First Committee, 19th plenary meeting - General Assembly, 80th session

The 90th meeting of the Disarmament and International Security Committee, the First Committee, of the 80th session of the General Assembly is called to order. Distinguished delegates, the Committee will now continue its thematic discussion under the cluster on regional disarmament and security. Briefings by the directors of the UN Regional Centres for Peace and Disarmament will take place at 3:00 p.m. today as reflected in the Committee's programme of work. The first speaker on the list of speakers is Her Excellency the Permanent Representative of Brunei Darussalam. Excellency, you have the floor.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of ASEAN on regional disarmament and security. The full version will be available in the UN journal. ASEAN remains alarmed by the declining commitment and cooperation in global disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control mechanisms. Also concerning are the growing risks of nuclear danger and conflict, further expansion and modernization of nuclear arsenals, the increasing salience of nuclear weapons in military and security doctrines, and the weakening of the disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. ASEAN believes the path forward is through dialogue and cooperation. Mr. Chair, ASEAN reiterates that the total elimination of nuclear weapons remains the only guarantee against their use. We support every effort to create and enhance the role of nuclear-weapon-free zones, underscoring their immense contribution to disarmament, non-proliferation, and international peace and security. On our part, We are committed to preserving Southeast Asia as a nuclear weapons-free zone and free of all WMDs. Our commitment is enshrined in the Seouls Treaty and the ASEAN Charter. We also stress the importance of the full and effective implementation of the treaty, including through its plan of action. For your information, ASEAN is currently exploring the possibility of allowing individual nuclear weapons states to sign and ratify the treaty protocol without reservations. following a prior written assurance. We welcome any nuclear weapons states ready to do so. This year marks the 30th anniversary since the signing of the Seabers Treaty, so we are pleased to welcome Timor-Leste's accession. We are committed to continue promoting awareness of nuclear weapons-free zones and enhancing the coordination and cooperation among existing zones through the sharing of experience and best practices and Resolution 79/24. Mr. Chair, ASEAN has also continued to make efforts to promote peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We commend the ASEAN Network of Regulatory Bodies on Atomic Energy, ASEANTOM, for their efforts to enhance cooperation and to strengthen nuclear safety, security and safeguards practices guided by the IAEA standards and international best practices. ASEAN supports strengthening cooperation between ASEAN TOM and IAEA and developing cooperation with nuclear regulatory bodies of other regions and relevant organizations. Additionally, ASEAN successfully conducted the Nuclear Security Detection Exercise Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, and Singapore 2025 in July, strengthening joint coordination, readiness, and regional incident response mechanisms. The ASEAN Nuclear Energy Cooperation Subsector Network remains the main platform for cooperation on peaceful nuclear energy, while the ASEAN Regional Forum continues its non-proliferation and disarmament dialogue through the inter-sessional meeting on NPD. Mr. Chair, before concluding, ASEAN takes this opportunity to inform that Malaysia, on behalf of ASEAN, has tabled the updated biennial resolution entitled the Treaty on the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone, Bangkok Treaty. We call on member states to continue supporting this resolution, a clear testament to ASEAN's unwavering commitment to disarmament and international security, a priority we must uphold together. We hope our efforts can further the goal of achieving global disarmament and a world without nuclear weapons. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Brunei Darussalam for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt. You have the floor.

Vice Chairperson, Egypt aligns with the Arab Group and the Non-Aligned Movement. The NPT underscored the conclusion of regional treaties to assure the total absence of nuclear weapons. The Pact for the Future underlined the importance of nuclear weapons-free zones to peace and security and the achievement of a nuclear-weapon-free world. With five nuclear-weapon-free zones, including Pelendaba in Africa, these zones continue to contribute to nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. We welcome the conference and cooperation between nuclear weapon-free zones organized by Kazakhstan last year, and we look forward to convening the fourth UN conference on nuclear weapon-free zones. Egypt supports the UNGA mandated process to update the comprehensive study on the question of nuclear weapon-free zones. We commend that the TIRs pays attention to the creation of nuclear weapon-free zones, particularly in the Middle East. Egypt supports strengthening existing zones and calls upon nuclear weapons states to subscribe without preconditions or reservations to the protocols of the relevant treaties and to provide effective, nonconditional and irrevocable, legally binding assurances to non-nuclear weapons states. We also recall the norm on the impermissibility of armed attacks against nuclear facilities and express our concern over the situation of its lack of observance. Chairperson, two years ago, an Israeli minister threatened to drop a nuclear bomb over Gaza and its Palestinian civilians. This horrific narrative should be unequivocally condemned. Serious steps towards the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East can spare the region and the world from distressing risks and contribute to international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. Chairperson, the resolution on the Middle East in 1995 of the NPT Review Conference noted with concern the continued existence of un-safeguarded nuclear facilities, reaffirmed the importance of the early realization of universal adherence, and called upon all states in the Middle East that had not done so without exception to accede to the treaty as soon as possible and to place all their nuclear facilities under full scope agency safeguards. This resolution provided the basis in which the treaty was indefinitely extended. 30 years after, neither the resolution nor the 2010 action plan, not to mention UNSC resolutions 487 and 687 and numerous UNGA resolutions, were implemented. To advocate for these fundamental principles, Egypt tabled its annual draft resolution on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East presented the draft annual Arab Group resolution. Chairperson, Egypt welcomes the convening of five sessions of the UN Conference on the Establishment of a Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East. including most recently under Mauritania's presidency, and the procedural and substantive progress achieved thus far. We look forward to the sixth session under the presidency of Morocco. We urge all invited members and observers to engage with this constructive, inclusive, and consensus-based process to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East on the basis of arrangements.

I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Switzerland. You have the floor. Okay. So we'll move to the distinguished representative of Croatia. You have the floor then.

Mr. Chair, during the lessons from the Homeland War, Croatia approaches disarmament and international security with the utmost responsibility, maintaining a strong commitment to arms control and confidence-building measures as instruments for lasting peace. In this context, the subregional arms control agreement signed in 1996 as part of the Dayton Peace Accords is an established mechanism for arms control and confidence-building. Over three decades, its implementation has fostered transparency and cooperation among the parties, engaging 1,300 assistants and 260 observers from 30 OSCE participating states. Building on regional security efforts, Croatia prioritizes comprehensive demining under its National Mine Action Program, fully complying with the Ottawa Convention, and aims to achieve mine-free status by March 2026. Annual demining costs exceed 70 million euros, highlighting both the scale of the challenge and the importance of mine risk education and public awareness. Sharing Europe's responsibility for peace and recovery in Ukraine, Croatia contributed 13.2 million euros to humanitarian demining, hosted the International Donors Conference on Humanitarian Demining in Ukraine, and provided expertise through equipment, education, and capacity-building projects, urging the international community to strengthen collective efforts to protect civilians and ensure safe recovery in affected areas. In line with its humanitarian and security efforts, Croatia has reduced small arms and light weapons, earning international recognition as a model of good practice, and remains committed to international frameworks fostering transparency, cooperation, and stability. Nonetheless, small arms remain a grave threat due to the widespread availability and ease of use, exploited by terrorists and criminal groups, causing over half a million deaths annually. The 2025 European Union Serious and Organised Crime Threat Assessment identifies the neighboring Western Balkans as a key source of illicit firearms trafficking. The conflict in Ukraine further risks creating a post-conflict environment that could lead to increased arms proliferation across the wider region. In response, Croatia promotes regional initiatives for safer arms management. To conclude, a safer and more secure world is a shared goal and responsibility of all states. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Croatia for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mozambique. You have the floor.

Chair, our delegation aligns with the statement the NAM group and the African group, Chair. The overall landscape is still facing major threats, and the cornerstone of stability is under threat, together with the security of Africa. Burden sharing, complementarity with the United Nations, the African Union and regional organizations. The AU Peace and Security Council reaffirmed through Security Resolution 2719/2023 and offers a decentralized framework for African-led peace operations. It emphasizes predictable and sustainable financing, supporting initiatives such as the AU's silencing the guns by 2030, and concrete measures in border management, stockpile security, and community-based disarmament. Chair, nevertheless, Africa continues to face destabilizing flows of small arms and light weapons across porous borders, fueling violent extremism, terrorism, and organized crime. Mozambique has not been spared this fate. Our own experience confronting violent extremism in Cabo Delgado underscores the urgency of the need to address the link between armed trafficking, insecurity, and underdevelopment. Africa's evolving peace and security architecture shows that African-led solutions supported by global partnerships are both credible and effective. We reaffirm that Africa's security is integral to international peace and security. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Mozambique for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. We align ourselves with NAM and the Arabic group. In an era of steadily rising geopolitical tensions and the rapid development of security threats, regional disarmament frameworks have become an imperative in global peace architecture. These mechanisms provide detailed solutions that reflect the unique security dynamics, deep historical context, and different strategic priorities of different regions. We begin with Africa. Our continent is facing an ongoing security challenge, which is the illicit proliferation of small arms and light weapons. This scourge continues to fuel instability, undermine development, and threaten civilian populations across multiple regions. Algeria, therefore, calls for a comprehensive strategy that addresses not only the symptoms but also the root causes of the illicit use of these weapons. Sustainable solutions must integrate security measures with broader development, economic, and social initiatives. Only through this integrated approach can we break the vicious cycle of violence and build lasting peace. In the area of nuclear disarmament, Africa has shown exemplary leadership. The Pelendapa Treaty stands as a testament to our continent's unwavering commitment to a world free of nuclear weapons. Algeria is proud to have been among the first African states to ratify this historic treaty. We call on all remaining states to sign and ratify the three annex protocols to strengthen Africa's nuclear weapon-free status. Mr. Chair, with regards to the Middle East, the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction remains a legitimate requirement and an urgent necessity for both regional and international security. Algeria reiterates its full support for this goal in accordance with the Security Council resolutions and relevant General Assembly resolutions. We remain deeply concerned about the continued failure to implement the 1995 resolution on the Middle East. which undermines the effectiveness of the NPT. We welcome the convening of five sessions to date of the conference on the establishment of this zone, established pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 73/546. We look forward to the sixth session. We reiterate the critical urgency of establishing this zone without delay, and stress that the 1995 resolution on the Middle East remains valid until its objectives are achieved. With regard to the Mediterranean region, We welcome the Secretary-General's report, and we submit its annual draft resolution to strengthen security and cooperation in the region, and we look forward to support the members for its adoption by consensus. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Algeria for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Malaysia. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Malaysia aligns itself with the statements delivered by NAM and by ASEAN. Pending the total elimination of nuclear weapons, nuclear-weapon-free zones play a key role in preventing proliferation and advancing disarmament. My delegation supports continued efforts to strengthen existing nuclear-weapon-free zones and establish new ones. This year, we mark the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty on Ceanfess, also known as the Bangkok Treaty. We welcome Timor-Leste's recent ascension to the treaty. As regards the protocol to the Bangkok Treaty, Malaysia remains committed to constructive engagement with fellow ASEAN member states and all nuclear weapons states towards resolving all outstanding issues in accordance with the objectives and principles of this treaty. This is vital in ensuring the provision of legally binding negative security assurances by the nuclear weapons states. Malaysia also calls on all delegations to support the draft biennial resolution on the Bangkok Treaty presented by ASEAN in the current session, which reflects the importance of the Seon Fez to our region. Having co-sponsored General Assembly Resolution 79241, Malaysia looks forward to the comprehensive study of the question of nuclear weapon-free zones in all its aspects to be prepared by the qualified group of experts, QGE. We believe the study could make a meaningful contribution to the evolving discourse on this subject, drawing on the experience of different regions. Further, Malaysia welcomes progress made under the conference on the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, mandated by the General Assembly decision 73/546 and the upcoming convening of its sixth session in November. We also underline the imperative of full implementation of the 1995 NPT resolution on the Middle East. Malaysia remains gravely concerned over the situation in the Korean Peninsula and underscores the urgent need for all concerned parties to resume peaceful dialogue towards the realization of lasting peace and stability in a denuclearized Korean Peninsula. Realizing our shared disarmament goals requires strengthened multilateral action, including through the efforts of relevant regional mechanisms. Malaysia will continue working closely with all partners to this end.

Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Malaysia for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. You have the floor.

Distinguished Chair, regional security in many parts of the world is facing extremely serious challenges. Western countries are progressively implementing a policy of forceful dominance. Military alliances are expanding and their activities are becoming increasingly aggressive. The fundamental principle of indivisible security is being blatantly violated. Extremely alarming global trends in the field of military security continue to gain momentum in Europe as well. NATO countries have set a course toward open confrontation with Russia. As a result, we are witnessing the erosion of the foundations of European security. NATO continues to build up its military capabilities on its borders -- on our borders. The number and combat capabilities of multinational battalion, tactical groups, and brigade-level formations are increasing in the Baltic countries, the Black Sea region, and Poland. The total duration of presence of NATO ships in the Black Sea has become -- has been increased. Intelligence activities near our maritime and air borders in the Baltic and Black Seas have been stepped up. Advanced coordination centers and new division-level command headquarters have been deployed in the territory of Eastern European states to facilitate the operational deployment and engagement of the troops of the Alliance. Scenarios for the Alliance's military action against Russia are being actively developed. For a long time, Russia did everything it could to resolve existing problems through diplomatic negotiation. However, the aggressive anti-Russian policies of our opponents, their flagrant disregard for our legitimate interests in various areas, including security, has brought the situation to where it is today. The United States has been openly sabotaged by Europeans when it comes to the Ukrainian settlement. We are accused of unwillingness to end this conflict, but it is the EU countries that are actually doing everything they can in practice to prolong it. Russia has always believed that the system of international agreements in arms control, disarmament, and nonproliferation is the cornerstone of international security. However, as a result of the policy of Western countries, this system has noticeably deteriorated recently. For several decades, the United States and its NATO allies have taken steps to dismantle key arms control and confidence-building agreements. Any attempt to resume dialogue is doomed to failure until the North Atlantic Alliance truly abandons its policy of disregard for Russia's security interests. It is possible to regain control of the situation and normalize it only through adherence to generally recognized norms of international law, the UN principles, its charter, and the goals and objectives of the organization. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency, the Permanent Representative of Estonia.

