First Committee, 4th plenary meeting - General Assembly, 81st session

Good morning, Excellencies, distinguished delegates. The fourth meeting of the Disarmament and International Security Committee of the 81st session of the General Assembly is called to order. Distinguished delegates, the committee will continue this morning with its general debate on all disarmament and international security agenda items allocated to it. Before I open the floor for the statements, I would like to remind all delegations that the list of speakers for this phase of our work is closed in accordance with the programme of work and the ultimate table. I hope that all delegations intending to take the floor during the general debate were able to inscribe on the list before the deadline. The list of speakers for the thematic discussions are now open. I would further remind delegation that I do count on your cooperation to respect the time limit for the statements and to speak at a reasonable speed. to allow adequate interpretations. Longer statements can be said to e-statement to be posted on the UN journal. The first speaker on the list this morning is the distinguished permanent representative of Philippines speaking on behalf of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have the honor to deliver an abridged statement on behalf of ASEAN. The full version will be uploaded on e-statements. ASEAN congratulates you, Chair, and the members of your bureau on your election. We assure you of our full support, and we also express appreciation to the High Representative and her office. ASEAN reaffirms its unwavering commitment to international peace and security. As we mark the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, we emphasize its enduring contribution to peace, stability, and cooperation in our region and beyond.

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Reaffirm our commitment to strengthening mutual trust and confidence, promoting dialogue and cooperation, and fostering the peaceful settlement of disputes. We thank all member states for supporting ASEAN's resolution on the 50th anniversary of the TAC. ASEAN reaffirms its recognition of NPT as the cornerstone of global nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. We thank Vietnam as the President of the 2026 RevCon for its leadership in promoting inclusive consultations and transparency with a view to achieving consensus. We express concern over the declining commitment and cooperation in global disarmament mechanisms non-proliferation and arms control, and call on countries, especially nuclear weapons states, to maintain and fully implement their commitments under these mechanisms, including in NPT. We also express concern over the growing risks of nuclear danger and conflict, further expansion and modernization of nuclear arsenals, the increasing salience of nuclear weapons in military and security doctrines, as well as the weakening of the disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. Progress on nuclear disarmament is urgently needed. We reiterate that the total elimination of nuclear weapons remains the only guarantee against their use and risk of their catastrophic humanitarian consequences. ASEAN reiterates that the TPNW represents a historic milestone, complementing other nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation instruments. ASEAN hopes that the treaty will further contribute to advancing the universally shared goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. TPNW States Parties and signatories remain committed to its implementation and look forward to the first revcon later this year. ASEAN also reiterates its collective opposition to nuclear testing and stresses the urgent need for the universalization and entry into force of the CTBT. All ASEAN member states have ratified CTBT, and we urge the remaining Annex II states to sign and ratify the treaty. We reaffirm our commitment to BWC and the CWC and express our full support for the OPCW. We note ongoing multilateral discussions on emerging issues related to outer space, including the third session of the open-ended working group on the prevention of an arms race in outer space in all its aspects held in July this year. We reiterate that access to outer space is an inalienable right of all states and must be pursued solely for peaceful purposes and for the collective benefit of humanity. We look forward to the adoption of the ASEAN Declaration on Space Cooperation at the 49th ASEAN Summit. We express concerns about the possible negative consequences and impact of autonomous weapons systems on global security and regional and international stability, including the risk of an emerging arms race, lowering the threshold for conflict and proliferation, including to non-state actors. We underscore the importance of continued inclusive dialogue towards the development of a robust, future-proof and legally binding instrument to address these challenges. Mr. Chairman, we reaffirm our commitment to preserve the Southeast Asian region as a nuclear-weapon-free zone and free of all other weapons of mass destruction, as enshrined in the SEANFE Treaty and ASEAN Charter. We reaffirm our commitment to continuously engage all nuclear weapons states and intensify efforts of all parties to resolve all outstanding issues. We note that the ExCom of the SALT Peace Commission is exploring the possibility of allowing individual nuclear weapons states willing to sign and ratify the protocol to the treaty without reservations and provide prior formal assurance of this commitment in writing to go ahead with the signing. We welcome any nuclear weapons state ready to do so. In this regard, we look forward to the finalization of the MOU with the OPANAL on cooperation and exchange with ASEAN. ASEAN reaffirms its commitment to an open, secure, stable, accessible, peaceful, and interoperable cyberspace. We welcome progress in operationalizing the ASEAN Regional CERT and encourage greater engagement with dialogue partners and other stakeholders to strengthen regional cyber resilience. ASEAN looks forward to constructive engagement with all partners in operationalizing the global mechanism and advancing responsible state behavior in the use of ICTs. In line with the pact for the future, ASEAN recognizes the need to continue assessing the existing and potential risks and opportunities associated with the military applications of AI throughout their life cycle. In conclusion, As we navigate an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape defined by heightened tensions, ASEAN reaffirms its commitment to advancing global disarmament and non-proliferation. We look forward to constructive engagement with all delegations as we undertake the important work of this committee in pursuit of lasting peace, security, and sustainable development for all. Thank you.

I thank the I thank the Permanent Representative of the Philippines, speaking on behalf of ASEAN. Now I give the floor to the Distinguished Permanent Representative of Egypt.

Sayyid Raees, I want to

Mr. Chair, at the outset, please allow me to congratulate you on assuming the chairmanship of the First Committee. We assure you of our full cooperation. Mr. Chair, we meet today at a period when mounting geopolitical tension and a deteriorating security environment define our time. Escalating nuclear rhetoric and the erosion of strategic arms control have made the risk of nuclear war, deliberate or inadvertent, markedly more acute. Four months ago, we all witnessed a major setback in the disarmament sphere when we failed for the third consecutive time to reach consensus on an outcome document for the NPT Review Conference. This failure was a defining moment that embodied the debilitated state of the international disarmament machinery. A realistic depiction of the current state of affairs is of paramount importance to enable us to formulate practical recommendations for the way forward. Accordingly, allow me, Mr. Chair, to share our core messages on how to reinvigorate the credibility of our disarmament machinery through the following six points. First, the NPT. remains the cornerstone of our disarmament machinery. Recent developments have proven that non-nuclear weapon states are its moral compass. They are the safety valve to ensure the sustainability of non-proliferation and to ensure that commitments are upheld. This will ensure the universalization of the treaty and the balanced implementation of its three pillars. Second, the total elimination of nuclear weapons remains the utmost priority in order to uphold obligations under the NPT. It also remains the only guarantee against their use or threat of use. Notions such as extended deterrence, and strategic stability should not be used as pretext to overlook this priority or to circumvent attempts to achieve the total elimination of nuclear weapons. To this end, we need time-bound, irreversible, and verifiable nuclear disarmament. Immediate measures must be taken to this end. In parallel, We must ensure that nuclear weapons states honor their obligations under Article VI of the NPT. They must also fulfill their long-awaited accountability and transparency commitments. They must also offer non-nuclear weapons states negative security assurances, and they must uphold no first use policy. Third. Preserving the sanctity of nuclear facilities under the IAEA full scope safeguards, affirming the inalienable rights of countries to peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and strict compliance with non-proliferation regulations are cardinal rules and pillars of the disarmament machinery. We must spare no effort to ensure their implementation. Fourth, establishing a Middle East free zone and subjecting all nuclear facilities in the region to the IAEA safeguard are not a political propaganda. Nor it is a footnote, nor is it a demand that can be compromised. It is rather a necessity to maintain the region's security and stability. In this context, we reiterate unequivocally that the 1995 resolution for the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons in the Middle East remains valid until it's until it is fully implemented. We welcome the incremental progress achieved at the UN annual conference for the establishment of the zone free of nuclear weapons in the Middle East. During the current session of this committee, we will put forward our annual resolution for the establishment of the nuclear weapon-free zone in the Middle East. The Arab group will also put forward a draft resolution on the risk of nuclear proliferation in the region. We count on the overwhelming support of member states. Fifth. Illicit transfer of small arms and light weapons to non-state actors has incurred African and Middle Eastern countries a heavy price, a price that is being paid by the states through their immersion in conflict cycles. Peoples of the region are also paying this price in their livelihoods and in their security. Egypt is a staunch supporter of regulatory frameworks in this domain. We also respect the sovereign right of states to acquire and transfer weapons in accordance with their security needs. Sixth, emerging technologies in the sphere of peace and security is a topic that requires thorough examination. We welcome the efforts by the Netherlands and the Republic of South Korea to address artificial intelligence in the military domain. while ensuring international law fully applies. In conclusion, Mr. Chair, we welcome the operationalization of the Global Mechanism on ICT under the able chairmanship of El Salvador. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of Egypt. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Finland.

Chair, congratulations on your election. You have my delegation's full support. Finland fully aligns itself with the statements by the EU and the Nordic countries. I will add the following remarks in national capacity. At the UN General Debate, President of the Republic of Finland Alexander Stubb spoke of a choice. between cooperation and conflict. He urged us to uphold international law, strengthen trust, and listen to one another, including when our views differ. These are practical tasks also for the First Committee. Arms control agreements must be respected and implemented. Yet, agreements cannot do all the work on their own. Transparency, Dialogue and effective verification help States understand one another's intentions and reduce the risk of miscalculation. We must preserve channels for such work even when trust is scarce. Mr. Chair, the NPT remains indispensable to nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. States possessing nuclear weapons bear a particular responsibility to pursue their disarmament obligations, reduce nuclear risks, increase transparency and engage in dialogue. These efforts must include both strategic and non-strategic nuclear weapons. International security also requires practical measures that improve transparency regarding ballistic missiles. The Hague Code of Conduct is an essential instrument in this regard. Its notifications and information exchange help reduce uncertainty at the time when predictability is in short supply. We encourage all countries to adhere to the HCOC. The peaceful use of nuclear energy is another part of the NPT's promise. It requires strong safeguards, nuclear safety and a credible answer to what happens to spent fuel. Finland has invested in each of these for decades. At the repository named Onkalo, Finland will be the first country in the world to carry out the final disposal of highly active spent nuclear fuel. This is the result of sustained technical work, clear responsibilities, independent regulation and engagement with local communities in an effort that began in the 1980s. We are ready to discuss with international partners on the responsible civilian nuclear power. Mr. Chair, emerging technologies offer significant opportunities, but they also require early action and broad cooperation to manage risks. During the high level week, President Stubb and Norway's Prime Minister Sturde, together with what currently is 27 other nations and the European Commission, called for international cooperation to ensure that frontier AI models remain under human direction, oversight and control. They invited companies, governments, regional organizations and the UN to develop ways to manage the risks. While the exact arrangements remain to be defined, the implications of rapidly advancing technologies for international security require serious and inclusive discussion. We want to hear from states with different perspectives and different capacities. Effective international cooperation must both address risks and enable all countries to benefit from AI. Within the first committee's mandate, Finland supports work on the responsible military use of AI. We welcome progress in the GGE on lethal autonomous weapons systems and support ambitious further work within the CCW. Human responsibility and accountability must remain central to our decisions, to decisions on the use of force. These principles are also essential to ensuring that we can respond effectively and legitimately to emerging AI-enabled threats. Mr. Chair, for many communities around the world, the most immediate consequences of armed conflict come from conventional weapons and explosive hazards. Finland supports the ATT, an action against illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons. We contribute to practical international work on weapons and ammunition management, including through the UN. This work matters, especially to those affected by armed violence, including in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. It deserves sustained attention, resources, in partnership with the countries concerned. Finland also contributes significantly to humanitarian mine action, clearance, risk reduction and assistance that enable people to return home, cultivate land and rebuild their lives. Our current funding focuses particularly on Ukraine, Syria and Palestine, with 12 million euros earmarked for 26-29. Mr. Chair, Finland wants the UN to succeed. and will remain strongly engaged in its work. Therefore, we are standing for election to the Security Council for the term 29-30. Trust is built through conduct. States build it when they fulfill their obligations, provide information, allow verification, and maintain a dialogue. Finland will continue to do its part. defending the rules, contributing to practical expertise, and working with partners across regions. These were some of my remarks. The full statement is available. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Finland. Now I give the floor to the distinguished Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament of Switzerland.

Mr. Chairman, allow me to congratulate you on your appointment as President of our committee, Chair of our committee. The international security situation has further deteriorated, conflicts are multiplying, geopolitical tensions and strategic competition are intensifying and key aspects of international law are being called into question. This trend is evident in the field of disarmament and arms control. Essential components of this architecture have been denounced or have expired without being replaced, at the same time others are being weakened. A world governed by force rather than by law imperils peace, security and prosperity. In the face of power politics that undermine the international order, it is imperative to respect and promote an order based on international law, including on disarmament treaties and agreements negotiated over decades. Chair, Switzerland remains convinced that disarmament, arms control and non-proliferation instruments are essential elements of our collective security. These instruments are not solely intended to prohibit certain categories of weapons or to prevent their unbridled proliferation. particularly with a view to protecting civilians. They are also essential tools for preserving peace, for managing and reducing the risks of escalation, and for enhancing transparency. The existing disarmament and arms control architecture was established by common rules, but is now existing at a time when strategic relations are characterised by a high degree of mistrust. We must preserve this architecture and ensure that it remains relevant. The Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. While the lack of consensus at its most recent review conference is concerning, the obligations under the Treaty remain fully valid, as do the various commitments that have been undertaken. These must be implemented. Reducing nuclear risk is essential and must translate into concrete measures. These include strengthening crisis communication channels, engaging in dialogue on nuclear doctrines and maintaining human control over decisions relating to the use of nuclear weapons. If implemented now, such measures can help prevent unintended escalation. On the humanitarian track, disarmament efforts face significant challenges. Humanitarian disarmament treaties make an undeniable contribution to protecting civilians and achieving development objectives in the aftermath of conflicts are now facing. Concerning developments, the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons remains an important instrument. Its upcoming review conference will be held in Geneva under the presidency of Switzerland. That will provide an opportunity to strengthen its implementation and universalization and to take necessary decisions to address emerging challenges. Chair, preserving our existing architecture does not simply mean maintaining the status quo. Our security environment is evolving. Technological developments are transforming the way in which capabilities are developed, deployed and used. AI is already transforming decision-making by armed forces. It is one of the most striking examples of the above. It brings both opportunities and risks that we must address. This is why Switzerland supported this Committee's launch of a structured dialogue on AI in the military domain. This builds on and complements the efforts undertaken through the REIM summits. We call for this dialogue to continue. The increasing autonomy of weapons systems also raises fundamental legal and humanitarian questions, including compliance with international humanitarian law. The GGE of the CCW has made key progress in developing elements of an international instrument. We believe that these developments are a robust basis on which the CCW review conference can agree to a negotiating mandate. In the space domain, deterioration of the security environment is increasing the risk of misunderstanding and escalation. Switzerland supports work done in Geneva within the Working Group on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space. We believe that tangible progress is necessary to prevent any conflict from breaking out in or extending into outer space. These various processes illustrate the way in which the existing architecture can evolve and adapt to address new challenges. Chair, Switzerland supports efforts to make the United Nations more effective, more coherent, and better equipped to discharge its mandate. At the same time, any reform process must strengthen the multilateral system's ability to respond to new evolving security challenges. This also applies in the field of disarmament and international security. Here, Switzerland wishes to hail the establishment in Geneva of UNITAR's Center of Excellence on AI, Peace, and Security. This can provide valuable support to multilateral efforts in this area in the future. In 2027, we'll also host in Geneva the Global Summit on AI. It will provide an opportunity to strengthen multilateral efforts across many areas in which AI is being applied. For its part, Switzerland intends to continue supporting efforts to increase the effectiveness of the multilateral system, including by contributing to the essential role that Geneva plays in disarmament. Thank you.

