Third Committee, 30th plenary meeting - General Assembly, 80th session

Right. I do apologize once again for the technical interruption. And then I'll give the floor to the head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, Mr. Ko Oo Khin, and then we'll come back to Ms. Bishop's presentation after that. Mr. Ko Oo Khin, the floor is yours.

Mr. Chair, thank you, Excellencies, distinguished representatives. It is an honor to update you on the progress of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Since I last appeared before you, the frequency and severity of international crimes in Myanmar have escalated. The Mechanism's effort to collect evidence documenting these crimes has progressed. We have engaged with over 1,300 sources who have provided us with evidence, including over 600 testimonies from witnesses. We have amassed evidence that persons detained by the military authorities have been tortured and subjected to various forms of sexual violence, and we have evidence of the identity of the perpetrators and their commanders. We have also documented several summary executions of captured combatants or civilians by both the military and opposition groups. The military is increasingly relying on airstrikes, We are prioritizing our investigation into strikes on schools, hospitals, homes, and places of worship. Last month, we published a summary of our analysis into the deliberate destruction and dispossession of Rohingya property during the 2017 clearance operations. The report looked at how Rohingya homes, businesses, and places of worship have been destroyed. often replaced by construction of border guard bases. The violence in Rakhine State has intensified. The Arakan Army has taken most territory in the state, and the military has responded with brutal airstrikes and shelling. Civilians of all ethnicities are suffering. Rohingya have been recruited by both the military and the Arakan Army, and Rohingya armed groups are now active in the conflict. The mechanism is gathering evidence of several alleged atrocities, including drone attacks targeting civilians, executions, rape, torture, and the obstruction of humanitarian aid to a population facing starvation. We seek to document the truth of what has occurred through direct contact with individuals who witnessed events and the analysis and verification of photographic and open source material. We welcome contact with anyone willing to share first-hand information. It is important to note that while the Mechanism has reached out to both the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army for information, neither has cooperated to date. The Mechanism's Evidence has been used by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and by the investigative judge for the Argentine Federal District Court. We are also sharing information for use in the case at the International Court of Justice, where the Gambia alleges that Myanmar has failed to meet its responsibilities under the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. We are also working with states that are investigating potential violations of their national laws by individuals or businesses providing weapons or equipment used to commit crimes in Myanmar. Mr. Chair, the mechanism was established and resourced before the military seized power in 2021, and the sheer number of crimes to be investigated has far surpassed what was foreseen at the outset. Unfortunately, given today's difficult regular budget environment and the decrease in pledges of voluntary funding from donors, we risk losing over one third of our personnel by early next year. This includes experts in sexual and gender-based crimes and crimes against children, and open source specialists who forensically validate available information that has proved to be very valuable evidence. Accountability and international justice are at an important crossroads. Pursuing justice for the crimes committed in Myanmar sends an important message to all perpetrators, not just in Myanmar, that the international community will not stand by when civilians are targeted and international law ignored. We stand ready to work with the Member States represented in this room to hold those responsible for serious international crimes in Myanmar to account. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thanks very much, the head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. for your presentation. Now I trust that the technical issue has been fixed and we are ready to play a video recorded of Ms. Bishop's presentation. When you're ready, please go ahead.

Chairs, Excellencies, the Secretary-General's report details how the people within Myanmar and along its borders are still suffering from unspeakable hardship. I have now visited Myanmar on three occasions and met again last month with the Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing. He was buoyed by his perception of waning international condemnation, an increasing number of engagements with global leaders, and invitations for official and unofficial visits from some member states. An international refocus on Myanmar is urgently required as we approach the five-year mark since the military takeover, which has aggravated a national crisis exacerbated by decades of internal armed conflict. Myanmar's vulnerability to natural disasters is accentuating its political instability. Yet all sides are bent on pursuing a military solution. There's a deeply disturbing pattern of indiscriminate attacks on civilians And with ongoing restrictions for humanitarian access, human suffering is at alarming levels. The surge in aerial bombardments and civilian casualties is also in regions most severely impacted by recent earthquakes. The aerial attack during the Buddhist Festival of Light in Sagaing, which killed and injured dozens, including children, was one among many civilian atrocities. The cycle of impunity demands accountability as a prerequisite for any sustainable reconciliation. I have reinforced the entreaties of member states in my briefings to the Security Council and the General Assembly, as well as in my meetings with the Commander-in-Chief and the opposition entities, calling for an end to the violence and the protection of civilians, ensuring humanitarian access and compliance with obligations under international humanitarian law, the release of political and the pursuit of an inclusive path toward a peaceful resolution. And then holding inclusive, free and fair elections across the nation, free of violence and in accordance with international benchmarks for a genuine democratic election process. Time is slipping away. We have yet to find common ground or a willingness to compromise. Earlier this month, the State Security and Peace Commission, SSPC, commemorated the 10th anniversary of the nationwide ceasefire agreement. The event exposed the seemingly intractable deep divisions across the nation. Some former signatories called for a boycott and criticised the SSPC's planned elections, arguing that the military takeover had already violated the NCA and the constitution. The Commander-in-Chief explained to me how the SSPC is preparing for elections in three phases, beginning on 28 December in roughly a third of Myanmar's townships. Resistance actors and excluded political parties, including the National League for Democracy, whose leaders remain in detention, have rejected the polls as a sham attempt to gain legitimacy. The SSPC's expectations of territorial gains during the electoral process underscores the risk of deepening violence and instability, as others vow fierce resistance. Those who support these elections should consider potential consequences. No elections should risk human lives. Under the current circumstances, it's difficult to envision how any voter, election worker, or observer can be guaranteed protection. The UN stands for the people of Myanmar and will stay and deliver in order to address the dire needs through all available channels. I count on all sides to cooperate with the recently appointed UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator at interim, Gwyn Lewis, in this regard. During recent Myanmar stakeholder consultations hosted by Malaysia as the current ASEAN chair, participants called for sustained humanitarian support and stronger partnerships with local organisations. I commend Malaysia's efforts to foster a coherent regional response and dialogue among Myanmar actors. The ASEAN Chair's Special Envoy and I have undertaken several joint initiatives focused on amplifying the voices of those most vulnerable, including women and girls. This partnership remains essential, not least as the regional implications of the crisis continue to widen. Rakhine State remains a flashpoint with ongoing conflict, deepening intercommunal tensions in one of Myanmar's poorest yet most strategic regions as a gateway to the Indian Ocean. Protection of all communities as well as addressing the root causes of the Rohingya crisis are essential to any inclusive political solution. I welcome initiatives including last month's high level conference at the General Assembly proposed by Bangladesh's Chief Advisor, Muhammad Yunus, which sought to maintain international attention on the plight of the Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. The surge in drug manufacturing, trafficking, arms trafficking, cyber crime, and the proliferation of criminal networks already impact the wider region. The people of Myanmar deserve our sustained attention, unified resolve, and commitment to peace, justice, and human dignity. To this end, my unwavering approach will be to do all I can through personal dialogue, advocacy, and persuasion, and through the convening power of the Office of Special Envoy to promote a Myanmar-led, sustainable and inclusive political solution. Thank you, Excellencies.