Thank you, Chair. Estonia aligns itself with a statement of the European Union. In addition, I would like to make some remarks in my national capacity. The European security architecture, founded on the rule of law and respect for state sovereignty and territorial integrity, is being severely undermined by Russia. Its illegal, unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine constitutes a direct violation of the principles of the UN Charter. Regrettably, it must be constantly repeated that Russia's actions are incompatible not only with the status and responsibilities of a permanent member of a Security Council, but also with those of any UN member state. While Russia is openly undermining European security, it is important to note that they are doing so with the support of other member states. Deeper K troops are fighting alongside Russia against Ukraine. Deliveries of ballistic missiles and related equipment from the Deeper K and Iran to Russia continue in violation, in clear violation of multiple UN Security Council resolutions and undermining the global non-proliferation regime. Since the beginning of the war, Belarus has been involved by allowing Russian armed forces to use its territory to attack Ukraine. China, for its part, continues to support Russia's war of aggression by providing material and political support. This must come to an end. The implications of Russia's aggression extend far beyond Ukraine. By claiming a sphere of influence and direct control, Russia is undermining the multilateral order based on international law and advocating a world in which only a select few would enjoy true sovereignty. We believe that the European security architecture has served us all well and must remain valid in the future. We firmly reject any attempt by a member state to alter Europe's security architecture through aggression, threats, nuclear intimidation, or war mongering. Credible discussions on peace and European security must remain the prerogative of European states, including Ukraine. The international law-based maritime order is under increasing pressure as well. Russia's so-called shadow fleet, with obscure ownership, poor technical conditions, unreliable flags, and often insecure, sanction-violating cargo, poses serious risk to maritime security, undersea infrastructure, and the environment. The threat is acute in the Baltic Sea, but extends globally, demanding a joint response. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Estonia for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Kuwait. You have the floor.

Chair. At the outset, we align ourselves with the statements delivered by the Arab Group and the NAM. In our national capacity, we reiterate our support for international efforts for a world that is safer and more stable, a world free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. We reiterate our commitment to the Charter and the international-based law order. international law-based order. We reiterate that the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East is a key pillar to achieve collective security and sustainable development in the region. Based on the review the conference decision of 1995 and subsequent decisions taken in 2000 and 2010. The 1995 resolution on the basis of which the NPT had an indefinite extension remains valid until its implementation. All countries must implement this decision, mainly nuclear weapons states and the three co-sponsors. Chair, Experiences have shown that nuclear-weapon-free zones contribute to regional and international peace and security. This is an essential step to establish a world free of nuclear weapons. In this context, the state of Kuwait welcomes the ongoing momentum for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. the conference, subsequent conferences have been held for the establishment of the zone. We support this conference and its sixth session to be chaired by Morocco. We commend the transparency, inclusivity, and good partnership during the previous sessions. This UN process is not an alternative to the establishment -- to the implementation of the 1995 resolution. These processes complement one another and aim to reach a legally binding international instrument for the establishment of this nuclear-weapon-free zone based on the free will of the countries of the region, thus promoting regional peace and security. We expressed our concern over Israel's refusal to join the NPT and to place its nuclear facilities under the IAEA full scope guarantees. Israel pursues its violation of the sovereignty of countries of the region through its airstrikes and by targeting IAEA safeguarded facilities. These practices, in addition to public statements that threaten to use nuclear weapons, are a flagrant violation of international law and the Charter of the UN. This highlights the need for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. Chair, we believe that security in the Middle East requires the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons. We stand ready to cooperate. The microphone was cut.

I thank the distinguished representative of Kuwait for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Indonesia. You have the floor.

Mr. Chair, Indonesia aligns itself with the statements delivered by the Non-Aligned Movement and ASEAN. regional disarmament lies at the heart of international security. Yet today, this foundation is being undermined by the continued erosion of trust, violations of international law, and renewed military rivalries. In this challenging climate, Nuclear-weapon-free zone stands as one of our most practical instruments for building confidence and security through concretely preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and limit nuclear threats through the negative security assurances. Mr. Chair, Indonesia firmly committed to upholding Southeast Asia as a zone free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in accordance with the ASEAN Charter and the Seouls Treaty. Indonesia also welcomes Timor-Leste's accession to the SIAF Treaty on 25 October 2025, which reinforces the region's commitment to nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. We will continue to work towards the full implementation of the Seabees treaty through implementing its plan of action 2023 to 2027, strengthening its implementing body, forging closer cooperation with IAEA and promoting the accession of nuclear weapons states to the Seabees protocol. On the latter, ASEAN will continue to engage with nuclear weapons states to address remaining issues toward the accession of the protocol. Mr. Chair, beyond Southeast Asia, the situation in the Middle East highlights the urgent need for advancing regional disarmament. We call on all states of the region, without exception, to actively participate in the conference on establishing a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other WMD. Indonesia calls on all regional states to engage constructively and on the international community to sustain political support for this process. Indonesia also follows closely the concerning developments in the Korean Peninsula. We emphasize the significance of resuming dialogue among all parties to achieve lasting peace, which can only be achieved through sustained dialogue and the complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization of the peninsula. Indonesia also supports deeper cooperation dialogue among nuclear weapon-free zones. A united network of nuclear-free regions can amplify the call for global disarmament and nonproliferation. Mr. Chair, regions must actively promote confidence building, transparency and adherence to international law as the foundation of regional security. Our collective security relies on turning political will into concrete actions within regions and across them. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia. You have the floor.

Chair, We align ourselves with the statements delivered by the Arab Group and the NAM. We deliver this statement in our national capacity. We underscore the importance of the disarmament and nonproliferation architecture in maintaining regional and international peace and security. We underscore the vital role of the NPT. We call again for the strengthening of the NPT, its full implementation, and its universality, thus achieving the ultimate objective of a world free of nuclear weapons. Nuclear-weapon-free zones are a successful example of a strengthened disarmament and nonproliferation architecture promoting regional security. The establishment of this zone in the Middle East is a collective responsibility that is not limited to the countries of the region. This is rather an international responsibility that falls in particular on the co-sponsors of the 1995 resolution for the establishment of this zone. These countries must step up their effort and take practical and tangible measures to achieve this long-overdue objective. We reiterate that the 1995 resolution is an integral part of the indefinite extension of the NPT. This resolution remains valid until its full implementation. Chair. Jointly with friendly Arab countries, we have pushed for the adoption of GA resolution 73/546 entrusting the Secretary General of the United Nations to convene an international conference to reach a legally binding instrument establishing a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery in the Middle East. We support all efforts to this end. We stand ready to cooperate with the countries of the region and the international community in order to achieve this lofty objective. In conclusion, Chair, we commend the five sessions of the Conference for the Establishment of the Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in the Middle East. We thank Mauritania for its efforts at the helm of the fifth session. We look forward to the sixth session to be presided over by Morocco next November. We look forward to the participation of all States Parties, including the co-sponsors, to achieve our objectives. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Pakistan. You have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. The world has long recognized that regional approaches are indispensable to regulating arms, fostering confidence, and securing peace. They form the foundation upon which global stability rests. History and key instruments from the consensus document of SSOD-1 to the 1993 UN Disarmament Commission guidelines and numerous resolutions of this committee reaffirm one simple truth: regional and global approaches must advance together. This complementarity reflects a clear reality. More threats to peace emerge within regions where neighboring states are the first to bear the consequences of conflict. The UN has articulated enduring principles to guide regional arms control, maintaining defense balances at the lowest possible levels, and recognizing the special responsibility of militarily significant states in promoting regional security. The 1993 UNDC guidelines further emphasized that peaceful settlement of disputes and measures to ease regional tensions create the political environment necessary for arms limitation and disarmament. They also make it clear regional disarmament must address the accumulation of conventional weapons beyond legitimate self-defense needs. Excess armament breeds instability. Many regions have demonstrated how adherence to these principles through conventional arms control and confidence building measures can lay durable foundations for peace. Yet when a state resists such regional approaches in pursuit of global ambitions, it obstructs peace not only in its neighborhood, but across the international order. Chair, CBMs have proven their value in reducing risks and fostering transparency. As reaffirmed by the GA and the UNDC, CBMs must be tailored to regional realities beginning with practical steps on transparency and openness before progressing to substantive arms control. However, CBMs are not an end in themselves. They cannot substitute or serve as a precondition for resolving disputes. Without genuine progress towards settling underlying conflicts and mistrust, their impact remains limited. For decades, Pakistan has led initiatives in the UN to advance regional disarmament, conventional arms control, and CBMs. This year, Pakistan has again tabled its three traditional resolutions on these themes. They reaffirm the complementarity between regional and global approaches to arms control, disarmament, and confidence building as essential to international peace and stability. We look forward to the continued support of member states for their adoption. I thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Greece. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. In addition to the EU statement, Greece has the following remarks. My country supports the regional cooperation in the field of disarmament and security as an effective step toward the fulfilment of the goal of general and complete disarmament on a global level. Developments in the Eastern Mediterranean have created a new reality in our region. Greece has demonstrated its readiness to cooperate on a bilateral level with all countries of the region with the intention to diffuse tensions and enhance peace, security, and stability. In this vein, Greece contributed to this year's report of the Secretary General on strengthening of security and cooperation in the Mediterranean region, and is ready to support the relevant resolution under the same topic. As we stress in our contribution, Greece has sought to strengthen cooperation in trilateral or enhanced formats, demonstrating dedication and commitment to addressing rapidly changing dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, and to foster a more stable, integrated, and prosperous region. These platforms have already promoted and have great potential to further advance long-term collaborations in diverse range of fields, such as cybersecurity, innovation, and civil and environmental protection, contributing to peace and stability in the region. Greece will continue to upgrade, expand, and deepen this regional cooperation architecture towards advancing common interests and fostering a more connected and resilient community in the Eastern Mediterranean and the broader Middle East. Mr. Chair, risks to maritime security have multiplied and new threats have emerged, undermining freedom of navigation and the safety of maritime infrastructure, with serious destabilizing effects impacting international peace and security. Greece has consistently and responsibly exercised its sovereign rights in its maritime areas in accordance with the international law of the sea as enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, abstaining from activities that could exacerbate tensions and jeopardize regional peace and security. In its capacity as the rotating president of the Security Council in May 2025, Greece held a high-level open debate, providing an opportunity for member states to engage in strategic dialogue on strengthening international efforts to counter maritime security threats in a holistic way. We encourage further multilateral exchanges on the issue of maritime security within UN bodies, including the First Committee of the Security Council. Mr. Chair, Greece recognizes the important work of the United Nations Regional Centers for Peace and Disarmament in Africa, in Asia and the Pacific, as well as in Latin America and the Caribbean. We commend the valuable work of the Southeastern and Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons, SEAC. Finally, we reiterate our support to the implementation of the Western Balkans Small Arms and Light Weapons Control Roadmap. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Greece for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Kyrgyzstan. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. And let me share our visions on regional disarmament and security. The Kyrgyz Republic firmly believes that regional disarmament is a vital tool for strengthening collective security. Regional resolutions play a crucial role in the process, and they reflect the shared responsibility of neighboring states for maintaining peace and stability. By aligning national interests with collective security goals, such frameworks help prevent arms races, reduce mistrust, and promote lasting cooperation across our region. In this regard, the Kyrgyz Republic actively supports regional resolutions and initiatives that aim to advance disarmament, transparency, and confidence building. The Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in Central Asia, for instance, stands as a significant contribution to global efforts toward nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation, and Kyrgyzstan remains a firm advocate of its full implementation. Furthermore, Kyrgyzstan views confidence-building measures as an essential element in preventing conflicts. Transparency, information exchange, and joint military activities reduce tensions and foster trust among states. The recent peaceful resolution of long-standing border issues between Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan clearly demonstrates that dialogue and diplomacy remain the only viable path to lasting peace. These historical agreements were not only a sign of political will, and diplomatic maturity, but also a testament to the shared commitment of our nations to coexistence, mutual respect, and good neighborly relations. These achievements have strengthened regional unity and stability, serving as a powerful example of how even the most complex issues can be resolved through peaceful dialogue and mutual understanding. Mr. Chair. The Kyrgyz Republic strongly believes that peace and security are unattainable without dialogue, trust, and multilateral cooperation. We call upon all states to actively support regional initiatives and resolutions aimed at disarmament and stability. Only through joint efforts can we build a safe and prosperous future for all. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Kyrgyzstan for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. You have the floor.