I thank the permanent representative to the Conference on Disarmament of Switzerland. Now I give the floor to the distant representative of New Zealand.

Thank you, Chair. As this committee meets, conflict is rising and trust is eroding. Civilians bear the cost through displacement, insecurity, and loss across generations. Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine continues to challenge the international rule of law and civilian protection. Gaza's humanitarian situation remains catastrophic, while conflict persists in Sudan, Yemen, and across the wider Middle East. Strategic competition is intensifying and nuclear risks have increased. Efforts to agree specific rules struggle to keep pace with military technological change. The institutions, agreements, and norms needed to manage these risks are under strain. Multilateralism is not a luxury for stable times, it is how stability is maintained, when conditions deteriorate. Chair, nuclear weapons continue to threaten humanity more than eight decades after their first invention. The Pact for the Future reaffirmed a world free of nuclear weapons as a shared international objective. The challenge now is to match that commitment with action. The third consecutive failure at the 2026 NPT Review Conference to reach a consensus outcome was disappointing. However, this must not become a pretext for retreat from existing obligations and commitments. Preserving confidence in the NPT remains essential. Threats to use nuclear weapons, whether overt or implied, are unacceptable and must not be normalised. We must reduce the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines and advance their total elimination. New Zealand supports the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons as the clearest legal rejection of nuclear weapons. We urge all states to join. Its first review conference this year should strengthen implementation, broaden participation, and reinforce the norm against nuclear weapons. The South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty reinforces that norm and the Pacific's commitment to peace and security. This made the recent test of a nuclear-capable ballistic missile into the zone all the more concerning to New Zealand and other Pacific states. New Zealand continues to strongly support the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty as an essential part of the disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Chair, New Zealand remains deeply concerned by challenges facing the global non-proliferation regime. We continue to regret Iran's failure to resolve outstanding safeguards issues and comply fully with its obligations, and urge its return to full and transparent cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency. Meanwhile, the DPRK continues to advance its nuclear and ballistic missile program in violation of UN resolutions. DPRK must return to compliance with its international obligations. The Chemical Weapons Convention prohibits the use of chemical weapons. Reports of riot control agents and other toxic chemicals being used as weapons in Russia's illegal war against Ukraine are deeply concerning. Russia must account for its actions at the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. Civilian harm from explosive weapons in populated areas and declining funding to address the lasting consequences of conventional weapons have put hard-won progress at risk. We must uphold international humanitarian law and strengthen civilian protection. New Zealand remains firmly committed to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention, the Convention on Cluster Munitions, the Arms Trade Treaty, and the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons. The development and use of emerging military technologies, including AI, must comply with international law, including international humanitarian law. After more than a decade of discussions on autonomous weapons systems, New Zealand calls for negotiations on a legally binding instrument establishing effective prohibitions and restrictions and ensuring meaningful human judgment and control over the use of force. We welcome September's consensus outcome at the GGE under the Netherlands' leadership and urge states to build on this at November's CCW review conference by agreeing a clear negotiating mandate. Chair, as a space-faring nation, New Zealand remains committed to promoting responsible behaviour in outer space. Space-based systems underpin our way of life. Their sustainable use depends on a strong and effective rules-based international system. All states share an interest in preserving the safety, accessibility, and peaceful use of outer space. New Zealand supports strengthening norms, rules, and principles that address both behaviours and capabilities to reduce the risk of miscalculation and conflict. Ahead of the Outer Space Treaty's 60th anniversary next year, we urge all states to reaffirm its principles and uphold their international obligations, including under Article IV. Keeping outer space free from conflict remains an international security imperative. Chair, that same imperative applies in cyberspace. New Zealand remains committed to the norms of responsible state behaviour in cyberspace and reaffirms that international law applies online as it does offline. We welcome the positive start that the new UN Global Mechanism has made, and we look forward to working with States to strengthen implementation of the agreed framework for responsible state behaviour. Chair, the human cost of conflicts and the dangers of escalation are clear. The UN scientific panel's report next year will deepen our understanding of the climate effects of nuclear war, but we already know enough to act. States must demonstrate the political will to uphold their obligations, implement their commitments, and reverse the current negative security spiral. I thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of New Zealand. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Slovenia.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Slovenia aligns with the statement delivered by the European Union. Mr. Chair, we meet at a time of profound uncertainty. Conflicts are intensifying, trust among states is strained, arms control and disarmament frameworks are eroding, while new technologies are reshaping our world. Where does this leave us? For Slovenia, the answer is clear. We are fully committed to a multilateral system based on international law, in particular the UN Charter. We also wish to emphasize the obligations stemming from binding international treaties. We condemn Russia's ongoing war in Ukraine, which continues to cause immense human suffering and destabilize the wider region. Slovenia stands with Ukraine, its right to self-defense, and with international efforts towards an unconditional ceasefire and a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace. We call on Russia to respect the UN Charter and international law and to end its war in Ukraine immediately. Wars, even when IHL is respected, bring deaths, destruction, and suffering that transcends a single generation. When the law is ignored or deliberately violated, accountability must be ensured and impunity cannot be tolerated. This is true for all conflicts around the world. Slovenia will continue working with its partners to both alleviate the humanitarian crisis and pursue negotiated solutions to conflict. This includes supporting a deal agreement that would prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons in return for lifting nuclear-related sanctions. Slovenia deeply regrets the recent use of veto in the UN Security Council on the extension of the mandate of the Panel of Experts Monitoring Sanctions on Iran, targeting the ballistic missile program. Independent, evidence-based reporting is essential for maintaining global non-proliferation transparency. Let me reiterate, there is no other but diplomatic solution to the challenge of Iran's nuclear program. Mr. Chair, turning to the NPT, Slovenia regrets that despite intensive efforts, State Parties were unable to reach consensus on a substantive final document at the 2026 Review Conference. The NPT remains the cornerstone of nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation architecture, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Article VI awaits its full implementation. Slovenia calls on nuclear weapons states to meet their disarmament obligations, enhance transparency and risk reduction measures, and re-engage in a substantive arms control dialogue. A comprehensive ban on nuclear tests is an essential step toward that world. Slovenia urges all states to sign and ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Mr. Chair, the rapid development of artificial intelligence in the military domain makes ongoing discussion on lethal autonomous weapon systems increasingly urgent. AI brings threats as well as opportunities in maintaining peace and security. Slovenia welcomes the progress achieved in the GGE laws. The consensus agreement on the set of elements of an instrument is an important sign that states understand the importance of this matter. Slovenia is fully committed to building on its this positive momentum. I will support further efforts within the framework of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons at its seventh review conference next month. AI technologies have been demonstrating us their seemingly limitless potential. Therefore, it is vital to remember that behind every algorithm there still stands a human. This underscores the central principle of human responsibility and accountability, which must guide both our multilateral efforts and national approaches. Slovenia also remains strongly committed to the prevention of an arms race in outer space, PAROS, in all its aspects, and is actively engaged in promoting the preservation of a safe, secure, stable, and suitable space environment and the peaceful use of outer space. Mr. Chair, Slovenia remains fully committed to the Ottawa Convention, and we will continue to work towards a mine-free world, including through ITF, enhancing human security, which continues to help communities worldwide overcome the deadly legacy of mines. In the field of other weapons of mass destruction, Slovenia and its role of the member of the Executive Council of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons for the 2026-28 is determined to contribute to the effective work of the organization. On the issue of the revitalization efforts regarding the Conference on Disarmament and the continued blockage of the participation of observers on political grounds, particularly by Russia, we call on all CD members to support the participation of requesting states as observers. in accordance with the established practice. Finally, Mr. Chair, I wish to highlight the importance of gender dimension in arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation. Slovenia firmly believes that the meaningful participation of women in these processes contributes to more effective, inclusive, and sustainable outcomes. We will share additional views on specific issues in our upcoming cluster statements.

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Slovenia. Now I give the floor to the distinguished permanent representative of Vietnam.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Allow me, first of all, to congratulate you and members of your bureau on your election, and also assure you of our full support throughout this session. We align ourselves with the statement delivered earlier by the distinguished representative of the Philippines on behalf of ASEAN. Mr. Chair, the past year continues to witness a deterioration in the international security environment. We are concerned that trust has reached new lows, channels for dialogue have been disrupted, and military means and nuclear deterrence are increasingly being relied upon to address security concerns. This has placed the multilateral system under considerable strain. We have continued our discussions on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, on conventional weapons, on cyber, space security and emerging technologies. Progress should not be overlooked, but it is division that has prevailed. The deadlock over the UNDC agenda, the failure of the 2026 NPT review conference to produce a consensus substantive outcome, and the inability even to agree on the program of work of this committee our cases in point. But we believe that where we disagree, we must listen to each other, we must engage with each other, and we must uphold the ground rules. That's our only chance to overcome the challenges that confront us. It is in this spirit that Vietnam will continue to be engaged and be guided by the following priorities. First, we underline the vital importance of international law, the UN Charter, and the global disarmament and nonproliferation architecture, particularly the NPT, the BWC, the CWC, and the TPNW. We support all efforts towards the elimination of weapons of mass destruction, while respecting the legitimate rights of states to the peaceful uses of science and technology. While regretting that the NPT Review Conference earlier this year could not reach consensus, we sincerely appreciate all States Parties for their active and constructive engagement. We urge States Parties to build on the momentum created at the Review Conference and utilize this intersessional period to strengthen the review process and advance implementation of our shared commitments. We urge nuclear weapons States in particular to continue and strengthen their engagement through bilateral, trilateral and multilateral channels to reduce nuclear risks, to implement their obligations under Article VI, and make meaningful progress on nuclear arms control and disarmament. We underscore the vital importance of the CTBT and call upon all remaining Annex 2 States to sign and ratify the Treaty without delay. We reaffirm the significance of the TPNW and look forward to its first review conference under the South African presidency. As a member of the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone, Vietnam calls upon all nuclear-weapon States to sign and ratify its protocol without delay and without reservations. Second. We stressed the importance of international cooperation to curb the illicit flow of small arms and light weapons in accordance with international law and states' legitimate right to self-defense. We also underscored the need for sustained international support for mine action and addressing the consequences of explosive remnants of war. Vietnam, therefore, welcomes the adoption of the final outcome document of the Ninth Biennial Meeting of States on the Programme of Action on small arms and light weapons. We also commend Lao PDR for its presidency of the third review conference of the convention on cluster munitions. Third, multilateral dialogue is essential to identify risks, bridge governance gaps, and respond to evolving strategic landscape shaped by AI, ICTs, and emerging technologies. We welcome the first session of the global mechanism on ICT security, chaired by El Salvador, and will engage constructively to strengthen this inclusive platform towards building a safe, secure, and interoperable digital environment. As we closely follow the discussions of the OEWG on the prevention of an arms race in outer space, Vietnam believes strongly that outer space must remain a domain of peace, where all states, particularly developing countries, can enjoy equitable, safe, and sustainable access to the benefits of space technology and services. Finally, as we continue efforts to strengthen the international disarmament machinery, we should seek greater efficiency and transparency and ensuring sufficient space for dialogue and consensus building. Our decisions must remain principled, inclusive, and responsive to the views of all states. Let me conclude, Mr. Chair, by reiterating the importance of dialogue and engagement as this committee navigate through this exceptionally challenging chapter. Vietnam will support you in these endeavors, Mr. Chair. I thank you.

I thank the This was the permanent representative of Vietnam. Now I give the floor to the distinguished permanent representative of Armenia.

Mr. Chair, I congratulate you and the other members of the Bureau on your election. Armenia is honored to serve as the vice chair of the committee and will do its utmost to continue to contribute effectively to our collective work. The international security architecture continues to bear the detrimental impacts of strategic instability, erosion of arms control mechanisms, rising military expenditure worldwide, and weaponization of newly emerging domains. A firm commitment to arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation remains as crucial as ever. A robust and effective convention arms control regime alongside confidence and security building measures is essential for maintaining peace at the international and regional levels. The breakthrough achieved by Armenia and Azerbaijan in Washington, DC on 8 August last year with President Trump's support, marked by the signing of a joint declaration and the initializing of the peace agreement, opens a new chapter of peace, stability, prosperity, and regional cooperation in the South Caucasus. Mr. Chair, disarmament and nonproliferation are among Armenia's priorities in the pursuit of international peace and security. Armenia reaffirms its strong support for the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as the cornerstone of the international nuclear non-proliferation regime. We regret that for the third consecutive time, states parties were unable to reach consensus on a substantive outcome document at the 11th Review Conference of the Treaty. Nevertheless, we recognize the importance of the extensive discussions held during the conference and the continued commitment of State Parties to the objectives and principles of the NPT. Armenia remains committed to the safe and peaceful use of nuclear energy. The safe and secure operation of the Armenian nuclear power plant remains a strategic priority. We value our close and longstanding cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, including under the safeguards agreement and additional protocol, as well as through its technical cooperation program. Mr. Chair, there are various steps that must be taken to further advance disarmament efforts, and among them is the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Armenia views it as one of the key elements of the nuclear nonproliferation regime and a strong tool for constraining nuclear weaponry. We extend our call upon all annexed to states that have not yet done so to sign and ratify the treaty at the earliest opportunity. The credibility and effectiveness of the international non-proliferation regime cannot be fully ensured without CTBT's entry into force. Rapid advances in biotechnology, artificial intelligence, and other emerging technologies offer opportunities for peaceful development while posing risks of misuse. Armenia supports strengthening the implementation of the Biological Weapons Convention and international cooperation, while continuing to strengthen national biosafety and biosecurity capacities. Armenia also reaffirms its support for the Chemical Weapons Convention and the essential role of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in its implementation. Mr. Chair, Armenia will continue to work for effective multilateral arms control, disarmament, and nonproliferation. Dialogue, transparency, and cooperation are indispensable to lasting peace. I thank you.

