Fourth Committee, 3rd plenary meeting - General Assembly, 80th session
General Assembly
Date: 7 October 2025
Language: English
Transcript: https://transcripts.un.org/en/ga/c4/80/3
Transcripts available through this tool are created by using automatic speech recognition and are not official records nor official documents of the United Nations. Official records and official documents are available on the Official Document System of the United Nations.

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4th Committee · Chair [0:00]:

The third meeting of the Special Political and Decolonization Committee, the fourth committee, is called to order. As announced yesterday, we will now commence our hearing of representatives and petitioners on the questions of the Bermudas, the British Virgin Islands, Guam, the Turks and Caicos Islands, the United States Virgin Islands, New Caledonia, French Polynesia, the Falklands, and Western Sahara. These hearings are held under agenda item 58, entitled "Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to colonial countries and peoples. I remind all speakers of the need for decorum when making their interventions and not to stray from the subject and territory under consideration. In this regard, I remind petitioners to observe the rules and decisions of the Committee while attending its meetings, keeping in mind that they are given the floor to furnish information to the Committee through their statements only. Therefore, no flags or banners should be displayed in the conference room. Please note the time limits of seven minutes for statements by the representatives of non-self-governing territories and three minutes for statements by petitioners. To assist speakers in managing their time, the red light on their microphone will begin to blink one minute before the allotted time is exhausted. After that minute, the microphone automatically cuts off. I appeal to speakers to deliver their statements at a reasonable pace so that interpretation may be provided properly. I request speakers to submit their statements in advance to e-statements@un.org to support the interpreters. I further remind Member States of the time limit of three minutes for any follow-up questions or comments on a speaker's statement. Furthermore, Please be advised that only accredited media representatives escorted by representatives of the Department of Global Communications will be permitted to film petitioners' statements. In this regard, I recall that the meetings of the Fourth Committee are being webcast. We will start with a question of Bermuda. The Attorney General and Minister of Justice of Bermuda, Her Excellency Ms. Kim Wilkerson, is present and wishes to make a statement this afternoon. In accordance with the committee's standing procedure, I suggest that the committee invite the Attorney General and Minister of Justice of Bermuda to take a seat at the committee's table and make a statement. It is so decided. I now give the floor to the Attorney General and Minister of Justice of Bermuda, Your Excellency, Ms. Kim Wilkerson. You have the floor.


Bermuda · Attorney General and Minister of Justice [4:24]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Distinguished delegates, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you, Mr. Chair, distinguished delegates, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. As Attorney General and Minister of Justice, it is an honour to address this conference on behalf of the government and people of Bermuda. We are grateful for the work of the Fourth Committee on decolonization and for the opportunity to share Bermuda's experience as a British overseas territory with a long record of democratic practice and self-governance. Bermuda is a small but mighty island territory of just over 64,000 residents. Yet, we have built a highly developed economy and stable institutions. Our gross domestic product reaches nearly 9 billion, that is US dollars, giving Bermuda one of the highest per capita incomes in the world. We maintain a diversified economy led by international business, particularly insurance and reinsurance, as well as tourism and financial services. Employment levels remain strong and Bermuda continues to invest in the skills and education of its people to ensure shared prosperity and opportunity. Our government functions on the basis of a parliamentary democracy, with elected representatives responsible for nearly all aspects of domestic governance. We are proud of the maturity and resilience of our political institutions. which operate under a framework of transparency, accountability, and the rule of law. Successive governments have demonstrated the capacity to legislate and administer effectively on behalf of the people of Bermuda. Our relationship with the United Kingdom remains positive and constructive. And we have enjoyed and continue to enjoy excellent cooperation with the resident governor who represents the Crown. Yet, even as these bonds remain strong, Bermuda recognizes that the journey toward self-determination is an essential and unfinished one. The Bermuda Independence Commission issued its report 20 years ago in two thousand and five. Yet further momentum towards independence has faltered. We are clear eyed about the fact that such a path cannot and must not be undertaken without the full participation of our people. who are divided on the issue. Progress toward self-determination requires broad education, open consultation, and consensus building within Bermuda itself. Our responsibility as leaders is to ensure that the people of Bermuda are fully informed of the options available, the implications of each, and the opportunities and responsibilities that self-determination entails. Mr. Chair, Bermuda is a territory that has shown it can govern itself with competence and stability. We recognize that the right of self-determination is a cornerstone of international law and the United Nations Charter. We remain committed to advancing this principle in a way that is inclusive, measured and respectful of the will of our people. On behalf of Bermuda, I thank the Committee for its continued commitment to the decolonization process and for its support of small territories such as ours as we navigate the path forward. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [9:55]:

I thank the Attorney General.

