Third Committee, 29th plenary meeting - General Assembly, 81st session

Good morning. The 29th meeting of the Third Committee at the 81st session of the General Assembly is called to order. I invite the Committee to continue its consideration of agenda item 70, entitled Promotion and protection of human rights. I would like to remind delegations that the deadline for submission of draft proposals under this item is, as you have been told many times before, 1:00 PM on 3 November. This morning’s session allows us to hold a combined briefing on the situation in Myanmar, and I welcome the Permanent Representative of Myanmar, who has joined us, of course. The Committee will hear three introductory presentations before proceeding to a joint interactive dialogue, which enables delegations to make comments or pose questions in the usual way. We have three distinguished speakers, and I am absolutely delighted to welcome each of you. The first is the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, Ms. Julie Bishop. The second is the Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, Mr. Nicholas Kulmudjian, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Ms. Kelly Currie. Each of you is very welcome. Thank you for joining us this morning, and we look forward very much to your presentations. Can I remind all participants who wish to make comments or pose questions to any of the three speakers, you're invited to press the microphone button in the usual way over the next three minute period, and we will then identify the number of speakers, and that will determine the amount of time we're able to allocate to each speaker. That's the standard practice that we have adopted. In the first instance, I would like to invite the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, Julie Bishop, to make your introductory comments. The floor is yours.

Chair, Excellencies, since assuming the role of Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, I have engaged impartially with all those who have a legitimate interest in the crisis. Narratives differ profoundly. Facts are deeply contested. Take these examples. The military-backed authorities in Naypyidaw, I'll refer to as Naypyidaw, claimed that the 2020 elections, in which the National League for Democracy won more than 80% of the vote, were fraudulent and required military intervention. The resistance, by which I include community voices, maintains that the 2020 election was legitimate and that the will of the people be respected. Nabidaw portrays the 2026 elections and formation of a new administration as a return to constitutional government. The resistance calls the elections a sham, citing the exclusion of major parties, voting amid conflict, and polling limited to military controlled areas. Nabidaw claims its continuing aerial bombardment targets terrorist groups. The resistance says aerial attacks are targeting civilians, including women and children. They claim that the military has killed at least 8,500 civilians since February 2021. Naypyidaw acknowledges humanitarian needs and claims it is giving access to UN agencies. The resistance and civil society organizations claim that the military blocks aid to areas not in its control. The United Nations estimates that more than 16 million people require humanitarian assistance, and over 4 million are internally displaced. Naypyidaw claims to be Myanmar's legitimate government in transition to a federal democratic union. The resistance claims it is a military regime complicated by the fact that control of 70% of the territory is contested or in non-military hands. It points to Rakhine State, where the Arakan Army holds 14 of 17 townships. Naypyidaw cited a 100-day programme and peace talks focused on the remaining signatories to the nationwide ceasefire agreement of 2015 as progress towards a peaceful solution. The resistance say any process grounded in the NCA is defunct, and notes the calls for peace talks coincide with ongoing military attacks. NABIDAW claims it has released some 160,000 prisoners since 2021. The resistance reports that more than 20,000 people remain arbitrarily detained, including the state counselor. After international calls, including my personal plea for verified proof of life, NABIDAW has recently granted the ICRC access to Aung San Suu Kyi and allowed contact with her son. Some note this as progress, while others believe she was imprisoned on trumped up charges and call for her immediate and unconditional release. There can be no dispute that Rohingya have fled Rakhine seeking protection in Bangladesh and elsewhere. While Naypyidaw challenges the term Rohingya, it claims it remains committed to facilitating the voluntary return of around 326,000 verified former residents from Rakhine when security and stability improve. Bangladesh says it now hosts more than 1.3 million Rohingya from Myanmar. I made my second visit to the camps in Cox's Bazar last week. The human suffering is acute. Yet those who remain in Rakhine face armed conflict, landmines, movement restrictions, forced recruitment, and severely constrained access to services. Any returns would necessarily require guarantees from the Arakan Army, a non-state actor currently controlling Rakhine. Conditions for safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return do not exist. Attempts to repatriate refugees without guarantees of safety risk violating international protection obligations. Members will recall that in 2019, The Gambia, on behalf of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, brought a case before the International Court of Justice, which is expected to present findings on alleged breaches by Myanmar of the Genocide Convention. It is to be noted relevant actors from 2017 remain in leadership positions. Member states should consider the implications of the findings of the ICJ, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations established by the 1945 Charter. As the first president of the General Assembly so eloquently put it at the inaugural sitting of the court, quote, "There could be no civilized world, nor any lasting peace if there be not complete and absolute respect for the International Court and its judgments." Some member states have previously declared genocide occurred, while some now appear to be on a path to normalizing relations. Others are concerned that a precedent may be set for future cases. Those seeking to normalise relations with Naypyidaw claim that sanctions are being ignored and that isolation is not effective. Others claim leaders should not be allowed to act with impunity and that accountability is a precursor to reconciliation. The United Nations is preparing for a leadership transition. I thank Secretary-General Guterres for his solidarity with the people of Myanmar. I will continue to keep the Myanmar crisis a priority across our system, including within a reinvigorated peace and security pillar. This multidimensional crisis falls squarely within that pillar. The United Nations continues to support ASEAN's five-point consensus. However, I believe that the consensus requires greater elaboration, and I support the establishment of benchmarks to measure progress against the calls for an immediate cessation of violence, humanitarian assistance, and constructive dialogue among all parties. I would add, as a further indicator, the release of those arbitrarily detained, including Aung San Suu Kyi, as already called for by both the Security Council and the General Assembly. I aim to strengthen further my cooperation with the ASEAN Special Envoy. I am urged by some member states to continue my quiet diplomacy, to avoid public statements, to not apportion responsibility, thereby maintaining channels of communication. Other parties urge an opposite course. I have seen firsthand the suffering of the people of Myanmar, the scale of which speaks for itself. I will not disguise the severity of Myanmar's crisis. I will continue to emphasize the suffering of civilians, including the Rohingya and other minority groups, the regional impact of displacement, and the global impact of transnational crime. I challenge the myth that this conflict can be resolved militarily. At a time when the relevance of the United Nations is being questioned, Myanmar presents a test. Will the United Nations act before the crisis becomes permanently insoluble? I thank Member States.

Thank you, Special Envoy, very much indeed. I now invite the head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar to give his presentation. Thank you.