Mr. Chair, 35 years have passed since the regional disarmament was formally placed on the agenda of the Fourth Committee in accordance with the resolution of the 45th section of the UNGA in 1990. However, the efforts of humanity to safeguard regional peace and security still face ever-increasing challenges due to the high-handedness and arbitrariness of specific forces. Mr. Chair, no precedent can be found after the World War II as in this year when almost all regions and continents of the world were engulfed in conflicts and disputes, radical increase of arms expenditure and acts of violation of sovereignty of others. As is well known, the Ukrainian crisis, triggered by the NATO's reckless eastward advance, is dragging on for almost three years due to the continued support of the West and thus plunging the whole of Europe into the vortex of war. In particular, the unprovoked military intervention in Iran by US and Israel constitute a flagrant infringement on the territorial integrity and security interests of a sovereign state. The reckless arms buildup of the U.S. and the West, which becomes all the more undisguised with each passing day, is acting as a malicious factor accelerating destruction of the global security environment. All these facts clearly points to the real mass minds who cause the current security crisis faced by humanity. The international community should heighten vigilance at and thoroughly oppose and reject the hegemonic and selfish acts of the U.S. and the West that are disturbing regional peace and stability. Mr. Chair, the intensified military conspiracy and saber-rattling of the U.S. and its allies on the Korean Peninsula are the clearest manifestation of their will to provoke a war and constitute the root cause of destroying regional peace and security environment. The US has included the domains of Spain and cyberspace in the war exercises against the DPRK and expanded the involvement of armed forces of so-called UN command member state. Nowhere in the world can be find such place as the surrounding areas of the DPRK, much domain military exercises are openly conducted annually in a real war atmosphere with involvement of huge armed forces. We will surely respond to this geopolitical crisis and take reflexive measures. Comrade Kim Jong-un, President of the State Affairs of the DPRK, said that we will staunchly and overwhelmingly contain the enemy's military acts of all hues, which gravely threaten the sovereignty and interests of our state. The DPRK will definitely contain and control all the military threats of the enemy states and reliably defend peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and the region. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the DPRK for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Iraq. You have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. We align ourselves with the statements delivered by the NAM and the Arab Group. We attach great importance to the regional disarmament measures as a practical measure that paves the way for global disarmament, promotes international peace and security, diffuses tension, ends the arms race, and builds trust and understanding, thus directing resources towards sustainable development, regional cooperation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Regional and global disarmament are closely intertwined. They are not mutually exclusive, mainly in hotspots such as the Middle East. Establishing the zone free of nuclear weapons, including in the Middle East, is an important measure to strengthen global disarmament and nonproliferation. Iraq calls again for the expedited establishment of the nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East in accordance with paragraph 14 of Security Council Resolution 687 and relevant General Assembly resolutions, and the special resolution adopted by the 1995 Review Conference and the 2010 outcome document. We express our deep concern over the failure to implement the 1995 Middle East resolution. This has an adverse effect on the disarmament and nonproliferation architecture. In this context, we welcome the successive sessions of the Conference for the Establishment of the Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in the Middle East. We call for the success of the sixth session leading to tangible results. In conclusion, we reiterate that achieving the ultimate objective of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East will not be possible without the Israeli entity joining the NPT as a non-nuclear party and without the Israeli entity placing its nuclear facilities under the full scope IAEA safeguards. We reiterate that the Israeli entity's refusal remains the key obstacle to the attainment of this objective. This also undermines international efforts to promote regional security and stability. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Iraq for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Philippines. You have the floor.

Chair, my delegation aligns itself with the statements made on behalf of NAM and ASEAN. The Philippines underscores the importance of strengthening regional mechanisms towards achieving progress in disarmament and fostering long-term and sustainable peace. The Philippines is an active participant in ASEAN-led mechanisms such as the East Asia Summit, the ASEAN Regional Forum, and the ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus. Within the framework of ASEAN and ASEAN-led mechanisms, we are committed to regional cooperation such as in CBRN response and nuclear risk reduction. Together with Australia, we co-chaired and successfully conducted the ARF intersessional meeting on non-proliferation and disarmament in Manila last March 2025. It is also within the ARF framework that the Philippines, together with Australia and Singapore, will chair and conduct the ARF workshop on peace and security in outer space in Manila in November this year, in accordance with the commitments agreed upon and declared in the Hanoi Action Plan II, 2020-2025. The ARF recognizes the need to promote exchange of views towards the prevention of an arms race in outer space. as well as relevant transparency and confidence-building measures to ensure the maintenance of peaceful use of outer space. Chair, the ASEAN Regional Mine Action Centre, or ARMAC, has been instrumental in promoting mine action and addressing explosive remnants of war in the region. We call on other states to support the strengthening of ARMAC, especially amidst the challenges to mine action and to the advancement of humanitarian disarmament. We are deeply concerned about the declining commitment in global disarmament, non-proliferation, and arms control mechanisms. We call on all nations, especially nuclear weapons states, to uphold and fully implement their obligations and commitments under these mechanisms, including the NPT. We commit to preserving Southeast Asia as a nuclear-weapon-free zone and free of all other WMDs, in accordance with the ASEAN Charter and the Seouls Treaty. We support the establishment of regional nuclear-weapon-free zones, particularly in the Middle East, and urge all nuclear-weapon States to engage in dialogue and work towards concrete measures to reduce global stockpiles of nuclear weapons, with the ultimate goal of complete elimination. Bilateral or trilateral consultation mechanisms should be pursued for this purpose. In conclusion, regional disarmament must be guided by dialogue, mutual trust, and respect for international law, with a view towards raising regional confidence and diversion of resources from defense towards sustainable development. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Philippines for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Arab Emirates. You have the floor.

Chair.

We align ourselves with the statement delivered by the Arab Group and NAM. Chair, the unprecedented escalation of armed conflicts around the world requires from the international community to step up its disarmament and efforts to the elimination of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Nuclear weapon-free zones have played a key role in promoting regional and international peace and stability in this context. The United Arab Emirates reiterates its unwavering support for the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. We call on all concerned parties to take part in the upcoming conference to be chaired by Morocco from 17 to 21 November 2025. We call on all states parties to engage in good faith in order to reach a legally binding treaty that will help establish this long-overdue zone. Chair. We underscore the right of all parties to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in accordance with the NPT. We call for cooperation with the IAEA. This is essential in order to build trust and to prevent nuclear proliferation in this context. We continue to apply the highest safety standards, and we continue to embrace international best practices in our peaceful nuclear program. We call on all countries that question nuclear buildup in their vicinity to address concerns through dialogue. Chair. We express our concern because some countries of the region continue to develop their ballistic missile programs for the benefit of terrorist groups that target other countries. This undermines regional and international peace and security. We call on all parties to uphold relevant Security Council resolutions and international instruments. All such practices must come to an end. In conclusion, we reiterate that international peace and security requires collective multilateral action and cooperation in order to achieve tangible progress on disarmament and security, thus building a safer and more stable future for the region and the world. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Arab Emirates for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Kazakhstan. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Kazakhstan attaches particular importance to the regional approach in strengthening disarmament and security, convinced that they provide practical confidence-building solutions and complement global mechanisms. Our country has long been at the forefront of such efforts. The closure of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site in 1991 and the establishment of the Treaty on Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone in Central Asia in 2006 represent historic contributions to the global disarmament architecture. Today, Kazakhstan continues to promote cooperation among all nuclear-weapon-free zones, encouraging cross-regional dialogue and joint initiatives. In this context, we are particularly pleased to see a representative of Kazakhstan, Ambassador Dastan Yelukenov, to have been selected as a member of the qualified group of experts on updating the comprehensive study of the question of nuclear-weapon-free zones in all its aspects. We believe this initiative is very timely, and we look forward to the group's deliverables. We are very pleased to report that recently our zone signed a memorandum of cooperation with the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, OPANAL. We also stressed the enduring relevance of negative security assurances. Legally binding guarantees from nuclear weapons states to non-nuclear weapons states would not only reinforce the global nonproliferation regime, but also strengthen trust among regions. In this regard, the experience of NWFZ treaties, including the Semipalatinsk Treaty, provides a practical and tested model. On 29 August of this year, Kazakhstan organized a dedicated discussion on reinforcing negative security assurances in the context of nuclear-weapon-free zones and the global non-proliferation regime, with the participation of all existing zones and representatives of the P5 states. In this regard, we would like to reiterate our call to all P5 states to conclude ratifications of all outstanding protocols on negative security assurances and remove any attached reservations. Kazakhstan welcomes growing recognition that regional initiatives can contribute directly to the global security. Examples include arms control measures in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia, as well as cooperation between the UN and regional organizations. We encourage further dialogue on how such arrangements can address current and emerging challenges. Mr. Chair, Kazakhstan remains mindful of this risk posed by new technologies in regional security context. The unrelated spread of drones, cyber capabilities, and artificial intelligence in military applications requires careful attention and the development of responsible rules of conduct. We believe that inclusive regional cooperation supported by global frameworks can help to prevent destabilization. In conclusion, Kazakhstan will remain to continue as a building, supporting the cooperation across nuclear weapon-free zones, advancing confidence-building measures, and promoting legally binding assurances that strengthen both regional and global stability.

I thank the distinguished representative of Kazakhstan for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. We align ourselves with the statement delivered by Indonesia on behalf of NAM. Regional security in the Middle East cannot be meaningfully addressed without confronting its root cause. Over seven decades of the Israeli regime's occupation, aggression, genocide, and systematic violations of international law, sustained by the political, military, and diplomatic support of the United States and the United Kingdom, including through the continued supply of arms and a protective diplomatic shield. In June 2025, the Israeli regime, with US support, launched unprovoked terrorist and military strikes against Iran, including deliberate attack on IAEA-safeguarded peaceful nuclear facilities. These reckless actions constitute a serious threat to international peace and security and require urgent collective condemnation and accountability. Equally alarming is Israel's possession of weapons of mass destruction. It remains the only entity in the region with nuclear weapons and refuses to join the NPT or related treaties. Its nuclear arsenal and other WMD capabilities are the greatest obstacle to establishing a Middle East nuclear-weapon-free zone. Combined with vast conventional arms and one of the world's highest per capita military expenditure, Israeli regimes constitute to pose a grave threat to regional and global stability. Mr. Chair, to restore peace and security in the Middle East, the international community must impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Israel, particularly by those supplying weapons used in atrocities. ensured the urgent elimination of Israel's nuclear and other WMD arsenals, and pressed for its accession to all relevant disarmament treaties. Despite a hostile environment, Iran maintains one of the lowest military expenditure in the region, and is party to all major WMD prohibition treaties. Iran remains fully committed to a nuclear-weapon-free Middle East, and to its inalienable right to defend itself, including through lawful missile development. As the President of Iran reaffirmed at the recent General Assembly, Iran's nuclear program has always been and will remain exclusively peaceful. Attempts by Western states to deny Iran's inalienable right to peaceful nuclear technology under Article IV of the NPT undermine the treaty itself. All nuclear-related restrictions under Resolution 2231 expired on 18 October 2025, and any continued measures are illegal. On Ukraine, Iran remains neutral, rejects war, and calls for peace. Allegations against Iran are baseless and politically motivated. Our offer to clarify this matter through technical and expert-level dialogue remains open.

I thank the distinguished representative of Iran for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United States of America. You have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. The United States remains steadfast in its commitment to effective arms control. Regrettably, our discussions take place against the backdrop of escalating threats to global peace and stability. This includes Russia's recent testing of its road mobile flying Chernobyl, a radiation spewing, accident prone, nuclear powered cruise missile designed to be nuclear armed. This system in no way contributes to stability. President Putin is undermining strategic stability with Russia's ongoing testing of dangerous, destabilizing and novel nuclear weapons systems. Instead of continued development and testing of systems that heighten nuclear risks, Russia should focus on ending the war in Ukraine. Chair, more broadly, the erosion of arms control frameworks that once provided predictability and stability is a troubling trend. Violations of key agreements, the refusal to engage in meaningful dialogue, and actions that heighten the risk of conflict have created an environment of uncertainty and insecurity. These developments endanger regional and global stability with concerning behaviors such as the targeting of civilians and use of other prohibited methods of warfare, a lack of willingness to engage in good faith negotiations, actions that risk nuclear safety and security, and the irresponsible lowering of thresholds for nuclear weapons use, accompanied by threatening nuclear rhetoric. Moreover, the illicit transfer of weapons and technology, including missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles by China, Russia, Iran, and the DPRK, has exacerbated conflicts and contributed to the destabilization of regions. The United States calls on all states to refrain from such actions. We remain open to diplomacy and dialogue, but will continue to employ appropriate measures to counter unlawful activities. Chair, we believe that the challenges we face are not insurmountable. The United States has long championed risk reduction, transparency, and crisis management tools to promote stability and build confidence in regions facing security challenges. These measures are adaptable and can serve as a foundation for cooperative efforts to address both traditional and emerging threats. The United States stands ready to engage with Member States in exploring practical and effective measures to address these pressing security concerns. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States of America for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cameroon. You have the floor.