And Minister of Justice of Bermuda. Does any member of the Committee wish to ask a question of the Attorney General and Minister of Justice of Bermuda or make a comment on the statement? This not being the case, we will now turn to the question of the British Virgin Islands. The Premier of the British Virgin Islands, His Excellency Natalia D. Wheatley, wishes to make a statement this afternoon. In accordance with the Committee's standing procedure, I suggest that the Committee invite the Premier to make a statement. It is so decided. I now give the floor to the Premier of the British Virgin Islands, His Excellency, Mr. Nathalia D. Wheatley. Sir, you have the floor.


British Virgin Islands · Premier [11:13]:

Mr. Chair, Excellencies, a pleasant good afternoon. I bring you warm greetings on behalf of the government and people of the British Virgin Islands. Excellencies, as this is the first opportunity, a BVI government representative has had to officially address the United Nations since the 80th anniversary of its founding was kicked off. I would like to congratulate UN Secretary-General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, President of the General Assembly, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, representatives of UN member states, and the UN specialized agencies on this milestone anniversary. The UN is needed now more than ever to foster international peace, security, and prosperity. I'm very pleased that at 80, the UN's relationship with the BVI is strong and continues to support our sustainable development, climate resilience, and self-determination. This includes a roadmap to improve our access to development finance based on the BVI's high vulnerability to the negative impacts of climate change as a small island developing state. I'm also very proud that the BVI is actively contributing to the work of the United Nations, primarily via the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. Represented by my special envoy, Mr. Benito Wheatley, the BVI currently serves as a vice chair of the 40th session of ECLAC, vice chair of the 30th session of the Caribbean Development and Cooperation Committee, vice chair of the second session of the regional conference on South to South cooperation in Latin America and the Caribbean, and chair of the ECLAC associate members working group. To these regional UN multilateral forums, The BVI will continue to engage with the wider Latin America and Caribbean family on sustainable development for our region. Mr. Chair, I would like to turn to the progress of decolonization of the BVI. I want to begin by once again thanking the C24, currently chaired by Her Excellency Ambassador Manisa Rambally, for dispatching a visiting mission to the territory in August 2024. The report of the visiting mission is clear. The British Virgin Islands is ready for a change of political status to achieve a full measure of self-government. My government welcomes the findings and recommendations of the report, which calls for, among other things, an education program on self-determination, full internal self government, and a timetable for independence. We remain engaged with the C24 on UN technical assistance to support an education program. In terms of next steps in the process, I'm pleased to report that last week, the territory's legislature, the House of Assembly, concluded a parliamentary debate on a constitutional review report with a view to developing a position for negotiations with the United Kingdom on a new constitution. The primary constitutional advancement my government is seeking is full internal self-government as recommended by the C24 visiting mission. This would require the UK devolving to the elected arm of government constitutional responsibilities currently held by the UK appointed governor. including internal security, the public service, administration of the courts, and external affairs. It would also include the Premier chairing Cabinet as the head of government, as well as a fixed future date for a referendum on change of political status. We would very much welcome the UK's full support for these next steps in our self-determination process, congruent with the obligation of the administering powers to the non-self-governing territories under Article 73B of the UN Charter to, and I quote, "develop self-government to take due account of the political aspirations of the people and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions according to their particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples, and their varying stages of advancement. close quotes. Excellencies, in terms of UKBVI relations, I was recently notified by UK Minister for the Overseas Territories, Mister Stephen Doughty, MP, that the UK Foreign Secretary, the right honorable Yvette Cooper, has accepted his recommendation to lift the UK order in council being held in reserve that can suspend our constitution. I welcome the recommendation of Minister Doughty and the decision by the foreign secretary. This is a positive development. Rescinding the order will take a few months time. Given the necessary procedural steps that must be taken by the Privy Council. I would like to sincerely thank Caricom, the OECS, the C twenty-four, the Caribbean OTS Caucus, the government of the United States, Virgin Islands, and other partners for their staunch international support over the past three years. That was instrumental in the BVI maintaining democratic governance. Special appreciation goes to Antigua and Barbuda and Saint Lucia for their unwavering support. I also thank my ministers, the House of Assembly, the governor and his team, the public service, and my internal team for all their hard work on governance reform. Finally, Excellencies, my administration and the UK government continue to have constructive engagement on access to registers of beneficial ownership to appropriately balance corporate transparency on one hand and respect for human rights on the other in terms of personal security, the right to privacy, the right to data protection, and constitutional safeguards to protect the civil rights of individuals. Mr. Chair, Excellencies, thank you once again.