I thank the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar for her presentation. I now turn the microphone to the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar to make an introductory statement. Mr. Andrews, the floor is yours.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, I appreciate the focus of this committee on the crisis in Myanmar because it is a crisis that has become invisible to much of the world, out of sight, out of mind. There are two inescapable facts that I would like to discuss today. The first is that conditions within Myanmar are even worse now than when I last reported to you. The second is that while progress has been made by some Member States who have taken steps to address those conditions, as a whole, the international response to this crisis has failed. I have laid out details of the steadily deteriorating conditions in Myanmar in the comprehensive written report that I have provided to each and every one of you. Among those conditions, a humanitarian disaster that continues to worsen, nearly 22 million people now requires humanitarian assistance. 16.7 million people now face acute food insecurity. These conditions were made even worse when, on the 28th of March, a massive 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck central Myanmar. The earthquake impacted an estimated 17 million people, damaged over 157,000 homes, and left approximately 200,000 people homeless. The World Bank has estimated that the earthquake caused nearly $11 billion in damage. The junta responded by turning a natural disaster into a humanitarian catastrophe as it sought to turn the earthquake to its own advantage, including by blocking the delivery of humanitarian aid from reaching many devastated areas, threatening, harassing, interrogating, and extorting humanitarian relief workers, confiscating medical supplies, and looting the homes of families displaced by the earthquake, rounding up young people involved in relief efforts and forcibly conscripting them into military service or using them as forced labor. And despite declaring a post-earthquake ceasefire, The junta actually increased its attacks on civilians in the weeks immediately following the earthquake. There were more military aircraft and drone strikes on civilian targets in the month following the earthquake than in any other month in the first half of 2025. The second quarter of 2025 saw more airstrikes on civilian targets than any other previous quarter since the coup. According to a survey by the World Food Program, 57% of families in central Rakhine State cannot meet their basic food needs. This marks a dramatic and rapid increase from the 33% that reported similar food challenges in December of last year. For four years, the junta has attacked healthcare workers and infrastructure, leading to predictably dire health conditions. In the first eight months of 2025, there were 169 recorded attacks on the healthcare system, including attacks on medical facilities and the killing, kidnapping, and arrest of healthcare workers. In Rakhine State, the Arkan Army is battling Junta forces and Rohingya armed groups, and all parties to the conflict have been accused of grave human rights violations, leaving civilians trapped in a vortex of violence and oppression. Desperate Rohingya families are crossing the border into Bangladesh in large numbers, approximately 150,000 having arrived in refugee camps in Bangladesh in 2024 and 2025. Members of the ethnic Rakhine community have also begun to cross the border to escape violence. But the crisis in Myanmar is not only impacting the people of Myanmar, it is impacting the region and indeed the world. Millions from Myanmar have risked everything to escape, crossing the border to reach Bangladesh, Thailand, Malaysia, and well beyond. The criminality of the junta and its cronies have victimized untold numbers in the region and the world. Victims include young people, who have been lured into what they think are high-paying jobs, only to find themselves trafficked and imprisoned in Myanmar-based scam centers, where they are forced to scam unsuspecting victims throughout the world. Beyond violating the rights of Myanmar citizens at home, the junta has violated the sovereignty of countries in the region. Two years after a human rights defender, her husband, and children were kidnapped from their home in Malaysia, The junta recently announced the family was in its custody and facing charges. This is outrageous, and it should be unacceptable to every country represented in this body. With respect to the second inescapable effect, the failure of the international community's response to this crisis, I'd like to cite as an example the tragic reversal of support for humanitarian aid in the midst of a worsening humanitarian crisis. Global reductions to humanitarian funding mean that the number of desperate people in Myanmar who were targeted to receive humanitarian aid from the United Nations is being reduced from 6.7 million to 4.8 million, a total that is less than a quarter of the 22 million in need of humanitarian assistance. The World Food Program has been forced to cut food assistance to over 100 million people in Myanmar. These include 100,000 displaced people in central Rakhine State, whose only source of food is the World Food Program. Mr. Chairman, distinguished delegates, this is unacceptable. The innocent families being victimized by a brutal regime and a distracted world deserve better. As I have documented in my reports to you, there are actions that have been taken by member states and stakeholders in the private sector that address the root causes of this crisis, actions that deny the junta the three things that it needs to sustain itself and its attacks on civilians: money, weapons, and legitimacy. These actions have shown results and prove that Myanmar's tragic downward trajectory is not inevitable. But just when the people of Myanmar need these types of actions the most, they are becoming the exception. Momentum that could have been created to build sustainable action is being lost. The question before this body and each member state of the United Nations is whether or not the progress that has been made by those who have taken positive actions will be built upon or left behind in history's what could have been filed. It is a question that each and every member state must answer. It is a decision that all of you must make. The consequences of that decision could not be greater for the people of Myanmar. Thank you.

I thank the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar for his presentation. Colleagues, I'll now open the floor for questions or comments on the presentations. As per past practice, I ask delegations to limit their comments to three and a half minutes. Thank you once again for your kind cooperation. I will now give the floor to Myanmar, to be followed by Japan and the European Union. Myanmar, as concerned country, you have 10 minutes. The floor is yours.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I wish to express my profound gratitude to the briefers for illuminating the dire situation in Myanmar. The situation continues to deteriorate. Now approaching its fifth year of the illegal coup, the military junta and its affiliates have escalated their campaign of terror, resulting in immense suffering. The junta intensified further aerial bombardments and artillery attacks on civilian areas, including schools, hospitals, and religious sites across the country. the IIIM continues to uncover evidence of an escalating number of war crimes and crimes against humanity. I will not repeat the facts here. Mr. Chair, as we have heard that during the recent high-level conference on the situations of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, conditions have worsened in Rakhine State. The prospect for safe, dignified, and voluntary return It's not viable under the junta's continued atrocities against civilians. Mr. Chair, at this time, our people are encountering various suffering and challenges and making our utmost efforts to build new Myanmar. At today's discussion, I wish to focus on the following areas: proliferation of transnational organized crimes, the junta's planned sham election, addressing impunity, and way forward for future Myanmar. The collapse of rule of law, enjoyment of impunity, and intentionally creations of safe havens for criminal syndicates by the military junta and its border guard forces have made Myanmar to become a global epicenter for transnational organized crimes, posing a severe challenge to the region and beyond. The scam compounds rely on human trafficking for forced criminality with hundreds of thousands of victims from the countries across the world. The victims of these online scams are subjected to digital slavery, online fraud, torture, sometimes even to debt, forced labor, and human trafficking. The online scam originated in Myanmar certainly has big impact on the regional and international peace and security. Failure to address the root causes of these highly adapted cyber scam operations has only resulted in short-term respect, after which scam centers from the northeast border of Myanmar shifted to the southeast border. It is crystal clear that military hunter is not part of any sustainable solution to the branching of these cyber scam center that are rooted in the jungle itself. Moreover, this illicit economy also fuels the production and trafficking of synthetic drugs and making Myanmar the world's largest producer of opium and methamphetamine, thereby threatening regional prosperity and instability. Clearly, a coordinated and effective actions of the international community, including the UN, is needed now to stop proliferations of transnational organized crime and safe and prevent the victims of TOCs, we need your serious support. Mr. Chair, let me be straightforward. The military hunters plan shared election is completely upset and must be unequivocally rejected. This election is a political trap, not a genuine APEC strategy. First and foremost, The military junta which illegally overthrew the elected government by staging a military coup has no legal and moral authority to organize such election. It cannot serve as a viable resolution because a legitimate political process is impossible when the junta is fighting a heinous war against its own people and systematically and seriously committing widespread violations of human rights. fundamental conditions for a free and fair poll are non-existent. The elected leaders, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, and human rights defenders remain arbitrarily detained or imprisoned. Many political parties were unjustly dissolved. Massive internal displacement, widespread conflict, the military's campaign of intimidations, and no freedom of expression means citizens cannot freely exercise their political rights. The hunters currently control less than 30% of the country's territory, making nationwide polling logistically impossible and strategically meaningless. An election in the current context will neither be free, fair, nor inclusive, and it is a deceitful process. There is no way we can fall into hunter's trap or be misguided by their propaganda, misinformation, and disinformation. We must always be mindful that accommodating the perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity will not only give license to the military hunters who kill more innocent people, but also protract conflicts and deepen suffering of our people. The NUG and the EAO CSO have strongly rejected the Hunter's planned sham election and call for the international community to do the same. Thus, we thank the UN Secretary General, the Special Envoy, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the Special Reporter on Myanmar for their statements on this sham election. In particular, the persistent call by the Special Reporter to reject this sham election. In my view, it is not enough to stop the deceitful and dangerous process. Therefore, the UN as a whole, including the member states, should be bold and express their solidarity with the people of Myanmar by rejecting the junta's planned sham election through resolutions of the UNGA and the HRC, as well as the UNSC statements. The UN should not fail again the people of Myanmar. Mr. Chair, to have a sustainable solution to the crisis in Myanmar, we have to bring justice to the victims and end the culture of impunity. We echo the repeated call by the High Commissioner for Human Rights to the Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar as a whole to ICC. We thank the UN for their hard work and for sharing unprecedentedly high volumes of evidence and analysis. with the ICJ, ICC, and the Federal Prosecutor Office in Argentina. We welcome the request for an arrest warrant of Senior General Mayangline by the ICC prosecutor in November 2024. It is already time for the ICC to issue such arrest warrant for Mayangline. This sends a strong message that there is no place for perpetrators of heinous crime. Mr. Chair, the only legitimate way forward is through a comprehensive political solution that aligns with the will of the people. We must step up our efforts to ending the military dictatorship, its unlawful coup, and establish a federal democratic union. Of course, ultimately, a solution lies on the people of Myanmar, a Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led solution. Therefore, Internet talks among our democratic forces and relevant stakeholders have already started to gain a transformational reconciliatory path towards national unity while laying the groundwork for a very democratic union. Following are our demands. Cease the violence across the country. Allow and impede access of humanitarian assistance to all people in need, especially the conflict-affected area. Release immediately all political prisoners including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. create conditions where all fundamental human rights can be enjoyed by all people in Myanmar. We believe that These will lead to a genuine, inclusive dialogue and thereby bring Myanmar to a right path towards a federal democratic union. In this regard, the international community, the UN, and its member state, the ASEAN, can play a positive role to make it happen. Accordingly, I thank Malaysia as the chair of ASEAN for its continued effort supporting the people of Myanmar. To bring Myanmar to a right path, I wish to appeal to the member states to work together in a coordinated manner to stop flows of arms, weapons, jet fuel, other dual-use items, and related technology to the military junta. It will also save and protect civilians. Mr. Chair, in conclusion, the military junta is the root cause to Myanmar crisis. Addressing it requires urgent action from the international community to prevent further deepening the crisis and civilian loss in Myanmar. Therefore, we should base Based on what we already have, RCM five point consensus, UN Security Council Resolution 2669 and relevant UNGA HRC resolutions on Myanmar. For the sake of saving lives, we all have to be one voice in urging the military junta forcefully to implement relevant provisions of the resolution related to Myanmar. Such action will show that the UN and its member states care for the people of Myanmar, who are indeed helpless now. The people of Myanmar are counting on the unified support of the international community to realize our legitimate aspirations for peace, dignity, and genuine democratic transition. The political will of the Member States and their principled position of humanity are the key to save the people of Myanmar and their future. I thank you.