I thank the disarmament representative of Armenia. Now I give the floor to the disarmament representative of Denmark.

Denmark aligns itself with the statement by the European Union and the statement by Finland on behalf of the Nordic countries. We would like to add some additional remarks in our national capacity. Chair, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, the UN, international law and the multilateral system are core elements supporting international peace and security. But they are under increased pressure, and we must do our utmost to support and reinforce them. not least in light of recent developments within artificial intelligence, which can have serious implications for international peace and security. The Security Council has the primary responsibility for international security, and its binding decisions must be complied with. It is discouraging that a number of members of the Security Council disregard the Council's decisions. The security situation in the Euro-Atlantic region has deteriorated due to Russia's illegal and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine. Denmark condemns in the strongest terms Russia's brutal actions with continuous attacks on civilians and civil infrastructure, and reaffirms our unwavering support for people of Ukraine and for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, is flagrantly violating international law and the UN Charter, of which it is supposed to be a custodian. We urge Russia to agree to a full, unconditional, and immediate ceasefire and engage in meaningful negotiations. Russia must end its senseless war against Ukraine, as well as its hybrid attack against European countries. We will not be intimidated. continue our steadfast support for Ukraine's inherent right to defend itself. Chair, Iran must never acquire a nuclear weapon. We urge Iran to resume its full and unconditional cooperation with the IAEA and adhere to its safeguards obligations and to the relevant Security Council resolutions which remain in force. We also urge the DPRK to immediately end its unlawful nuclear and missile programs, which are in violation of numerous Security Council resolutions, and return to full compliance with the NPT as a non-nuclear-weapon state. DPRK's actions undermine the UN, the Security Council, and the global arms control, disarmament, and nonproliferation architecture. Denmark continues to be committed to a world without nuclear weapons and will support all genuine efforts to move in that direction. However, as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear alliance. To further the NPT's goal of nuclear disarmament, we call on all nuclear weapons states to engage meaningfully in nuclear arms control and risk reduction discussions and to adhere to the Hague Code of Conduct. We are particularly concerned about one recognized nuclear weapons state's rapid expansions of its nuclear arsenal, the lack of transparency, and a recent instance of incomplete notification of a ballistic missile launch. Denmark supports the Convention on Cluster Munitions goal to alleviate human suffering and the humanitarian impact of cluster munitions, and we welcome the Vientiane Capital Action Plan to move us forward. Chair, In recent years, Denmark has increased its defense expenditures due to the current volatile security environment. But we have not done so at the expense of our development aid. Denmark continues to contribute 0.7% of GNI to official development assistance, and we urge others to do the same. Development creates job, economic growth, prosperity, and stability. Chair, even as we face numerous challenges, there are positive developments. This includes the decision of the IAEA Board to close the file on the Assad regime's nuclear programme and the cooperation between Syria and the OPCW related to chemical weapons. Arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation agreements and bodies are most effective when they are multilateral and inclusive. That is sadly not the case in the Conference on Disarmament, which is ineffective and lacks inclusivity. A large number of interested States, including Denmark, continue to be blocked from participating in the Conference's work, purely for political reasons. Denmark continues to support multilateral export control regimes, including Nuclear Suppliers Group and the Sanger Committee. They create transparency, predictability and help states to implement their nuclear non-proliferation obligations and at the same time enable the use of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. remains fully committed to arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation, and to working in the multilateral setting for the common good and for the safety and security of all. We encourage everyone to participate constructively in this work. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Denmark. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of China.

Mr. Chairman. The Chinese delegation wishes to congratulate you on your election to chair the First Committee of the current session of UNGA. At present, the global security situation faces complex and serious challenges. The post-World War international order has been seriously undermined by hegemonism, power politics and unilateralism. The sovereignty and right to subsistence and development of small and medium-sized countries have been trampled upon wantonly, and the international system with the UN at its center and the basic norms of international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter have been seriously impacted. The multilateral arms control process is at a crossroads. Faced with the epochal question, what has happened to the world and how should we respond, China has always been actively promoting the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, implementing the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative, and has been an unwavering force for peace, stability, and progress in the turbulent world. China would like to propose the following on the work of the First Committee and this session. The first is to uphold true multilateralism and stay true to the original aspiration for peace. Multilateralism is an important cornerstone of global security governance. The U.S. is obsessed with absolute strategic advantages, invests hundreds of billions of dollars every year in upgrading nuclear forces, promotes the Golden Dome anti-missile system, forward deploys strategic offensive and defensive forces against other nuclear-weapon states, and continues to build nuclear alliances through nuclear sharing and extended deterrence. The U.S.'s relevant negative acts seriously undermined global and regional strategic stability, as well as the security interests of other states, raised the risk of nuclear confrontation and conflicts. The U.S. applies double standards on arms control and nonproliferation. adopts a utilitarian attitude towards the current multilateral arms control mechanism and treaty system, and repeatedly withdrew from treaties and organizations. This is the fundamental cause for the stalemate of the multilateral arms control process and erosion of the international nonproliferation system. China upholds the principles of justice, cooperation, balance, and effectiveness in arms control, and advocates that all states should practice true multilateralism. The NPT is the cornerstone of the international nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament regime and a central pillar of the postwar international security architecture. The consensus on the prohibition of nuclear tests based on the CTBT cannot be challenged. Any attempts to distort and smear China's nuclear policy is doomed to fail. The second is to draw lessons from history and reject backtracking on history. This year marks the 81st anniversary of the founding of the UN and 80th anniversary of the opening of Tokyo Trial. Japan was admitted to the UN back then on the premise that it would recognize the crimes of Japanese militarism and accept the entirety of the UN Charter. However, the current Japanese government denies the history of aggression. glorifies war crimes, crimes of aggression, and worships the war criminals of World War II. Meanwhile, it has continuously stepped up military buildup and accelerated remilitarization, attempted to abandon the three non-nuclear principles, and has become a prominent threat to regional peace and stability. To prevent the resurgence of Japanese militarism, Documents with the force of international law, such as the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, clearly stipulate the obligation of Japan as a defeated nation to eradicate Japanese militarism, eliminate military industries, destroy the war-making capabilities, and prohibit the rearmy of Japan. The Japanese instrument of surrender explicitly committed to fulfilling the Potsdam Proclamation. However, current Japanese high-ranking officials have openly made reckless remarks about discussing the possession of nuclear weapons without any taboos. which is serious provocation of and trampling on the international nuclear nonproliferation regime. Japan's proposal to delete the enemy state clause from the UN Charter is the latest example of its challenge to the postwar international order under the guise of so-called Japan's normalization as a state. The bitter lessons of World War II are still fresh, and forgetting history will lead to repetition of the same mistakes. The international community should seriously reflect any act that condones or even supports the remilitarization of Japan, urge Japan to profoundly reflect on its history of aggression, make a clean break with militarism, and completely abandon its schemes for remilitarization and genuinely fulfill its obligation on nonproliferation under international law. The third is to uphold the principle of extensive consultation, joint contribution, shared benefits, and improve global governance in new emerging areas. China advocates the development of reliable and controllable AI in the military domain for peace and justice, which uphold human primacy and ensure that human bears ultimate responsibility and relevant weapon system should remain under the control of humans, which should be prudent and responsible, refrain from pursuing absolute military advantage by means of AI and post-artificial intelligence arms race, which should adopt a tiered and categorized approach and balance security governance, technological development, and peaceful use. We should conduct inclusive consultations, support the UN in playing its due role, oppose the formation of small circle governance alliance to hinder international exchanges and cooperation. Recently, China has issued a position paper on global cyber governance in the digital intelligence age, which advocates respect for digital sovereignty, emphasizes that every country has a right to independently choose its own path of development for digital intelligence technologies, including AI, based on its national conditions. The declared deployment of weapons in outer space by the U.S. has caused widespread concern. It is urgent to advance international governance and prevent arms race in outer space. Only by negotiating legally binding arms control instrument in the CD promptly can prevent outer space from becoming a new battlefield. The fourth is to uphold fairness and justice and break the tech iron curtain. The peaceful use of sci-tech, which is an inalienable right of states under international law, is essential to balanced development and security and achieve sustainable development goals. And this year, China will again receive a draft resolution entitled Promoting International Cooperation on Peaceful Uses in the Context of International Security. We look forward to your active support and participation in the follow-up process. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of China. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Belarus.

Mr.

Chairman, at the outset, allow us to congratulate you on your election to this important position, and we assure you of our full support coming from the delegation of the Republic of Belarus. Mr. Chairman, today the world is undergoing one of the most complex periods since the end of the Cold War. There's a reformatting of the global geopolitical landscape. It is coupled with attempts to dominate by force, escalating tensions, and a worsening of armed conflicts in various parts of the world. With unprecedented speed, military expenditures are increasing, especially in Europe, which has been swept up by total militarization. There's been destruction of mechanisms of disarmament, nonproliferation, and arms control, which for a long time cemented the architecture of regional and international security. At the same time, we see new types of weapons and technologies. These are capable of changing significantly the current balance of power. February of this year saw the secession of the U.S.-Russia START III treaty. For the first time in decades, there's no legally binding restrictions on the strategic nuclear arsenals of the two largest nuclear powers. It is our hope that this legal vacuum will be filled with a new, effective, and verifiable agreement. The arms race at present is a road to self-destruction. Ramping up military capacity does not create durable security. It merely increases the likelihood of a misapprehension of intentions, a miscalculation, and an uncontrolled escalation, especially when there are no sustainable communications channels. In this situation, what's more important than ever before is professional and non-politicized dialogue, especially among military experts, to ease tensions, decrease concerns, and prevent dangerous military incidents both globally and regionally. In this context, we note the enduring significance of regional toolkits for arms control and CBMs and security in Europe, and we trust that their viability be revived. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, despite the unprecedented level of politicization of the last two review conference, remains the cornerstone of the global regime of nuclear non-proliferation and a fundamental part of the entire system of international security. In this situation, it is vital to strengthen its basic elements, which are nonproliferation, nuclear disarmament, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. We're convinced that progress on Article VI of the NPT will be possible only while upholding the principle of equal and indelible security, considering the legitimate interests of all States, and consistently establishing trust. It's important to establish a favorable climate for dialogue on this track, which would decrease escalations, and we need to devise further concrete steps on nuclear disarmament, and we need to ensure the multilateral nature of this process. The entry into force of the CTBT we're celebrating the 30th year anniversary of that now, would help strengthen the nonproliferation regime. We urge states that haven't done -- haven't ratified it to do so without delay. Belarus attaches great importance to the work of the IAEA in terms of ensuring nonproliferation guarantees, and we will continue to work actively and comprehensively with the agency. We are also dedicated to physical nuclear security at the highest possible level. The threats and challenges in the virtual realm are having a serious impact on the architecture of global security. They could impact critical infrastructure and, very importantly, objects and systems related to strategic stability. Belarus wholeheartedly supports the strengthening of international information security and the processes seeking to devise legally binding norms on international information security. We support the work of the global mechanism on ICT in the context of international -- of information communications technology. We -- the Chemical Weapons Convention is one of the key instruments for international disarmament and nonproliferation. We need to enhance the efficiency of the implementation of the convention and prevent politicization of the work of the OPCW. At the same time, it's important to strengthen the Biological Weapons Convention. Belarus favors the further development of mechanisms to strengthen trust and transparency, and we want to see development of an effective, legally binding instrument to verify compliance of the provisions of the convention. It's important to spotlight the prevention of an arms race in outer space. The development of systems that are space-based interception systems creates an additional risk of escalation. In this context, we support with the Russian-Chinese draft treaty on the prevention of deployment of weapons in outer space, the use or threat of force against outer space objects, and the initiative to not deploy weapons in outer space as the first. The Security Council Resolution 1540 remains a unique tool with a comprehensive approach toward preventing the proliferation of WMDs, their delivery systems, and related materials and technologies, and to prevent them falling into the hands of terrorists. Belarus traditionally places particular attention on problems that have to do with the use of science and technology to create new types of WMDs. As we see it, preventive measures are the best way to respond to new risks and threats to international peace and security amid new weapons systems and the quick development of artificial intelligence and the emergence of new technologies that could be used for both peaceful and military purposes. This year, Belarus is putting forward once more our traditional draft resolution, the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of WMDs and new systems of these weapons. The draft document is preventive and strengthens the provisions about turning to the Conference on Disarmament to ensure monitoring of situations that have to do with the creation of new WMDs and that has to do with the development of appropriate recommendations. The document is open on e-delegate. We urge all states to join it. In closing, Mr. Chair, I would like to spotlight once more the critical significance of professional dialogue when discussing international security, disarmament, and arms control issues. Belarus, for its part, stands ready to engage constructively with all Member States of the UN at the First Committee in order to ensure de-escalation of tensions and strengthen peace, security, and stability. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Belarus. Now I give the floor to the distinguished Permanent Representative of Chile.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I wish at the outset to congratulate you and the members of the Bureau on your election to conduct the work of the first committee. We trust that you will successfully discharge the mandate entrusted to you. You have our full support. I wish to recall a number of my country's core convictions regarding the issues we are today called upon to consider. We are committed to general and complete disarmament, as we always have been. We are equally committed to nuclear nonproliferation. We reiterate our staunch condemnation of the use of biological and chemical weapons under any circumstances. We reaffirm our commitment to the universalization and full implementation of the Convention on Biological Weapons and the Convention on Chemical Weapons. We wish to emphasize that the use and threat of use of weapons of mass destruction an open violation of the UN Charter and of international law. Moreover, we recognize that the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons, their munitions, parts and components, constitutes a grave threat to security and the development of nations. Chair. Each and every one of these convictions are rooted in Chile's adherence to the principle of the indivisible nature of international security. This means that all states, regardless of their size or power, have the shared responsibility to contribute to consolidating an international order which is based on cooperation and regulated by norms. Turning now to nuclear weapons, our historical position has remained unchanged. we bear the conviction that the mere existence of these weapons is a threat to humankind. In this vein, Chile fully repudiates nuclear deterrence doctrines. These are incompatible with the very premise defended by the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime. This position is something that is expressed regionally most tangibly in the Tlatelolco Treaty. In 1967, that treaty established the first densely populated area free of nuclear weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean. For Chile, Chair, the NPT is the very cornerstone of that regime. For us, it is vital to achieve the universalization and the full implementation of its three pillars, that is, disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. We are spurred on by the conviction that the work done and progress achieved within the NPT are cumulative in nature. We believe that commitments entered into are fully relevant, must remain in force, and are politically binding without prejudice to the fact that during the review conference that was held this year, a consensus outcome document was not adopted. That is not necessarily the measure for success for that conference. A document doesn't need to be adopted every five years for that conference to be a success. The commitment of Member States to continue contributing to the relevance and enforcement of the disarmament regime should transcend specific situations, particularly in a world plagued by uncertainty. We must, in a timely and realistic way, evaluate the rules and the results, rather, of this treaty, for example, how close it is to universalisation. We wish to emphasise the fact that next December we will hold the first review conference of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. That will mark a milestone in efforts to forge ahead towards the strengthening of the disarmament machinery. We wish to underscore the commitments of all of those States that have acceded to the principles of the TPNW. We believe that the treaty The CTBT is a fundamental pillar of our international disarmament architecture, as well as that of non-proliferation. Consequently, we reiterate the need for the timely entry into force of the CTBT, and we urge individual States listed in Annex II to expedite the signature and ratification process. Moreover, we wish to emphasize the fact that Chile attaches the utmost importance to the technical work done by the CTBT organization. This manifests itself in the fact that there are seven monitoring stations of this treaty located on Chilean territory. In sync with that position, we work with the preparatory committee of that treaty, and we work towards the implementation of the verification regime established by that international instrument. We wish to take this opportunity to recognize the leadership role played by El Salvador in implementing the global mechanism on the use of ICTs in the context of international security. This is a significant step forward in terms of strengthening cooperation, confidence building, and the responsible behavior of states in cyberspace. To conclude, Chair, we wish to express the fact that all states here present must uphold the obligations that we entered into when we entered the UN. This is essential if we are to contribute to global peace and security when we are riding turbulent waters and given that so many international conflicts are playing out, we must reaffirm that the chart of the United Nations far from being a relic of the past remains alive and kicking today. Peace is not a static order that we are bequeathed, rather a task, something that must be built upon, built and strengthened in an ongoing and collective fashion. Thank you.