Chair, as our words resonate here in this chamber, the silence of our children falling under the bullet sounds louder. Africa is suffering under the weight of our displaced population. This tempest of metal sees the sovereignty undermined. gun that crosses our uncontrolled borders is not just killed humans, it kills our hope of future and prosperity and the future of an entire generation. This hemorrhaging that is draining the lifeblood of our potential and undermining the very foundations of our states requires more than discussion. It requires action. Every minute lost in sterile discussions can be counted in lives that have been sacrificed in populations that have been displaced and territories given up to the force of arms. This reality created creates the urgency that we discuss today. Cameroon thus reaffirms a fundamental reality that regional disarmament is not an option, but a condition for our survival. Our approach must be global and it must integrate arms control, and the development of our territories, as well as the strengthening of our governance. There are three actions that must take place. First, we must strengthen regional arms control frameworks. Every weapon that is traced means there is one less ***** in the armor of our collective security. The youth that have no jobs are fertile ground for recruitment by terrorist groups. Young people, whereas young people who are busy building their future, the best key people, best peacekeepers. And thirdly, we should pull our efforts. It is there's no time for speeches. We must take action. Chair Cameroon firmly believes that only international solidarity in concrete terms can build a lasting peace. As we say in our African proverb, ants together can carry an elephant. Regional organizations is the cornerstone of our stability. This is how we can change challenges into fertile ground for prosperity to protect future generations. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Cameroon for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ukraine. You have the floor.

Chair, Ukraine aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union. We would also like to make a few remarks in our national capacity. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine continues to inflict suffering on Ukrainian people and to destabilize international and regional peace and security. This illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale invasion constitutes a blatant violation of the UN Charter. The Russian Federation has been deliberately striking peaceful Ukrainian cities and communities with missiles and drones, killing innocent people every day, as well as committing brutal atrocities in the occupied territories. Civilian infrastructure, hospitals, schools, and energy facilities are all being targeted by Russia's attacks. These actions clearly demonstrate it is Russia that stands in the way of peace. Chair, Russia's seizure, militarization, and ongoing occupation of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant pose unprecedented threats to nuclear safety, not only in Ukraine, but throughout Europe and the world. Throughout this illegal occupation of the plant, Russia has grossly violated the international law and nuclear and radiation safety norms and standards, including the IAEA's fundamental principles on nuclear safety and security. Under occupation and military pressure, ZNPP has been forced Into a single point of failure conditions, the plant has endured repeated total losses of offsite power, most recently on 23rd of September 2025, when emergency diesel generators again became the last line of defense. Although the 750 kilowatt line was restored on 23rd of October, real safety requires redundancy across all damaged connections and verified access for repairs. In addition, IAEA access remains constrained. Qualified staffing has been degraded by pressure, coercion, and disrupted rotations. We emphasize that the ZNPP was, is, and will remain Ukrainian. We call upon UN member states to put pressure on the Russian Federation to ensure immediate withdrawal of its troops and other unauthorized personnel from the territory of the plant. Chair, Russia continues to fuel its war of aggression and draw other actors in into its campaign of terror in violation of multiple Security Council resolutions and the fundamental norms of international law. It received drones, missiles, and ammunition from Iran and the DPRK. This enables Moscow to prolong its war and escalate the suffering of our people. Furthermore, North Korea has also deployed its troops to support Russia's war against Ukraine. As of today, Ukraine continues to recover foreign manufactured components from Russian missiles and drones used to strike our civilian infrastructure. This stark reality highlights the urgent need for coordinated international action to hold the flow of materials and technologies that fuel Russia's armed aggression. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ukraine for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Austria. You have the floor.

Austria aligns itself with the statement by the European Union. Austria recognizes that meaningful progress in disarmament must go hand in hand with addressing the unique security dynamics of each region. Heightened tensions and mistrust reinforce the belief that acquiring destructive weapons is essential for security, which leads to increased arms race dynamics and instability beyond regional borders. We see this worrying trend at play in several regional contexts. Strengthening regional disarmament initiatives are essential to counter such developments. They help build trust and confidence, increase transparency, and are crucial for both regional stability and advancing the global disarmament agenda. In the area of weapons of mass destruction, nuclear weapon-free zones around the world, such as those established under the treaties of Tlatelco, Rarotonga, Bangkok, Perindaba, and Simpelatsink, showcase what can be achieved. Their success illustrates that diplomacy, a common approach to security and disarmament, are not just an abstract goal, but a practical and forcible framework for enhancing everyone's security. Austria calls on all nuclear weapons states to honor their commitments to these zones, ratify the relevant protocols, and provide unconditional negative security assurances to all states parties. These zones also represent a global contribution to security, disarmament, and strengthening the taboo against use or threat of use of nuclear weapons, in full convergence with the TPNW. We also fully support the establishment of such zones in other parts of the world where they do not yet exist, not least in the Middle East, where a zone free of nuclear weapons and other VMDs on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at between all states of the region could play a crucial role to reduce tensions and prevent further proliferation. Chair, Austria strongly condemns Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. We also strongly condemn Russia's repeated and unacceptable nuclear threats and rhetoric and its military occupation of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, which poses an unprecedented threat to nuclear safety and security. We call for the immediate withdrawal of Russian forces from all Ukrainian territories, including the Zaporizhzhia power plant. The safety and security of any nuclear sites devoted to peaceful purposes must not be subject to armed attack, and we call upon states to refrain from such actions in line with international law. Chair, further, Austria remains deeply concerned by the continuing proliferation of small arms and light weapons, which exacerbate violence and instability in regions. The illicit trade and uncontrolled distribution of SAL are significant contributors to crises in many parts of the world. Austria reaffirms its commitment to regional disarmament initiatives that strengthen national capacities, build confidence based on reciprocity and good faith, and strengthen cooperation for security.

I thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Austria for her statement.

I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Peru. You have the floor, sir.

Thank you, Chair. I have the honour to make this statement on behalf of Peru. The host country of the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace, Disarmament and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, UNLIRAC. Since its creation in 1987, UNLIRAC has been an essential pillar of the multilateral disarmament architecture. It has transformed international commitments into concrete results for the peoples of the region. The UNLIRAC mandate, which includes peace, security and sustainable development, reflects a deep conviction that there can be no lasting security without development, nor is any development possible or can any democracy last without security. Between July 2024 and June 2025, the CENDDA executed 97 technical, legal, and public policy activities, benefiting more than 2,700 officials in the region. Among key achievements, one that stands out is the adoption of the Central American Dominican Republic roadmap on firearms developed jointly with the Organization of American States, which consolidates a coordinated regional approach to illicit arms trafficking, ammunition and explosives. In addition, the Caribbean roadmap has significantly strengthened institutional capacities and technical cooperation among the island states of the region in close coordination with the United Nations Development Programme, the UNDP. the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the UNODC, and other strategic partners, altogether having a positive impact on the situation in Haiti. We also highlight the Andean Community roadmap, which incorporates the prevention of illicit arms trafficking and the fight against transnational organized crime into regional planning instruments. This challenge, which is a priority for Peru, requires the sustained support of UNLIREC the specialized agencies of the United Nations and of the various countries involved. In this regard, the center promotes preventive programs aimed at young people in vulnerable communities and fosters a culture of peace. It promotes South-South cooperation and also provides technical assistance to strengthen governance of the security sector. However, these advances are in stark contrast to the limited resources. available. UNDRAC relies almost entirely on voluntary contributions, including those from the US, Canada, Germany, Mexico and Panama. And therefore, we reiterate the call to these countries to maintain and expand this support from other countries as well, recognizing its effectiveness on regional relevance. We invite all member states and we also introduce a draft resolution on UNLREC which reaffirms its mandate and its contribution to improving the situation on the ground. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Peru.

The distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea, you have the floor.

Chair, thank.

You for giving me the floor. The delegation of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea fully aligns with the statements delivered on behalf of the African group and on behalf of an online movement. Disarmament and regional security are central pillars for peace and global security. Africa has witnessed the consequences of devastating military interventions and policies of interference that, far from resolving conflicts, have destabilized entire regions. Since NATO's invasion of Libya in 2011, an international terrorism network has emerged and spread across North Africa, the Sahel, West, Central, and even Austral Africa. The destabilization of just one country has actually multiplied insecurity, generating mass displacement, humanitarian crises, and loss of territorial control. Given this reality, we must ask a profound ethical and political question. Shouldn't those who brought about the destruction of African states and facilitated the spread of terrorism live up to their responsibility and make reparations for the damage suffered by African peoples in the same way that Germany compensated the countries affected by World War II? Africa cannot continue to be the silent victim of other people's errors. nor provide a stage upon which powers can play out their geopolitical strategies without being held accountable. International justice and equity must also be applied in Africa. Maritime piracy continues to be another serious threat. In the Gulf of Guinea, merchant ships, including ships from Equatorial Guinea, have been captured by armed groups from the Niger Delta. In response, the government of Equatorial Guinea has strengthened its navy. It has acquired frigates and modern coast guards. We have created a national shipyard for the manufacture of our own vessels. And we are establishing a regional naval maritime training school equipped with advanced technology. Our country is actively participating in regional cooperation mechanisms of the Gulf of Guinea, especially through the Gulf of Guinea Commission and the 2050 African Integrated Maritime Strategy of the African Union in order to ensure maritime surveillance to combat illicit trafficking and also to protect international trade routes. Equatorial Guinea reiterates that regional peace can only be sustained through cooperation, mutual respect, and non-interference in the internal affairs of states. Finally, we call on the international community to support African efforts in the field of disarmament, arms control, maritime security, and the prevention of extremism. Efforts aimed at promoting regional security architecture that is based on solidarity, shared responsibility, and sustainable development. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea for her statement.

Representative of Brazil, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Brazil attaches great importance to regional approaches to disarmament and security. We are convinced that the promotion of peace and stability at the regional level contributes decisively to the advancement of international security and to the fulfillment of the objectives of the UN Charter. Latin America and the Caribbean have long demonstrated the benefits of cooperation, trust building, and disarmament for regional peace. In the nuclear field, Latin America and the Caribbean are proud to be the first densely populated region to establish itself as a zone free of nuclear weapons. through the Treaty of Tlatelolco and the work of the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, OPANAL. The agency continues to stand as a cornerstone of our collective efforts to promote disarmament, nonproliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Brazil also highlights the unique experience of the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials, ABAAC, which set up a pioneering bilateral mechanism for implementing comprehensive safeguards. Today, working alongside but independently of the IAEA, it ensures the implementation of a double layer of verification in line with the nonproliferation obligations of both countries. ABAK remains a model of transparency, confidence building, and effective regional cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Mr. Chair, the work of the UN Regional Center for Peace, Disarmament, and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, UNLIRDC, continues to be essential for the region. Brazil values the Center's technical assistance and capacity building activities, particularly those aimed at strengthening national capabilities to prevent and combat the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons. We also recognize the successful partnerships UNLIRIC has developed with states and regional organizations to advance implementation of the UN Program of Action and the International Tracing Instrument. Our region's commitment to tackling the challenges associated with ammunition management has also been evident in our determined efforts to strengthen the normative framework on this issue and the role of the United Nations. Brazil remains ready to continue contributing actively to this process, particularly on the implementation of the global framework on ammunition management through the strengthening of national capacities and the promotion of cooperation at all levels. In conclusion, Mr. Chair, Brazil remains firmly committed to preserving our region as a zone of peace and to contributing constructively to global efforts towards a world free of nuclear weapons. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Brazil for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Libya. You have the floor.

Mr. Chair. I have the honor to represent Libya and to represent our support to the Arab group and its statement. We also reaffirm the steadfast Arab position calling for peaceful usages of outer space and not turning outer space into an arms race or a confrontation between countries. Libya believes that outer space is a common asset for humanity, and it should be solely used for the sake of technological advancement and development. Libya reaffirms its full solidarity with the Arab statement, and we are committed to the end goals of disarmament and promoting international security. In this context, we express our concern over the growing cyber attacks against civilian infrastructure. This undermines trust between countries. We call for adopting binding international rules that organize responsible behavior of states in cyberspace. We also support the open-ended expert group for the cyberspace. We value the steps that were adopted to create this international platform for cybersecurity. We also emphasize the importance of international cooperation in ICT, especially in supporting capacity building and the transfer of technologies to developing countries. This will bridge the digital gap. In light of the accelerated use of artificial intelligence in military areas, we support all efforts aiming at subjecting these technologies to international and humanitarian laws. Libya welcomes the recent Secretary-General's report on the risk related to the military usages of artificial intelligence. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Libya for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Georgia. You have the floor.