Thank you, Myanmar, for the statement. I'll give the floor to Japan, to be followed by the European Union and the Russian Federation. Japan, the floor is yours.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Japan thanks the Briefer for their insightful and profound presentation. We remain gravely concerned by the continued deterioration of the human rights and humanitarian situation in Myanmar. We strongly urge the Myanmar military to immediately cease all violence, release those arbitrarily detained, and restore a democratic political system that genuinely reflects the will of the people. Japan will continue to provide maximum support for the unified efforts of ASEAN and underscores importance of full and swift implementation of the five-point consensus. We also value the active engagement of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar and encourage close coordination between UN and ASEAN initiatives toward an inclusive, durable, and peaceful resolution. Furthermore, the situation of Rohingya Muslims requires urgent attention. Japan commends Bangladesh's generosity generosity in hosting more than one million displaced persons, and remains committed to assisting both Rohingya and host communities through humanitarian and development assistance. In this regard, Japan stresses the importance of creating conducive environment for realizing their voluntary, safe, and dignified return to Myanmar. Japan echoes Special Envoy's concern that planned decision in Myanmar in December may further escalate violence and deepen divisions. In this regard, I would like to pose a question. How does the UN intend to engage with relevant actors, including ASEAN, neighboring countries, and civil society? in order to ensure that any electoral process in Myanmar does not undermine prospects for inclusive dialogue and national reconciliation. Lastly, Japan will continue to stand with the people of Myanmar and work with international partners to promote peace, democracy, and human rights. I thank you.

Thank you, Japan, for the statement. I now give the floor to the European Union, to be followed by the Russian Federation and Liechtenstein. The EU, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its member states. We welcome the Special Rapporteur's report and thank the speakers for their presentations. We reiterate our deep concern over the deteriorating humanitarian situation and security situation in Myanmar and strongly condemn the ongoing violence and human rights violations and abuses. The Myanmar military bears the overwhelming responsibility for the crisis, and not even the March devastating earthquake made it stop its aerial attacks on civilians, including schools, clinics, and displacement camps. Myanmar must return to a truly pluralistic and sincere, inclusive democratic path. respecting the will and aspirations of its people, who continue to demonstrate remarkable courage and resilience. We express our grave concern about the stated intention of the Myanmar military to hold elections that can be neither free nor fair under the current conditions, and which risk deepening division and violence. Since 2017, the EU, together with our partners in OIC, has led a joint resolution on the situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar. Our priority for this year is to reflect in the text these concerning developments. Restricted humanitarian access continues to exacerbate suffering and risk pushing persons in vulnerable situations towards famine and malnutrition, including in Rakhine State. We strongly call on all parties to immediately grant full, safe and unhindered access for humanitarian actors actors to deliver lifesaving assistance. We commend Bangladesh's generosity in providing shelter and safety to over 1.1 million Rohingya refugees and other minorities. We reaffirm our strong support for the United Nations and ASEAN's efforts in seeking peaceful solution, and we encourage the full and effective implementation of the five-point consensus. close coordination among all relevant actors remains essential to achieving a peaceful and democratic future for Myanmar. We also echo the Special Rapporteur's call for coordinated international action to isolate the junta and deny it the resources, money, weapons, and legitimacy. We urge for justice, accountability, and the full implementation of the UN Security Council Resolutions 2669. We commend the work of the IIMM, ICC, and the ICJ in pursuing accountability for atrocity crimes. Mr. Special Rapporteur, Could you elaborate on your recommendation to ensure access to education and livelihoods for refugees? And my second question, in areas outside the control of the military where local administrations are exercising authority, have you observed emerging practices of accountability mechanisms that could serve as inspiration for other areas in Myanmar? If yes, how can the international community best support these practices? I thank you, Chair.

I thank the European Union for the statement. I now give the floor to the Russian Federation, to be followed by Liechtenstein and Thailand. Russian Federation, the floor is yours.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, we would like to reaffirm our principled position that it is unacceptable to politicize human rights aspects of the activities of the UN by adopting country-based resolutions. This practice undermines the very possibility of equal and constructive intergovernmental dialogue on sensitive matters. Furthermore, it contravenes principles of the UN Charter. Those principles include respect for the sovereignty of states and non-intervention into domestic affairs. Turning now to the situation in Myanmar, we're troubled by the fact that far from all of the information we've heard today was gathered from reliable sources, And based on specifically this information, conclusions are being drawn about war crimes, which only serves to amplify polarization and mistrust. This is particularly unacceptable today when the situation in the country is already challenging. There are armed groups operating in Myanmar, and on their conscience, they have murder, abduction, and sexual violence against civilians, including children. They're also destroying civilian infrastructure. The government in Myanmar is endeavoring to stabilize the situation. Specifically, the government is taking steps to protect children from involvement in armed conflict, including working together with the UN to verify cases of recruitment of minors. The government is also continuing to cooperate with international partners on the repatriation of displaced persons from Rakhine State while adhering to the principles of safe, voluntary, and dignified return. In the context of preparation for general elections slated for December 2025, the authorities of Myanmar are ensuring participation of 57 political parties and over 5,000 candidates. They've also invited international observers. This fact clearly demonstrates the commitment of NPP to organizing transparent and a transparent and inclusive political process. In light of the foregoing, we urge the international community to objectively approach the assessment of the human rights situation in Myanmar. It is our conviction that that will serve to re-establish peace in this country and foster the well-being of its citizens. I thank you for your attention.

I thank the Russian Federation for the statement. I now give the floor to Liechtenstein, to be followed by Thailand and Indonesia. Liechtenstein, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. We would also like to extend our thanks to the mandate holders for their work in support of the people of Myanmar. Lichtenstein continues to be concerned that the military junta, which attempted to overthrow the legitimately elected government of Myanmar in a military coup, intends to whitewash its numerous violations of international law by holding elections in 2025. This is of great concern given the intensifying conflict and human rights violations across the country, as well as the fact that the military junta is not the legitimately elected government of Myanmar and has no right to call elections. We also agree with the Secretary-General that an inclusive solution to the ongoing crisis requires conditions that permits the people of Myanmar to exercise their human rights freely and peacefully. How can we ensure that States uphold the human rights to free and fair elections in this context, as well as the obligation of third States only to recognize elections called by legitimate authority? I thank you.