4th Committee · Chair [18:18]:

I thank the Premier of the British Virgin Islands. Does any member wish to put questions to the Premier or comment on his statement?

And with it not.

Being the case, we will continue. Based on the decisions taken at our second meeting, we shall now hear the petitioners who wish to make statements on the question of the British Virgin Islands. The first petitioner is Mr. Serio Finias. and I invite him to take a seat at the petitioners' table and to take the floor. You have three minutes, sir.


Petitioner [19:13]:

Chair, distinguished delegates, I speak on behalf of the Bonaire Human Rights Organization to address the situation of the British Virgin Islands from a human rights perspective. The draft resolution adopted by the C24 in June reaffirms a fundamental principle of the international law and the United Nations Charter. There is no alternative to the principle of self-determination in the decolonization process of the BVI. This principle is not merely political. It's a binding human right enshrined in instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, the International Convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. All peoples have the right to freely determine their political status and pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Chair, let us remember that the UN was founded in 1945 on a fundamental promise to decolonize the world and guarantee freedom and equality for all, regardless of size, geography or financial position. Yet today, The Caribbean still suffer the legacy of colonialism compounded by centuries of transatlantic slavery and indigenous genocide. Many of these peoples, including those of the BVI and us, remain colonies and continue to experience subordination and deprivation. For those who grew up in post-colonial context, it's almost impossible to fully grasp the daily realities, deeper struggles, and aspirations of people still living under colonial rule. It is the duty as free and recognized peoples and nations here in this chamber, in this room, to elevate these voices and support their right to self-determination. The draft resolution rightly emphasizes that the BVI people require flexible and innovative approaches to self-determination without prejudice to population size, geography, or resources. Yet, we are concerned that administering power has placed on hold an order of council that could partially suspend the Constitution unilaterally, an act that contradicts self-determination and human rights law. In 2024, visiting mission We are sure that the BVI is ready to take steps towards self-government and the territory government has completed the great reforms. The Caribbean holds the largest concentration of non-decolonized territories and the last decolonization in this region was in case and even four decades ago. This is an historic moment to break the impasse and finally fulfill the UN mandate. We call upon the committee to take full decolonization of the BVI, urge the administering power to act in good faith and request the UN system to continue monitoring of and the BVI people's right to self-determination. Self-determination is not a privilege. It's a human right that must be realized now for the people.


4th Committee · Chair [22:21]:

I thank Mr. Finioz. Next, I invite Ms. Davika Bisso-Sansour to take a seat at the petitioner's table. Madam, you have the floor.


Petitioner [22:34]:

Thank you, Chair. Colonialism has never been about progress or partnership. Its purpose then and now has been exploitation, domination, and the denial of human dignity. Colonizers did not come to share, but to seize our lands, our wealth, our voices, our sovereignty. They spoke of civilization and development, but delivered dispossession, dependency, and inequality. Let us be clear. Colonialism is not history. It's a living reality, our reality. In 2025, territories like British Virgin Islands and other territories on and off the list are still on the colonial rule. Have their resources controlled by others. The political will suppress and their people excluded from the equal participation in global order. This colonization in its modern form. Its purpose remain on change to enrich the colonizer and weaken the colonized. We see this clearly in the legacy of the empires. The very name British Virgin Islands carry philosophy of ownership, my islands, my people. This is not the language of equality or partnership. It's a language of possession. The United Nations through resolution 1514, 1960, declared that peoples have the right to self-determination, that colonialism must be brought to a speedily and unconditional end. A year later, resolution 16 1954. The C24 was put to ensure that the promise was fulfilled. Yet more than 60 years later, my entire lifetime, 60 years that remained the mission on finish. The principle of decolonization must apply to all peoples. Still on the Canolia domination. Whether or not their territories appear on the official list or not. No people should be erased or silent because of political convenience or protective measurements for all territories still suffering from the structural inequalities created by colonial rule. True decolonization does not mean political freedom, but economical justice, repairing what was broken and restoring dignity to those rights that were violated. So I ask these people in the room, is it truly that only there are 17 territories left under the colonized domination? Or have we simply stopped counting those who are not represented or whose voices are silent? We stand here not to beg, but to demand action, justice, reparations, protection, because colonialism, past or present, has no place in our future. And finally, I ask this committee and the C24, are you going to adapt these wrongs or to become merely a symbol of a great idea left unfinished?


4th Committee · Chair [25:32]:

I thank Ms. Bissasasho. Next, I invite Mr. Eliezer Benito Wheatley to take a seat at the petitioner's table. You have the floor, sir.


Petitioner [25:47]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Excellencies, I would like to congratulate the United Nations on its 80th anniversary. The UN still holds the promise of decolonization for those territories yet to achieve a full measure of self-government. The C24 visiting mission to the British Virgin Islands is an example of what can be done when UN member states marshal the political will to support the self-determination of a territory. But a visiting mission is not an end in itself. It is just the beginning of a preparatory process for change of political status. The C24 visiting mission report to the BVI provides a useful roadmap for the self-determination of the territory. Among other things, it recommends a UN-supported education program, full internal self-government, and a timetable for independence. The education program is a critical step in the self-determination process. Per the recommendation of the C-24 report, the government of the British Virgin Islands has requested the C-24's help in securing the technical assistance needed from the relevant UN agencies. Article 73 of the UN Charter mandates that the UN provide such support to the non-self-governing territories at their request. Finally, Excellencies, the United Kingdom has an important role to play in supporting the self-determination of the BVI. Among other things, the UK government should take the self-determination of the BVI very seriously and give due consideration to their full aspiration for full internal self-government in upcoming constitutional negotiations and holding a future referendum on change of political status. The UK should also support the continued full economic and financial self-sufficiency of the BVI that is largely underwritten by financial services and tourism. This means constructive engagement with the BVI and access to public registers of beneficial ownership based on legitimate interests, respect for human rights, and constitutional safeguards. Excellencies, it is in the interest of both the UK and the BVI to have a positive relationship after the challenges of the difficult years of the past. Mr. Chair, thank you for the opportunity to make this intervention.


4th Committee · Chair [28:18]:

I thank Mr. Wheatley. We will now hear a petitioner on the question of the Malvinas-Falkland Islands. He did not pick up his pass. I call on him just to ensure that he isn't in the room. I invite Mr. George Parr to take a seat at the petitioner's table and to take the floor. Sir, you have three minutes. He is not in the room. And so we now turn to the question of French Polynesia. The President of French Polynesia, His Excellency Mr. Moetai Brotherson wishes to make a statement. I suggest that the Committee invite the President to make a statement. It is so decided. I invite the President of French Polynesia, His Excellency Mr. Moetai Brotherson, to take a seat at the Committee's table. You have the floor, Excellency.