Thank you, Chair, Excellencies. It is an honor to update you on the progress of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Since I last appeared before you, the situation in Myanmar has further deteriorated, with a growing number of people falling victim to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Myanmar military is increasingly relying on aerial attacks. We have intensified our investigations into indiscriminate or targeted attacks, including by drones and paramilitars, which hit civilians in their homes, hospitals, places of worship, displacement camps, and schools. Just two weeks ago, planes bombed a monastery in Sagaing region and a church complex in Chin State. Last month, bombs struck a market in Rakhine State, killing more than 50 people. We have advanced investigations into torture in military-run detention facilities, identifying commanders and interrogators. Witnesses have given us horrific accounts of sexual and gender-based crimes, torture, strangulation, and electrocution. We are also investigating an increasing number of allegations of atrocities by armed groups opposed to the military. We follow the evidence and investigate perpetrators regardless of their ethnicity or political affiliation. Chair, earlier this month I was in Bangladesh. where there are now more than 1.2 million Rohingya who sought shelter after fleeing Myanmar. More than 150,000 have arrived since 2024. I met a Rohingya man who told me that all five of his children were recently killed in Rakhine State. A woman said her husband had been abducted by the Arakan Army, and she did not know his whereabouts. Everyone I met carried pain from their experiences, all want to return to Myanmar and expressed hope that pursuing justice could hasten the day when it would be safe for them to go home. The mechanism is committed to building evidence to support future prosecutions. We have collected videos, photographs, geospatial imagery, social media posts, and financial records from over 1600 sources. and more than 750 testimonies from witnesses. We have shared extensive evidence and analysis with authorities pursuing accountability for crimes in Myanmar at the International Criminal Court, the Argentine Federal Court, and the International Court of Justice. We have also shared information concerning crimes committed since 2021, since the 2021 military takeover. with authorities from several states who have initiated preliminary investigations. I am profoundly grateful to those who have shared information with the Mechanism, often at considerable personal risk. We appreciate their trust and the responsibility that comes with it. We will continue to pursue our investigations with determination and work with member states to ensure that the evidence we can collect can contribute to holding those most responsible to account. These are challenging times for international humanitarian law. Since the Nuremberg trials 80 years ago, much effort has gone into strengthening the prohibition on targeting civilians in war and resolving to bring those responsible for the worst of these crimes to justice. Member States must send a message that the people of Myanmar are not forgotten, and the crimes being inflicted upon them will not go unpunished. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr. Kuncheon. I now am delighted to pass the floor to the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Ms. Currie, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair, Excellencies. Nine years ago, I sat where you sit. I was an American diplomat covering Third Committee in the wake of the Myanmar Army's genocidal clearance operations that forced more than 700,000 Rohingya refugees to flee to Bangladesh with nothing. My goal at that time was to pass the strongest possible resolution condemning these heinous atrocities. The US mission here in New York was fighting with both capital and the US ambassador to Myanmar, who wanted to downplay the attacks in Rakhine State out of a misguided belief that confronting the perpetrators would harm US interests in Myanmar. Other countries that typically led on human rights issues were also reluctant to condemn murders, rapes, and intentional destruction of entire villages because they thought it would endanger a nascent civilian democracy in Myanmar. In the end, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the OIC, led the way on the Myanmar resolution and shamed the rest of this body into joining. Nine years later, I am giving my first report to the UN as the new Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Around the same time the Human Rights Council announced my appointment in March of this year, the main architect of Myanmar's misery, the same commander-in-chief who ordered those genocidal attacks nine years ago, Coup leader Min Aung Hlaing declared himself president of Myanmar. Min Aung Hlaing then announced a first 100 days plan that he claimed would jumpstart peace and prosperity. During those 100 days, the Myanmar army intensified airstrikes, artillery shelling, and arson targeting civilians. During those 100 days, Myanmar passed a grim milestone of more than 100,000 conflict-related deaths since the coup five years ago. The vast majority of them are civilians. During those 100 days, the regular economy continued to collapse, while the conflict economy of online scams, traffic and illicit goods, and gray zone resource extraction grew. And during those 100 days, the regime deployed new technologies of coercion and surveillance, gifts from its Chinese and Russian allies, to shut down dissent. Once again, some member states want to ignore the heinous acts perpetrated by Min Aung Hlaing and those he commands. In launching his 100-day plan, Min Aung Hlaing railed against ASEAN's five-point consensus and lashed out at members of the grouping who insist on adhering to it. This temper tantrum seems to have worked. In addition to being feted in China, India, Russia, and Belarus, since April, he has traveled to half of ASEAN's member states and is reportedly in talks to visit two more. Outside the region, the US and others look to be following ASEAN's lead. To be fair, most countries in this body have, I can say, inconsistent records in denouncing human rights violations and threats to democracy, but it is especially disappointing to see countries that historically demanded accountability for Min Aung Hlaing's crimes normalizing his fraudulent regime. Myanmar's ongoing human rights catastrophe defies description. The Myanmar military intentionally targets civilians as a matter of doctrine and strategy, then deliberately obstructs humanitarian operations aimed at limiting civilian suffering. It bombs markets, churches, schools, and clinics, then uses telecommunications blackouts, movement restrictions, and checkpoints to impede the delivery of assistance to the victims of its atrocities. Frontline humanitarian workers face harassment, arbitrary detention, torture, and extrajudicial killings. In July 2026, three humanitarian workers in Dawei were brutally tortured and killed. I could go on, but I will instead refer you to my report and others from OHCHR. They are hard to read, but for the people of Myanmar, they are much harder to live. Yet despite this grim picture, there is hope beyond this crisis. In areas outside regime control, new grassroots approaches to governance are attempting to meet the needs of the people of Myanmar at gaining experience and solving problems. New representative structures are coming together to address Myanmar's historic trust deficits across ethnic nationalities and protect the fundamental rights of all Myanmar citizens. In Kireni State, local authorities are modeling responsible development practices to ensure that natural resources are used to benefit the community and not just a small clique of regime loyalists. In Kiren State, local civil society is providing education and healthcare under fire to internally displaced people. In the central dry zone, civic groups are working on early warning systems that save lives. And on March 30th, the same week that Min Aung Hlaing proclaimed himself president, A diverse coalition of Bamar and ethnic nationality political groups announced a new steering committee on the emergence of a federal democracy. This multi-ethnic platform for political dialogue and trust building is tackling the issues that have bedeviled Myanmar since independence, and they are doing it within a framework of mutual respect and open dialogue, exactly what the UN is all about. Is it perfect? No. Is it easy? Absolutely not. But they reject authoritarian shortcuts and are putting in the hard work to build a more durable, rights-respecting future for Myanmar. I urge Member States to pay attention to and support these and other efforts to build a better Myanmar, rooted in dignity for all its people. Looking ahead, I intend to focus my mandate on the following key issues. Improving the protection of civilians and humanitarian access, especially in areas outside regime control. The growing intersection between Myanmar's conflict economy and severe human rights violations, especially cross-border networks, financial flows, and supply chains that connect human rights abuses inside Myanmar to regional and international actors and markets. And the international enabling environment that makes Min Aung Hlaing's reign of terror possible. For those member states currently engaging with this illegitimate regime, unprincipled engagement strategies that legitimize the Min Aung Hlaing regime are unlikely to produce the results that you think you want. Whatever you are pursuing, it's not going to happen with this regime. He and his regime remain the greatest source of civilian death and suffering, instability, impoverishment, corruption, and gross violations of human rights in Myanmar. I will continue to prioritize communities under threat and the civic actors who support them, and encourage Member States to do the same, including by providing direct support to those groups, working on the ground to document and ameliorate the suffering of the people of Myanmar. They, not their regime tormentors, are the true architects of a peaceful, rights-respecting future for Myanmar, and they should be heard and supported. I urge Member States to remain seized of the situation and look forward to your questions. Thank you.