I thank Liechtenstein for the statement. I now turn the floor to Thailand. to be followed by Indonesia and Germany. Thailand, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thailand appreciates the briefings by the Special Envoy of the UNSG, the Special Rapporteur, and the head of IIIM. The protracted conflict in Myanmar continues to have pervasive effects. As next-door neighbor, Thailand remains steadfast to engage with all relevant parties. We have underscored to them the critical importance of restoring peace and stability and our readiness to help them facilitate peace talks. We also support the role of ASEAN Chair to advance the implementation of the five-point consensus, as well as the roles of the special envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, the special envoy of the UNSG on Myanmar, including in promoting inclusive dialogue. Thailand views election not as an end in itself, but part and parcel of the peace process. Thailand has had regular discussions with Myanmar to suggest them to take steps that would create positive atmosphere before the election, including through enhanced engagement with all stakeholders. We will continue to do so through various channels. Thailand will also continue to increase efforts to combat online scams. through prevention and prosecution, and ensure that victims of human trafficking are protected and safely repatriated. Mr. Chair, Thailand remains committed in ensuring that humanitarian assistance reaches those in need in an effective, safe, and impartial manner. In response to the earthquake in Myanmar, Thailand provided immediate assistance. including financial contribution of over 180,000 US dollar to UNICEF and WFP and circa 460,000 US dollar to AHA Center. We also are working to provide additional contribution of over 45,000 US dollar to ICRC. We share the UNHCR concern for the situation of Rohingyas in Bangladesh. Thailand recently donated approximately 21,000 US dollars to the WFP to provide assistance on food security. We hope to find durable solutions, particularly after the convening of the high-level conference on the situation of Rohingya Muslim and other minorities in Myanmar last month. Lastly, it is important that the situation in Myanmar does not fade from the radar. We should continue to work together to meet the needs and end the suffering of the Myanmar people. I thank you.

Thank you, Thailand, for the statement. I now give the floor to Indonesia, to be followed by Germany and India. Indonesia.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. We take note of the comprehensive briefings by the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, the head of IMM, and the Special Rapporteur. Indonesia remains concerned over the escalation of conflicts as well as human rights and humanitarian situations in Myanmar, including in Rakhine State, which cause endless cycle of sufferings, displacements, and disruptions of humanitarian access. We reiterate that the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus remains our main reference to address the political crisis in Myanmar, and stress the urgent need of its implementation in entirety for a durable, peaceful resolution for the people of Myanmar. Concrete action by all parties to immediately halt the widespread violence is needed to protect the lives of all civilians and create a conducive environment for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and inclusive national dialogue. We will continue to work in progressing humanitarian assistance to Myanmar through AHA Center and urge partners and international community to support this effort. We further welcome the enhanced coordination between Special Envoy of the Secretary-General and the Special Envoy of ASEAN Chair and encourage collaborations and joint initiatives, particularly in this time of UN liquidity crisis, including support to the role of Myanmar's women to contribute to the peace process. We also note the general election plan in Myanmar and we will work toward coordinated response by ASEAN to send election observers. We emphasize that the cessation of violence and inclusive political dialogue must precede elections for a free, fair, peaceful, transparent, inclusive, and credible general election. Indonesia, through ASEAN, is committed to continue our engagement with the dialogue partners, Myanmar neighboring countries, international and regional partners, and other relevant actors to address human rights situation in Myanmar and ultimately to find an inclusive and sustainable resolution to the complex crisis in Myanmar. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank Indonesia for the statement. I now give the floor to Germany, to be followed by India and Bangladesh. Germany.

Thank you, Chair. We thank the briefers for their work and comprehensive reports. Germany remains deeply concerned by the ongoing human rights violations and escalating violence perpetrated by the military junta and other armed groups in Myanmar. Since the coup in 2021, the Myanmar military has been systematically targeting civilians, disregarding international human rights law and continuing its brutal repression of dissent across the country. We are alarmed by the ongoing indiscriminate aerial attacks, targeted destruction of civilian infrastructure, as well as arbitrary detention, torture, and sexual and gender-based violence. Under circumstances of continued persecution of media, silencing of opposition leaders, and suppression of fundamental freedoms, it is clear that the upcoming election held by the military junta cannot be deemed free, fair, or inclusive. Instead, it is a cynical attempt to legitimize the military's violent and undemocratic rule. We would like to express our deep gratitude to the neighboring countries, particularly Bangladesh, which continues to host over 1 million Rohingya refugees and other minorities despite enormous social and economic challenges. Since 2017, Germany has contributed more than $123 million in humanitarian assistance to improve the situation of the Rohingya in Rakhine and in refugee camps in Bangladesh. We call upon the military authorities in Myanmar to end the violence, cease repression, allow full humanitarian access, release political prisoners, and engage in a genuine, inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders. We would like to ask the briefers, how can we facilitate and support an inclusive dialogue in Myanmar, ensuring meaningful participation of all stakeholders, including minorities, civil society, political opposition, and other marginalized groups? And given the current climate of massive repression, the absence of political freedoms, the military's ongoing efforts to manipulate the electoral process, what specific actions can we take to ensure any future elections in Myanmar are free, fair, and inclusive? I thank you.

Thank you, Germany, for that statement. I now give the floor to India, to be followed by Bangladesh and Czechia.

India. Thank you, Mr. Chair. India takes note of the reports on human rights situation in Myanmar. As a close neighbor, India continues to support all initiatives aimed at fostering trust and advancing a Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led path towards peace, stability and democracy. We reiterate our consistent position calling for an immediate cessation of violence, release of political prisoners, unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance and inclusive political dialogue. We firmly believe that sustainable peace can only be secured through inclusive political dialogue and the early restoration of democratic processes through credible and participatory elections. The deteriorating security and humanitarian conditions continue to remain a matter of deep concern for us, particularly as these developments have cross-border implications for us, including the challenges posed by transnational crimes such as drug, arms and human trafficking. India has consistently emphasised a people-centric approach in this engagement with Myanmar Following the March 2025 earthquake, India promptly launched Operation Brahma, dispatching over 1,000 metric tons of relief materials and deploying medical teams as the first responder. This built upon our earlier humanitarian initiatives, including Operation Chadbhava during Typhoon Yagi, and India's continuous assistance during previous natural calamities. Mr. Chair, I express serious objections to the baseless and biased observation in the report regarding my country. I strongly denounce the biased approach adopted by the Sr. of the innocent civilian victims of the April 2025 terrorist attack in Pahalgam through biased communal lens. Delegation that this terrorist attack impacted displaced persons, from Myanmar has absolutely no factual bearing. My country rejects such prejudiced and blinkered analysis by the Special Rapporteur. I would also clarify at this forum that my country is seeing an alarming level of radicalization among the displaced persons. leading to consequential pressure and impact on the law and order situation. I would also urge the Asser not to depend upon unverified and skewed media reports whose sole purpose appears to be maligning my country, where people of all faiths live, including more than 200 million Muslims, which is about 10% of the world's Muslim population. Mr. Asser, in conclusion, India will continue to work for peace and stability in the region, engage with the ASEAN under the framework of the Five-Point Consensus and support of the efforts of the UN Secretary-General in facilitating a peaceful resolution in the best interests of the people of Myanmar. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank India for the statement. I now give the floor to Bangladesh, to be followed by Czechia and Luxembourg. Bangladesh, the floor is yours.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. We thank the Special Envoy, head of the IIMM, and the Special Rapporteur for their comprehensive reports. We also thank them for their visits to Bangladesh. Bangladesh welcomes the report of the IIMM and commends the mechanism for its hard work and continued efforts to collect and preserve evidence of crimes committed in Myanmar, including against the Rohingya. We note with appreciation the important progress made in investigating crimes since the February 2021 military coup, including aerial attacks, killings of civilians and detained combatants, and torture, including sexual violence against persons in detention. We appreciate the significant development in the investigation of the 2016 and 2017 clearance operations against the Rwaing. We note that the Mechanism is now focusing its investigations on Rohingya villages where properties were destroyed, people forcibly displaced, and land was subsequently appropriated and replaced with security bases and state infrastructure. We also take note of the Mechanism's close cooperation with the ICJ, ICC, and other national courts to ensure justice for the Rohingya people. Mr. Chair, we remain deeply alarmed by the grave violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law in Myanmar, as highlighted in the Secretary-General's latest report. Civilian deaths, sexual and gender-based violence, and forced conscription continue to rise. Nearly 22 million people in Myanmar now need humanitarian assistance, and 3.6 million are internally displaced. Mr. Chair, Bangladesh continues to facilitate IIMM's missions and remains committed to support its work. We stress that access to Myanmar is essential for the Mechanism to gather evidence comprehensively, and we urge Myanmar to fully cooperate with the IIMM. The renewed conflict in Rakhine has further aggravated the plight of the Rohingya. Since November 2023, over 150,000 more Rohingya have entered into Bangladesh and added immense pressure to the already overcrowded camps in Cox's Bazar that hosted about 1.3 million Rohingyas. The situation is further aggravated by the decline in humanitarian assistance. Mr. Chair, Bangladesh reiterates that repatriation remains the only lasting solution to this protracted crisis, which was repeatedly pronounced during the stakeholders dialogue held in August in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, and in the high-level conference in September here in New York. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank Bangladesh for the statement. I now give the floor to Czechia, to be followed by Luxembourg and Canada. Czechia, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. Czechia aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union. Czechia expresses grave concern over the documented worsening of human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. We condemn the Myanmar military's systematic attacks on civilians, including indiscriminate airstrikes, torture, sexual violence, and forced conscription of adults and children. The escalation of violence in Rakhine State has led to mass displacement and atrocities against the Rohingya and other minorities, committed both by the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army. Given the scale of abuses and the fragmentation of control in Rakhine, How can the international actors contribute to safe, voluntary, and dignified return for Rohingya refugees while protecting those still at risk inside Myanmar? Despite repeated calls for the escalation, the junta continues to obstruct humanitarian aid and plans to hold elections under conditions that violate democratic norms. We support international accountability efforts and urge all member states to reject the legitimacy of these elections. We call for an immediate cessation of hostilities, unimpeded humanitarian access, and increased support for displaced communities. Czechia stands with the people of Myanmar and reiterates its commitment to supporting efforts for justice, accountability, and a democratic future grounded in respect for human rights and the rule of law. I thank you.

