testing moratoria. Equally important are negative security assurances. Non nuclear weapon states, including Kazakhstan have long underscored test that assurances against the use or the threat of use of nuclear weapons are an essential component of the global disarmament and non proliferation regime. As a founding member of Treaty of Establishing the Central Asian Nuclear Free Zone, we recall that the credibility of such zone depends on the full and conditional adherence of the nuclear state to their protocols.

On 29 August this year, we hosted a various useful exchange with the participation of all NWFZ and the P5 for the purpose of moving this year this very issue forward. Once again we urge all nuclear weapons states to provide legally binding assurances to nuclear weapon states through the earliest ratification of outstanding protocols. Kazakhstan's message is clear with the only absolute guarantee against nuclear catastrophe completely verified and reversible emulation of nuclear weapons. Thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Kazakhstan for his statement.


1st Committee · Chair · Maurizio Massari [2:56:59]:

Distinguished delegates, we have exhausted the time available to us this morning and I propose to adjourn the meeting now. Next meeting of the committee will be held this afternoon in this conference room. In accordance with the program of work, we will continue the thematic discussion on the nuclear weapons clustered. The meeting is adjourned.