Thank you, Special Rapporteur. We now have some 23 delegations seeking to make interventions. We start off first with Myanmar, who has some 10 minutes to speak, and then delegations following Myanmar will have an unprecedented four minutes each, actually, on the basis of timing. But that is the timing allowed by our numbers. But first, I invite the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to make his remarks. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Chair, I thank the briefers for their comprehensive and sobering briefings today. Hearing from the Special Envoy, the Special Rapporteur, and IIINN together is highly significant. It's underscored that crisis in Myanmar is not just a localized political dispute, but a multidimensional catastrophe of human rights, humanitarian survival, and international justice. Moreover, their respected reports clearly reveal the heartbreaking and reflecting the prevailing situations on the ground. I speak today for the millions of people in Myanmar who refuse to give up their freedom. Over the past few weeks, I have gone from committee to committee to bring the raw reality of Myanmar. Today, my message remains unchanged. The reality on the ground is far worse than any report can show. One very clear fact is that military junta, its dictatorship, and the absolute impunity it enjoys are the very root causes of all the suffering in Myanmar. The perpetrating military continues to escalate its reign of terror against innocent civilians across the country. We are witnessing an unprecedented wave of indiscriminate airstrikes, heavy artillery bombardments, and systematic village assaults. Schools, hospitals, religious buildings, and the displacement camps are their primary targets to instill widespread fear on the people. Furthermore, they are forcing our youth into conscription to use them as human shield, as well as for extortion. This is an ongoing campaign of war crimes and crimes against humanity. They are not random, but intentional acts for the junta to hold onto their illegitimate power. The IIIM has collected clear evidence of this, including terrible crimes against the Rohingya. Moreover, the Junta's recent offer for so-called peace talks is a fake promise. No doubt the military Junta never has genuine political will and sincerity for finding a solution for sustainable peace and stability in Myanmar. Instead, they are doing every effort of their own survival by deceiving everyone, instilling fear on the people, and conducting atrocities against civilians amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is attested to by recent provoking statement by the military junta's so-called peace interlocutor. He said, "Bone for peace." How inhumane they are, how cruel mentality they have. Mr. Chair, a few days ago, our democratically elected leader, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, was allowed a brief phone call with Hassan for the first time in over five years. Hassan made a very clear plea: one short conversation is not freedom, and she remained unjustly detained. We all must not be fooled by these calculated gestures. A 20-minute phone call does not erase the suffering of the people of Myanmar. Our leaders and all other political prisoners should not be unlawfully detained in the first place. Now, the junta's leader is desperately seeking foreign engagements. Certain countries justify this meeting under the guise of a recalibrated approach of re-engagement. But let us be clear: the military junta and its leaders are criminals. They have refused to implement the RCM five-point consensus and comply with the UN Security Council Resolution 2669. Please do not try to rewrite our history. As we all have witnessed, every meeting and every handshake only give them political cover to keep killing more innocent civilians. We ask the international community and especially our regional neighbors to refrain from giving any legitimacy whatsoever to this criminal junta. True dialogue is impossible while fighter jets drop bombs on our people and while the political prisoners remain behind bars. We are committed to our revolution to end the military dictatorship and its culture of impunity and build a federal democratic union. As the Special Rapporteur rightly said before, our revolution is DIY, do-it-yourself revolutions. Yet, we need strong and effective support from the international community to immediately stop the multidimensional suffering of the people of Myanmar. I wish to appeal to the UN Member States and the international community as follows. cut off the jet fuel, stop the flow of arms and many to the military junta. The labour humanitarian aid directly to the local CSO through cross-border channels. We count on concrete accountability. Therefore, we strongly hope that the long-awaited verdict of the ICJ on the case between the Gambia versus Myanmar will bring justice to Rohingya and the people as a whole of Myanmar. At the same time, the UN Security Council needs to refer the situation of Myanmar in its entirety to the ICC to save lives and protect civilians. General Assembly need to take bold actions when the Security Council remains paralyzed. Since the crisis of Myanmar has impact on the regional and international peace and security, I wish to ask the UN Secretary-General to consider invoking Article 99 of the UN Charter to bring Myanmar to the attention of the UN Security Council to avoid from risk of Myanmar slipping off the international agenda. Mr. Chair, sadly, the harsh truth is that the international community has already failed the people of Myanmar again and again, regardless of the urgent call made by the Secretary-General and the special mandate holders. I strongly wish that the world stop silence on our suffering and the Member States stand firm solidarity with the people of Myanmar. Before I conclude, allow me to share something deep. I hold in my hand a scarf, a product of our revolutionary community, Theida 21. It is not just any fashion accessory. Written on the scarves are the names of our fallen heroes and innocent civilians, the brave and innocent people who lost their life for freedom. When I read those names, it break my heart. It's spread everyone else heart. A closer look at this scarf reveal the names and ages of the fallen. The youngest was two months old. The oldest were 105 years old. These victims span every generations, their entire future away by the hunters. bullets and bombs in the most inhumane manner. I stand here today with a simple, desperate plea. I do not want to read any more names added to this cuff. We cannot afford to lose any more heroes or innocent civilians. Our children, our youth, our brothers and sisters, our elders. The people of Myanmar are incredibly brave and resilient. They are everything, Victor. Resisting unitedly and alongside the NUG and the SCEF, and our ethnic alliance, actively evading a federal democratic union. But they need your help. Please do not pay back anymore. Thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Myanmar. I will give the floor to the following speakers in the following order: Permanent Representative of Thailand, Japan, Belarus, Australia, Indonesia, Poland, Switzerland, Russian Federation, and European Union. There are others who I'll identify as we progress, but we'll start this morning with the Permanent Representative of Thailand. You have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. I would like to first of all express my thanks to all the briefers for your presentations and insight. As Khor's neighbor, it is the interest of Thailand to see peace and stability in Myanmar. Thailand is working closely with all parties in expanding humanitarian access and sustaining inclusive dialogue among stakeholders. ASEAN, in turn, would respond constructively to progress on the ground in accordance with the Five-Point Consensus. Mr. Chair, Thailand remains deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation in Myanmar. We support timely and non-discriminatory assistance to all those in need. The AHA Center is already delivering humanitarian aid on the ground, including to previously inaccessible townships. We believe these efforts can help create conditions more conducive to peace and stability. Online scams are another pressing concern, with consequences reaching far beyond Southeast Asia. Over the past year, Thailand has facilitated the repatriation of more than 13,700 people from 49 countries rescued from scam centers in Myanmar. We stand ready to send incorporation with our partners to address and tackle this problem. On Myanmar displaced persons, Thailand has introduced a policy allowing them to work outside temporary shelters. helping them become more self-reliant while we seek durable solutions to their prolonged displacement. Thailand also remains concerned about the plight of the Rohingya. We are committed to providing humanitarian assistance in both Myanmar’s Rakhine State and Bangladesh, guided by the principle of burden and responsibility sharing. Ultimately, a lasting solution must be found in the country of origin. Thailand will continue working with all partners to create conditions for the voluntary, safe and dignified return of the Rohingya. Thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Thailand. Japan, to be followed by Belarus. Japan, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Japan appreciates the valuable insights shared by the briefers. We remain deeply concerned about worsening human rights and the humanitarian situation in Myanmar. Japan calls on the Myanmar military to end all violence, especially targeting innocent civilians, and release those arbitrarily detained, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Meaningful political progress through sincere dialogue among all parties and improvements in people's livelihoods are essential to resolving this crisis. Japan will continue to provide maximum support for the unified efforts of ASEAN, including the full and swift implementation of its five-point consensus. We welcome the continued engagement of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General, Madam Bishop, and encourage closer coordination with the ASEAN Chair's Special Envoy toward a peaceful and inclusive solution. Japan also remains deeply concerned about the plight of the Rohingya. and we commend Bangladesh for hosting over 1.2 million displaced persons from Myanmar. Since March 2017, Japan has provided approximately 241.5 million U.S. dollars in humanitarian assistance, including 17.5 million U.S. dollars this year. We will continue to support displaced persons and host communities alike, while underscoring the need to establish conditions that enable their voluntary, safe, and dignified return to Myanmar. Madam Special Envoy, you have engaged with all parties concerned in order to build mutual trust and create a conducive environment for meaningful dialogue. Based on these engagements, what do you consider the key priorities for the UN and the broader international community in advancing a peaceful and inclusive solution, resolution to the crisis in Myanmar? I thank you.

Thank you, Japan. Belarus, followed by Australia. Belarus, you have the floor.

Mr. Chairman, distinguished colleagues. We note with regret the unobjective approach used in the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. The document is dedicated solely to criticizing the Myanmar authorities, at the same time deliberately brushes under the carpet the facts of confirmed negative influence of UCMs which go against the enjoyment of human rights by the citizens of Myanmar. These approaches have nothing to do with the principles of universality, impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity on which the entire human rights system is based. We would like to remind the Special Rapporteur of the need to stick to the established time frames and to submit documents in a timely fashion so that Member States can consider them. Belarus would like to categorically object to the instrumentalization of human rights to justify interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states. Under liquidity crisis conditions, when we are merging mandates in various spheres, spending millions of US dollars to maintain such mechanisms should be viewed as impermissible. Therefore, Belarus would like to reassert its principled position of rejecting country approaches in the UN’s work. including in work of mandate holders on the issue of human rights in Myanmar. We remind you that the main mechanism for considering human rights issues in all countries without exception is the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council. I thank you for your attention.

Thank you, Belarus. Australia to be followed by Indonesia. Australia, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. Australia strongly supports the work of the Special Envoy. the Special Rapporteur and the Independent Mechanism in documenting and responding to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar. We are deeply concerned by the escalating conflict, human rights violations and abuses, and the worsening humanitarian crisis. We also remain deeply concerned by the plight of the displaced Rohingya. Civilians continue to bear the heaviest burden, and attacks on them must stop. We condemn the recent reported air strike on a marketplace in Rakhine State, killing at least 50 people. Australia supports accountability for atrocities in Myanmar. Ending impunity is essential to breaking cycles of violence and creating conditions for lasting peace and reconciliation. Australia stands with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for a sustainable resolution to the conflict. We call for an immediate end to the violence, for safe and unhindered humanitarian access to deliver life-saving assistance, and for the full implementation of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus. Australia asks: What practical steps should the international community take to improve civilian protection and humanitarian access? I thank you.