I thank Czechia for the statement. I now give the floor to Luxembourg, to be followed by Canada and France. Luxembourg, you have the floor.

Mr. Chair. Luxembourg aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union. Allow us to add the following remarks in a national capacity. We thank all of the speakers for their presentations. Because we're short on time, we're going to focus our remarks on the statement by Mr. Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Mr. Special Rapporteur, as we said at the high-level conference on the situation of the Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar on the 30th of September. We are very much troubled by the civil war underway in Myanmar. We're also troubled by the serious humanitarian crisis emanating from it, which has deprived millions of people of their most basic rights, in particular the right to food, health, education, and an adequate standard of living. This situation constitutes a serious violation of international obligations. in terms of human rights, and it calls for an urgent response from the international community. We support the efforts at mediation underway to end the civil war. We are also concerned by the criminalization of the freedom of expression, in particular by targeted violence against journalists and human rights defenders. In this context, could you tell us what mechanisms exist to guarantee the collection and the secure verification of evidence of this criminalization, and how can Member States tangibly support these efforts? Thank you.

Thank you, Luxembourg, for the statement. I now give the floor to Canada, to be followed by France and the United Kingdom. Canada.

Canada thanks the panel for their presentation and welcomes their interventions. Sustained international engagement is crucial to address the worsening Myanmar and Rohingya crises. We strongly condemn the alleged indiscriminate use of bombardments against civilians and public facilities, such as the one in Saguang in early October. Canada urges all parties to de-escalate violence and prioritize the protection of civilians. We are also concerned about the regime's plans to hold elections. As the special envoy pointed out, elections held under current circumstances will risk greater instability and undermine the fragile state of the country. A cessation of hostilities and inclusive dialogue are essential preconditions to a credible electoral process in Myanmar. We note Malaysia's foreign minister's visit to Naypyidaw, where he emphasized that elections must follow the principles of freedom, fairness, transparency, and credibility, and must guarantee the inclusive participation of all parties nationwide. However, we're deeply concerned by the military regime's recent claims suggesting ASEAN endorsement of proposed elections. The regime's attempt to spin ASEAN's diplomatic engagement into an endorsement is a dangerous distortion. We call on ASEAN and its member states to continue prioritizing the five-point consensus. We underline the importance of pursuing accountability and addressing the root causes of the interlinked Rohingya and Myanmar crises. We emphasize that conditions in Myanmar do not permit the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of Rohingya people, many of whom continue to flee in search of safety throughout the region. Canada continues to support the efforts of the UN, ASEAN, civil society, and other stakeholders towards democracy, peace, and inclusion for all people of Myanmar. We'll end our interventions with three questions for the panel. Given the military's regime's intention to hold elections, how can the international community most effectively support ASEAN, the UN, and other stakeholders in fostering conditions conducive to de-escalation of violence and inclusive political dialogue? Given the deteriorating human rights situation, what can Member States do to strengthen accountability efforts? And what additional measures can Member States consider to increase pressure on the regime, including sanctions or arms embargoes? Thank you.

Thank you, Canada, for the statement. We now give the floor to France, to be followed by the United Kingdom and Switzerland. France.

Thank you, Chair. France thanks the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General, the head of the mechanism and the Special Rapporteur for their presentations. France reiterates its support for all mandates, mechanisms and reports that make it possible to establish the facts necessary to combat impunity. The United Nations Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is essential. Its work contributes to the investigation of the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC. which in November 2024 filed a request for the issuance of an arrest warrant against the junta leader, Min Aung Hlaing, for crimes against humanity and more specifically for the deportation and persecution of the Rohingya. The IIMM's 2025 report shows an increase in the number of these war crimes and crimes against humanity, especially in Rakhine State, where the situation has deteriorated significantly since 2024. France demands the full implementation of the UNSC Resolution 2669, the cessation of the junta's violence and attacks against its own population, and the immediate and unconditional release of tens of thousands of political prisoners, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. Abiding by international humanitarian law is an obligation to which the junta and all parties to the conflict are subject. The Junta must ensure full, safe, rapid and unhindered access for humanitarian aid to all populations in need, all the more so in the aftermath of the earthquake of March 2025. France deplores the total lack of willingness to compromise on the part of the military regime that emerged from the coup, despite ASEAN's efforts to resolve the crisis under the five-point consensus, which we support. Ladies and gentlemen. The international community should support your work. How can we better coordinate our actions to combat impunity together? I thank you.

Thank you, France, for the statement. I now give the floor to the United Kingdom, to be followed by Switzerland and Malaysia. The UK, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. The crisis in Myanmar remains alarming. Over 22 million people need humanitarian assistance, with access persistently blocked. We are concerned by devastating reports of widespread sexual violence and the use of children in armed conflict. We condemn the Myanmar military's indiscriminate air strikes on civilian infrastructure, including schools and places of worship. Despite ceasefires, military attacks increased following the March earthquake, killing over 200 civilians in April. The military's blockade of aid has led to severe shortages of lifesaving medications and food and has pushed the Rakhine state to the brink of famine. with over 2 million people at risk of starvation. We call on all parties to prioritise protecting civilians and unimpeded humanitarian access. The UK reiterates that any consideration of the return of Rohingya refugees must be contingent on the establishment of conditions that are safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable. The UK remains committed to supporting future accountability in Myanmar. The IIMM's documentation plays a vital role in laying the groundwork for this. That's why the UK has contributed 900,000 to the mechanism to ensure that evidence is preserved and justice can be pursued. The UK would like to ask the briefers, how can the international community improve humanitarian access across Myanmar? Thank you.

Thank you, UK, for the statement. I now give the floor to Switzerland, to be followed by Malaysia and Australia. Switzerland.

Thank you, Chair. Switzerland welcomes the continued commitment of the Special Envoy and the Special Rapporteur and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. The IIMM report reveals damning evidence of violence against civilians in indiscriminate air attacks. It raises the arrest of thousands of people, systematic torture and gender-based sexual violence. It also calls out crimes committed against the Rohingya and other civilian communities by parties to the conflict. Special Rapporteur decries the collapse of humanitarian aid and its obstruction and instrumentalization. The Special Envoy underscores the zero-sum mentality in a highly charged environment. Switzerland expresses a deep concern at elections which in the current context do not meet the conditions that are necessary for them to be free, just and inclusive. They risk fueling violence and further undermining the prospects for a sustainable peace process. Panelists, what role can the international community play in encouraging parties to stop the violence and protect civilians? and to ensure that the elections at the end of 2025 comply with international standards. Finally, since 2012, Switzerland has been committed to peace and the resolution in Myanmar. We reiterate our call for a ceasefire and for respect for international law and unhindered humanitarian access. I thank you.

I thank Switzerland for the statement. I now give the floor to Malaysia, to be followed by Australia and Ireland. Malaysia.

Thank you, Chair. Malaysia wishes to thank the briefers for their presentations. Malaysia remains deeply concerned over the ongoing conflict in Myanmar. The deterioration of basic services combined with restricted humanitarian access has worsened the suffering of the people, especially women and children. Conditions in Rakhine State have also worsened, escalating refugee flows. A durable solution must address the root causes, including citizenship rights. Malaysia remains committed to supporting efforts toward the safe, voluntary and dignified return of the Rohingya to their homeland, consistent with international law and humanitarian principles. Chair, we appreciate the support from international community, particularly the UN for ASEAN's efforts. As chair of ASEAN, Malaysia has sought to realign the association's priorities so that ASEAN remains a resilient, relevant and responsive to current realities. Guided by the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, we have worked with all stakeholders and neighbouring countries to foster the conditions for peaceful dialogue in Myanmar. This effort requires patience, persistence, and an honest appreciation of the realities on the ground. ASEAN continues to engage every available channel and partner to stop violence, ease the humanitarian crisis, and promote inclusive national dialogue. At the same time, we reaffirm that sustainable peace must be Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led. In this regard, international support for ASEAN-led mechanisms remains essential to ensure unhindered humanitarian access, cessation of violence, and the creation of conditions conducive for inclusive national dialogue. We underscore the importance of free, fair, peaceful, transparent, inclusive and credible general elections. We emphasize that the cessation of violence and inclusive political dialogue must precede elections. Chair, Malaysia wishes to ask the Briefer, in your view, what practical steps can the international community consider to support ASEAN in its efforts to foster conducive conditions for inclusive national dialogue in Myanmar? Thank you.