Dear colleagues, just last week we celebrated the United Nations Day that marked the 80th anniversary of the UN Charter. However, 80 years later, threats to international peace and security persist. The humanitarian impact of Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine remains deeply concerning. Thousands of lives have been lost and millions displaced, while critical civilian infrastructure has suffered extensive damage. The ongoing hostilities have also raised serious risks for the safety of nuclear power facilities. We continue to follow with concern the situation around Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant. We commend Ukraine for its close coordination with the IAEA and international partners to minimize the risks and reiterate our call on Russia to immediately cease military actions around nuclear sites and withdraw troops. Sadly, Russia's aggression against Ukraine and its pattern of action are not new for my country. Georgia faced Russia's aggressive policies since the early '90s and the full-scale military aggression in August 2008. Despite the EU-mediated ceasefire agreement of 12 August 2008, Russia continues to occupy Georgia's Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions and violates international obligations and entrenches its presence through hybrid tactics. In 2025, the security situation remains fragile as Russia maintains illegal military presence in the occupied regions and intensifies maritime militarization. Mr. Chair, as a strategically located country in the Black Sea region, Georgia upholds high standards of CBRN security. Preventing and responding to nuclear and radioactive threats are central to our security, and effective measures by Georgian law enforcement have successfully prevented illegal activities. Between 2021 and 2025, the State Security Service of Georgia identified and prevented five cases of illegal trafficking of nuclear and radioactive materials. Several individuals were brought to criminal responsibility. However, the existence of the so-called gray zones in Georgia's Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions, illegally occupied by Russia, where internationally agreed security measures cannot be implemented, poses the significant challenges in the context of nonproliferation and disarmament. Dear colleagues, coordinated and holistic measures are necessary to make every country fulfill its international obligations and obey to the fundamental principles of international law, including those related to disarmament and non-proliferation. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Georgia for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency the Deputy Permanent Representative of Angola. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. President. The Republic of Angola reiterates its commitment to the international peace and security and join global efforts to establish legal and diplomatic mechanisms to achieve stability in the collective security. We have recently witnessed the emergency of conflicts and wars in Africa, Europe, and Middle East, jeopardizing international peace and stability with devastating consequences for the most vulnerable population in the affected regions. Angola expressed particular concerns about the complex security situation in the African continent, characterized by a combination of factors, including insurgency, terrorism, political instability, and humanitarian crisis. Despite the challenges presented, and Angola as a president pro tempore of the African Union has dedicated many efforts to promoting peace and stability on the continent. emphasizing inclusive solution that gives a prominent role to youth and women. The Republic of Angola supports the effort of the international community, which through bilateral and multilateral initiatives has promoted constructive political dialogue, advocating cooperation among all international actors. We believe that Africa's voice is essential to resolve major global challenges. Experience teaches us that peace is not a product, but an ongoing process that requires commitment, leadership, and political will. Angola underscores the need to ensure sustainable and coherent cooperation between the United Nations, the African Union, and the regional economic commissions to consolidate peace and accelerate development across the continent. We reiterate our commitment to the principle enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, collective security and disarmament and effective international control. We express our commitment to the international convention and treaties on disarmament and other relevant multilateral instruments to which Angola is signatory. In conclusion, Mr. President, the Republic of Angola reaffirms its conviction that regional security depends on joint efforts and action by each state, prioritizing preventive diplomacy, conflict prevention and management, and peaceful resolution of disputes. We intend to continue to work constructively with all states to build an international system based on respect for the sovereign equality of nations, cooperation, and shared security. Therefore, it is essential that the UN continues to play a leading role in the collective efforts to international peace and security. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Angola for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Libya so that the delegation of Libya can deliver the right and initially intended statement. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. In the name of God, the most further compassionate, I am honored to speak on behalf of Libya in support of the Arab group under this item. We are also align ourselves with the statement of NAMB. We reiterate our principled position on the link between international peace and security and disarmament efforts and the control of weapons of mass destruction. We also recall Article 7 of the NPT, which guarantees which guarantees countries the right to establish nuclear-free zones. We support the nuclear-free weapons zones, and we commend resolution of 79/241 of the General Assembly over the study of the United Nations regarding these zones and the affirmation of the establishment of such a zone in the Middle East. We also welcome the Security General's establishment of the group of experts working on this study. Mr. Chair, the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East is a strategic objective to achieve regional and international security. We call on the implementation of the 1995 Middle East resolution as an integral part of the indefinite extension of the NPT. We strongly condemn the nuclear threats issued by a minister of the occupation government against Gaza. We are deeply concerned that this entity continues to refuse to join this treaty or to place its facilities under the safeguards regime of the IAEA. Libya has committed to abandon its programs related to weapons of mass destructions voluntarily in 2003. And we have proven that regional security can be achieved through transparency and cooperation and not through threats or discrimination. And Libya will continue to support all efforts aimed at achieving a Middle East that is free of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. out of our belief that just security can only be achieved through equality and community commitment. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Libya for his statement. Distinguished delegates, the Committee has just heard the last speaker on the cluster on regional disarmament and security. I shall now call on delegations who have requested the right of reply. May I remind members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to four and a half minutes for the first intervention and to two and a half minutes for the second intervention. I now call on the representative of the Russian Federation for the first intervention.

Distinguished Chair, we categorically reject the arguments of the US delegation who in their statement turned the actual situation in the strategic sphere on its head. To demonstrate the unfounded and spurious nature of the American accusations that we have been fueling an arms race, it's sufficient to restore the actual sequence of events. When the U.S. withdrew from the ABM Treaty in the early 2000s, we warned Washington that this destructive step and the unchecked development of the American missile defense system would mean that we were forced to take corresponding military technical measures in order to maintain the effectiveness of deterrence. However, our warning was ignored, and Washington launched its destabilizing program to build up its global missile defense system. When, in 2010, the START treaty was signed, which clearly states the indelible link between strategic offensive and strategic defensive weapons, we clearly stated that this agreement would be viable only if there was no qualitative or quantitative expansion of the U.S. missile defense system. But this warning, like the others, was ignored, and Washington continued to expand its large-scale missile defense project. In response to this, in March 2018, the President of the Russian Federation presented a number of high-tech weapon systems, including the Borodyevnik missile mentioned by the American delegation. It was clearly stated by Russia that these systems were intended to parry the threats to strategic stability that had arisen as a result of the U.S.'s provocative actions in the field of missile defense. We once again proposed to Washington that we should settle the issue -- this issue and other concerns as part of strategic dialogue. However, the Russian proposals, including proposals for a meaningful missile defense agreement, were once again rejected, and the US continued its missile defense efforts. In addition, the American missile defense program was linked in a very destabilizing way to the doctrine of so-called pre-launch interception, that is to say, authorization to a preemptive disarming strike. The apogee of this attempt by the US to obtain an overwhelming military advantage was the Golden Dome for America project. It not only stipulated deploying interception systems in outer space, but also openly stated that the actions of the U.S. in the missile defense area were mainly targeting the strategic missiles of equal and comparable adversaries. Thus, Washington hypocritically -- finally acknowledged what it hypocritically had denied for decades. That is to say, the ultimate goal of the U.S. was to weaken and, if possible, neutralize the strategic deterrence capacity of other nuclear powers that it views as adversaries, that is to say, Russia and China. At this forum, there should be no question, therefore, about the actions Russia was forced to take to restore the strategic balance, including finalizing development of systems such as Burevestnik, which guarantee the reliability of our deterrence. As a result, a logical question arises: Who is actually inciting and fanning the flames of an arms race? with the goal of obtaining strategic invulnerability and indisputable military superiority? The answer is obvious. It is absolutely not the Russian Federation. Thank you.

I now call on the representative of the European Union.

Mr. Chair, the European Union is feeling compelled to take the floor in reply to the intervention by a representative of Russian Federation, is spreading false narratives and disinformation about Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine and the role of the European Union. Once again, Russia is trying to divert attention from illegality of its military.

Aggression, from its violations and atrocities in Ukraine, and from its attempt to illegally annex occupied regions of Ukraine, which clearly reveals Russia's intention behind the invasion.

With its false accusations, Russia is attempting to shift the blame to countries which support Ukraine and its legitimate right for self-defense in accordance with the UN Charter. The invasion is not only a blatant violation of UN Charter in itself. Let me also use this opportunity to remind that international monitoring mechanisms, including the UN Human Rights Monitoring Commission in Ukraine and the Independent International Commission of Inquiry, have concluded that Russia has committed a wide range of violations in Ukraine. These include indiscriminate and intentional attacks against civilians and civilian objects, widespread and systematic summary executions, torture, ill-treatment and unlawful confinement, rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence, and forced transfer and deportation, including of children. Mr. Chair, let me emphasize that no one wants peace more than Ukraine and its supporters, including the European Union. We continue to support a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace based on the UN Charter, international law, and full respect for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Once again, we urge Russia to comply with the order of the International Court of Justice of 16th March 2022, which inter alia ordered Russia to suspend the military operations that it commenced on 24th February 2022 in the territory of Ukraine. Russia is talking about peace, but its actions speak louder than words. If Ukraine stops defending itself, the country will no longer exist, as clearly shown by attempted illegal annexation of occupied territories by Russia. If Russia stops its aggression and withdraws all its troops and military equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine, the war will end immediately. It can happen even tomorrow. Until this happens, the EU will continue to support Ukraine politically, financially, economically, and with military and humanitarian means as appropriate and for as long as needed. We also continue to work to ensure full accountability for crimes.

I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I now call on the representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. My delegation would like to take the floor in response to the argument of some countries, such as Estonia, Indonesia, Ukraine, and United States, who blamed about DPRK's possession of nuclear weapon and its sovereign measures. Those member states' absurd allegation is derived from their prejudice mentality and is a scare intervention into the DPRK's internal affairs, all of which my delegation totally reject. Chair. As we have stated several times, the concept of denuclearization has lost its meaning. DPRK has become a nuclear state, and this was an inevitable choice we made at the crossroads of rise and fall of our state. The enemy states' anti-DPRK hostile acts in the region gives a clear answer to this. According to the United States' hegemony-oriented Indo-Pacific strategy, the scenarios for its implementation The U.S., Japan, ROK military alliance are mutating into increasingly offensive and aggressive entities, and the direct victim of this is none other than the security environment of our state. We are also facing the reality that various kinds of bilateral and multinational war games against DPRK take place simultaneously and continue without any gap in time and space, involving more nuclear elements. In addition, the U.S. has deployed its ground-based medium-range missile system and B-1B strategic bomber in Japan for the first time in its history so as to target the territorial depths of regional countries. Owing to the military action of the enemy states for demonstration, unpredictable and dangerous circumstances have been created in all realms of the ground, sea, and air, and the confrontation in the region has become unprecedentedly severe. This is the prevailing military and political situation we are in. Nevertheless, some member states are still talking about the outdated story of denuclearization of DPRK, far from condemning the U.S. arms reinforcement and its moves for modernizing alliance in the region. The danger of war can only be removed by the most powerful self-defense capability, and it does not And it is not contrary to the spirit of the UN Charter and other international laws centered on self-defense. Our nuclear deterrent has proved its capability and reliability in defending the national sovereignty and territorial integrity from foreign military threats and aggression and attacks. Chair. Legitimate relationship between DPRK and Russian Federation should not be a matter of discussion in this committee. As we have stated several times, the friendly and cooperative relation between sovereign states in accordance with the UN Charter does not pose a threat to the international peace and security. The comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and DPRK does not target third party, which is quite different from other hostile alliance. If they have no malice towards DPRK and Russia, there will be no reason to strain every nerve and feel uneasy about the development of equal and normal relations between our two countries. I thank you.

I now call on the representative of Israel for the first intervention.

Thank you. Thank you, Chair. We are here to speak about regional peace and security, yet some in this room insist on delivering statements that are detached from the new reality in the Middle East, filled with empty words and repeated slogans and heinous lies that do not contribute to regional stability nor the goals of the first committee. Chair, from its very inception, Palestinianism, an ideology based entirely around the belief that Jews should not have a state in their ancestral homeland, has based itself on a simple false assumption. Jews do not belong in Israel. For about 140 years, Arab leaders have been telling their people that Jews in Israel are a foreign object, a European colonialist project. Some cannot use our official name to this day. Palestinianism assumes that Jews can be expelled from Israel simply by brutalizing them, basically saying, if we kill them, the rest will leave. This is the premise behind all Palestinian terror attacks against Jews in modern and not-so-modern history, from the days of the Ottoman Empire and until this very day. This premise is false. It seems that today the very notion of truth is being constantly undermined in favor of so-called narratives. These are times when a former CEO of a renowned encyclopedia openly claims that the truth is not as important as bringing people together. For the Palestinians and their lackeys, every lie is truth as long as it serves the right purpose. Every blood libel is a fact as long as it serves the right cause. Every fact is propaganda. To them, the meaning of bringing people together is forcing people to conform with the right political narrative or face consequences. When the truth means nothing, the Palestinians and their supporters shine. For them, Jews are not Jews, Hebrew is not Hebrew, Israel is not Israel, Judea is not Judea. Similarly, Jews never lived in the Holy Land, Jerusalem is not Jerusalem, and Jesus was a so-called Palestinian. But it goes on, in their mind, before Israel, Arabs were always welcoming towards Jews, except for the several times in history in which they massacred us. The October 7th carnage never happened, but it was also a joyous day of anti-colonial resistance. They claim that war is genocide, while actual attempts to perform a genocide, such as the one that occurred on October 7, 2023, is labeled a so-called legitimate resistance. The lies are endless. They are bottomless, and they are shapeless. Only the narratives matter. It is no surprise, then, that the one thing that Palestinian supporters truly abhor is the truth. And the truth is this. We are not a foreign object, but an ancient, dispossessed people miraculously returning to our ancestral homeland. We will not be driven away by violence or hate. Palestinianism will dismiss these facts as myths. Antisemites of all throes of life have dismissed our history, our beliefs, and our rights as mere myths for millennia. Palestinianism is no different. It is an ideology of hate, but also an ideology of denial. Denial of history, of facts, denial of peace. Ultimately, it is a denial of a future for Palestinians. And finally, Mr. Chair, since some delegations insist on turning every cluster discussion into the nuclear one, I must repeat our very clear position. The 1999 UNDC report and guidelines of principles for the establishment of nuclear weapon-free zones clearly states that the nuclear weapon-free zones should be established on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at among the states of the region concerned and pursued by all the states of that region. Ill-motivated initiatives, such as the UN Conference on the Middle East, go against the UNDC guidelines and established principles and are very unhelpful. Israel will not take part in such initiatives. I thank you.

I now call on the representative of China for the first intervention.