Thank you, Australia. Indonesia, to be followed by Poland. Indonesia.

Thank you, Chair. We thank the Special Envoy, the Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, and the Special Rapporteur for their briefings. Indonesia continues to express our deep concern over the continued escalation of conflict and humanitarian situation in Myanmar. We reaffirm our continued commitment to assisting Myanmar towards a peaceful and durable solution that is Myanmar-owned and led, in line with ASEAN Five-Point Consensus. In this regard, we believe lasting and sustainable peace can only be achieved by addressing the root causes through inclusive national dialogue with all parties. We note that UN reports highlight important roles of local actors and communities, local governance structures, and localized mechanisms. In this case, to the briefers, we would like to ask: How could this development be further leveraged to bring sustainable solutions to the situation in Myanmar?

I thank you.

Thank you, Indonesia. Poland to be followed by Switzerland. Poland, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Poland aligns itself with the EU statement to be delivered. More than five years after the military takeover, the crisis in Myanmar continues to deepen. Air strikes kill civilians and destroy homes, schools, hospitals, and religious sites. Nearly 4 million people are internally displaced, and humanitarian needs keep growing amid access restrictions and funding shortfalls. The electoral process organized by the military amid armed conflict, restricted civic space and the exclusion of major political parties could not be free, fair, or credible, and cannot substitute for genuine inclusive dialogue. Poland calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained. We are particularly concerned about conflict related sexual violence and the forced recruitment of young people, including children. Women must be protected and must participate meaningfully in all peace and recovery efforts. The Rohingya and other minorities remain at acute risk in Rakhine State, and conditions for the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of over 1.2 million refugees in Bangladesh do not currently exist. We commend Bangladesh for its continued generosity. Accountability is essential to break the cycle of impunity. Poland supports the work of Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and follows closely the proceedings before the International Court of Justice. We are also concerned by its scam centre relying on trafficking in persons and forced labour, with global repercussions. We support the efforts of ASEAN and of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General. What more can the international community do to ensure that the evidence being collected today translates into justice for victims? Thank you.

Thank you, Poland. Switzerland, followed by the Russian Federation. Switzerland, you have the floor.

Mr. Chair, Switzerland thanks the Special Envoy, the Special Rapporteur, and the head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for their vital work. Mr. Chair, what concrete steps can the international community take to ensure humanitarian access and to strengthen judicial cooperation so that all those responsible are held accountable for their actions? The 2026 reports document airstrikes against civilians and civilian infrastructure, arbitrary detentions, torture and sexual violence committed by the armed forces. Violations are also attributed to armed groups, particularly in Rakhine State. Switzerland condemns all violations of international humanitarian law and human rights, regardless of who commits them, and calls upon all parties to protect civilians. The humanitarian situation remains alarming. Safe and unimpeded access to aid must be ensured. The fight against impunity is essential to ensuring justice for victims, preventing further violations, and contributing to lasting peace. Switzerland reaffirms its support for the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and underscores the importance of providing it with sufficient resources to fully carry out its mandate. While preserving the synergies and expertise gathered in Geneva, it calls for cooperation with the various international justice mechanisms. as well as strong international political support for them, so that these crimes do not go unpunished. I thank you.

Thank you, Switzerland. Russian Federation, to be followed by the European Union. Russian Federation, you have the floor.

Mr. Chairman, we note the efforts undertaken by the Myanmar authorities to swiftly restore peaceful life in the country. The new government is taking practical steps to achieve national reconciliation. The assessments of the situation on the part of the UN are seriously imbalanced. We believe it's unacceptable to brand Nay Pyi Taw as being to blame for the current crisis, including by the UN. In reality, a serious factor fostering a potential degradation of the situation in Myanmar is the political and diplomatic, as well as the financial support to anti-government forces provided by the so-called collective West. This is severely complicating the prospects of a fully-fledged restoration of social and political calm in the country and undermining ASEAN efforts as well. Mr. Chairman, we are in favour of a depoliticised and non-confrontational approach when discussing IDPs in areas where ethnic minorities live in Myanmar, with due regard for the norms enshrined in national legislation. We insist that it is unacceptable to use the refugee issue to pursue self-serving geopolitical ends. We welcome the start of the repatriation of Myanmar refugees from Malaysia. The international community should support Myanmar and Bangladesh in implementing bilateral agreements on repatriation that have already been signed, as well as The international community should be providing also practical support to the implementation of development programs with due regard for the sovereignty of both states and non-interference in internal affairs. We'd like to remind you that the humanitarian situation and the human rights situation in Myanmar is an internal matter for Myanmar. We are against the politicization of this discussion at the UN, as well as against the Myanmar issue becoming entrenched on the Security Council agenda. I thank you.

I thank the Russian Federation, European Union, and let me read out the list of following countries, the next 10: Malta, Bangladesh, Ireland, China, United Kingdom, Kingdom of the Netherlands, Czechia, Norway, Malaysia, and Islamic Republic of Iran. European Union, you have the floor.

Thank you. The European Union and its Member States thank the speakers for their presentations and reports. We reiterate our deep concern over the deteriorating humanitarian and security situation in Myanmar and strongly condemn the ongoing violence and grave human rights violations and abuses. The Myanmar military bears the overwhelming responsibility for this crisis. Since 2017, the EU, together with the OIC, has led a joint resolution on the situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar. Our priority for this year is to reflect the most recent developments. Horrific and systemic violations and abuses of international human rights law and international humanitarian law persist, with recent reports indicating widespread aerial attacks, including on schools, clinics, displacement camps. and a market in Rakhine State that reportedly killed more than 50 vendors, customers, and other civilians. Myanmar must return to a truly pluralist and sincerely inclusive democratic path, respecting the will and aspirations of its people who continue to demonstrate remarkable courage and resilience. The military state elections that were neither free nor fair and conducted in a climate of violence, repression, and exclusion followed by the rebranding of the military rule under a nominally civilian administration do not confer legitimacy. Restricted humanitarian access continues to exacerbate suffering and risk pushing persons in vulnerable situations toward malnutrition. including in Rakhine State. We strongly call on all parties to immediately grant full, safe, and unhindered access for humanitarian actors to deliver life-saving assistance. The conditions for a voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of all refugees and displaced persons remain non-existent, and we commend Bangladesh’s generosity in providing shelter and safety to over 1.2 million Rohingya refugees and other minorities. We reaffirm our support for the United Nations and ASEAN's efforts in seeking a peaceful solution, and we encourage a full and effective implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. close coordination among all relevant actors remains essential to achieving a peaceful and democratic future for Myanmar. We urge for justice, accountability, and the full implementation of Security Council Resolution 2669. We commend the work of the IIMM, the ICC, in pursuing accountability and underline the important role of the ICJ in holding States responsible for the most serious violations of international law. Ms. Special Rapporteur, in your proposed priorities, you describe that you will seek to document interconnected patterns of exploitations, including illicit financial flows, trafficking, and forced labor. Could you further elaborate on the threat coming from such activities? And Mr. Kumjian, the expected judgment of the ICJ on the Gambia case is one example that underlines the importance of collecting evidence for accountability purposes. Where do you see the biggest challenge when it comes to delivering on the IIMM's mandate, and how can we collectively ensure that the evidence can be transformed into accountability for perpetrators and justice for victims? I thank you, Chair.