Thank you, Malaysia, for the statement. I now give the floor to Australia to be followed by Ireland and China. Australia, you have the floor.

Thank you very much, Chair. We thank the Special Envoy, Special Rapporteur and Head of IIM for their updates and their very important work on Myanmar. Australia is deeply concerned by the escalating conflict, the briefers' reports of steadily declining conditions and the deepening humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. Australia condemns in the strongest terms the military regime's continued attacks against civilians, including an air strike on the Buddhist Festival of Light in central Myanmar in October. The regime has killed more than 7,000 civilians since the February 2021 coup. This violence must stop. We urge the regime to cease violence. release all those unjustly detained, allow safe and unimpeded access for humanitarian assistance, and engage in genuine and inclusive political dialogue with all stakeholders. Elections held without these essential steps risk greater division and instability. Australia wants to see a peaceful transition of power in Myanmar to a civilian democratic government that reflects the will of the people. This is the only path to resolving the crisis. Australia asks what more can the international community do to support a peaceful resolution to the crisis and to return Myanmar to the path of inclusive democracy. Thank you.

I thank Australia for the statement. Now I give the floor to Ireland, to be followed by China and Belarus. Ireland, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. Ireland aligns itself with the statement of the EU and thanks the experts for their presentations. Ireland would like to ask the Special Rapporteur: what is your assessment of the impact of the junta's approach to organising elections on the human rights situation in Myanmar? Ireland condemns in the strongest terms all human rights abuses committed by the military in Myanmar. Since the announced plans for election, there has been a reported surge in the military's indiscriminate attacks and air strikes on civilians across Myanmar. This escalating violence has intensified the existing humanitarian crisis, with over 3.5 million people currently displaced. Ireland reiterates our call for the military to immediately cease all human rights abuses and attacks against civilians, to release those arbitrarily detained, sentenced or prosecuted, and to uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law. Ireland is deeply concerned by the forced conscription and recruitment perpetrated by the military, resulting in thousands fleeing the country to avoid forced recruitment, often through irregular channels and facing heightened risks of trafficking, exploitation, abuse, and sexual and gender-based violence. Ireland strongly supports the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and that of the ICC and ICJ to end the cycle of impunity. Thank you.

I thank Ireland for the statement. I now give the floor to China, to be followed by Belarus and Norway. China.

China has carefully listened to the presentations provided by the briefers. As a friendly neighbour, China supports Myanmar's efforts in pursuing a development path suited to its national conditions, safeguarding sovereignty, security and development interests, rebuilding after the earthquake, improving people's livelihood, and uniting broad domestic political forces to restore stability and development. We support ASEAN in playing a primary role in ensuring a mutually reinforcing and effective implementation of the Five Points Consensus and Myanmar's Five Point Roadmap. China looks forward to the special envoy on Myanmar playing a constructive role in helping the country achieve a political reconciliation and a lasting stability. Chair, China has always opposed to the politicization and instrumentalization of human rights issues, as well as the use of human rights as a tool for exerting public pressure. This applies equally to the situation in Myanmar. The international community should focus their actions that help bridge the differences and resolve problems rather than exacerbating tension and instability. For those caught up in armed conflict, promoting a swift ceasefire is the best way to safeguard human rights. Recently, based on the wishes and demands of relevant parties in Myanmar, China has actively engaged in peace mediation, which has produced positive results. China will continue its efforts in this regard. The issue of repatriating displaced persons from Rakhine State must fundamentally be resolved through gradual dialogue and consultation between Myanmar and Bangladesh. China has consistently pursued diplomatic initiatives in this regard and provided multiple batches of humanitarian assistance to both countries. The international community should maintain patience and continue supporting both parties in building on existing basis to strengthen dialogue and communication, enhance mutual understanding and trust, and create a favorable conditions and a conducive environment for advancing the repatriation process. Thank you, Chair.

Thank you, China, for the statement. I now give the floor to Belarus to be followed by Norway, the Sovereign Order of Malta, and the International IDEA. Belarus, you have the floor.

Mr.

Chairman, distinguished colleagues, Belarus reaffirms its principled stance. We do not accept country-based approaches in the work of the UN. That includes the work of the mandate holders on the human rights situation in Myanmar. We completely reject the instrumentalization of human rights to justify intervention into the internal affairs of sovereign states. Such approaches fly in the of the principles of universality, impartiality, objectivity, and non-selectivity, which undergird the entire human rights system. Right now, we're in a liquidity crisis, and we are combining mandates of special rapporteurs on entire areas. In this context, wasting millions of dollars to maintain a glut of mechanisms like this should be seen as intolerable. We regret to see the non-objective approach used in the report, "Situation of Human Rights of Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar." The main thrust of the report focuses on negative narratives while ignoring the consistent efforts of the government of Myanmar to promote peace, stability, and well-being. We want to emphasize that only constructive and respectful dialogue can lay the path to significant long-term progress on human rights in Myanmar. Thank you.

Thank Belarus for the statement. Now I give the floor to Norway.

Thank you, Chair. I would like to thank the briefers here today for their important updates. Norway remains deeply concerned by the frequent and credible reports of serious violations and abuses of human rights and international law in Myanmar. The regime's violent repression of the people in Myanmar is unacceptable. Increased military airstrikes targeting homes, schools, and places of worship, persecution and sexual and gender-based violence, rising humanitarian needs, the extent of human suffering and regression in development and human rights, including for women and children, is devastating. We reiterate our call for an immediate end to all violence and abuses against civilians. We urge the military regime and all armed actors in Myanmar to respect their obligations under international law, protect civilians, and allow for full, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access. We reiterate the need for well-functioning accountability mechanisms and for perpetrators to be brought to justice. We urge all actors to fully cooperate with the UN human rights mechanisms. We continue to support efforts to promote genuine and inclusive dialogue. This is the only way to address root causes and lay the foundation for a return to the path of inclusive democracy in Myanmar. Special rapporteur, I would like to ask you: how can we best support the civilian population in Myanmar and ensure urgent humanitarian access? I thank you.

Thank you, Nove, for the statement. I now give the floor to the following order of note.

Mr. Chair. The deteriorating humanitarian and human rights situation in Myanmar remains a matter of grave concern. As we have heard today, civilians across the country continue to endure immense suffering, caught amid violence, instability, natural disaster, and the earthquake that struck in March of this year had only deepened the crisis. The scale of displacement is staggering. Within Myanmar, the number of IDPs is now estimated to exceed 3 million, and in Thailand alone, it is estimated that over 100,000 refugees are being hosted across nine main shelters. Through its humanitarian relief agency, Malteser International, the Sovereign Order of Malta continues to provide assistance to displaced civilians in two of these main settlements, offering food distribution, medical care, and sanitation support. Yet, we remain deeply concerned by the growing constraints on resources for humanitarian operations, which threaten the continuation of these essential services. Beyond the immediate physical hardships, the social and psychological toll of this displacement cannot be overstated. The Order of Malta has also been able to provide support within Myanmar's borders. Our WASH teams continue to deliver safe drinking water, repair damaged pipelines, construct emergency latrines, and distribute soap and water purification tablets. Partner organizations have likewise been distributing non-food relief kits, all designed to restore a measure of stability and dignity to those who have lost so much. The order also continues its humanitarian presence across Rakhine and Eastern Shan, supporting initiatives that assist people living with tuberculosis, malaria, and HIV. In Kayin State, we are implementing a disability-inclusive project that strengthens local structures for disaster preparedness and response. In addition, we are working in partnership with UNICEF to address and prevent sexual exploitation and abuse. Despite these efforts, we remain acutely aware of the immense and ongoing needs. We therefore strongly urge all parties to respect and expand existing ceasefire agreements so that humanitarian assistance can flow freely, safely, and at scale. We also call for the establishment of humanitarian safe zones where civilians may access aid without fear or obstruction. The Order of Malta further underscores the importance of effective monitoring of key humanitarian indicators to ensure that scarce resources are used in the most effective manner possible. We also commend ongoing efforts to develop and implement integration policies for Burmese refugees to host countries, enabling them to access safe and regular employment. Mr. Chair, support for the people of Myanmar must not waver in the face of shifting or mounting challenges. Only through sustained cooperation and compassion can we help return to the Burmese people the dignity, stability, and peace they so deserve. I thank you.