Mr. Chair, certain countries attempted to shift blame to China regarding the Ukraine issue, smearing China's normal foreign trade. China firmly rejects this. As a responsible major country, regarding the Ukraine crisis, China has always adopted an objective and impartial position, stayed committed to promoting talks for peace, and advocated seeking comprehensive settlement of the Ukraine issue through dialogue and consultation. China has always maintained a prudent and responsible approach to arms export. and strictly manages the export of military items in accordance with its domestic laws and regulations and the international obligations assumed. A key principle governing China's export of military items is non-interference in the internal affairs of the recipient countries and not undermining regional and global peace, security, and stability. This is in stark contrast with the practice of some countries who practice double standards on arms sales, carry out massive arms sales to regions in conflict, fan the flame, and even interfere in internal affairs. A certain country, as the largest arms exporter, has continued to refuse to ratify the ATT and even announced withdrawal of its signature. Regarding participation in arms control dialogue issued by certain countries, China will continue to actively support and participate in global arms control, disarmament, and nonproliferation processes. Meanwhile, China wishes to stress that relevant bilateral dialogue must be on the basis of respecting each other's interests and concerns. A certain country should be rational and pragmatic, meet China halfway, and take concrete actions to create necessary conditions and atmosphere for dialogue, instead of making provocations against China on issues concerning China's core interests and at the same time requesting China to engage in dialogue. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I now call on the representative of Libya for the first intervention. Libya, you have the microphone.

Thank you, Chair.

I would like to --.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I would like to say that Libya has always reiterated its position regarding conflicts in the region. We support international and regional peace and security. Thank you.

I now call on the representative of the Russian Federation for the second intervention.

Distinguished Chair, the Russian Federation categorically rejects the accusations by the NATO and EU countries as well the EU countries as well, with regard to undermining European security. No one in the 21st century has taken such major efforts to maintain stability in the region as Russia has. All the processes that led to the current crisis situation were something that President Vladimir Putin warned about during the Munich Security Conference in 2007. It was the Russian Federation all these years that has consistently defended the principle of united and indivisible security. and has proposed collective solutions and called for diplomacy. However, all of these ideas were alien to the West. The West's main priority was forcibly changing undesirable regimes, economically stifling other countries, and engaging in technological neocolonialism. The latest achievement by Brussels was confiscating the sovereign property of another state and also openly discussing the expropriation of financial instruments. especially surprising to hear calls for a truce from this group of countries, which has consistently sabotaged a peaceful settlement in Ukraine, including the agreement of February 2014, the Minsk agreements, and the Istanbul negotiation process. As Brussels essentially has painted itself into a corner, it's nothing to propose to the European region besides war. They are issuing irresponsible calls toward further escalation, and it even laid out a timeline for escalation. It is the foreign policy of Brussels that is the direct obstacle to restoring peace in the European region. And until the countries of Western Europe stop hiding behind the collective irresponsibility of NATO and EU, officials, the situation will not meaningfully change. The Russian Federation does not need any temporary solutions with regard to national security with parties that have proven themselves untrustworthy. What we need is a robust and lasting solution to the root causes of this conflict. We also are forced to respond to the statement by the Georgian delegation. We've already provided explanations on the real situation in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. These independent states are recognized by Russia and a number of other countries based on the free expression of the will of the South Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples and in accordance with the norms and principles of international law, including the UN Charter. For us, this question is closed. Thank you for your attention.

I now call on the representative of Egypt for the first intervention.

Thank you, Vice Chair. Egypt is taking the floor to respond to some of the remarks in the exercise right of reply by the delegation of Israel. Israel started the intervention by speaking about new realities in the Middle East, which I think should have encouraged them to speak about peace in the region and the day after. Instead, Israel provided a one-sided interpretation of history, which is belligerent to the rights and the future of the Palestinian people. Twisting of facts, this is not something that surprises us when it comes to the delegation of Israel. However, they know by now that this misrepresentation of reality does not work anymore. Their experience for the last couple of years tell them much about the effectiveness of repeating the same lies. The question that Israel continues to evade for the last two years now is, did Israel have a cabinet minister that issued a nuclear threat or not? Did the Israeli government condemn that threat or not? Was the involved official held into account until now or not? For two years, these questions have been raised in this room and in other places, and the Israeli delegations failed to provide clarifications. Moving forward, Israel always claimed that nuclear weapon-free zones need to be pursued in accordance with the UNDC 1999 guidelines. I recall that United Nations General Assembly Resolution 73/546 mirrors the guidelines and affirms that the zone will be pursued through a legally binding instrument freely arrived at by countries of the region in this platform, which is open, inclusive, and adopts consensus decision-making in substantive and procedural matters. The good thing is that these texts are available in the six official languages of the UN. If the delegation of Israel needs to make sure that they have the right copy, we're happy to provide. to make sure that they see the word freely arrived at by the countries of the region in these versions. The door is still open for Israel to join and engage constructively as an equal and full member with full rights and responsibilities, including its right to raise the wide range of regional proliferation threats that it continues to repeat here and in other places. If Israel is really genuine in its wish to see a safe and secure Middle East that caters for collective and equitable security of all states of the region, it needs to engage with an open mind and in good faith. If it believes that it needs to continue to live in a spartan way, it will continue not to be there around the table. I thank you, Vice Chair.

I now call on the representative of Oman for the first intervention.

Chair, the Arab Group rejects the statement by Israel. These are false claims. The repeated violator of international law does not have the right to preach us in this hall. The truths are clear, and the violations are documented. Any attempt to evade responsibility will not change the reality of the occupation. The Arab Group will continue to defend the truth and the principles of the UN, despite misleading attempts. Thank you.

I now call on the representative of Iran for the first intervention.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. In response to the statements made under cluster six by the United Kingdom and to the right of reply we have just heard from the representative of the Israeli regime, I wish to emphasize the following points. First, we heard yesterday from the representative of the United Kingdom expressing concern for peace and security in the Middle East. It is important, however, to recall history for representatives of the UK and the Israeli regime. The root of the current crisis in our region lies in the policies of the very same United Kingdom. It was in London that the Balfour Declaration was conceived at Downing Street in 1917, when Palestinians, Muslims and Christians, constitute 95% of the population of that land. When Britain withdrew in 1948, three decades later, 75% of those indigenous Palestinians had been displaced and turned into refugees, many in Gaza, where they are now enduring genocide, starvation, and destruction. The United Kingdom bears historic responsibility for this tragedy. For its representative to now claim that peace and security in the region cannot be achieved without addressing alleged Iranian destabilizing activities is not only ironic, but deeply hypocritical and outrageous. Second, those truly accountable for the current crisis in the Middle East are first and foremost the leaders of the Israeli regime. Arrest warrants have been requested against Netanyahu and his former defense minister, Golan, for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including the use of starvation as a method of warfare. The world's most dangerous terrorist is already armed with nuclear weapons, genocide and forced starvation against 2 million people in Gaza, apartheid and settler violence against millions more in West Bank. weaponized pagers, carpet bombings, and destruction of infrastructure in Libya, Yemen, and airstrikes in residential areas in central Doha, and murder of all 23 members of an extended family and 86 residents of an apartment building to kill just two scientists in Iran. Yet, it sits outside the NPT and is believed to hold nearly 200 nuclear warheads. It faces no sanctions, but received generous aid, even as it openly boasts about its terrorism, aggression, and genocide. The impunity has reached the level that it published books about them, like "Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israeli Targeted Assassinations." Make no mistake, Israel's real fear is not Iran's peaceful nuclear capability, it is peace. Netanyahu has destroyed every serious prospect for peace, from Palestine to the Iran nuclear deal, because Netanyahu considers dialogue and stability as his real existential threat. Mr. Chair, distinguished colleagues, these facts speak for themselves. Those who have enabled and committed decades of occupation, aggression, and impunity are in no position to lecture others about peace and stability in the Middle East. I thank you.

I now call on the representative of Iraq for the first intervention.

Chair. I would like to exercise my right of reply to the statements made by the representative of the Israeli statement containing groundless claims. The Israeli entity continues its deliberate undermining of its international obligations. It shirks its commitment under Security Council resolutions, mainly on disarmament and nonproliferation. This behavior reflects its disregard of international law and UN resolutions. This poses a threat to regional and international peace and stability, mainly in the Middle East. The Israeli entity's refusal to engage in international efforts for the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East is a case in point. This is another example that the Israeli entity continues to seek to preserve its nuclear supremacy in the region. In this context, we warn against the Israeli entity's ongoing violation of international law. This poses a grave threat to international peace and security, and this undermines efforts to promote international peace and security. We reiterate our principled position that supports the rights of the -- inalienable rights of the Palestinian to live in free -- in freedom and peace on their territories without the policies of forced displacement and settlement. Thank you.

I now call on the representative of the Republic of Korea for his first intervention.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I didn't plan to exercise our right of reply today, but I am compelled to do so in response to the comments made by the DPRK delegation in its right of reply, in which it misrepresented the cause and nature of the ROK-U.S. combined defense and deterrence posture and exercises. We want to highlight again such cooperation is legitimate and defensive response. And my delegation would also like to reaffirm our position that the ROK government is open to comprehensive dialogue, and we hope the DPRK will respond positively to our government's earnest efforts. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I now call on the representative of Germany for the first intervention.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I feel compelled to react to the right of reply we have just heard from the delegate of the Russian Federation. We are hearing the same Russian narrative again and again. It is certainly creative, but it remains false nevertheless. It was false in the past, it falls false again today, and it will not come true in the future, not even by repetition. The only state sabotaging peace in Europe is the Russian Federation. The only root cause for war in Europe is the Russian Federation and its war of aggression in Ukraine. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I now call on the representative of Israel for the second intervention.

I want to thank the Arab Group for statements that prove my point. Once again, we hear the same lines from the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He demonstrates very well what I have mentioned about Palestinianism. The truth makes him uneasy. How uncomfortable it must be for him to know that the great King Cyrus, who declared that Jews would be allowed to return to their ancestral home 2,500 years ago, was a Persian king. To all those who have spoken of genocide and other disgraceful anti-Semitic lies, In a way, we take comfort in your lies. They prove you have no truth to tell. Keep your denial, your hatred, your rage. While you do everything in your power to spread hate and violence, the world's only Jewish nation will be busy creating a better, brighter future for its Jews, Muslims, Christian, Druze, Circassians, and all other peoples peacefully living under its wide, democratic roof. One day, the people of Iran will be free of this grotesque regime, and our two peoples will resume their millennia-old friendship. Chair, I also have a message to those in this room and outside of it who proudly boast of being anti-Zionists. We are not surprised. French philosopher Vladimir Jankielewicz wrote about 50 years ago, and I quote, "Anti-Zionism is justified antisemitism, finally made accessible to all. It is permission to be democratically antisemitic. Anti-Zionism has become the miraculous find, the providential windfall authorizing heterogeneous groups to hate the Jews with a clear conscience." End of quote. You see, for the anti-Semite, hating the Jews proves his righteousness. 500 years ago, thousands of Spaniards watched as Jews were regularly burnt alive in public. They called it auto de fe, an act of faith. Today, some feel the same elation while calling it fighting colonialism. The irony of anti-Zionism is that if we had ever believed that there was even the smallest chance that anti-Semitism would disappear or even weaken, we would not have gone through all the trouble of creating the Jewish state. You see, the more you hate us, the more we know we were right. Am Yisrael chai. I thank you.

I now call on the representative of Georgia for the first intervention. Microphone for Georgia. Wait a second, please. Yeah, right now, please.

Thank you, Chair. I'm exercising the right of reply to respond to the remarks by the representative of Russian Federation. Russia mentioned that it recognized the so-called independence of Georgia's two regions based on the free expression of the popular will. However, we must remember that there are up to 500,000 IDPs and refugees from these regions of Georgia as a result of Russia's aggressive policy towards Georgia throughout decades. In this IDPs and refugees represented the absolute majority of the population in these regions before they were forcefully expelled from their homes, and they are still deprived of their right to return. In this situation, it is utterly hypocritical to justify occupation based on the so-called free will of the people. We want to reiterate that Russia exercises effective control over these occupied regions of Georgia, and this fact is well established by the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and International Criminal Court. Thank you.

I now call on the representative of Iran for the second intervention.

statement we just heard from representative of Israeli regime. Just I want him and her colleagues to stop shedding crocodile tears for Iran. The world has seen the true face of your regime. I suggest you reserve your so-called sympathy for yourselves. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I now call on the representative of Oman for the second intervention.

Thank you, Chair. I would like to reply to the representative of Israel. When a party fails to respond to facts and truths, it resorts to irony and hypocrisy, which reveals the veracity of our statement. Ongoing attempts do not hide the truth, the truth of ongoing occupation and violation of international law. The Arab law will continue to embrace the language of responsibility, not procrastination and diversion in order to uphold the rights that do not lapse with time. Thank you.