Thank you, European Union. I pass to Malta, then Bangladesh. Malta, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. Malta aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union and thanks the briefers for their reports. Malta remains deeply concerned by the intensifying conflict in Myanmar since the military takeover in 2021. We condemn all attacks on civilians and humanitarian workers and call on all parties to respect international humanitarian law. Malta also continues to support ASEAN’s five-point consensus. Women and children and young people continue to be subjected to conflict-related sexual violence trafficking, exploitation, forced recruitment, and other grave violations, including widespread systematic sexual and gender-based violence against women and LGBTQI+ individuals, particularly in detention. The plight of the Rohingya Muslims remains equally pressing. Over 1.2 million refugees, almost 80% of whom are women and children, remain in Bangladesh without established conditions for a voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return. Against this backdrop, Malta echoes the calls of the Secretary-General and his Special Envoy to address impunity as an essential step towards national reconciliation in Myanmar. In this regard, Malta also commends the Independent Investigative Mechanism for its important work in collecting, preserving, and analyzing evidence of serious international crimes, and calls on the international community to continue providing the political and financial support the mechanism needs to fulfill its mandate and advance justice in Myanmar. However, justice must also be felt by survivors themselves. Many face stigma, trauma, and exclusion from their communities, while the health, psychosocial, and legal support they need is increasingly strained by funding cuts. In this regard, we ask: what steps can be taken to promote the recovery and reintegration of survivors of sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar? Thank you.

Thank you, Malta. I pass to Bangladesh, then Ireland. Bangladesh, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Bangladesh thanks all the briefers for their comprehensive reports and continued attention to the plight of the Rohingya. We remain deeply concerned by the deteriorating human rights situation in Rakhine State of Myanmar. The reports highlight escalating violence, including aerial attacks, arbitrary detention, forced recruitment, sexual violence, and obstacles to humanitarian access. Serious violations by both the military, Myanmar military, and the Arakan Army continue to cause further displacement. Mr. Chair, we welcome the IIMM’s contributions to international justice processes, including proceedings before the ICJ. Bangladesh will continue to facilitate the Mechanism’s visits and support its important work. We also call for adequate resources for the mechanism. Bangladesh appreciates recent visits by the Special Envoy and the IIMM head to Bangladesh, including the Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar. Mr. Chair, we would like to raise two observations regarding the Secretary-General's report. First, the report refers to security and protection concerns in the Rohingya camps, including criminal activities, trafficking, gender-based violence, and risks faced by women and children. While we recognize these challenges, the relevant paragraph does not identify the sources of this information. Without a credible source, it is difficult to assess and verify the reported incidents. Second, the report mentions that a small number of Rohingya continue to return spontaneously from Bangladesh, with some reportedly facing detention and extortion upon arrival in Myanmar. Here again, the source of this information is not specified. We would appreciate it if the Special Envoy could clarify the sources and basis of these observations. Bangladesh continues to work closely with the United Nations, humanitarian agencies, and other partners to strengthen protection, improve camp security, and maintain essential services. However, the challenges in the camps must be understood in their broader context. Bangladesh did not create the crisis. For nearly a decade, we have hosted over 1.2 million Rohingya who fled persecution and violence in Myanmar, despite the enormous economic, social, environmental, and security burdens on our country. Prolonged displacement combined with declining humanitarian funding has further increased vulnerabilities. The Secretary General's report acknowledges that funding cuts have affected food assistance, healthcare, education, and protection services, contributing to heightened risks. Despite growing needs, the 2026 Joint Response Plan appeal was reduced by 25%. Bangladesh continues to take concrete measures to address these challenges. A national committee has been formed under the leadership of the home minister to strengthen safety and security in the camps. Women play leading roles in almost all livelihood programs and are represented in community level leadership structures alongside government initiatives. It is therefore important that assessments of the camp situation adequately recognize Bangladesh's continued efforts, the immense responsibilities we have undertaken, and the continued shortfall in the international support. We urge the international community to ensure adequate, predictable, and sustained humanitarian funding and equitable responsibility sharing. Prolonged displacement cannot become a permanent solution. The root causes of the Rohingya crisis remain in Myanmar, and any sustainable solution must address those causes. Bangladesh remains committed to working with the United Nations, ASEAN, and other international partners towards this objective. I thank you.

Thank you, Bangladesh. Ireland to be followed by China. Ireland, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair.

Ireland aligns with the EU statement and thanks the Special Rapporteur, the Special Envoy, and the head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for their briefings. Ireland remains deeply concerned by the deteriorating human rights situation in Myanmar. We condemn the increased airstrikes deliberately targeting civilians over the last 12 months, including the airstrike in Rakhine State in September which killed 50 people. Killing and maiming of civilians, including children, through targeted airstrikes on markets, hospitals, and schools are grave violations of international humanitarian law. We call on the military to cease all attacks on civilians. Ireland condemns the forced conscription by the military of young people, children and women, as well as forced recruitment by all armed groups. The worsening human rights situation, driven by arbitrary military conscription, has brought fear into every aspect of civilian life in Myanmar, and those who flee face heightened risks of trafficking, exploitation, abuse, and sexual and gender-based violence. Chair, Ireland reaffirms its strong support for the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and for the work of the ICC and the ICJ to end the cycle of impunity. We would like to ask the Special Envoy: what more can the international community do to ensure humanitarian access and the delivery of relief to civilians? Thank you.

Thank you, Ireland. I pass the floor to China, then United Kingdom. China, you have the floor.

Mr. Chair, China listened carefully to the briefings provided. As a friendly neighbor, China supports Myanmar in pursuing a development path suited to its national conditions and supported by its people. China supports Myanmar in actively promoting domestic peace and reconciliation, and in safeguarding its national sovereignty, security, and development interests. Myanmar is an important member of the ASEAN family and an equal member of the international community. We support ASEAN in playing a greater role on Myanmar through the ASEAN way. China looks forward to the Special Envoy on Myanmar playing a constructive role in helping Myanmar achieve political reconciliation and long-term stability. China has consistently opposed the politicization and instrumentalization of human rights issues, as well as public pressuring on human rights matters, and the Myanmar situation is no exception. The international community should focus on helping bridge differences and resolving problems rather than intensifying tensions and aggravating turbulence. Economic recovery and improved livelihoods are the strong aspirations of the Myanmar people and are also integral to promoting and safeguarding human rights. China commends Myanmar's efforts to advance economic and social development. China is willing to do what we can to provide assistance. We hope the international community will continue to offer a helping hand to assist Myanmar in early achieving lasting stability and development. China pays close attention to the situation of people in Rakhine State fleeing the turmoil and commends the Government of Bangladesh for the generous assistance provided to them over the years. The return of these people must ultimately be resolved gradually through dialogue and consultation between Myanmar and Bangladesh. China has actively engaged in diplomatic efforts to this end. The international community should also remain patient and support both sides in continuing to strengthen dialogue and communication, enhance and mutual trust, create favorable conditions and conducive environment for the return process. Mr. Chair, China opposes the false information regarding China mentioned by the Special Rapporteur. These claims lack a factual basis, and China has previously clarified the matter on numerous occasions. We hope the Special Rapporteur will carry out her work objectively and impartially in strict accordance with her mandate, refrain from believing one-sided accounts, misleading the public, and disseminating unverified information so as not to undermine the credibility of this special mechanism. I thank you, Chair.

Thank you, China. I pass to the United Kingdom, to be followed by the Kingdom of the Netherlands. UK, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. We thank the briefers for their vital work. Five years after the military coup, Myanmar remains in a political, humanitarian, and human rights crisis. Civilians suffer devastating indiscriminate airstrikes, forced recruitment, and conflict-related sexual violence. We urge all parties, particularly the Myanmar military, to end violence, respect international law, and release those arbitrarily detained. As we have stated, following the airstrike in Choiktaw, we must ensure the protection of civilians. We are concerned about the escalation in Rakhine State, with Rohingya, Rakhine, and other minorities facing increased displacement and protection risks. Ongoing humanitarian access restrictions are depriving communities of desperately needed life-saving food and medicines. We urge all actors to ensure the rapid, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access, and reiterate that any refugee returns must be safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable. Accountability remains essential. We support the work of the IIIM for Myanmar and underline the importance of the International Court of Justice and its decisions. The military's elections earlier this year were neither free nor fair. A credible political process requires an end to violence and inclusive dialogue reflecting the democratic aspirations of all Myanmar’s people. What more can the international community do to protect civilians and secure humanitarian access, particularly in Rakhine State? Thank you.