I thank the Sovereign Order of Malta for the statement. I now give the floor to the International IDEA. The floor is yours.

Thank you, Chair. Excellencies, International IDEA welcomes the latest report by the Special Rapporteur, Tom Andrews. and commends the unwavering efforts by both him and the Special Envoy on Myanmar to keep the crisis in Myanmar on the international agenda. The situation has reached a critical juncture. The military junta continues its campaign of violence, including airstrikes on civilians, systematic persecution of the Rohingya and other minorities, and the orchestration of sham elections designed to entrench military rule. We echo the Special Rapporteur's call for the international community to unequivocally reject the Junta's planned election, which cannot be considered free or fair under conditions of repression, exclusion, and ongoing conflict. No support, technical, material, or political, should be extended to this illegitimate process. We call for member states to increase sanctions on the Junta's sources of revenue, weapons, and legitimacy, and to refrain from any actions that might confer recognition on the regime. The humanitarian crisis is deepening, with over 22 million people in need and critical funding gaps threatening lifesaving assistance. The destabilization of Myanmar has significant regional implications, including mass displacement and human trafficking. Immediate, robust support is crucial for both humanitarian relief and Myanmar's democracy movement. International IDEA stands with Myanmar's legitimate democratic institutions, including the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttar, the National Unity Government, and all pro-democracy and ethnic organizations working towards a federal, democratic, inclusive, and rights-based future. We urge the international community to provide sustained support to their efforts in line with General Assembly resolution 78/219 and Human Rights Council resolutions 55/20 and 58/20. The time to act is now. Supporting Myanmar's legitimate democratic institutions is not just an investment in one country. It is a stand for democratic values everywhere. Thank you very much.

I thank the International IDEA for the statement. With that, I will now invite the presenters of the combined briefing to respond to the comments and questions from the floor. I would like to give the floor, first of all, to the head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, Mr. Nicholas Kungjan. The floor is yours.

Thank you, Chair. Several comments and questions dealt with the need for a dialogue within Myanmar between communities, and we certainly endorse that. For many, many decades, the Myanmar military has attempted to take advantage of conflicts between communities and exacerbated conflicts between communities in Myanmar. An example of that is in our hate speech report that we made public a year ago, where we talked about efforts by 34 accounts that we identified as tied to the Myanmar military that were promoting hate speech against the Rohingya at the very time of the clearance operations. So we think it's very important to bring communities together so they better understand each other And communicate about the future of the shared future of Myanmar. We do that in a dialogue that we hold with civil society groups. We've held several and we definitely I notice. The important contribution of those dialogues is the different groups, different religions, different ethnicities talking together and realizing how much they share this common vision of a democratic future for Myanmar, and that these other communities are not their enemies, they are their friends, and they need to cooperate and work together. So I think it's very, very wise to promote dialogue between these communities. And finally, I think it's important in order to all the talk about shining a light upon the atrocities that are being committed in Myanmar. It's important to do that partly for this issue of eventual reconciliation of communities, because these international crimes, these war crimes, crimes against humanity are not committed by a religion or by an ethnicity. They're committed by individuals. And it's important that victims see that individuals committed these crimes against them and individuals will be held responsible for these crimes. You don't have to hate the other community. It's individuals within each community that committed the crimes and are responsible for what occurred. So by shining a light, by on these crimes and who is responsible, we can contribute to eventual reconciliation and hopefully deter crimes because perpetrators will know someone is watching, they're collecting evidence, and one day they may be held responsible.

Thank you, Mr. Kum Chin, for your response. I now pass the microphone to Mr. Mohamed Khaled Khairi, Assistant Secretary-General for Middle East, Asia and the Pacific II. kindly respond to comments and questions on behalf of the Special Envoy on Myanmar, Mr. Julie Bishop. The floor is yours, Mr. Kiari.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I thank the Member State for their question and their interest in the stability and the security and prosperity of Myanmar and the Rohingyas return as well. I will say a few words about some of the questions. There are some intersections between the questions between me and my colleagues. First of all, about the election, just to recall that yesterday in ASEAN-UN Summit, the Secretary General reiterated his strong position in that regard. He repeated the -- he rated his concern regarding the military state intention to hold elections amid intensifying conflicts and human rights violation. and without condition that permit the people of Myanmar to freely and peacefully exercise their political rights. At the ASEAN Summit yesterday, the Secretary-General underscored the urgency of forging a credible path back to civilian rule, starting with the swift release of all those detained arbitrarily. I want to note the The leadership, the leader, ASEAN leader review and decision on the implementation of five point consensus that has been endorsed as well strongly supports the five point consensus and consider that the cessation of violence and I'm quoting cessation of violence and inclusive political dialogue must precede elections. Having said that, to answer to this is to answer the question of Japan and to answer another question of Japan about the way forward and partly one of the questions, I think, of Germany. The special envoy has prioritized it, as you know, and will continue to prioritize close engagement with ASEAN, which remains supporting in our understanding and our view in a Myanmar-led process to end the crisis. As you know, and has been said by a lot of speakers, the conflict in Myanmar has a complex underpinning and we should look at different competing factors, particularly the political, the socioeconomic, the humanitarian. the governance issues, countering transnational crimes as well as initiatives. So all this means it's important to have a lasting solution to deal with the root causes, with the drivers of conflict. Just a last point with regard to the election, I think you know, our position that we understand that the conflict is very complex, but any election has to be fair and free and inclusive. And one of the colleagues said that elections are not an end in itself. So we believe that election could bring legitimacy if certain conditions are met. It means fair, inclusive, credible, transparent, and based on a whole of society approach. For the first point that has been raised by some colleagues related to the coordination with ASEAN, We continue to support, as has been reconfirmed yesterday about the five point concerns, that we urge all countries to support the central role of ASEAN. I think that we think that by experiences that it's very important that to continue support the regional organizations in which Myanmar is party and try to support a unified strategy toward Myanmar, centered on the needs of Myanmar. So The, yesterday, the Secretary General at the same time has supported the five-point consensus and applaud ASEAN commitment to provide humanitarian assistance to the people in Myanmar. We continue, as I said, to cooperate closely and to be as complementary as possible. We haven't, as United Nations, delegated our our responsibility, but we are working very closely with ASEAN. We are complementary. We try to synergize our force to multiply the impact of our both force of both institution and we have very close coordination with the special envoy of Malaysia and we look forward to do the same when the chairmanship of ASEAN will be assumed by Philippines next year. So it's very important for us. We are following your guidance, the guidance of General Assembly, of Security Council, to strengthen our cooperation with ASEAN. Another point raised with regard to the humanitarian assistance, of course, we remain committed to maximize our response to community needs of humanitarian assistance. including where the access is very constrained. It's an active conflict. And you have decided at the beginning that United Nations will stay, will deliver, will deliver on humanitarian assistance, and we deliver on basic human needs, we deliver on essential services that we are doing. There is a lot of constraints. The emergency coordinator has visited the region with other high-level UN senior personalities to try to find a way how to improve our access. They still have difficulties, some bureaucratic issues, some visa issues, but we are doing our best to have more access there and to reach the people in need. We are very closely working with regional actors to explore viable mechanisms. I think you have heard of some of them for delivering assistance. But what is most important for us is without compromising the neutrality, without compromising the principle of humanitarian actions. We are engaging with de facto authorities. We are engaging with neighboring countries. We believe that this is remain critical to ensure the safe and effective delivery of aid. So we call what we can call, I think, to improve humanitarian actions as we reiterate our call to continue funding the humanitarian need and response plan for Myanmar to come to funding the humanitarian need as well for Rohingya refugees. I think we have funding issues and we have administrative issues. We try to do our best for the administrative issues with the authorities that are controlling territories, whatever authority, whatever authorities, and at the same time, there are responsibility of international community to strengthen the funding to meet our responses to the needed community. Another question that, for several questions, I think they have been raised with regard to the what international community could do together to improve or to re-engage Myanmar toward the path of of democracy. I think that's very important issues. We are in contact, our special envoy, with different stakeholders, with different member states to find the best way together to re-engage in a sustainable path and sustainable process. We continue to believe there are two tracks. First track is internal tracks to reduce the gaps fortunately, is deepening, particularly ahead of the elections, which could deepen the already deep gaps between the different stakeholders. They have different vision about the governance and they have different vision as well about the status and about their presence in the country. This is the internal gaps. We try to work very closely with the UN as well, and you have, of course, the international gaps as well, which is as deep as the internal one, but there are some views, some differences. I think there is unity of objective, what to reach in Myanmar, but the way to reach that objective, I think there are different views. It's very important that we work together, international community work together to bridge that gap, to have a united approach, if not united approach, a coherent approach, that could contribute or help create conditions for dialogue, for inclusive dialogue, and for a peaceful future of Myanmar in line with the need and aspiration of Myanmar people. I will stop here, Chair.