I think the distinguished permanent representative of Chile. Now I give the floor to the distinguished permanent representative of Republic of Korea.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. At this outset, I would like to congratulate you on the assumption of the chairmanship of the First Committee. I assure you and the Bureau of my delegation's full support. Mr. Chair, Persistent armed conflicts, including in Ukraine and the Middle East, continue to endanger countless lives, while emerging technologies are rapidly transforming the nature of warfare. These challenges remind us of the important responsibility entrusted to this forum to advance disarmament and international security. Mr. Chair. The Republic of Korea remains unwavering in its commitment to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. At a time when the regime faces grave and growing challenges, preserving its integrity and strengthening its implementation are more important than ever. Against this backdrop, it is deeply regrettable that this year's NPT Review Conference was unable to reach consensus on a final document. Nevertheless, we welcome the progress made on common language regarding engagement and dialogue, and on voluntary measures to prevent miscalculation, misperception, and miscommunication. The challenges facing the NPT regime are particularly acute on the Korean Peninsula. The DPRK's continued development of nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs in violation of its international obligation, poses a grave threat not only to peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and beyond, but also to the global nonproliferation regime. We also express our serious concern over the continued military cooperation between the DPRK and the Russian Federation, in violation of multiple Security Council resolutions, which must cease without delay. As my government has emphasized on numerous occasions, we call upon the DPRK to return to full compliance with the NPT and relevant Security Council resolutions, and to respond positively to our sincere efforts to resume dialogue. The Republic of Korea will continue to work closely with the international community toward the complete denuclearization and lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula. On September 21, a landmine explosion in the demilitarized zone injured three ROK soldiers. A joint on-site investigation by ROK military and the United Nations Command, supported by forensic analysis, confirmed that the explosion was caused by a landmine deliberately planted by DPRK forces south of the military demarcation line. This constitutes a clear violation of the Korean Armistice Agreement. We urge the DPRK to cease such escalatory actions, offer an apology, and take responsible measures. At the same time, we also call on the DPRK to engage in dialogue to prevent further escalation of tensions and restore trust on the Korean Peninsula. On the Iranian nuclear issue, we also reaffirm our commitment to a peaceful and diplomatic resolution. We will continue to support constructive engagement while upholding the integrity of global nonproliferation regime. Mr. Chair, over the past year, we have also seen encouraging progress in discussions on the nexus between the U.N.'s emerging technologies and international peace and security. On artificial intelligence, having convened a high-level open debate on this issue during our Security Council presidency in September last year, we welcome the continuation of these important discussions in Council, including the recent briefing held under the French presidency. In the first committee, resolution 80/58 on informal exchange on AI in the military domain was successfully convened in Geneva last June, with active participation by member states and a wide range of stakeholders. Building on these discussions, the Republic of Korea, together with the Netherlands, will once again table a follow-up resolution aimed at a more structured dialogue over the next two years with a focused agenda. We encourage all Member States to support these efforts and warmly invite them to join us as co-sponsors. On lethal autonomous weapon system, we welcome the adoption of the final report of the group of governmental experts and commend the chair of his able leadership. We'll continue to engage actively in future discussions. On ICT security, we also welcome the launch of the global mechanism and the successive convening of its first substantive plenary session. spare no efforts in contributing to the global mechanism and to advancing responsible state behavior in cyberspace. Mr. Chair, as this development demonstrate, even amid today's challenging security environment, multilateral efforts can continue to yield meaningful progress. We are confident that through sustained engagement and a shared sense of responsibility, this committee can build on the progress in the year ahead. Under your able leadership, the Republic of Korea will continue to contribute constructively to advancing our common objective. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria.

Mr. Chair, once again, congratulations to you and Bureau members. My delegation aligns itself with the statements delivered yesterday, respectively, on behalf of the African and Arab groups. Algeria reaffirms its steadfast commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty as the cornerstone of the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Yet, we remain deeply concerned by the growing threat posed by nuclear weapons. For the first time since the end of the Cold War, the global nuclear stockpile is expected to grow again. A new and more modern warheads enter arsenal faster than retired ones are dismantled. This trend must stop. We call for an end to the nuclear arms race. We view with deep concern the expansion of the so-called nuclear umbrella arrangements and urge all states to reject nuclear deterrence and reliance on nuclear weapons. We also unequivocally condemn any threat to use nuclear weapons. Any use of nuclear weapons would carry catastrophic humanitarian consequences and violate international law. In Gaza, bombardments since October 2023 are estimated to equal 15 Hiroshima atomic bombs. We condemn, once again and in the strongest terms, these devastating attacks on the Palestinian people. Mr. Chair, the complete elimination of nuclear weapons is not optional. It is the only guarantee against their use. We fully support the TPNW, now backed by a UN majority of parties and signatories. as a milestone for nuclear disarmament. The treaty represents the strongest legal rejection of nuclear weapons. Every new signature strengthens it. Every new ratification reinforces the global norm against these weapons. Mr. Chair, the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones represents a decisive step toward complete elimination. The African Nuclear Weapon Free Zone embodies our continent's steadfast commitment to this noble objective. From this perspective, we stress the vital importance of establishing a zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. As Vice President of the 11th Review Conference, Algeria commends one more time Ambassador Do of Vietnam for his tireless efforts and leadership We deeply regret that, despite these efforts, the Conference failed for the third consecutive time to achieve consensus on a substantive outcome. Furthermore, we must effectively implement the pillar of cooperation in peaceful uses of nuclear energy and support non-nuclear weapon States in their exercising their inalienable rights to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. We unequivocally condemn all attacks against peaceful nuclear facilities subject to the IAEA safeguards. Such attacks endanger nuclear safety, they threaten nuclear security, and they undermine the nonproliferation regime itself. We commend Kazakhstan and Kiribati for their recent efforts to address the continuing harm caused by the use and testing of nuclear weapons. while emphasizing that much more remains to be done in this area. We welcome the convening of the inaugural international meeting on victim assistance and environmental remediation last month. And we look forward to the recommendations of this meeting. Mr. Chair, having served as vice chair of the ninth BMS under the leadership of Ambassador Larsen of Australia, We welcome its outcome and remain committed to implementing the program of action to prevent, combat, and eradicate the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons, as well as its international tracing instrument. Algeria attaches the utmost importance to keeping outer space free from an arms race, ensuring its use remains focused exclusively on peaceful purposes for the benefit of all humanity. We emphasize the urgent need to revitalize the Conference on Disarmament's negotiating mandate. We deplore the UN Disarmament Commission's failure to achieve substantive outcomes this year, a stark reflection of the ongoing paralysis within the multilateral disarmament machinery. Mr. Chair, given the strategic importance of the Mediterranean to Algeria, we have submitted, once again, our draft annual resolution, strengthening security and cooperation in the Mediterranean region. We invite everyone to cosponsor it and count on the traditional overwhelming support of member states. In conclusion, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast commitment to working constructively to advance the objectives of disarmament and strengthening international peace and security. The full version of the statement will be posted online. And I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Algeria. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa.

Chairperson, South Africa aligns with the statements delivered on behalf of the African Group and the New Agenda Coalition. Chairperson, we meet at a time of heightened geopolitical tensions, growing uncertainty, and increasing risks to international peace and security. South Africa remains convinced that multilateralism, international law, and collective security provide the only sustainable foundation for addressing shared security challenges. The continued existence, modernization and expansion of nuclear arsenals, coupled with doctrines that rely on nuclear deterrence, pose an unacceptable risk to humanity. Our view remains that the increased emphasis on nuclear weapons in managing some states' security is incompatible with the broader approach to the non-proliferation regime and undermines international security for all. The third consecutive failure of the review conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the NPT, to agree on an outcome is of serious concern, but should not diminish the importance of the treaty nor weaken the resolve of the balanced and full implementation of its three mutually reinforcing pillars. Regrettably, nuclear weapons states have failed to make meaningful progress towards fulfilling their nuclear disarmament obligations and commitments. And there have also been continued attempts to roll back, reinterpret, or dilute these commitments. It is necessary for nuclear weapons states to urgently fulfill the unequivocal commitment to the total elimination of the nuclear arsenals in a transparent, irreversible, and verifiable manner. Chairperson, South Africa reaffirms the right of states parties to participate in the fullest possible exchange of equipment, materials, and scientific and technological information on the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We remain concerned over military attacks on nuclear facilities and sites under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards and devoted to peaceful purposes. Such acts are a violation of the UN Charter and international law. which is affirmed in General Conference resolutions 444 of 1985 and 533 of 1990, but also contravene the object and purpose of the NPT. Chairperson, South Africa recalls that the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the TPNW, emerged from the humanitarian initiative's recognition of the catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapon use. and places emphasis on the global effort to eliminate nuclear weapons, thereby advancing nuclear disarmament in complementarity to the NPT. South Africa welcomes the TPNW's growing membership to 101 states and encourages states that have not yet ratified it to do so and to participate in the review conference in December this year. We call for concerted efforts for the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, the CTBT, and we call on all Annex 2 States that have yet to take the requisite steps to sign and ratify the Treaty, and to do so without further delay and preconditions. As a State Party to the African Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty, the Pelindaba Treaty, South Africa reiterates the critical role played by nuclear weapon free zones in safeguarding States against the scourge of nuclear weapons, enhancing regional and global peace and security, as well as contributing to nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation efforts. In this regard, we underscore the validity and the imperative to fully implement the resolution of the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. We call upon Israel to participate in the conference on the establishment of the nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East, to join the NPT as a non-nuclear-weapon state, and to place its nuclear materials and facilities under IAEA comprehensive safeguards. Chairperson South Africa looks forward to the 2027 meeting of the States on the Global Framework for Through-Life Conventional Ammunition as an important opportunity to advance the implementation of the framework and to strengthen collective efforts towards effective conventional ammunition management. South Africa also welcomes the convening of the ninth biennial meeting of states on the program of action to prevent, combat, and eradicate the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects and the international tracing instrument. We will continue to advance its outcomes through the annual omnibus resolution for which South Africa, Colombia, and Japan

serve as co-pen holders.

Chairperson, we regret the Conference on Disarmament's decades-long failure to agree on a programme of work and that the Disarmament Commission could not formally conclude its work due to a disagreement on its agenda. In an age of heightened geopolitical tension, we need to do better to strengthen the disarmament machinery for the sake of current and future generations.

I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Nicaragua.