Thank you, United Kingdom. Kingdom of the Netherlands, followed by Czechia, then Norway. Netherlands, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. President. The Kingdom of the Netherlands aligns with the statement of the EU. We would like to thank the briefers for their attendance, their remarks, and their tireless work. Excellencies, the situation in Myanmar must remain high on this Committee's agenda. We are deeply concerned about the persistent, widespread human rights violations in the country. We strongly condemn the indiscriminate use of violence by the Myanmar military, including in Rakhine State, and the recent airstrike on the Kyauktaung market on 28 September 2026. We are particularly alarmed by ongoing conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence against the Rohingya and other minorities. Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, we have supported the ASEAN Special Envoy in line with the Five-Point Consensus. We call for an immediate end to all violence, for the release of all those arbitrarily detained, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and for the restoration of the democratic transition. The elections of December 2025 and January 2026 occurred in an environment of repression, without conditions for genuine, free and fair elections, and therefore cannot be recognized. Accountability must be central to our response. The Netherlands acknowledges the independence of the ICC, supports the work of the IIIM, and underlines the importance of the upcoming ICJ verdict in the case of Gambia v. Myanmar. We call for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access and voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees once their rights are guaranteed. Let me close with a question: how can this Committee translate its concern into concrete support for accountability, democracy and safe returns in Myanmar? I thank you.

I thank the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Czechia, then Norway, Czechia, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. The Czech Republic aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union and thanks the three briefers for their presentations. More than five years after the military coup, the human rights situation in Myanmar remains dire. Civilians continue to suffer from the conflict as military attacks persist, while humanitarian access remains severely restricted. We reiterate that all parties to the conflict must fully respect international human rights law and humanitarian law and ensure the protection of civilians. We are alarmed by the ongoing persecution of the Rohingya. Many remain displaced, while those still in Myanmar continue to face systematic discrimination and severe violations of their fundamental rights, including movement restrictions, denial of citizenship, and limited access to services. As these conditions persist, more people are displaced and embark on dangerous journeys in search of safety. We are also deeply concerned by the reports on expansion of digital surveillance and growing restrictions on digital communications. These measures undermine freedom of expression, further shrink civic space, and silence dissenting voices. Against this backdrop, we reiterate our long-standing call for the immediate and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners. Madam Special Envoy, what measures can be taken to address the growing use of digital surveillance and restrictions on online expression in Myanmar? I thank you.

Thank you, Chair. I pass to Norway, then Malaysia. Norway, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair, and thank you to all the briefers. Ms. Special Rapporteur, thank you for this important update. Norway remains deeply concerned by the continued armed conflict and widespread violence in Myanmar, including frequent and credible reports of serious violations and abuses against civilians. The situation is unacceptable. More aerial attacks targeting civilian infrastructure. The airstrike on a marketplace in Chaung Taung Township on 28 September is just one of many grim examples. People are forced to flee their homes again and again. Systematic violence against the Rohingya illustrates that conditions necessary for a safe, dignified, sustainable, and voluntary return of refugees to Rakhine are not in place. The human suffering and regression in development and human rights, including for women and children, must stop. We reiterate our call to all actors for an immediate end to all violence and abuses against civilians, and for perpetrators to be brought to justice. The military in Myanmar must respect their obligations under international law, protect civilians, and allow full, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access. We reiterate our support to the UN's engagement on Myanmar, and urge all actors to fully cooperate with the UN including the UN human rights mechanisms. Special Rapporteur, Norway asks: in the face of this protracted crisis, what actions should external actors prioritize to respond to the human rights crisis in Myanmar? I thank you.

Thank you, norway. I pass to Malaysia, then Islamic Republic of Iran. Malaysia, you have the floor.

Thank you, chair. Malaysia thanks the briefers for their presentations. Malaysia remains gravely concerned by the deteriorating humanitarian and human rights situation in Myanmar. Continued violence, including attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, has caused immense suffering and displacement, particularly affecting women and children. We call on all parties to immediately cease violence, protect civilians, and uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Safe and unimpeded humanitarian access must also be ensured for all those in need without discrimination. Malaysia is equally concerned by the continued displacement of communities from Myanmar and its far-reaching humanitarian consequences for the region. The international community must strengthen its support for affected populations and countries bearing the brunt of displacement, including through greater burden and responsibility sharing, as well as humanitarian assistance. At the same time, durable solutions must address the underlying causes of displacement. Malaysia reiterates the importance of creating conditions that are conducive to the safe, voluntary, and dignified return of all Myanmar refugees affected by the conflict. Chair, Malaysia reaffirms ASEAN's five-point consensus as the main reference for addressing the crisis in Myanmar. Its full and effective implementation remains essential to ending violence, facilitating humanitarian assistance, and advancing a peaceful resolution through an inclusive, Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led process. Malaysia recognises that sustained engagement and dialogue remain essential to finding a durable solution to the crisis in Myanmar. In this regard, we would welcome the Briefers’ views on how the international community, including ASEAN and the United Nations, could pursue more effective engagement with relevant stakeholders in Myanmar to achieve tangible progress on the cessation of violence, humanitarian access, and inclusive dialogue. I thank you.

Thank you, Malaysia. We will move in a moment to Islamic Republic of Iran, but let me read out the final speakers for this segment. It’s Islamic Republic of Iran, to be followed by Canada, Germany, Liechtenstein, and finally, the Sovereign Order of Malta. Iran, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. The Islamic Republic of Iran remains deeply concerned about the protracted and deteriorating human rights and humanitarian situation in Myanmar, in particular the continued suffering of Rohingya Muslims and other vulnerable communities. The ongoing crisis, compounded by conflict, displacement, and growing humanitarian needs, continues to have devastating consequences for civilians. The continued displacement of Rohingya Muslims to neighboring countries, in particular Bangladesh, has further exacerbated humanitarian needs. The Islamic Republic of Iran stresses that ensuring the equal enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms, eliminating discrimination and segregation, and addressing the issue of citizenship remain essential elements of any sustainable solution. We further emphasize the urgent need for an immediate cessation of hostilities, strengthened humanitarian assistance, and effective measures to protect civilians, in particular those most in need of protection, while preventing further displacement. Conditions should be created for the voluntary, safe, and dignified return and sustainable reintegration of displaced Rohingya to their places of origin, with appropriate guarantees for their safety, rights, and access to basic services. The Islamic Republic of Iran supports a strengthened regional and international cooperation aimed at facilitating a lasting solution to this complex and protracted crisis. In this regard, we commend the constructive efforts of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations. At the same time, A sustainable resolution ultimately requires inclusive national dialogue, reconciliation, and a peaceful political process involving all relevant national stakeholders. Thank you.

Thank you, Iran. Canada, to be followed by Germany. Canada, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. Canada thanks the Special Envoy, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, and the Special Rapporteur for their briefings and their important work documenting serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Canada remains deeply concerned by the worsening human rights and humanitarian situation across the country, including ongoing military operations, indiscriminate aerial attacks, and strikes affecting civilians and civilian infrastructure. Human Rights Reporting has documented attacks on schools, hospitals, religious sites, and camps for internally displaced persons, as well as arbitrary detention, torture, conflict-related sexual violence, and systematic restrictions on fundamental freedoms. Canada is particularly alarmed by the military regime's recent increased use of forced recruitment that disproportionately targets marginalized groups, including Rohingya, youth, and individuals with disabilities. We are deeply troubled by reports that individuals are being recruited under coercion and that attempts to evade recruitment have resulted in detention and abuse, abduction, and extortion. Canada is also gravely concerned by the recent return of Myanmar nationals from neighboring countries. In the current context, these returns carry significant risks for individuals, including of forced conscription, persecution, arbitrary detention, and other serious human rights violations. The conditions in Myanmar are not conducive to safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable returns. We have two questions for the panel. Given the regime's restrictions on freedom of opinion and expression, particularly media freedom, what additional steps can member states take to protect independent journalism and support access to reliable information for the people of Myanmar? And given the military regime's expanding use of forced recruitment, what additional measures can Member States take to protect civilians at risk, particularly young people, ethnic and religious minorities, and Myanmar nationals returning to their country? Thank you.

Thank you, Canada. I pass to Germany, then Liechtenstein.