Thank you, SG Kyari, for your response. On behalf of the Special Envoy on Myanmar, Ms. Julie Bishop, And lastly, I would like to give the floor back to the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Mr. Andrews, the floor is yours.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you all for your questions and observations and points of view. I'd like to conclude by indicating what I believe are important steps that can be done by citing what has been done that has been effective, number one. what has not been done and could make a difference if it was done, address points raised on the upcoming so-called election, and then offer a personal reflection on the environment in which Member States are operating and the create conditions in which determine what you as Member States do. I'd like to begin, though, by expressing my heartfelt appreciation to all of you. This is my final address to members of the General Assembly and the Third Committee, and I want to say I greatly appreciated your support in my work. I want to particularly thank those nations who have welcomed me to do my work, including Malaysia, Indonesia, Australia, Korea, Japan, Bangladesh, and the Parliament of Thailand, and I'm now hoping to visit the Philippines as they assume the chairmanship of ASEAN. Thank you all for your outstanding support. I also want to assure you that as I complete my service as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, I'm going to continue to engage on human rights in Myanmar. Unlike my distinguished colleagues on this panel, I am not an employee of the United Nations. I am a volunteer. And my day job is at Harvard University, where I serve as the director of the Southeast Asia Human Rights Project at Harvard's Asia Center. I therefore want you all to know that I am available and eager to provide you with support as you continue to fill your critical role. My door will remain open. As I mentioned in my opening remarks, the good news is that actions that have been taken by member states and key stakeholders in the private sector have proven to be effective in reducing the Junta's access to the three things that it needs to sustain itself and the assault on the citizens of Myanmar: money, weapons, and legitimacy. They are demonstrating the power of targeted engagement or what is possible when the world pays attention and is willing to act. For example, with respect to weapons, I've written about how the junta has accessed its weapons and weapons materials from abroad in a series of special reports or conference room papers, including banking, the billion dollar death trade and banking on the death trade. And after I described in one of those reports how weapons materials had been transferred to the junta through businesses operating in and through Singapore, the Singapore government launched an investigation of my findings. I was very happy to travel to Singapore to assist with that investigation. Following that investigation, the Singapore government took action. Following that action, the volume of weapons-related transfers from Singapore to the junta dropped by 90 percent. 90 percent. Following other actions by the international community, including sanctions targeting the junta and its enablers, international weapons transfers to the junta dropped by over a third. With respect to money, after being named as a source of financial services that enabled the junta to obtain weapons that they used to attack civilians. Bangkok Bank investigated, and they reported to me that it had terminated, as a result of that investigation, all banking relationships with Myanmar Economic Bank, the key junta-controlled bank used to purchase weapons and weapons-related materials. This is real progress. This is real progress. Now, with respect to legitimacy, I'd like to address a point, points that have been made about the so-called election that is going to be held beginning on the 28th of December. Distinguished delegates, you cannot hold a free and fair election when you arrest, detain, torture, and execute leaders of the political opposition. When journalists and human rights defenders are locked up for reporting the truth. When at least 40 political parties are dissolved, including the National League for Democracy, which won landslide victories in the last two general elections. or when up to 10 years imprisonment is imposed on those who exercise their right to free speech by protesting or speaking out against this so-called election. As we speak, there are more than 22,000 political prisoners in Myanmar who are behind bars. Some member states have publicly rejected this so-called election, and I congratulate them. And as we've heard in the discussion, ASEAN just yesterday took a principled position in which it said elections must not begin until the violence in Myanmar ends. Indeed, stopping the violence is point one. of ASEAN's five-point consensus. I encourage all member states to follow ASEAN's lead and declare that elections in Myanmar must not begin until the violence ends. It is particularly important that election observers not be sent to Myanmar. The junta hopes that the presence of observers will help them to claim legitimacy. I have served on election observation missions, and I can assure you that nothing will be gained by observing what we already know is a sham. Indeed, the presence of election observers can only hurt by helping to legitimize what is decidedly illegitimate. The good news is that we know what can be done to address the crisis in Myanmar. We know what works. Member states are demonstrating and have demonstrated what is possible. The bad news is that despite their effectiveness, these examples, these actions remain the exception. States have not built upon the momentum created by the targeted sanctioning of key junta-controlled banks. They have not developed a coordinated plan to isolate the junta and constrain its ability to attack and oppress the people of Myanmar, including by increasing targeted sanctions that deny the junta the weapons of war that it uses to attack civilians. States have failed to provide the level of resources necessary to avert a grave humanitarian catastrophe, and with some notable exceptions, states have failed to adequately engage, support, and empower people and organizations that are building the foundation for a democratic, rights-respecting Myanmar. This leads to a question.

Why?

Why, despite knowing what we know about this crisis and knowing what we can do about it, Why is the trajectory of international engagement and support for the people of Myanmar moving downward, even as the crisis in Myanmar, the horror in Myanmar, spikes upward? Why, in too many instances, does the political will to act decisively and effectively to address this crisis simply not exist? Mr. Chairman, I would like to personally reflect on a factor that I believe is at play not only with respect to the people of Myanmar, but all who desperately need help but are now coming to terms with the fact that help from the international community will be less and less forthcoming. And that factor are the political headwinds that are attacking and eroding support for human rights and human decency in nations around the world. Distinguished delegates, the principles and the values that are at the heart of the United Nations are under attack. The political headwinds behind these attacks are being driven by the deployment of fear, of grievance, of xenophobia as political weapons, weapons that are attacking the very foundation of these United Nations. This is extremely dangerous, and not only for the people of Myanmar. We know where the deployment of these weapons lead. Indeed, the United Nations was founded 80 years ago on the ashes of the horrific consequences of these political weapons. Reversing this downward trajectory is going to require a stronger level of support from the international community, a stronger level of support from the countries that you represent. But the fact of the matter is, governments function within political environments, and those environments are less and less supportive of government actions that promote and defend human rights. and that are willing to provide humanitarian aid to those who are in desperate need. That is precisely why it is important for people who care about the values that are under attack within these political environments to be willing to act to defend them, and actively support those in governments who are willing to advance them. Member states and leaders who are willing to stand up for human rights need and deserve the strong support of their citizens. We all need to be making the case for human rights in the public square. We all need to be pushing back on the barrage of attacks against human decency and compassion for those in desperate need. We all need to push back on the attacks being leveled against the principles and values that are the foundation of these United Nations. There is simply too much at stake to do anything less. This is an obligation. for all of us who believe that our children and our grandchildren deserve to live in a peaceful, rights-respecting world, a world where the rights, the dignity, and the quality of life of people matter, no matter where those people live, a world where the rule of law and human decency prevail over xenophobia, violence, and bigotry. Now more than ever, It is time for all of us to stand up for human rights, for the people of Myanmar, and for all those whose rights and whose lives are under siege around the world. Because if not now, when? And if not us, who? The stakes could not be higher, and the time to act is now. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I'd like to express our thanks to Mr. Thomas Andrews, not only for his response, but for his work as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Once again, colleagues, I'd like to express my thanks to all the speakers for joining the combined briefing this afternoon, which, of course, serve to increase the depth of our discussions on this very important subject. Thank you very much. Delegates, colleagues, before we resume our general statements on any of our items, I would like to remind delegations of the time limit of three minutes. Delegations wishing to deliver statements are invited to press their microphone button at this time. Any spill-over requests will be accommodated at the following meetings for general statements. The microphone light will start blinking 30 seconds before the expiration of the time limit, and the microphone's pause will be automatically switched off when the time is up. I see no requests for the floor. With that, the committee will continue its consideration of agenda item 71, promotion and protection of human rights, and the sub-items A to D tomorrow, Wednesday 29 October, at 10 am in the morning to hear statements by special procedures mandate holders and other experts and engage with them in an interactive dialogue pursuant to the programme of work. With that, thank you very much for your kind cooperation. The meeting is adjourned.