Mr. Chairman, we congratulate you and the members of your Bureau on your election. can count on the full support of Nicaragua in terms of constructively contributing to the Committee's work. Nicaragua aligns itself with the statement made by Uruguay on behalf of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, CELAC. Mr. Chairman, less than four years away from the 2030 Agenda deadline, resources vital for development, health, education and poverty eradication are being absorbed by an ever-expanding arms race. Nicaragua, as a country of peace, reaffirms that sustainable peace can only only be achieved through full respect for the United Nations Charter, as well as sovereign equality, non-interference, the peaceful resolution of disputes and the respect of the legitimate security concerns of all States. Chair, the total elimination of nuclear weapons remains the utmost priority of the disarmament agenda. Nicaragua reaffirms its commitment to a world free of nuclear weapons and to the full implementation and universalization of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Our country is a State Party thereto. We welcome the upcoming first review conference of States Parties to that the Conference will strengthen its implementation and universalization. And we reaffirm that the sole effective guarantee against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is their total elimination. We thank His Excellency Do Hong Viet, Ambassador of Vietnam and President of the Ninth Review Conference of the Treaty on the NPT, for his efforts to achieve a consensus-based outcome document. The conclusion of the conference without an outcome document should motivate us to continue demonstrating political will to adhere to, in a balanced and non-selective fashion, the three pillars of the Treaty: nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear weapons. We reaffirm the inalienable right of all States to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. We reject unilateral coercive measures and any and all discriminatory restrictions that hamper developing countries' access to nuclear technologies for peaceful purposes. We express our concern at attacks or threats of attacks against nuclear facilities used for peaceful purposes. Chair, as a state party to the Tlatelolco Treaty, we reaffirm the historical value of Latin America and the Caribbean as the first densely populated region of the world free of nuclear weapons. Together with the proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a zone of peace, This treaty is a piece of heritage that must be respected. We repudiate any and all actions liable to militarize our region, as well as any threat or use of force liable to compromise the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and peace of all states of Latin America and the Caribbean. We reiterate the urgent need to establish a world free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. as a tangible contribution to peace and security, as must be enjoyed by all peoples of the region. Chair, outer space must be preserved for peaceful purposes. Nicaragua supports the rights of all states to use it on a level playing field with others. And it is urgent in our view to move towards a legally binding instrument that will prevent an arms race and prohibit the placement of weapons in outer space. Scientific and technological progress poses new challenges. We must avoid a situation whereby AI, increasingly more autonomous systems and other emerging technologies reduce human control over decisions related to the use of force or ratchet up a military technology arms race. Turning now to small arms and light weapons, we remain committed to the prevention, the combat and the eradication of their illicit trafficking. We welcome the initiation of the work begun by the Global Mechanism on ICTs in the context of international security. We are of the view that it is fundamental to preserve its intergovernmental nature, as well as the participation of all States on an equal footing. consensus as the bedrock of its work and equitable geographical representation within it. Assistance and capacity building must be tailored to the needs of developing countries and no political conditions must be attached. Humankind must avoid confrontation, the creation of new military blocs and new arms races. We need dialogue, cooperation and genuine multilateralism. A multilateralism in which all states participate on an equal footing and which international security is not used to justify oppression, pressure, rather coercion, interference or aggression. We will continue to work for general and complete disarmament. We will continue to work towards the definitive elimination of nuclear weapons and towards an international order based on the Charter of the United Nations, sovereign equality, solidarity and cooperation between peoples. Chair, we are of the view that we must guarantee that all States have the space they need to express their positions and to participate substantively in the Committee's work, in a Committee which broaches that are so crucial for international peace and security, we must protect spaces for dialogue and guarantee that all voices are heard. The organization's financial difficulties cannot become a justification to reduce the time that states have to issue their statements. nor can they be resolved to the detriment of delegations' participation. If adjustments do need to be made, these must begin by tackling administrative structures and the internal functioning of the organisation. We must seek to ensure more efficient uses of resources. The system should serve Member States. and make it easier for them to discharge their responsibilities. Preserving this function should be a priority in any reform process. To conclude, we call for efforts to continue to be made to continue to assess speaking time. Agreements must be reached that enjoy the consensus of all member states without eroding the space they have for participation. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Nicaragua. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Zimbabwe.

Thank you, Chair. Allow me to congratulate you, Ambassador Logba Tapa, and members of your Bureau on your election to lead the work of the First Committee during the 81st session of the General Assembly. You may count on Zimbabwe's full support and constructive engagement. Zimbabwe aligns itself with the statement delivered by the Permanent Representative of Namibia, Ambassador Pindapala Andreas Nanda, on behalf of the African Group. I will make a few additional remarks in a national capacity. Chair, the international security environment is increasingly marked by geopolitical tensions, deepening mistrust and a worrying retreat from long-standing disarmament commitments. These trends have heightened global insecurity and increased the risks posed by weapons of mass destruction and the excessive accumulation of conventional arms. Against this backdrop, Zimbabwe calls upon all States to renew the political will necessary to advance general and complete disarmament. We also support the early convening of the Fourth Special Session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, SSOD4. Chair, Zimbabwe commends Vietnam for its leadership as President of the Eleventh Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We regret that the conference concluded without a consensus outcome document for the third consecutive time. This setback should galvanize renewed efforts towards nuclear disarmament and the balanced implementation of all three pillars of the treaty. We also look forward to the first review conference of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons under the presidency of South Africa. an important milestone towards a world free of nuclear weapons. As 2026 marks the 30th anniversary of the opening for signature of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, Zimbabwe calls upon the remaining Annex 2 States to sign and ratify the Treaty without further delay or preconditions. Distinguished delegates, The illicit trade in small arms and light weapons continues to fuel conflict, organized crime, and armed violence. Addressing this challenge will remain a priority for Zimbabwe as we prepare to assume our seats on the Security Council for the 2027-2028 term, including through our continued advancement of the African Union's Silencing the Guns Initiative. Alongside these conventional security challenges, developments in the digital domain also demand international attention. Zimbabwe welcomes the successful conclusion of the Open-Ended Working Group on Security of and in the Use of ICTs and the consensus adoption of its final report. We are encouraged by the establishment of a single-track, permanent, and inclusive global mechanism. Distinguished delegates, The growing integration of artificial intelligence into weapons systems raises serious legal, ethical, and security concerns. Zimbabwe maintains that decisions over life and death must never be delegated entirely to machines or algorithms. We therefore support binding international legal instruments to regulate autonomous weapons systems. Zimbabwe reaffirms that outer space must be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and for the benefit of all humankind. The placement of any type of weapons in outer space must never be contemplated, as it would pose a grave threat to humanity's shared future. Excellencies, Responding effectively to these challenges also requires investment in knowledge, expertise, and institutional capacity. Zimbabwe, therefore, calls for strengthened training and capacity-building programs, including through the United Nations disarmament machinery, particularly for developing countries. In conclusion, Chair, Zimbabwe remains committed to constructive engagement throughout this session. We wish you and your Bureau every success as you guide our collective efforts towards a safer and more secure world. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Zimbabwe. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Poland.

Mr. Chair, distinguished delegates, let me begin by congratulating you and other members of the Bureau for their election and wish you best of luck in guiding our efforts in the upcoming weeks. Poland associated itself with the statement delivered by the European Union. In addition, my delegation would like to address several issues in its national capacity. Poland reaffirmed its unwavering commitment to international peace and security, the preservation of the global nonproliferation architecture, and the defense of the rules-based international order. Like other countries in the region, Poland continues to bear the heavy consequences of Russia's ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine. Unfortunately, since last year's session, the security situation has only deteriorated. Russia relentlessly continues its unjustified, illegal, and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine. It has also intensified its hostile campaign below the threshold of kinetic war. by violating air space, conducting acts of subversion and sabotage, and launching cyber attacks targeting European countries. This full-scale war directly violates international law, the fundamental principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and human rights. Russia's actions have severely undermined decades of progress in arms control and disarmament. We strongly condemn these actions and urge Russia to end its war immediately. Mr. Chair, Poland believes that the Russian Federation's increasingly aggressive nuclear posture should be a matter of deep concern for the entire international community. Meanwhile, Russia has decided to continue using its nuclear capabilities as an instrument of coercion. Repeated nuclear threats, changes to its nuclear doctrine, nuclear exercises, the deployment of nuclear weapons to Belarus, and the development of dual-capable systems are deeply alarming. They go directly against the spirit of Article 6 of the NPT and undermine global strategic stability, drastically increasing the risk of miscalculation. Poland calls on all Member States to unequivocally reject nuclear coercion and condemn Russia's reckless policy. Mr. Chair, Poland regrets that the 2026 NPT Review Conference was unable to reach consensus on a substantive final document. However, This must not undermine our collective efforts to preserve dialogue. Ensuring that all states comply with their obligations is essential for the integrity of the NPT. On a related matter, Poland strongly condemns the reported repeated use of chemical weapons by Russian forces in Ukraine. The use of riot control agents constitutes a clear violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention that should not be left without consequences. Therefore, we urge the OPCW to continue its vital work in holding perpetrators accountable. To uphold the CWC, the international community must demonstrate zero tolerance for chemical weapons use. At the same time, Poland welcomes the cooperation of the Syrian authorities with the OPCW to fully dismantle the chemical weapons program developed by the Assad regime, as well as to investigate past uses. These developments underscore the irreplaceable role of the OPCW and the CWC. And as in previous years, Poland will table a draft resolution on the implementation of the Convention. Mr. Chair, the global nonproliferation regime faces severe challenges. Poland remains deeply concerned by the continued advancement of nuclear and missile programs in the DPRK, which violate UN Security Council resolutions and threaten global stability. Developments in the Middle East likewise underscore the urgent need for vigilance against further proliferation. Finally, Poland joins other states in expressing concern over the lack of transparency regarding China's nuclear weapons arsenal buildup. We encourage China to engage in meaningful dialogue leading to risk reduction and to follow the example of other P5 states by voluntarily committing to a moratorium on fissile material production. Poland wishes to underscore the significance of the CCW and its protocols as an integral part of international humanitarian law. The Russian war against Ukraine has vividly demonstrated the grave consequences that irresponsible and indiscriminate use of conventional weapons bring to civilian populations. We firmly believe that CCW remains a key instrument for protecting civilians in armed conflicts. Poland remains committed to ensuring that the Convention continues to serve as a platform reconciling the development of defence capabilities with the fundamental obligation to protect human life. We look forward to supporting all efforts toward a successful outcome at the CCW Seventh Review Conference in November. Mr Chair, Poland stands ready to work with all Member States to uphold peace and security in these difficult times. There is no alternative to international cooperation as the threats we face today are deeply interconnected. We must defend the institutions and treaties that have safeguarded humanity for decades. We must reject aggression, resist coercion, and recommit to the values that unite us. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Poland. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mauritania.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Chair, Ambassador Paudel, Permanent Representative of Nepal, at the outset, please allow me to congratulate you on your election as Chair of the First Committee at the current session. I also extend my congratulations to the Bureau members. You can count on our full support. We align ourselves with the statements delivered by the African Group, the Arab Group, the NAM, I would like to note to make the following statement in my national capacity. We meet today against the backdrop of a highly complex and uncertain global conjuncture marked by continued erosion of collective security architecture and repeated failures of the NPT rep cons. This increases the burden on the only deliberative universal body that is the first committee tasked with issues pertaining to security disarmament and global peace. Mr. Chair, we have strongly condemned the Israeli genocidal war in Gaza. This war claimed the lives of 75,000 martyrs and left more than 190,000 people, mostly women and children, injured. It leveled cities to the ground and it spilled over to the region. The occupation authority violated Lebanon, Syria, and Qatar's national sovereignty. We hope that the ceasefire fire in Gaza reached almost a year ago would lead to a permanent end to the war against the Palestinian people so that we end their humanitarian plight. We also commend ongoing regional and international mediation efforts. We look forward to the resumption of the political track for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, in accordance with UN resolutions, to achieve security, justice and stability in the region. We regret the restrictions that prevent the Palestinian Authority from participating in UNGA and UN deliberations. As a result, President Mahmoud Abbas could not take part in the high-level week of the current session of the General Assembly. Mr. Chair, Mauritania. believes in the immense contributions of multilateral action to maintain global peace and security and to achieve development and welfare for humanity at large. Needless to say, we are all aware of the immense challenges that our world faces today. This includes the catastrophic effects of climate change, pandemics, and in our opinion, we must address these scourges instead of fighting one another. Despite this, the arms race continues relentlessly. The staggering military spending is a case in point. The spending is on the rise in light of the current alarming polarization marking our world today. Still, Mauritania continues to believe in the importance of spending on development, fighting poverty and climate change, instead of a heated race towards annihilation. We regret the repeated failure to achieve tangible progress in nuclear disarmament and to universalize the NPT. We regret the third failure of the NPT Review Conference to adopt an outstanding outcome document that would have reflected our commitment to the purposes and the objectives of the treaty, but we remain committed to the treaty and its three pillars. We are proud because we have joined the Treaty of Pelindaba, which established a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa. We remain committed to ongoing efforts to establish such a zone in the Middle East. We also commend the progress achieved in the six previous sessions of the conference for the establishment of this zone in the Middle East. We were proud of our presidency of the fifth session, and we look forward to the seventh session to be presided over by Oman. We look forward to cooperating with member states and the United Nations in order to establish a zone free of nuclear weapons and other WMDs in the Middle East in accordance with the 1995 resolution. We call on all countries to actively participate in this conference. We also call on the Middle East parties that have not yet done so, mainly Israel, to attend the conference and to join the NPT and to uphold the IAEA's CSAs. As part of our efforts to combat terrorism, organized crime, and regional and international global hotspots, we attach importance to the thematic issues under our consideration on conventional weapons. And given the interlinkage between the resurgence of terrorist groups, smuggling, and organized crime networks, and easy access to small arms and light weapons, we support the UN POA to prevent illicit trade in small arms and light weapons as part of our national efforts to combat this scourge and to address other hotspots in the African Sahel and in the African continent at large. Despite the security and humanitarian importance to combat the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons that foment conflict, we must not restrict the inherent right of a state to the lawful trade in conventional weapons. This is a sovereign decision in line with the right to self-defense in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter. On cyberspace and cybersecurity, we welcome the adoption of the final report of the OEWG. We welcome the operationalization of the global mechanism under UN auspices in order to build states' capacity to address sabotage risks that could result from the criminal use of ICT. We also welcome the progress and ongoing efforts by the global mechanism on ICT. On outer space, we believe in the importance of this outer space. International agreements must be updated in order to protect the inalienable right to states to the peaceful use of outer space. We support a new internationally legally binding instrument in order to prohibit the placement of weapons in outer space. In conclusion, microphone was cut off.

I thank the delegation, distinguished representative of Mauritania for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Canada.