Thank you, Chair. Germany aligns itself with the EU statement. We thank the briefers for their dedicated efforts and comprehensive reports. They are crucial in shedding light on human rights violations in Myanmar, including on the plight of the Rohingya. Germany remains deeply concerned by the continuing deterioration of the political, humanitarian, and human rights situation in Myanmar. We are alarmed by the ongoing indiscriminate aerial attacks, targeted destruction of civilian infrastructure, as well as arbitrary detention, torture, sexual and gender-based violence, and extrajudicial killings. We call for the protection of all civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and to cease all violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. We also remain particularly worried about the situation of the Rohingya, whose systematic discrimination, restrictions on fundamental freedoms, arbitrary detention, forced labour, and prolonged displacements continue to cause immense suffering. The ongoing conflict and violence in Rakhine State prevents safe returns for refugees. We underscore the importance of accountability for serious international crimes and human rights violations, and welcome that the IIMM’s investigations are progressing. We support the Special Envoy’s engagement with relevant stakeholders and regional partners, particularly ASEAN, to advance an inclusive political solution led by the people of Myanmar. We express grave concern about the findings regarding unregulated rare earth mining and its consequences on human rights and the environment. Germany will continue to support accountability efforts and provide urgently needed humanitarian assistance. In 2026, Germany allocated almost 12 million US dollars of humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. We would like to ask the briefers: How can Member States strengthen cooperation with the Mechanism to Advance Accountability for Serious International Crimes? And what targeted measures should the international community prioritize to address the Rohingya crisis and improve humanitarian access? I thank you.

Thank you, Germany. Liechtenstein, you have the floor.

Thank you, briefers, for all your concerted efforts to assist the people of Myanmar in their aim to achieve a peaceful, democratic, and free country. Over the past year, we have seen a concerning tenor of engagement with the military junta after its sham elections over the turn of the year. What can the UN do to better engage with all areas of the country, including those not under the control of the junta, in the coming year? I thank you.

Thank you, Liechtenstein. I pass to the Sovereign Order of Malta. You have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. The Sovereign Order of Malta remains deeply concerned by the human rights situation in Myanmar. We note the suffering endured by the civilian population, and we call upon the responsible parties to adhere to their obligations to civilians under international humanitarian law. Human Rights Watch reports violations including sexual violence against those held in detention, arbitrary arrests of journalists and humanitarian workers, military strikes against residential areas, schools, hospitals, and religious sites, human trafficking, and coercive elections. In addition, illicit economies have grown significantly, with Myanmar becoming the world's top producer of opium and synthetic drugs. These crimes inflict grave harm upon a population that has already experienced significant trauma and loss from the earthquakes in 2025. We strongly condemn these actions. In response to the earthquakes in 2025, which left an estimated 6.3 million people in need of humanitarian assistance, the Order of Malta's International Relief Agency coordinated a multi-sector emergency operation through its own emergency response team and several local partners. In total, the teams reached around 90,000 people across 110 locations, through the provision of water, sanitation, and hygiene initiatives, shelter, primary health care, and mental support, and multi-purpose cash assistance. As the response moved from emergency relief to early recovery, the teams have focused on sustainable, community-centered solutions, while continuing to address life-saving needs. In addition, we have provided support to refugees, many of whom are members of ethnic minorities, who have crossed from Myanmar into Thailand over the last 30 years. We manage the health care services in several refugee camps in challenging and remote locations. We call on the international community to protect civilians and humanitarian workers in Myanmar, restoring peace and upholding human rights. The Order of Malta will continue to do whatever we can to support the people of Myanmar through our humanitarian work, and we encourage the international community to do the same. I thank you.

I thank the Sovereign Order of Malta for your intervention. That brings us to the end of all those seeking to intervene from the floor and provides an opportunity for us to hear a response from each of our presenters. We will follow the same order for presenters that we began with, and for that reason, i pass the floor to Special Envoy Bishop for your response. Thank you.

Thank you, Chair, and I thank member states for their contributions, and I will try and address the matters that I believe were directed to me. There were questions about the key priorities in seeking to advance a peaceful solution to this crisis. This has already been set out by the General Assembly in its resolutions and by the Security Council in resolution 2669, and in fact by ASEAN and its five-point consensus plan. The first priority is to end the violence, end the killing. The attacks on civilians must cease, for every other priority follows on from the ending of the violence. Another priority that I am concerned about is the situation involving landmines and unexploded ordnance as a result of the aerial bombing and the aerial shelling. I'm informed that Myanmar, particularly in Rakhine State, now has one of the highest concentrations of civilian deaths arising from landmines. And so even if there were an end to the killing tomorrow, demining work, extensive demining work, would have to take place. Refugees clearly cannot be returned while ever there is violence ongoing in their homeland and before demining has taken place. Also, another priority is humanitarian access. That's absolutely important, and I do want to pay credit to the UN country team and the resident coordinator, Gwyn Lewis, who are making enormous efforts to meet the very difficult challenges. They are staying, they are delivering, and through all available channels. But I do call on member states to support the United Nations efforts on the ground and influence the authority in Naypyidaw to allow access to non-militarily controlled areas in line with humanitarian principles. I'm also deeply concerned about the protection of aid workers, and we must focus on ensuring that they are safe, particularly given the extent of aerial bombings. I was asked about practical steps for civilian protection. Neighboring countries should leverage influence to stop the attacks on civilians. Displacement is having a massive regional impact. And I again call for members to seek to influence the authorities in Naypyidaw to allow unfettered access for UN and its partners. I think the presence of these aid workers will go in some way to guard against the indiscriminate attacks. I have also been asked about what member states can do. Those who are seeking to normalize relations with Myanmar, with Naypyidaw, should take this opportunity to leverage concessions from Naypyidaw. The idea that one seeks to normalize relations after the decades of fighting and human rights abuses and the like, without seeking any conditions the normalization of that relationship are wasting an opportunity to seek nothing in return. Those seeking to normalize relations should demand an end to the violence, should demand unfettered humanitarian access, should demand the release of arbitrarily detained prisoners in return for the normalization of relations. I believe this is a A very grave wasted opportunity. I also have been asked about, where was it? The humanitarian access. And as I've mentioned, Gwyn Lewis is doing all she can in that regard. But there's also another issue of great concern. raised by a member state about civil liberties, and there is an increase in hate speech across the region against Rohingya specifically, but ethnic minorities. And I do urge member states to take that into account when seeking to normalise relations with Naypyidaw or using their influence to end this crisis. I have spoken about other priorities that I believe need to be addressed. But I again urge the ASEAN members to consider the implementation of benchmarks against which we can assess progress on the five-point consensus plan. As I've said, the first priority must be to stop the violence. A number of member states have mentioned transnational crime, and that is a matter I've raised on many occasions in the past before this committee. The rise of scam centres, drug trafficking, the proliferation of the manufacture of synthetic drugs is having global implications. And I was quite disturbed to read a recent United States presidential determination on major drug transit or major illicit drug producing countries, and it identified Myanmar as having failed demonstrably, I quote, "failed demonstrably to make substantial counter-narcotics efforts." This is a matter of global concern. Another matter that member states can do is end the supply of military equipment to the armed actors, particularly the provision of jet fuel for the use in aerial bombardments, but military equipment more generally. I will continue my efforts to engage with all member states, all the voices of Myanmar, in my work to find a solution to this crisis. I am in discussion with Naing Pyi Daw on a return visit, which will be my fifth, and I will continue to urge all parties to put the civilians, to put the people of Myanmar at the center of their considerations.

Thank you, Special Envoy. I now pass the floor to the head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism. You have the floor.