Distinguished delegates, the Committee will now begin its thematic discussion under the cluster of disarmament machinery. The first speaker on the list is the distinguished representative of Indonesia on behalf of NAM. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. It is my honor to speak on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement. NAM is concerned at continuous erosion of multilateralism in the field of disarmament, non-proliferation, and arms control. Enhancing the effectiveness of the UN disarmament machinery is thus a shared objective. NAM believes that the main difficulty lies in the lack of political will from some states to achieve progress, particularly on nuclear disarmament. NAM reiterates its conviction that a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament can set the future course of action in the field of disarmament, arms control, non-proliferation, and related international security matters. NAM underscores the importance of convening the SSOD4. In this regard, NAM welcomes the GA endorsement of the report of the Open-Ended Working Group on SSOD4 and the substantive recommendations contained therein, and stresses the need to continue consultations on next step for convening of SSOD4. NAM reaffirms the importance of the Conference on Disarmament as the sole multilateral negotiating body on disarmament and reiterates its call on the CD to agree by consensus on a balanced and comprehensive programme of work without any further delay. NAM strongly rejects any politicization of the work of the CD and calls upon all Member States to fully respect its rules of procedure and agreed methods of work. Nam underlines the importance and relevance of the UN Disarmament Commission with universal membership as the sole specialized and deliberative body within the UN multilateral disarmament machinery in considering various challenges in the field of disarmament and submit concrete recommendations to the GA. NAM welcomes the adoption of the new topic of Working Group 2 and its general discussion in Working Group 2 of the UNDC on the impacts of emerging technologies and express hope that we can develop a common understanding on this topic without creating a duplicative track. NAAM has engaged constructively at this first and second sessions of the new cycle and will continue constructively engage and underlines the crucial importance of achieving meaningful progress, including concrete recommendations by the two working groups. NAAM further calls upon UN member states, in particular the NWS, to display the necessary political will and flexibility in order to enable the Commission to agree on recommendations for achieving the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Expressing its deep concern on the continued lack of adequate representation from NAM countries in the UN ODA, NAM requests the Secretary General and High Representative to undertake steps to ensure proper, balanced and equitable representation in that office. Under this cluster, NAM is presenting following two draft resolutions for which it will welcome support from everyone. United Nations Regional Centres for Peace and Disarmament and convening of the SSOD4. NAM urges all countries to work together cooperatively and demonstrate their political commitment concretely, including here in the First Committee, to ensure that the disarmament machinery can achieve its potential fully to bolster global peace and security. The full version of this statement will be submitted to the Secretariat. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Oman on behalf of the Arab Group. You have the floor. Microphone for Oman, please.

Chair, we align ourselves with the statement delivered by NAM. The universalization of the NPT, including in the Middle East, is an integral part of our commitment to a world free of nuclear weapons. This is an utmost priority, as endorsed in SSOD-1 in 1978. UN disarmament machinery and activities must be grounded in the special sessions. They cannot be amended nor revised. If so, there must be a new special session of the GA. Despite repeated calls, including in the Pact for the Charter, we look forward to SSO-D4 in order to keep pace with developments as risks continue and as international commitments to disarmament and nonproliferation and arms control are eroded. Chair, we regret the failure of the NPT Review Conference in adopting a final document. We call for the success of the 11th Review Conference so that it can adopt a balanced document that promotes the credibility of the NPT, including for the total elimination of nuclear weapons and the universalization of the treaty. A nuclear-weapon-free zone must also be established in the Middle East. We underscore the importance of the conference on disarmament. It must be empowered because it's the only multilateral negotiating body on disarmament. Ongoing deadlock is mainly attributed to the lack of political will, not deficiencies and shortcomings of mechanisms. The conference must be enabled to fulfill its negotiating mandate, mainly on the elimination of nuclear weapons. The agenda items must be aligned with international priorities. All agreements, measures must be taken for the total elimination of nuclear weapons, and there must not be new commitments on nonproliferation at the expense of nuclear disarmament. We welcome the recent meetings of the DC, mainly on the effect of emerging and new technologies. The working group on outer space has achieved progress, which we commend. We regret the failure to adopt recommendations for years. We hope that the current substantive session will achieve tangible results. Nuclear weapons states must shoulder, demonstrate political will. Chair, we commend UNIDIR's. Its studies must be balanced and must not be linked to the preferences of donor countries alone. We call on the Secretary-General to ensure balanced and equitable representation in UNODA and in expert groups. In conclusion, we express our concern over the impact of international polarization on international disarmament machinery. This leads to conflicting initiatives that undermine efficiency and credibility. We efforts to consolidate the tracks on outer space and cybersecurity. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Oman for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency, the Permanent Representative of Singapore on behalf of the ASEAN. You have the floor, Excellency.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the 11 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN. ASEAN aligns itself with the statement just delivered by Indonesia on behalf of NAM. Today, as we face heightening geopolitical tensions and deepening mistrust in the international arena, multilateral cooperation in the field of disarmament and non-proliferation is more critical than ever. ASEAN acknowledges the contributions of the UN disarmament machinery, which has produced important treaties, instruments and processes over the years. At the same time, it is imperative that we ensure the relevance, credibility, and adaptability of this machinery. ASEAN reiterates its concern over the declining commitment and cooperation in global disarmament, non-proliferation, and arms control mechanisms. We call on countries, especially the nuclear weapons states, to maintain and fully implement the obligations and commitments under these mechanisms, including in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We note with appreciation that Vietnam, an ASEAN Member State, has been nominated to serve as its President. We call upon all States Parties to engage in the Conference constructively and in good faith, and to extend their full support to the President in facilitating discussion with a view to ensuring a successful and substantive outcome. The Conference on Disarmament has an important role in pursuing substantive negotiations in key areas of disarmament.

ASEAN is concerned by the deadlock

on the programme of work in the Conference on Disarmament and calls upon the Conference to adopt and implement a balanced and comprehensive programme of work. ASEAN also believes that the UN Disarmament Commission, with its universal membership, retains a unique role in building trust and confidence. ASEAN looks forward to further discussions in the current three-year cycle of the UNDC. Mr. Chair, in the Asia-Pacific region, the ASEAN Regional Forum is a vital platform for dialogue and cooperation on political and security issues of common concern. ASEAN emphasizes that the disarmament machinery should keep pace with the rapidly evolving security landscape and advancements in science and technology, including developments in cyberspace and outer space. We should strive to prevent duplicative processes, optimize resources, and pursue inclusive avenues for deliberations

among Member States.

ASEAN also reaffirms its support for the UN Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, the Youth, Peace and Security Agenda, as well as the Women, Peace and Security Agendas, and the role of think tanks and research bodies such as UNIDIR. In closing, we assure you, Mr Chair, of ASEAN's strong commitment to constructive collaboration with all Member States. Thank you very much.

I thank the Distinguished Representative of Singapore for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa on behalf of a group of states. You have the floor.

Chair, can I have two minutes? I was not prepared to deliver the statement at the moment.

Thank you. Okay, we'll skip. Thank you. Okay. I now give the floor to Australia on behalf of Canada, Australia and New Zealand. You have the floor.

Chair, I'm delivering this statement on behalf of Canada and New Zealand and my own country, Australia. The UN disarmament architecture is more important than ever to peace and stability, as nuclear and other strategic risks continue to grow. The UN80 reform process is an opportunity to make sure our machinery is fit for purpose and efficient, while addressing global challenges as effectively as possible. We cannot implement these reforms haphazardly. We need to recognize what is working and take a strategic and holistic approach. The primary responsibility for achieving a UN system capable of delivering on the outcomes our citizens expect and deserve lies with us, the member states, working in collaboration with UN institutions and personnel. States need to be cognizant of the cost implications of our work in First Committee. We strongly encourage states to explore new and creative methods of work to ensure our institutions are supported to fulfill their core mandates and critical service delivery functions cost effectively. Together, we can be ambitious and innovative in reform. CANS advocates for collective solutions that support our enduring commitments to nuclear disarmament, arms control, and non-proliferation. Chair, CANS thanks UNODA for its tireless work in New York, Geneva, and beyond to support member states and their disarmament efforts. We commend UNODA for its work building states' literacy and capacity in disarmament, as well as its commitment to youth, gender equality, and inclusion. CANZ emphasises again the value that UNIDIR brings to the disarmament community. We welcome the Secretary-General's affirmation in his UNIDIR report that UNIDIR would retain its independence going forward. For CANZ, this independence is critical. When considering reform, we must look at how we can obtain the most value from existing tools. Cairns regrets the Conference on Disarmament has been unable to deliver on its core mandate for nearly three decades. The mandate of the conference is to negotiate, not deliberate. In recent years, the conference has likewise been unable to agree on UN member states observing its work, let alone consider longstanding applications for membership. All UN members are expected to fund the conference, yet not all can participate in its work. Amidst tightening budgets and UN reform, the situation is even more stark. In 2026, we urge conference members to build meaningfully and inclusively on their previous discussions with a specific view to advancing substantive treaty negotiations. Chair Cairns appreciates the Disarmament Commission's inclusivity and its efforts in some lines of work. We note that in a changing context, there is continued scope for improvement and reform of the Commission and its work. The international community must make careful decisions going forward to ensure our disarmament machinery and broader peace and security architecture is streamlined and fit for purpose. We must do this in as inclusive a manner as possible. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Australia for her statement and the flexibility in terms of the line and delivering the statement superbly fast. I now give the floor to His Excellency, the Permanent Representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, on behalf of the Group of Francophone Ambassadors in New York. Excellency, you have the floor.

This statement is delivered on behalf of the Group of Francophone Ambassadors, Member States and observers of the International Organization of Francophonie. Chair, our countries wish to reaffirm our deep commitment to the basic rules of multilateralism and multilingualism in particular. Multilingualism is a guarantee of inclusion in negotiating fora that use the six official languages of the United Nations. Multilingualism ensures effective participation of all, better results and also greater involvement. In the context of the UN80 initiative to reform UN system architecture, there is an urgent need to defend multilingualism, which should not be sacrificed for budgetary reasons. It is important to look for low-cost alternatives and consider the use of new technologies to preserve multilingualism. We recall that multilingualism is part of fulfilling the objectives set out in Article 1 of the Charter. As the spearhead of multilateral diplomacy, multilingualism as a fundamental value promotes dialogue and trust between countries by fostering mutual understanding and international cooperation. And we thus draw your attention to this matter so as to preserve interpretation and translation services into the six official languages of the United Nations during negotiation processes, be they in person or online. This is essential to ensure the full inclusive participation of states during each phase of work. Chair, the International Organization of Francophonie and UNIDIR are organizing Francophone meetings in Geneva with the support of the Disarmament Coordination and of the group of Francophone Ambassadors in Geneva, and this year it's been provided by Haiti and France. Created on the occasion of the Francophonie Summit of Paris and Villers-Cotterets in 2024 and organized by France, these meetings provide an opportunity to discuss topics such as artificial intelligence in the military, cyber threats, and the regulation of SALW. This training is delivered in French without translation, and it offers the French-speaking public and participants access to technical expertise in disarmament. Chair, our countries wish to reaffirm our support for the Disarmament Fellowship Programme, launched by the General Assembly in 1978. This programme is a key collective achievement of the First Committee, enabling the training of a large number of State officials in the field of disarmament. We would like this programme to continue to serve French-speaking staff in order to foster partnership between States and organizations participating in the programme. In conclusion, we reaffirm our commitment to multilingualism, which must remain a cardinal principle of the United Nations. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the European Union. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have the honor to speak on behalf of the EU and its member states with the following states aligning, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Norway, Iceland, Monaco, and San Marino. The EU is deeply concerned about the deteriorating global security environment and the continued erosion of the international arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. After more than three years, Russia's unjustified and illegal full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine continues to inflict a devastating toll, primarily on the Ukrainian people, with spillover effects felt in the wider region and across the globe. We condemn Russia's actions to destabilize the global architecture for the maintenance of peace and security, including UN Security Council instruments. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and its repercussions for European and global security in a challenging environment constitute an existential challenge for the European Union. We will continue to defend the values and principles of multilateralism, including the active participation in multilateral.

Fora of various stakeholders.

We are very concerned that the Conference on Disarmament continues to be deadlocked. The EU's central aim in this forum remains the same: to work towards concrete negotiations so as to break its stalemate. We regret that the Conference has failed to adopt and implement a programme of work and not fulfilled its negotiation mandate for almost 30 years, which stands in stark contrast to the significant security challenges.

And threats we face today.

This year, the Conference agreed to establish subsidiary bodies at the very beginning of the session. While not adopting final reports, their discussions could help inform future work. Furthermore, we regret that 16 States were blocked from participating in the 2025 session. Russia's continued attempts to silence critics and exclude observer States and international organizations interested in the work of the Conference undermines the very principles of which multilateral diplomacy and the Conference is based. The EU supports the enlargement of the Conference, and we call for the urgent appointment of a special coordinator to lay out concrete scenarios of the expansion. Our long-standing priority in the Conference is to immediately commence negotiations of an FMCT in accordance with the document CD/1299. We strongly call on all States to contribute to this long-standing objective of the international community. We stress the need for building on previous work of the Conference in this regard. The Pact for the Future provides a unique opportunity to reinvigorate multilateralism. We look forward to engaging on revitalizing the disarmament machinery. We highly value the work of UNITAR. We wish to continue seeing it as a standalone, autonomous institution, and its high-quality research can help to move disarmament processes forward. The EU recognizes it through its substantial funding. Mr. Chair, we recall that the EU continues to provide significant political and financial support to a number of treaties, conventions, and other agreements, enabling the UNODA and UNIDIR to carry out various projects. We will continue to do so. Gender equality is a cross-cutting priority for the EU, and we welcome its promotion in all matters of peace and security, including in leadership positions. Furthermore, we encourage increased engagement with youth. the meaningful participation of civil society, academia, industry, research institutions, and affected communities. Finally, the UN disarmament machinery cannot function properly without sound financing. We are concerned over the critical financial situation across the UN system. We strongly urge those states which have not yet done so to pay their contributions. This is a shortened version of the statement. The full version will be submitted.