A full version of this statement has been submitted for publication. Thank you, Chair. Canada is pleased to have you presiding over our deliberations and you have our full support. Another year has passed with the multilateral disarmament, arms control and nonproliferation system remaining under severe strain, weakened by both neglect and deliberate efforts to undermine it. Respect for the UN Charter and international law continues to erode. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by Iran and the DPRK, and the conflicts in the Middle East, Sudan and elsewhere, challenge the most fundamental principles of the international order, including the prohibition against the use of force, the territorial integrity of states, respect for international humanitarian law, and freedom of navigation. The DPRK persists in violating its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and multiple Security Council resolutions through its unlawful nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles programs. Iran's non-compliance with its nuclear non-proliferation obligations The expansion of nuclear arsenals by some nuclear-armed states, reckless nuclear rhetoric, and the lack of progress in nuclear disarmament put into question the multilateral system that the international community created to rein in the threat of nuclear annihilation during and after the Cold War. Numerous arms control and disarmament agreements have been abandoned, weakened, or inadequately implemented. Meanwhile, the international community has struggled to respond to emerging security challenges. The weaponization of outer space, the military applications of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, quantum technologies, autonomous weapon systems, and drones are reshaping the nature of conflict. Rapid advances in the life sciences, amplified by AI, raise the prospect of new biological and chemical weapons threats in the hands of both state and non-state actors. A renewed arms competition is underway in the conventional domain, while key humanitarian disarmament instruments face pressures.

Many review conferences and multilateral forums have become exercises in reiterating established positions rather than vehicles for strengthening implementation and achieving meaningful outcomes. For decades, progress in the Conference on Disarmament has remained elusive. The misuse of consensus procedures to block substantive work together with efforts to marginalize member states, observer states rather, and civil society, undermines confidence in our institutions and benefits those seeking to avoid the obligations and constraints imposed by international law and the disarmament regime. Even the first committee, with its abundance of resolutions that simply roll over each year, is increasingly unable to respond to contemporary security challenges. Chair, we must confront this reality honestly, but we should not conclude that multilateralism has failed. Canada rejects the notion that today's increasingly complex security environment justifies delaying, weakening, or reversing disarmament, arms control, and nonproliferation commitments. To the contrary, today's challenges make these efforts more necessary than ever. Important agreements on biological, chemical, nuclear, and conventional weapons were concluded at the height of international tensions during the Cold War. Recent developments demonstrate that meaningful progress remains possible when political will, resources, and sustained diplomacy come together. The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty has facilitated the development of a strong norm against nuclear testing. Syria's return to compliance with its international Atomic Energy Agency safeguards obligations and ongoing efforts to eliminate the remnants of its chemical weapons program show that international norms and institutions can still produce concrete results today. The Arms Trade Treaty, the Ottawa Convention, and the Oslo Convention remain focused on implementation. and showcasing the value of cooperation among states parties, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders.

These developments underscore a simple truth. The system can work. Its institutions, treaties, and norms continue to provide an indispensable foundation for international peace and security. What they require is renewed commitment. In this regard, Canada supports efforts to strengthen the Biological Weapons Convention and calls for multilateral nuclear stability talks, nuclear risk reduction, nuclear disarmament verification, and the universalization of the NPT, the CTBT, and the the arms trade treaty, the Ottawa convention, and the Oslo convention. Canada also calls for enhanced and urgent efforts to regulate new and emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, advances in biotechnologies, cyber, quantum, and autonomous weapons systems that are already influencing the military domain. There is much discussion today about AI escaping the control of well-intentioned actors. Are we prepared to respond to AI being weaponized by state or non-state actors with malicious intent? These are just some of the challenges before us. We invite all member states to join us in renewing our commitments to the existing multilateral disarmament, arms control, and non-proliferation architecture, and in developing the next generation of instruments to address the opportunities and challenges posed by new technologies. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Canada for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Israel.

You're assuming the chairmanship. Mr. Chair, allow me to congratulate you on assuming the chairmanship and assure you of my delegation's full cooperation. Three years ago, on October 7, 2023, Israel suffered the bloodiest massacre since its establishment. On that day, Hamas terrorists breached Israeli territory from Gaza by land, sea, and air, invaded over 20 Israeli communities, slaughtered more than 1,200 people, abducted 251 hostages, and committed brutal and unimaginable gender-based violence crimes. For Israelis and Jews around the world, the October 7th massacre is more than a national tragedy. It is a wound that will be etched in our hearts and a date that will live in infamy. Since that day, Israel has been fighting a war to defend itself from Hamas's clear ambition to inflict death and suffering upon its people, a war Israel never chose but was forced to fight. Israel remains fully committed to President Trump's 20-point plan to end the war in Gaza. We are working closely with the United States and the Board of Peace to implement the plan and achieve a future in which Gaza is demilitarized and governed without Hamas. Since October 7, 2023, Israel has been challenged on six additional fronts by enemies and terrorist groups that seek its destruction. The common denominator across all these fronts is the Islamic Republic of Iran, orchestrating a multi-front assault with one ultimate aim. the destruction of Israel. Israel seeks a stable and peaceful Middle East. But let there be no doubt, we will never compromise our security and will do whatever it takes to defend our people and our borders. Mr. Chair, for a decade now, Iran has advanced its military nuclear program while deceiving the international community. It has accumulated more than nine ton of enriched uranium, including some 440 kilogram enriched to 60 percent, a level with absolutely no civilian justification. Iran has proved beyond all doubt that it uses negotiation only as a tool to buy time and continues to violate its safeguard obligations and commitments. Iran is a clear example of a state which is consistently non-compliant with the international instruments to which it is a party. Over the years, Iran has repeatedly violated its international obligations and commitments. This rogue Iranian behavior is well documented in many reports by the United Nations and the IAEA, as well as in national intelligence reports and the media. In response to Iran's significant nonperformance of its JCPOA commitments, the United Nations Security Council sanctions on Iran were reinstated in September 2025. It is imperative for the Security Council to exercise its authority and fulfill its responsibility to convene the 1737 Committee, nominate a panel of experts pursuant to Resolution 1929, and oversee the implementation of the sanctions. In this regard, we regret that the Security Council resolution from September 17 was vetoed by two permanent members. Let us be clear. An Iran with nuclear weapons is not only a threat to Israel, but to the region and to the world. Israel had to act to neutralize the imminent and existential threat posed by the Iranian regime's military nuclear program due to critical development in Iran's nuclear weapons endeavor, as well as the threat posed by its ballistic missiles program. Israel conducted Operation Rising Lion in June 25 and Roaring Lions in coordination with the U.S. Operation Epic Fury in 2026 to remove these threats and other military activities against Israel. The international community must remain vigilant and use every tool at its disposal to prevent Iran from obtaining military nuclear weapon capabilities. Israel will continue to do whatever is necessary to stop Iran from achieving nuclear weapons, Mr. Chair. Regarding the Syrian nuclear file, there are still many unanswered questions that arise from the recent IAEA Director General's report. Such questions relate to possible additional residual elements of the program, dealing with other elements of the fuel cycle, possible critical infrastructure still left in Syria, and origin of the material, and more. These questions still need to be answered. Mr. Chair, Israel continues to support the global nonproliferation regime, including within the framework of the IAEA and the CTBTO. Unfortunately, the NPT in itself does not provide a remedy for the unique security challenges of the region, let alone the repeated violation of the treaty by some of its member states, primarily Iran. On the matter of the TPNW, Israel wishes to emphasize its clear view that the treaty, which Israel doesn't support, does not create or contribute to the development of or indicate the existence of customary law related to the subject of the content of the treaty. Mr. Chair, some actors in the region still claim that a comprehensive security architecture can be initiated in the Middle East without direct engagement with Israel. This notion is in direct contradiction with the 1999 Disarmament Commission report on guidelines and principles for the establishment of nuclear weapon-free zone, which clearly states that nuclear weapon-free zones should be established on the basis of arrangement freely arrived at among the states of the region concerned. This guideline further stresses that nuclear weapon-free zones should be pursued to all the states of the region. Ill-motivated initiatives such as the UN Conference on the Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and other weapons of mass destruction are unhelpful, to say the least. Israel will not participate in unrealistic processes that bypass the established practice. Mr. Chair, in light of the event that took place in the Middle East since October 7, 2023, It is clearer than ever that unrealistic processes cannot substitute a real change in the security architecture of the region. The full version of this statement will be shared with the Secretariat. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Israel for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Iceland.

Chair, Iceland refers to the statement delivered by Finland on behalf of the Nordic countries.

I would also like to use this opportunity to make a few additional remarks in my national capacity.

Chair, effective multilateral cooperation remains our most powerful tool for addressing shared security challenges. and for preventing the further deterioration of the international security environment. A rule-based international order is essential for maintaining peace, stability, and predictability in international relations. Many of the challenges we face today stem from flagrant violation of the UN Charter, of international humanitarian law, and the disregard of long-standing norms relating to arms control, non-proliferation, and nuclear safety and security. Such violations erode trust, weaken international institutions, and increase the risk of escalation and conflict. Iceland once again condemns Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine that violates the most fundamental principles of international law. We reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity.

Within its internationally recognized borders.

Russia must immediately cease its war of aggression and withdraw all its troops from the territory of Ukraine. The humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza underscores the urgent need to uphold international law, protect civilians, and ensure accountability. Lasting security can only be achieved through dialogue and a political process that addresses the root cause of the conflict. We continue to support a two-state solution. Iran must return to full compliance with its safeguards obligations and must never acquire nuclear weapons. The DPRK must abandon its nuclear missile and other WMD programs and cannot be recognized as a nuclear weapons state under the NPT. The NPT remains the foundation of the global nonproliferation and disarmament framework, and we remain fully committed to all three pillars of the treaty. We regret that recent review conferences have been unable to agree on consensus outcomes. The IAEA plays an indispensable role in verifying compliance, and we strongly support its mandate. We also continue to support the CTBT and call on all remaining states to ratify it. At the same time, we regret the ongoing deadlock in the Conference on Disarmament, which continues to block negotiations on fissile material cut-off treaty. Chair, emerging technologies are rapidly reshaping the security landscape. Artificial intelligence offers significant opportunities, but it also presents serious risks. The development of AI-enabled weapon systems raises important legal, ethical, and security concerns. They must remain subject to meaningful human control and be fully consistent with the international law. In this regard, we welcome the consensus reached at the CCW Group of Governmental Experts on Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems. on a set of elements of an instrument without prejudging its nature, as well as other possible measures. We look forward to the upcoming review conference and to continued constructive engagement by all States Parties to advance this work within the CCW framework. Chair, Iceland reaffirms its commitment to the women, peace and security agenda. The meaningful participation of women and the integration of gender perspectives across disarmament, arms control and non-proliferation efforts are essential to achieving more effective, inclusive and sustainable security outcomes. The challenges before us are significant, but the foundations for addressing them already exist. What is needed now is renewed political commitment to multilateralism, international law, transparency, verification, and cooperation. By strengthening the institution, norms, and agreements that underpin international security, we can help build a safer, more stable, and more secure world for all.

I thank the distinguished representative of Iceland for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of France.

Chair, I wish at the outset to congratulate you on your election to the chair of this committee. France aligns itself with the statement from the European Union. We wish to present the following comments in our national capacity. We are meeting again this year in a security environment which has worsened to a great extent. Four and a half years have elapsed since Russia's launch of its illegal war of aggression and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine. Once again, we call upon Russia to uphold the United Nations Charter, to respect international law, and to put an end to its war of aggression. France condemns the fact no response has been received from Russia to the principle of a comprehensive ceasefire. This in spite of the fact that Ukraine has demonstrated its readiness to implement a moratorium on strikes against energy infrastructure and a truce on grain exports in the Black Sea. France will continue to fully support the creation of conditions that can enable a just and lasting peace based on respect for international law and including robust and credible security guarantees for Ukraine. In the Middle East, France deplores ceasefire violations and calls upon all parties to implement this agreement without delay. It is a crucial stage if we are to put an end to the war in Gaza. We also call upon parties to take up the agreement on Hamas's disarmament presented on the 30th of July. We hail the diplomatic efforts steered by the United States and regional mediators, specifically Egypt, Qatar and Turkey. This agreement must facilitate the withdrawal of the Israeli army, the deployment of the International Stabilization Force to support the Palestinian security and police forces, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza. Finally, we call for the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid in the enclave. It is precisely when international security is being placed on its metal that we need rules and dialogue to defend a security architecture and non-proliferation and disarmament architecture, which is robust. Chair, the 2026 NPT review conference reaffirmed the staunch commitment of the international community to the fundamental principles of the treaty and to its implementation, despite the fact that the outcome document was not adopted. It did present a realistic and progressive gradual agenda for disarmament. The fact that this outcome document was not adopted does not in any way call into question the treaty's credibility. Against this backdrop, we will support the following: strategic risk reduction measures, a moratorium on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons, the entry into force of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the launch of discussions on strategic stability to produce ultimately a new security framework, including in connection with nuclear capacity. This framework should take account of gaping existing disparities between, on the one hand, major nuclear arsenals, and on the other, the modest arsenals of France and the United Kingdom. This framework must be based on a bedrock of equity. Finally, France will support the increased increasing of transparency through national reports submitted by States Parties to the NPT. France's mobilization here will be wholehearted, namely as part of the P5 process, whose presidency we backed last month. Chair, nuclear disarmament cannot be decoupled from the fight against proliferation. France will continue to fully support the action and independence of the IAEA in this regard. Turning now to Iran, France is gravely concerned at the sustained worsening of the safeguards situation. The Agency has lost almost all the visibility it had on the status of the Iranian nuclear programme, and that has been the case for more than a year. We call upon Iran to return without delay to compliance with the obligations arising from its comprehensive safeguards agreement. It must also once again comply with Security Council resolutions. France will continue its diplomatic efforts to facilitate a robust, sustainable and verifiable negotiated solution, which will make it possible to guarantee that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. France remains equally concerned by the nuclear and ballistic programmes of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. We call upon the DPRK to move towards their complete, verifiable, and irreversible dismantling in accordance with Security Council resolutions. Chair, we note that compliance with the CWC and the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention, that are two universal norms, continue to be called into question. The poisoning of Mr. Navalny through the use of a toxin in all likelihood led to his death four years after he fell victim to a nerve agent from the Novichok family. The use of riot control agents on the battlefield in Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine is also clearly serving to worsen the standards set forth by the CWC. On the contrary, and elsewhere, the Syrian government's involvement as well as that of the OPCW have fostered major progress in terms of resolving the Syrian chemical dossier since 2025. We commend that progress. Challenges are myriad. Technological progress is, in an unprecedented way, having implications for international peace and security. The increasing pace of these developments must go hand in hand with robust ambition to forge ahead with multilateral regulation. Here, we hail important progress that has been made in terms of international oversight of autonomous weapons. After three years of discussion, the states parties to the CCW have reached an agreement by consensus on components for the regulation of lethal autonomous weapons. weapon systems. Let us draw on this success, because we can see that multilateral negotiations continue to produce results. Chair, the rest of this statement will be available on the internet. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of France for her statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba.