Thank you, Chair. Let me start with the same point that the Special Envoy started. There seems to be a consensus in the room, in the international community, the violence must end. Too many people are suffering, too many people are being victimized by crimes. We must end the violence. And everyone seems to support the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, and the very first of those terms is end the violence. And yet, we find that many states are reluctant to cooperate with our efforts to collect the evidence of the very worst violence. Our mechanism was set up simply to collect evidence that could be used by national or international courts, hopefully one day, courts in Myanmar, to hold to account those responsible for the very worst violence, the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar. It makes no sense to me that a state would say, end the violence, but don't worry, we won't let anyone collect evidence that you committed crimes when they're on our territory. We need the consent of states to operate on their territory, to speak to witnesses and collect evidence, and that can be one concrete way that states can contribute to this goal of ending the violence. Because it's so important that perpetrators know someone is watching, someone is collecting evidence, you could be held to account. send a message you're against violence by supporting our efforts to collect evidence of the very worst of that violence. And we also appreciate when states can help us with protection of witnesses, something that we can, of course, have no police force ourselves. We depend upon the state cooperation to protect those who interact with us. And then there were questions about how else you could support accountability and questions about the ICJ. The ICJ is such an important institution, as the Special Envoy in her opening remarks said, established by the Charter as the highest court of the United Nations, and it's very important that all states respect the decisions of the International Court of Justice. It's important to recognize that the court has jurisdiction when the states involved in the dispute consent to that jurisdiction. And in the case of Gambia versus Myanmar, it's because the Convention for Genocide provides that any dispute as to the convention will be decided by the International Court of Justice. So we're waiting for that important judgment. We don't know when exactly it will be, but I think it's very important that all states respect the importance of that institution and its decisions, because the world is in a lot of trouble if we don't have some notions of international law to resolve disputes between states. Thank you very much.

Thank you, Mr. Cuzan. And finally, I pass the floor to the Special Rapporteur.

Thank you, and thank you to the member states for your questions and your interventions. I'm going to try to group them as much as possible and try to make sure that I'm covering everything. I'm going to start with kind of where my colleagues left off. I think that in the, you know, with this human rights crisis, External actors first should look at their own engagement with Myanmar, as the Special Envoy noted, and base it on conditions, have a conditions-based approach, where, and timelines that are, conditions that are measurable and timelines that are enforceable. If you are engaging with this regime that has a history of Failing to meet promises, failing to live up to obligations, and failing to comply with international standards, whether it's on human rights, law enforcement, environmental protection, across the board. you should treat with great skepticism any promises made by this regime. I think that is the first step to trying to hold people accountable and holding them accountable to their promises and not front-loading concessions to regimes that have a long track record in history of abusing their own people and disregarding human rights and human dignity. I think that that is not what is happening right now, but I would encourage member states to rethink engagement that is not based on any principles or any conditions that are verifiable, measurable, and enforceable. And as far as the human rights crisis itself, in the past two years, we've seen massive cuts to support for civil society organizations and community-based organizations in Myanmar. that are working to both document human rights violations and to support communities that have been impacted by human rights violations and by the armed conflict. Those organizations are doing incredible work with very little resources, and the international community, especially the donor community, should look at how they can prioritize and support these groups, especially women's organizations. When we talk about support to victims of sexual violence, those victims are being helped by women's organizations at the grassroots level, especially in the liberated areas, but also in the regime-controlled territories. And finding ways to support those organizations directly, whether it's on humanitarian assistance, through the Inclusive Humanitarian Forum that Brings together a large number of grassroots direct assistance providers and can provide a conduit and monitoring and evaluation support to donors to allow them to reach directly to the grassroots. for humanitarian assistance, that is one channel, but also just finding ways to work directly with local civil society in Myanmar, because these people are not hiding under rocks, they are available and you can find them. I'm sure that Ambassador John Mouton and others can help you in doing that as donors if you are serious about trying to help support the human rights defenders and the people who are documenting these violations that our work relies on. And also Then the groups that are helping the victims, whether they're internally displaced persons, refugees, or the people who are trying to survive the daily life under the regime's control. With regard to some of the specific questions that came up, I thank the delegation from Bangladesh, and again, if I haven't done so sufficiently, I express our appreciation to the government and people of Bangladesh for their long time support for the refugees. from Myanmar, who, as they correctly point out, they have provided shelter to because of problems inside Myanmar. And I concur with their strong call to fully fund the joint response plan and to continue to provide adequate humanitarian support that does not create the conditions in the camps where violence and crime and deprivation are able to happen because it is not fair to Bangladesh to expect them to carry this burden the way that they have, and it is incumbent upon the entire international community and those who have the means to support Bangladesh in this. As far as sources for information, I'm happy to provide additional information and happy to follow up with the Bangladesh mission to provide that information. Everything in the report is sourced as far as the information that we provide in the report, the specific incidents and the figures and all of those things are fully documented. My conclusions are my own. And here I get to some of the allegations from some of the missions that, or some of the delegations here. For those of you who may have forgotten, special rapporteurs are unpaid, voluntary positions in the UN system. We receive no remuneration, we get no support from the UN other than really like travel support and some minimal staff support. This is something that I do as a volunteer. That is not an excuse, it's by way of reminding delegations that this is how we remain independent and are able to do our work. jobs as rapporteurs and special procedures. But, and I am independent, but I would never claim to be neutral. As Desmond Tutu says, "If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor." As a special procedure under the Human Rights Council and working on the human rights situation in Myanmar, I am obligated to not be neutral when it comes to human rights violations. And so, I would remind member states that have questioned my integrity and questioned my my ability to carry out this mandate, that it is incumbent upon me to stand with the victims of the human rights violations and not their oppressors. I also would point out the irony that some of the countries that are most loudly complaining about interference in Myanmar's internal affairs are ones that are most actively interfering in Myanmar's internal affairs at this very moment. Those that are talking most loudly about peace are the ones selling the weapons to Min Aung Hlaing that he uses against his own people. Finally, the Chinese delegation. I mentioned that I had made some unsubstantiated allegations against them, and so I would like to ask the Chinese mission to please provide me with additional information refuting that they are not selling weapons or providing economic and political support to Min Aung Hlaing's regime. I would welcome receiving that information. and would greatly appreciate them providing it to me. And I would point out that under the procedures of the United Nations, before the report was published in October, China, Russia, and Belarus were all given five days to provide additional information, and they did not respond. On the question of exploitation, scam centers, forced labor, and illicit financial flows. My predecessor documented the billion dollar death trade and the financial networks behind it that allowed the regime to finance and carry out its war on its own people. In the situation of the scam centers, other illicit activities, and it's not just the scam centers. The scam centers are certainly a huge problem, and these are industrial scale scam operations. They are visible from space, literally. And so the idea that there's not more that can be done to ameliorate that situation is pretty fanciful to me. And it's not simply a law enforcement issue. There is an extensive global financial backbone that moves money around the world from these scam centers, launders it, and allows it to reappear as real estate investments and other legal assets in all kinds of countries, all lots of member states. As far as supply chains and critical minerals, this is another area where member states can conduct more due diligence, excuse me, and work with industry to ensure that they are using clean supply chains that cannot be traced back to conflict areas in Myanmar. This is a huge problem. Illicit and gray zone mining has become one of the main sources of revenue for both the regime and some of its non-state allies. And so I would encourage countries and industry to please look at that as well. Finally, on trafficking and forced labor, we're seeing new patterns emerging that are impacting all regions of the globe, Africa, North America, and Latin America. People are being trafficked from all over the world into these place, into these scam centers. And what we're now seeing is evidence of labor being moved from scam centers to illegal mine. And so, to the extent that member states can work with their own ministries to apprise people that if an opportunity abroad sounds too good to be true, it probably is, work within your own domestic context to help educate people about the dangers of going into these, of taking these jobs in these scam centers, and then working with your populations to raise awareness about the kinds, about what these scams are. illicit activities are and how they are evolving with AI and all sorts of efforts they are getting. They have tremendous protection from the regime, and this is where, when it comes to leverage, as the special envoy said, this is an area where member states should expect results before they provide benefits in terms of getting the regime to cut its ties. They are highly dependent on their revenue, though, and they are extremely complicit in these activities, so I am skeptical that they will genuinely actually serve as a law enforcement partner to shut down these activities. I think that's everything, but if I've forgotten something, I hope somebody will let me know. Thank you.

I want to thank the Special Rapporteur and indeed each of our presenters this morning. Thank you very much for your time, your presentation, and your thoughtful responses. That concludes this segment of our proceedings. The Committee will resume consideration of agenda item 70 at 3:00 PM sharp this afternoon, where we'll hear further statements by special procedure mandate holders and other experts. As all of you know, information on the work of the Committee is all online on IGov. The meeting is adjourned. Thank you very much for your engagement this morning.