I thank you, Mr. Chair. I thank the distinguished representative of the European Union for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency, the Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament of Germany. Excellency, you have the floor.

Germany aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union. I'd like to add remarks in our national capacity which focus on two issues. of great importance to my delegation, the working methods of this committee, and second, the Conference on Disarmament. First, on the first committee, Germany, together with France, has put forward a set of ideas outlining ways to make the work of the first committee more efficient and focused, which so far have found a lot of interest and support. We believe that meaningful progress in disarmament requires not only substantive ambition, but also structural reform. As such, we suggest shorter and more concise statements to allow more interactive and substantial debates, multi-year resolutions so that the committee can devote more time to new and pressing issues, a reduction in the number of clusters enabling delegations to engage more effectively on the substance, and a generally shorter first committee session, making the process more manageable and purposeful. These proposals are not an end in themselves, but meant as the starting point of a discussion we invite all delegations to engage constructively in. Second, turning to the Conference on Disarmament, Germany welcomes that the CD entered substantive work early this year, showing a degree of continuity in its work, which remains essential to progress. The establishment of the subsidiary bodies at the beginning of the year has enabled broad and in-depth exchanges that have fostered mutual understanding and offered valuable space for dialogue. We have to continue this path. However, without the political will to depart from entrenched positions, the CD will remain unable to fulfil its mandate. Furthermore, the CD has experienced another major setback. For the third time, 16 UN member states who don't only contribute financially to the CD's work, but also showed interest in participating, were denied observer status, 15 of them alone by Russia. This practice runs directly counter to the principle of inclusivity. This year, it was 16. In the future, It could be others who fall out of the political favour of Russia and might experience equal denial. This is simply unacceptable. Such exclusions damage not only the CD's credibility and legitimacy, but the credibility of the entire UN system. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Germany for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency the Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament and Ambassador-at-Large for Disarmament Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Excellency, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. In addition to the statement delivered by the EU, as well as the French-German proposals, I would like to make the following remarks in my national capacity. Chair, Excellencies, and distinguished delegates, let me start with a quote. The world's security architecture rests on the major treaties on weapons of mass destruction negotiated by the Conference on Disarmament and its predecessors. But the last such success, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, was nine years ago. I repeat, was nine years ago. And it has still not entered into force. Since then, the Conference has been barren of achievement." This was said by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his address to the Conference on Disarmament on 21 June 2006. With a small adjustment to the date, this very statement could be read out today. The CD still not delivers on its mandate, despite of meeting for 24 weeks every year. Chair, upholding the arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation architecture is a worthy goal in and of itself. We must protect existing treaties, conventions and agreements. But we must also adapt to the world around us. We must formulate new norms, principles and rules in novel and emerging domains, including where they intersect with existing ones. The Netherlands therefore calls upon the membership of the CD to make it more inclusive and implement the necessary reforms to make it fit for purpose and relevant again. Some of you will then say that this calls for changing the Rules of Procedure, which is not feasible. Okay then, let's take it from there and reconsider at least the length of the CD's annual sessions. Instead of budgeting for 24 weeks per year, let us streamline the CD and limit its annual sessions to 12 weeks, for as long as we don't agree to negotiate. Thus, we will not only be more efficient, but we will also free up capacity within UNODA and within our own delegations to address what needs to be addressed. Chair, last but not least, and also in the framework of UNAT, we would like to firmly establish Geneva as the arms control and disarmament hub by moving not only new processes, but also the Office of the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs to Geneva. Chair, I thank you for giving me the floor.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Netherlands for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. You have the floor.

Chair, our disarmament machinery has produced the frameworks that underpin global stability. It has helped states to turn dialogue into deliverables and competition into cooperation. It has created an architecture that remains resilient to this day, but which is under increasing strain. We will hear much about the Conference on Disarmament during this debate, and we are grateful to the Italian presidency for presiding over the launch in January of five subsidiary bodies. These bodies brought greater vitality to the CD, allowing states to engage in more detailed exploration of our respective positions and strengthening our understanding of some of the many technical issues surrounding arms control. But our efforts to agree reports fell foul of traditional diversions. Each round of negotiation further detached from the reality of the debate. And once again, Russia blocked the participation of more than a dozen observers, undermining the spirit of inclusive and transparent multilateralism that is so vital to rebuilding trust in the international system. We can, we must do better. We urge partners to agree quickly to the reestablishment of the subsidiary bodies in 2026 and to use side events and experts' briefings to strengthen our understanding of new and emerging technologies and challenges, and to strengthen the CD's links to the wider multilateral system, such as the ITU and the UN Disarmament Commission. We also welcome the continuing independence and expertise of UNIDIR, whose thought leadership and convening power was demonstrated during the last CD session and beyond. Chair, At a time when we are seeking both to preserve the existing disarmament architecture and respond to the risks and opportunities of emerging and disruptive technologies, we must create the bandwidth needed to focus on substance over procedure and well-rehearsed rhetoric. We have taken important steps at this Committee, and yet we can go further. Speaking times in the thematic debates should be further reduced. We must challenge ourselves to consider moving annual resolutions to a biennial or triennial basis, or even drop those resolutions for which the last several years have seen only cosmetic or technical amendments. We must heed the UNGA president's warning against simply reaching for sec-gen reports. Chair, our disarmament machinery is imperfect but resilient. We must seize the opportunity of UN80 and build on the momentum created in the GGE on laws and the working group on strengthening the BWC. Instead of attacking or undermining the arms control and disarmament system in this committee or elsewhere, we should instead work together to protect and strengthen it. It is in all our interests to do so. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Vice Chairperson. Egypt Alliance itself was an online movement in the Arab group. Egypt supports a well-resourced and effective United Nations disarmament machinery. The current geopolitical tensions reemphasize the need for robust and urgent action on disarmament, being an essential pillar of international peace and security. The current stalemate is a reflection of the lack of political will by some states and is not necessarily due to defects in the machinery itself. The persistence of deterrence and strategic stability perspectives is inherently contradictory to cooperation and collective security. In this regard, and with a view of strengthening the disarmament and non-proliferation architecture, it's important to build on the insightful recommendations of the UN Secretary General's new agenda for disarmament, as well as Action 25 of the Pact for the Future. Egypt looks forward to convening an impactful SSOD-4 to urgently address the current state of inaction and retrogression. It is timely to advance a strengthened consensus with nuclear disarmament as its continued highest priority. Vice-Chairperson, the Conference on Disarmament failed to adopt a balanced and comprehensive programme of work for over 25 years. However, we are encouraged by the agreement on decisions on the work of the Conference and the launch of the work of its subsidiary bodies, where Egypt coordinated subsidiary body 4 for two years in a row. This step needs to be built on and sustained through refocusing on the agreed priorities. There is also a need to ramp up the work at the United Nations Disarmament Commission. We welcome ongoing discussions at Working Group 2 on emerging technologies in the context of international peace and security after the successful adoption of recommendations on TCBMs in outer space in 2023. However, we underline the imperative of equitable progress on the standing agenda item on nuclear disarmament. We welcome the role of the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research and the Advisory Board on Disarmament Matters. We reiterate our call for more financial independence and support for UNIDIR. We appreciate the valuable contributions of NGOs and other stakeholders in support of the disarmament machinery, taking into consideration the intergovernmental nature of the relevant processes as well as the applicable rules of procedure. Egypt supports further efforts to ensure balanced female representation and geographic equity in the work of the disarmament machinery, including at UNODA, UNIDIR, and the Regional Centers for Peace and Disarmament, and the groups of governmental experts. Lastly, Egypt notes with appreciation efforts led by member states, mostly by countries from the global south, to avoid duplication and ensure coherence and discussions and outcomes. I thank you, Vice-Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt for his statement.

I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico. You have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. Another year has passed without the Conference on Disarmament fulfilling its mandate. Mexico took up the presidency of the conference in 2025 on the basis of a certain and constant commitment to effective multilateralism, to disarmament, and to building a safer and more just world based on the rule of law and international cooperation, not on weapons. However, The growing trend of allowing the Conference on Disarmament to hold only informal deliberations that lack transparency not only fails to comply with the original mandate of the Conference, in fact, it also usurps and duplicates the functions of the UNDC in New York, at a time when UN members are seeking to promote greater efficiency and more nimble structures at the UN. The Conference on Disarmament also has pending applications for membership from 22 countries, some of which have been pending for more than 40 years. We are also witnessing a recent practice of denying requests from non-members to participate in the work. This has become a recurrent practice and it is unacceptable. As proof of its failure, many members of the Conference on Disarmament, the CD, both defenders and detractors, have promoted regulated re- progress and rose on key issues in the advanced disarmament agenda in other fora, notably the GA. Examples of this have been the successful negotiation and entry into force of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the TPNW, the establishment of the respective groups of experts or open-ended working groups on, for instance, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Fissile Material, verification of nuclear disarmament, or the prevention of an arms race now to space power. All of this should lead us to reflect on whether the stalemate of the Conference on Disarmament is the result of the current context, as some would say, or because it has become caught up in its own contradictions, as others would say. The Disarmament Commission, the UNDC, has also shown its limits by failing to agree on recommendations on nuclear disarmament since 1999. Under a framework of considering institutional improvement at the UN, we consider that it's essential to move towards SSOD 4, understood as a new agreement that would allow us to serenely and assertively assess what is truly required to reform the UN's disarmament machinery for the better. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Mexico for that statement.

I call to the distinguished representative of Switzerland. You have the floor.

Chair, Switzerland has always supported a strong and efficient UN system. Accordingly, we consider the SG's UN aid reform agenda to be an opportunity to shape a future-oriented and inclusive multilateralism. We welcome measures that follow a clear and long-term strategic direction and that can improve the existing setup. By contrast, we would be hesitant to support changes driven mainly by short-term budgetary pressures that do not yield lasting benefits. I would like to make three observations regarding the UN80 process, which are relevant to this commission. Firstly, any reform must strengthen the UN and multilateralism. These reforms should focus on areas that require improvement, and changes should not be undertaken without such a purpose. We are not convinced of the value of consolidating UNIDIR within UNODA. Our position is based on the differing mandates, operating models, and financial structures of these two entities. We were likewise not convinced by other proposals to integrate into UNODA autonomous entities that are already fully functional. Secondly, we are concerned about the disproportionate impact that certain measures could have UNODA staff in Geneva, as well as on its ability to support the disarmament institutions and processes established there. The proposed transfer of posts from Geneva to other locations would yield only marginal financial gains at the expense of the effective implementation of the activities that are mandated. Thirdly, discussions on the reform of the United Nations disarmament machinery must continue. We take note with interest of the proposals put forward by France and Germany regarding measures to enhance the efficiency of this Commission's work, which we generally support. However, a thorough assessment of this machinery remains necessary in view of possible structural reforms. Mr. Chair. We are ready to continue to work constructively with Member States and the Secretariat to ensure that the UNAD agenda strengthens our efforts in the field of disarmament and international security. We will also continue to strive to ensure that Geneva, a hub of inclusivity, innovation, and foresight, remains at the heart of the UN's efforts in disarmament and arms control. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Switzerland for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa. You have the floor.

Chairperson, South Africa associates with the statement delivered by the Non-Aligned Movement. The disarmament machinery has played an essential role in the past to achieve the world envisaged in the Charter of the United Nations. We take note of the developments in the Conference on Disarmament and the decision to establish five subsidiary bodies that undertook discussions this year, and note the possible re-establishment of these subsidiary bodies in 2026. We further note that these SBs have not taken us closer to negotiations of treaties in the CD. In this regard, we wish to recall the mandate of the CD as the single multilateral negotiating forum on disarmament, and therefore call on the CD to commence its substantive work urgently. The inability of the CD to deliver on its responsibility as the single multilateral disarmament negotiating forum remains a serious impediment to addressing emerging challenges and raises questions about the ability of States to address matters of imminent concern regarding weapons of mass destruction. This ranks high amongst the serious challenges facing international disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control efforts. person, we can no longer engage in the repetitive past activities that have not brought the Conference closer to an agreement on a programme of work. This has distracted the CD from starting negotiations and, in so doing, effectively turned the Conference into a deliberative body as opposed to a negotiating forum, while creating an illusion that substantive work is being done. The Disarmament Commission, as the deliberative body in the disarmament machinery, is uniquely placed to find much-needed common ground. We thus welcome the start of a new cycle in 2023. which will continue its deliberations on recommendations to achieving the objectives on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, as well as recommendations on common understandings relating to emerging technologies in the context of international security. We hope that with the end of the cycle in 2026, there will be progress in the two working groups of the Disarmament Commission. In conclusion, Chairperson. My delegation joins the call to ensure the equal engagement and meaningful participation of women across multiple disarmament fora. Prioritizing a gender perspective into disarmament and international security discussions will expand our knowledge and understanding of challenges with a view to greater progress in disarmament. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa for her statement. Distinguished delegates, we have exhausted the time available for this meeting. The Committee will reconvene this afternoon in this conference room, when we will continue our discussion under the cluster of disarmament machinery. I would also like to remind delegations that the meeting will be suspended at 5:30 p.m. today, in order to follow the yearly tradition of accommodating the presentation ceremony of the United Nations Disarmament Fellowship Certificates. The meeting is adjourned.