Thank you, Chair. Chair, we congratulate you and the members of the Bureau on your election, and we guarantee you our full support. Cuba aligns itself with the statement made by Uruguay on behalf of CELAC. The international situation demonstrates the urgent need to once again place disarmament and international security at the heart of the multilateral arena. For as long as hunger, poverty and underdevelopment remain, military expenditure seems to have reached a record figure in 2025. We have seen 11 consecutive years of growth in that figure. It is unacceptable that so many resources continue to be allocated to the arms race while millions of people lack the resources necessary to ensure a dignified life. Peace and development are inseparable. Chair, the threat of nuclear weapons remains the greatest danger to humankind. This year's review conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons concluded without consensus, and this in spite of the colossal efforts made by the Vietnamese presidency, for which we are grateful. This outcome reaffirms the need to fulfil existing commitments and to move toward the total elimination of nuclear weapons in an irreversible, transparent, verifiable and legally binding manner. The NPT must continue to be implemented on the basis of its three pillars, without any selective interpretations or differentiated obligations. We reaffirm our support for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, and we champion its universalization. We congratulate South Africa as chair of the first review conference of the TPNW. We will continue to contribute positively to its work and to the treaty's full implementation. Moreover, we reaffirm the importance of nuclear weapons-free zone. Latin America and the Caribbean must continue to be a zone of peace, as proclaimed in Havana in 2014. Chair, Cuba welcomes the progress made towards strengthening the disarmament machinery. We congratulate the Lao People's Democratic Republic on its leadership as chair and host of the Third Review Conference of the Convention on Cluster Munitions. Cuba also values the efforts made this year at the 9th Biennial Meeting on Small Arms and Light Weapons. We reaffirm the importance of international cooperation to prevent and combat their illicit trafficking, particularly towards unauthorized actors. We also commend Senegal on its leadership of the United Nations Disarmament Commission this year. However, Cuba regrets that the Commission was unable to formally adopt its substantive agenda and that work had to proceed in an informal format. The paralysis of the disarmament machinery cannot be allowed to become the norm. We continue to advocate for the Conference on Disarmament to fulfill its negotiating mandate. Chair, this year we saw the beginning of a new phase in discussions on information and communication technologies in the context of international security. Cuba welcomes the establishment of the global mechanism. We will participate constructively in its work. The first substantive session was held in July, and the dedicated thematic groups are scheduled to meet in December. We call for the preservation of the intergovernmental, inclusive, transparent, and consensus-based nature of this mechanism. Cuba firmly rejects the covert and illegal use of ICTs and the radio spectrum to subvert the constitutional, legal and political order of states. We also denounce the use of digital platforms and other technological capabilities from US territory against Cuba. These actions constitute a threat to the sovereignty and security of states and must cease. Cyberspace and the radio spectrum cannot, must not become new theaters of military confrontation. We advocate for the development of legally binding international norms, which can guarantee the peaceful and responsible use of these technologies in accordance with the United Nations Charter and international law. Chair, the rapid development of artificial intelligence and of other emerging technologies poses new challenges. Cuba supports the continuation of discussions on their military applications, with the full participation of all States within the United Nations. Technological progress must benefit all States and peoples and must not become a new source of inequality. Likewise, outer space must be used exclusively for peaceful purposes. Cuba firmly opposes the deployment of any type of weapons in outer space. Chair, Cuba reaffirms its support for the strengthening of the Biological Weapons Convention through effective, non-discriminatory and legally binding measures, including verification. We also support the full implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention, and we reject selective, biased and politically motivated approaches to its application, as well as mechanisms that go beyond the OPCW's technical mandate. We reject the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United States against Cuba. It violates provisions on international cooperation in both instruments. Chair, the international disarmament architecture is facing serious challenges. However, our response cannot be to abandon multilateralism or to accept a new arms race. It must be the strengthening of the United Nations, of international law, and of multilateral disarmament instruments. Cuba will continue to champion general and complete disarmament, with nuclear disarmament as the top priority. We will continue to work toward an international order based peace, justice, cooperation, the sovereign equality of States and the unrestricted respect for the United Nations Charter. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Cuba for his statement. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Uruguay.

At the outset, we wish to congratulate you and other members of the Bureau on your election. You can count on our full support. as you steer negotiations. Uruguay is of the view that the value of our work should be measured by its ability to prevent risks to people. Reports that feed into intercessional work provide us with input to strengthen that work and to identify where controls have shortcomings and how we can look at technologies that restrict the use of force. Our peace-loving vocation is manifests itself as support for discussions which serve to bring about these realities. In terms of nuclear disarmament, we reaffirm the role played by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It is the cornerstone of the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. We are of the view that the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the TPNW, is a complement to that and it strengthens it. Our regime depends on disarmament obligations, producing tangible effects. There must be nuclear risk reduction, and all of this must complement each other. Together with Austria and New Zealand, we are co-chairs of the informal working group for the universalization of TPNW. We hail recent progress made towards the universalization of the treaty. We congratulate Tonga for depositing its ratification instrument, and we congratulate Gabon for signing the instrument during high-level week today. More than 100 countries are signatories to TPNW, which reflects growing international support for the TPNW. We stand at a particularly important juncture for that treaty. Between 30 November and 4 December, we'll have the first TPNW review conference under South Africa's chairmanship. The 2026 UN study on nuclear weapons-free zones was presented in document A/79/2020. UN 23. It offers an assessment of the contribution that these instruments make to international security. Tlatelolco has shown us that a region excluding nuclear weapons should be supported to ensure that there are effective guarantees provided by nuclear weapons states. Doing away with these weapons must be a central concern. We will continue to champion the universalisation of the TPNW and the total, irreversible and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapons. We reaffirm the urgent need to achieve the entry into force of the CTBT. This year marks 30 years since it opened for signature. three decades, we have seen much progress for the non-proliferation regime delayed. Annex II States must ratify the treaty. They should take that step, and while they fail to do so, they should retain relevant moratoria. In this field, when we look at conventional weapons, the Secretary-General's report from 2026 on SALW makes it possible to have a picture of progress in cooperation, as well as the gaps that remain for its implementation. For Uruguay, the issue is how to ensure that instruments achieved reduce risks in our society. We are concerned by the impact of SALB as well as the diversion and misuse of firearms and all the danger that it's having for our society. This is particularly crucial when these weapons are used in transnational organized crime, firearms in our country. responsible for a lot of homicides. This means that for Uruguay, it is important to bolster prevention and control policies for firearms. We must also improve the traceability of weapons and munitions and prevent them from falling into illicit circuits. Here, the national security plan for 2025-2030 pinpointed firearms and munitions control as a priority, and we seek to take measures to reduce their availability for acts of violence. We want to increase their traceability. Also, Uruguay attaches particular importance to the adequate management of munitions through their life cycle. Seizure means that we withdraw a weapon from a circuit, but location instruments mean that we can do that even better. We need to have a register for traceability and to ensure that there's proper information exchange regarding these weapons. 80% of conflict-related sexual violence incidents involved a firearm. As a TCC, Uruguay is of the view that that evidence should feed into proper integration of arms and munition control into protection of civilians work and work done to prevent sexual violence. Here, we reaffirm our commitment to the implementation of the UN Action Plan to Prevent combat and preventing combat the trafficking of salve. This is as well as the international tracing instrument and the instrument for the management of conventional weapons throughout their life cycles. The international system should respond to specific operational needs. Tracing is important, as is coordination between police and customs authorities. Technical assistance and capacity building must make it possible for States to detect diversion and investigate the cause thereof, bearing in mind specific circumstances. Chair, regarding emerging technologies, the Secretary-General's report of 2026 on scientific and technological technical work and the implications for disarmament, tackle transformations in military decision-making processes and the verification of weapons. For Uruguay, this all gives rise to specific responsibilities. We must bolster States' capacities to evaluate what's being done here, the use of these weapons and humanitarian consequences. The way autonomous weapons are concerned, human judgment must be retained in terms of the use of force. There must be full respect for international law, including IHL in this regard. This control must make it possible to pinpoint limitations of our systems, evaluate results and take timely action. Speeding up a military decision cannot mean that we reduce the time needed to evaluate that decision, and it cannot mean that those responsible evade responsibility. There needs to be a legally binding instrument here. Moreover, we welcome the fact that in 2026 work has begun on the global mechanism of ICTs in the context of international security. This stage will make it possible to evaluate the usefulness of progress made. what to do after an incident, we should ensure that there are channels of communication to avoid escalation. Capacity building is a prerequisite so that everyone is able to effectively participate in the security of the digital environment. The matters that we consider within this committee have consequences which exceed the Specialised Disarmament remit. Security of our communities, protection of civilians, and states' capacities to prevent a crisis are also important. As such, we believe that reports presented should allow us to pinpoint priorities, evaluate results. The microphone has been cut.

I thank the distinguished representative of Uruguay for her statement. I shall now call on delegations who have requested the right of reply. May I remind members that the statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to four and a half minutes for the first intervention and two and a half minutes for the second intervention. I call on the representative of the United States.

Chair, I must respond to the false accusations made by China against the United States. China accuses the United States of being direct, quote, "Obsessed with absolute strategic advantages," end quote. It is China, however, that has the most rapidly and opaquely expanding nuclear arsenal. China also accuses the United States of applying a double standard in our support for arms control and nonproliferation. Despite China's claimed support for arms control, China seems only to support arms control when others are the ones doing it. China refuses to participate in arms control itself. China claims to have too small a nuclear arsenal to engage in arms control. Yet as far back as October 2022, US Strategic Command notified Congress that China's inventory of land-based fixed and mobile ICBM launchers, quote, exceeds the number of ICBM launchers in the United States, end quote. China's claim to be too small to engage in arms control is simply not credible. Unlike China, the United States has been a leader in arms control and nonproliferation, in addition to nuclear transparency, an effort that bolsters the global nonproliferation regime. We reject any claims by China that the United States, Japan, or our other allies are "trampling on the nonproliferation regime" when our nonproliferation and counterproliferation efforts worldwide and commitment to the NPT are clear evidence to the contrary. Despite its rapidly growing nuclear weapons arsenal, China refuses to disclose even the most basic information about its stockpile size, fissile material holdings, and production, or to answer basic questions regarding its nuclear posture or intent. What are they hiding? We call on China to engage with the United States to develop transparency measures. On Golden Dome, I direct you to my right of reply from yesterday, but I will note that China's characterization is completely inaccurate. Furthermore, China is also developing ground-based ballistic missile defenses, yet chooses to hypocritically criticize U.S. efforts. It is also interesting that China noted the CTBT, when China has not ratified the CTBT and has conducted yield-producing nuclear tests. We call on China to take steps to instill global confidence that it will adhere to its own stated nuclear testing moratorium and to clarify that this moratorium is held to a zero yield standard. President Trump instructed the Pentagon last fall to prepare to start yield producing nuclear testing, quote, on an equal basis, end quote. He was specifically referring to Russian and Chinese yield producing nuclear testing. The United States is simply responding to what others are already doing. It is the responsibility of Russia and China to change their behavior and begin discussions on how to instill confidence that they will adhere to their own stated nuclear testing moratoria. China's hypocrisy on weapons in space is also noteworthy, since China has counter-space weapons in orbit today and has been placing them in orbit for many years. The United States was just the first to be transparent about our deployment as a responsible military power. Despite today's comments, I am hopeful that following our two leaders' successful summit not long ago, that China and the United States will find a constructive way forward on these issues, and we welcome China's engagement across this entire spectrum of arms control issues. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States for his statement. I call on the representative of DPRK.

Thank you, Chair, for the floor. My delegation is taking the floor in response to the statement made by the representative of New Zealand, Denmark, ROK, Poland, Canada, Iceland, and France, who urged the DPRK to abandon nuclear and ballistic missile program, accusing it as in contradiction with the UN Security Council's so-called resolutions. My delegation categorically reject the arguments of those countries as a blatant infringement upon the sovereignty of the DPRK. The DPRK's position of the nuclear weapons was an inevitable choice to defend its sovereignty from the decades-long U.S. nuclear threat. The DPRK's status as a nuclear weapons state has been clearly stipulated in its constitution, and no other state is allowed to demand my country to abandon the nuclear deterrence. The DPRK has never recognized but totally reject the anti-DPRK UN Security Council so-called resolutions, which are nothing but a political fabrication of the hostile forces. The DPRK will not abandon but continue to improve the reliability of its nuclear deterrence, which is the cornerstone of its independence, sovereignty, freedom, and happiness of its people. And regarding the so-called mine explosion incident that the ROK has previously mentioned about, I have to say that is a sinister obstructive move intended to brand our fortification of the southern border, downright exercise of the sovereignty as a military invasion, and this is no more than poor trick of the ROK military to shift the blame of its own onto the DPRK. And as far as I'm informed, the official of ROK, Jong Dong-Young, too, confessed that it is difficult, and I have to repeat again, it is difficult to judge that the mine explosion incident is a deliberate attack by the DPRK. The DPRK categorically reject the despicable attempt of the ROK and solemnly clarifies that the DPRK will exercise its just sovereign right in a more resolute and bold manner to ensure the security of the southern border.

France should renounce its dangerous obligation for nuclear sharing arrangements. I recommend that France consult resolutions and decisions adopted within this Committee in 1959. They should closely read resolution 1379. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of the DPRK for his statement. I call on the representative of the Russian Federation.

Mr. Chairman, we flatly reject all of the brazen and baseless insinuations that we heard about the supposedly deployment of anti-satellite weapons by the Russian Federation, as well as the creation of a so-called satellite that could supposedly carry nuclear weapons to strike other outer space objects. These are absurd conjectures. and they have nothing in common with reality. And they are a part of the propaganda campaign seeking to discredit Russia's outer space activities and our initiatives to prevent an arms race in outer space. The steps that our country is taking in order to explore and investigate outer space are carried out in accordance with our international commitments. These include the Outer Space Treaty. And they're done exclusively peacefully. They're not threatening the activities of any other states in outer space. Russia, for many years, has been substantially contributing to keeping outer space free of weapons of any type. And we've helped to prevent it from turning into yet another arena for confrontations and armed conflict. We call upon UN member states to adopt at the national and international level a legally binding commitment on the deployment of any type of weapons in outer space and the commitment not to use force or threaten the use of force against outer space objects or using outer space objects. This aim is in our annual draft resolution on outer space, which we submit every year. Regarding the baseless accusations against Russia from other states, the U.S. is trying to divert attention to their own bad-faith activities in this area. Recently, there were statements by the Minister Manka on orbital weapons and And Mr. Cain of the Joint Chiefs of Staff talked about carrying out military activities near the Moon. And that shows that Washington's ambitions have entered the practical realm. These statements are a public confirmation of the fact that the U.S. has weapons potential that are based in orbit, and they are preparing to carry out military activities in outer space. The appearance of American weapons in outer space substantially increases the risk of an armed conflict in outer space. So this is threatening the long-term sustainability of outer space activities and the possibility for absolutely all states to explore outer space, as well as the many socioeconomic processes on the Earth which directly have to do with people's well-being. The U.S. Senate's short-sighted striving is ignoring the implications of the steps that it is taking and the implications this will have for all of humanity. cynical moratorium on ASAT missiles is in reality, in reality, has nothing to do with the use of these weapons, and it doesn't pertain to other forms of ASAT weapons that Washington is interested in. The responsible behavior in outer space is grounded in subjective subjective concepts, and it is -- only serves to give a free hand to the aforementioned countries to use weapons. We call upon the international community to understand what the U.S. is doing. Only coordinated efforts of the international community can stop the deleterious arms race in outer space, which Washington is bringing to the point of no return. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation for his statement.

I call on the representative of Iran.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. We categorically reject the absurd allegations made by the representative of the Israeli regime. No disinformation campaign can absolve this regime of responsibility for its brutal crimes in our region. I wish to pay tribute to the memory of more than 80,000 innocent Palestinians, including countless children, who have been brutally massacred by the Israeli regime in Gaza over the past three years. I also pay a tribute to the memory of more than 4,000 innocent Iranians who were martyred in the two Israeli military aggressions against my country. For more than three decades, the Israeli regime has propagated the baseless allegation that Iran seeks to develop nuclear weapons, thereby deceiving certain states and manipulating public opinion. Yet, the central question remains: Where is this alleged nuclear bomb? According to the IAEA itself, not even one gram of Iran's nuclear material has been diverted from peaceful purposes. The international community must not allow such fabrications to distort reality. If there is any entity in our region that poses both the capability and the demonstrated willingness to develop and use weapons of mass destruction, including chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, it is the Israeli regime. It is the only regime in the region that illegally poses all three categories of weapons of mass destruction while remaining outside the international legal instruments prohibiting them. The Israeli regime has repeatedly launched military aggression against its neighbors. It is also the very same regime that, together with the United States, launched unlawful military aggression against Iran in June 2025 and February 2026, resulting in the death of more than 4,000 people, including hundreds of children, among them 168 schoolgirls killed when an elementary school in Minab was struck. A wide range of civilian infrastructure was deliberately targeted, including Iran's peaceful nuclear facilities. A regime with such a dark record has neither the credibility nor the moral standing to lecture others, much less to portray itself as a defender of international law, nonproliferation, or international peace and security. Such statements are nothing more than a desperate attempt to deflect attention from and whitewash its heinous crimes and atrocities throughout the Middle East. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Iran for his statement. I now call on the delegation of Japan.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. It is unfortunate that I am compelled to exercise my right of reply in response to China's statement. Over the past eight decades, since the end of World War II, Japan has consistently walked the path of a peace-loving nation and has consistently contributed to peace and prosperity in the international community. This is widely and accurately recognized and highly appreciated by the international community. Freedom, democracy, and fundamental human rights remain unshakable foundations of Japan's every decision and action. Guided by these principles, Japan has made persistent efforts to promote the rule of law in the international community, stressing the importance of compliance with international law, including the UN Charter. Japan's fundamental defense policy, which is exclusively defense-oriented policy, remains unchanged. Our defense capability is necessary to ensure the security of Japan in the face of the most severe and complex security environment since the end of World War II. Our defense capabilities are kept to the minimum necessary. Japan will never change the course it has taken as a peace-loving nation. The government of Japan observes three non-nuclear principles as policy guidelines. Japan, as a staunch supporter of the NPT, has been advocating for the implementation of all its provisions. This, of course, includes compliance with its own obligations under the NPT, and Japan continues its cooperation with the IAEA in a transparent manner. Regarding the so-called enemy state clause in the UN Charter, UN General Assembly Resolution 50/52, adopted with overwhelming support, including that of China in 1995, recognized these clauses as obsolete. Furthermore, UNGA Resolution 60/1, adopted by consensus, including the leaders of China in 2005, resolved to delete references to "enemy states" from the UN Charter. There are countries in the international community that have been rapidly increasing their military capabilities in a non-transparent manner for many years and continuously intensifying unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force or by coercion. Japan opposes such moves and distances itself from them. The allegation of militarism is entirely groundless. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Japan for her statement. I call on the representative of Syria.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I asked for the floor to respond to the statement by Israel regarding Syria. I wish to clarify that the resolution issued by the Board of Governors of the IAEA regarding the safeguards in Syria recently is clear and requires no clarification. It concludes considering these outstanding issues in Syria. of them fully. This resolution was adopted by consensus, showing broad international acknowledgement of this reality. This resolution would not have been issued without the full Syrian cooperation as well as Syria's transparency with the Agency.

Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Syria for his statement. I call on the representative of the Republic of Korea.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. My delegation would like to respond to the baseless allegations made by the representative of the DPRK. The DPRK's claim that the Republic of Korea fabricated this incident at the risk of its own soldiers' lives and safety is entirely implausible. A joint on-site investigation by the ROK military and the United Nations Command, supported by forensic analysis conducted by the National Forensic Service, confirmed that the explosive device was a DPRK anti-personnel mine. The investigation also ruled out incident displacement as the likely cause and concluded that the mine had been deliberately planted by DPRK forces south of the military demarcation line. The DPRK should acknowledge its responsibility and engage in dialogue to prevent further escalation of tensions. Mr. Chair, regarding the DPRK's force claim to be a nuclear-armed state, My delegation would like to reiterate that the DPRK's nuclear and ballistic missile programs are not only in violation of multiple UN Security Council resolutions, but also pose a serious threat to peace and security in the region and beyond. The DPRK cannot and will never have the status of a nuclear weapons state in accordance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Once again, we further emphasize that we need to resolve the Korean Peninsula issue comprehensively through diplomacy and dialogue. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea for her statement. I call on the representative of Bahrain.

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

We exercise our right of reply on behalf of the GCC member states, the State of Kuwait, the Sultanate of Oman, the State of Qatar, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and the Kingdom of Bahrain. In line of the appellation used by the representative of Iran when mentioning our organization in his statement, we stress that the official name is the Cooperation Council of the Arab States. This reflects the Arab identity of the members and their peoples. This is the only official appellation used by the organization and the members that established it. No other party can change this name or use a different name. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Bahrain for his statement. I call on the representative of Israel.

Mr. Chair, my delegation has requested the floor to react to the statement of the Iranian representative. For years, we have been warning against Iran's declared ambitions and plans to annihilate the State of Israel, against its destabilizing role in the Middle East, and the spread of terrorism worldwide. Iran persistently acted to develop nuclear weapon capabilities. Nothing in Iran's military nuclear program is devoted to peaceful purposes. Iran has, as well, developed an immense amount of ballistic missiles, which has targeted only during the last year against 15 states across the Middle East and beyond. For 47 years, the murderous regime in Iran has been chanting-- counting, sorry-- death to Israel, death to America. These slogans did not remain on the billboards, but were backed with plans. and capabilities developed to operationalize those plans, including in the nuclear domain. One lesson, Chair, we have learned in the region and beyond is that once Iran has developed the capabilities, it will use them. The danger of Iran proliferation extends far beyond the nuclear file. Iran's rapid advancements of its ballistic missile industry and its continuous funding, training, and arming of proxy terror entities across multiple countries pose a direct and escalating threat to regional and global security. For years, Iran persistently acted to develop a huge ballistic missile arsenal with ambitions to grasp ballistic scopes far greater than the region. In the past year, it has proved again its true colors and launched a brutal attack against infrastructures and civilian institutions of countries across the Middle East and beyond. Following its blunt attack, countries all over the world were targeted, as these attacks aimed to create deep impacts on the global energy and food markets. Iran has been clearly and consistently violating its international legal obligations, including its obligations under the safeguards agreement. It failed to comply with the UN Security Council resolution under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter relating to the international peace and security and the vows of numerous resolutions. Ignoring the threat, Mr. Chair, is not the solution. For as long as the Iranian regime is able to advance its malign activities and pursue the means to export its fanatic ideology by ways of coercion and terror, there will be no security and stability in the Middle East. I thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Israel for his statement. I call on the representative of China.

Thank you, Chair. China has listened to the statement just now made by the representative of Japan. China is exercising its right of reply in order to remind colleagues once again that China's possession, Japan's potential possession of nuclear weapons is a real threat rather than a potential challenge. The international community must attach great importance to it and address it with utmost seriousness. First, the nuclear ambitions of Japan are expanding and the country is racing down the wrong path. Since the administration assumed office, the ambitions of Japan's right-wing forces to revive militarism, abandon the three non-nuclear principles, and move toward an independent nuclear weapons capability have become increasingly apparent. Following remarks by senior members of the Japanese cabinet, the current head of Japan's defense establishment has now openly declared that there should be no taboo against discussing the possession of nuclear weapons. Such statements are highly provocative, dangerous, and extremely irresponsible. This fully exposes the ambitions of Japan's right wing forces to seek a breakthrough on the nuclear weapon issue and should trigger heightened vigilance from the international community. Second, the enemy states in the clause in the UN Charter are still relevant today. The administration in terms of the Japanese historical crimes, they do not talk about or instead they try to whitewash their past crimes by fabricating threats from neighboring countries. They spread false information and cover their ambitions to build up their military and capabilities. In recent years, Japan has significantly increased its military expenditure and military export and deployment of middle ranged weapons. It has expanded its offensive military forces capabilities and stockpiled a large amount of sensitive weapons-grade materials. It has pushed for the revision of its peaceful constitution and attempts to abandon the three non-nuclear principles, and it claims that it wants to be a war-capable country. The actions of Japan have become a threat to the peace and stability of the region. It's in country with the idea of Japan as a peace loving country. And for Japan's reintegration into the international community, it runs counter legally and politically. In this context, the enemy state clauses in the UN Charter are more relevant than ever before. As a non-nuclear weapons state party to the NPT, Japan does not accept, acquire, or develop nuclear weapons. This is its unshakable international obligation and commitment. Japan should undertake solemnly to the international community of its commitment to the 3 non-nuclear principles, abandon its deployment of relevant weapons, and abandon its ambition to acquire nuclear weapons, and take actual actions to win the trust of the international community. Mr. Chair, regarding the groundless accusations of the United States in their statement just now against China, China will respond in follow-up meetings. Thank you.

Distinguished representative of China for his statement. I now call on the representative of DPRK for the second right of reply.

Thank you, Chair, for the floor. I didn't mean to take the floor again for the sake of time, but was compelled to do so in in response to the repeated sophistry of the ROK delegation against the DPRK. As I clarified in my first intervention, the DPRK's position as a nuclear weapons state does not need any recognition of any other state. It is guaranteed by the actual nuclear deterrent and irreversibly and permanently fixed by the supreme law of my state. I have to clarify that it is not the DPRK, but ROK, who is provocative while staging anti-DPRK nuclear war drill with US every year, irresponsibly talking about the countermeasures against the DPRK. And I'm clarifying once again. that the DPRK will never discuss with the enemy country, the ROK, the issue of exercising its military sovereignty within its territory, but defend its territorial sovereignty by thoroughly exercising its power, not by negotiation. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of DPRK. I now call on the representative of the United States for the second right of reply.

Thank you, Chair. Given the remarks of several esteemed colleagues on space issues, I want to reply quickly to that. Let's be clear, certain states, Russia and China, may criticize our announcement that the United States has placed space control weapons on orbit, but those states were the first to develop, place, and test weapons in orbit. Moreover, we all have a shared interest in ensuring that states do not place in orbit around the Earth any objects carrying nuclear weapons or any other kinds of weapons of mass destruction, a prohibition set forth in Article IV of the Outer Space Treaty and expressed in multiple UN General Assembly resolutions. All nations should be concerned if any country seeks to place a nuclear weapon on orbit. Such a capability could pose a threat to all satellites operated by countries and companies around the globe, as well as to the vital communications, scientific, meteorological, agricultural, commercial, and national security services provided by satellite systems that we all depend upon. The United States has no indication that Russia has abandoned its plans to develop and place a nuclear weapon in outer space. We continue to encourage those states that have not signed and ratified the treaty to do so without delay, and in particular, encourage states parties to honor their Article IV obligations. Moreover, the United States is committed to space security and promotes voluntary, non-legally binding measures to reduce the risks of miscommunication and misunderstanding. As in the air or at sea, creating shared understanding by all countries of what constitute safe and professional operations and responsible behaviors in outer space are practical steps toward risk reduction and building trust. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States for his statement. The following delegations are unable to exercise their right of reply due to the time constraint, Japan and Iran. They will be heard as the first speaker to exercise the right of reply at our next meeting. Distinguished delegates, we have exhausted the time available for this meeting. The next meeting of the committee will be held tomorrow morning at 10:00 a.m. sharp in this conference room. I appeal to all delegations to be punctual to enable us to proceed with our work in a timely manner. The meeting is adjourned.