French Polynesia · President [29:39]:

Mr. Chairman, distinguished delegates, Excellencies, members of the Fourth Committee, I would like to express our sincere gratitude to Timor-Leste, host of the last regional seminar on decolonization. The determination of the Timorese people continues to speak powerfully across the Pacific Ocean. During that seminar, we proposed to host the 2027 regional seminar. New Caledonia has already hosted such a seminar in 2010, with the approval of France. Several members of the C24 have already expressed support for this proposal, and we hope that our administering power will have a coherent and consistent stance. Our presence today is grounded in the operative language of your draft resolution, which, for the first time, calls for a comprehensive, inclusive, and peaceful decolonization process under United Nations scrutiny. We appreciate that the United Nations enshrines this approach in the resolution. This year marks the 12th anniversary of our re-inscription. Mr. Chairman, I reaffirm the full commitment of the government of French Polynesia to a peaceful and democratic decolonization process with France under United Nations scrutiny. In the Pacific, peace is not passive. Our ancestors were fierce warriors, navigators of the biggest ocean, defenders of their land, identity, and dignity. Today, that strength is channeled into what our region calls a notion of peace. Decolonization must contribute to that vision. One essential instrument is also now included in the draft resolution, a program of work. This program should set milestones, timelines, and clear modalities for dialogue between the administering power, the territory, and the United Nations. We reject any so-called dialogue under French terms only and any local referendum or consultation under French terms and French law only. The United Nations must be included in the framework, and it cannot be drafted by the government alone. We will continue to work with all political forces in French Polynesia, majority and opposition, and all the institutions of our country, because decolonization is not a partisan agenda. It's a national responsibility. On September 29th at the Elysee Palace, I recalled that the autonomy statute is not an endpoint. All French territories call for a renewed relationship with France. I call for independence. With this objective declared in that setting, I also recalled for the opening of a multilateral dialogue during this session of the Fourth Committee under United Nations auspices. Under the United Nations' own standards, genuine self-government implies full legislative authority and the ability to conduct external affairs. French Polynesia does not enjoy such status. Our assembly only exercises a deliberative authority within the limits set by the French Constitution, and our international competence remains limited and conditional. Therefore, our political situation cannot be treated as settled until now. I have preferred political dialogue to judicial avenues, but responsible leadership must consider peaceful and lawful instruments when presented with a dead end. On October 3, the Special Commission for Decolonization of the Assembly of French Polynesia formally requested that I join the legal action before the Administrative Tribunal. I do not wish to take that route. Yet, if no step is taken by the administering power, the people of Mauhinui cannot be left without recourse. Decolonization is also about control over natural resources. The land, the seabed, and the critical minerals they contain do not belong to any political party, nor to a transient administration, but to the people of Mauhinui. My government has taken a firm stand against the exploitation of rare earths and deep-sea mining. and has instead established the world's largest marine protected areas, legally banning deep-sea mining. Our development model must reflect who we are, our history, our culture, our environment, not external interests. We cannot speak of responsibility without acknowledging the transgenerational consequences of nuclear testing in our country. The scars on health, environment and memory are real and long-lasting. Addressing them is a condition of justice and dignity. We push for a visiting mission to French Polynesia, echoing the recent example of the successful mission to the British Virgin Islands. It would provide impartial assessment and renewed confidence in the process. Beyond our shores, the situation in Kanaky, New Caledonia, reminds us that where dialogue is absent, tension grows and explodes. A lasting solution can only emerge through concertation in which all stakeholders are heard. No one should underestimate the determination of those who seek sovereignty when faced with political dead ends. We stand in solidarity with New Caledonia and insist on dialogue as the only path forward. Mr. Chairman, the people of French Polynesia remain unwavering in their commitment to a peaceful, democratic path to self-determination. But we cannot advance alone. We need the engagement of the administering power and the active support of the United Nations to turn principles into implementation. I extend our gratitude to this Committee for its continued commitment. Together, With honesty, courage, and respect, we can craft a future that is just, peaceful, and true to the will of the people of. Thank you for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [35:54]:

I thank the President of French Polynesia. Does any member wish to put questions to the President or comment on his statement? I now give the floor to the distinguished delegation of France. I would ask you to adhere to the time limit of three minutes.


France [36:18]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I welcome the presence of the session of the President of French Polynesia, Mr. Moetai Brotherson, and the presence of the Polynesians who will speak as petitioners in their diversity. I commend their strong mobilization here. For the third consecutive year, France is speaking before the Fourth Committee of the UN General Assembly regarding French Polynesia. The dialogue between our state and the Polynesian territory is ongoing and direct, without intermediaries. This process does not foresee any role for the United Nations, but our participation in today's dialogue reflects the trust-based relationship France has established with President Brotherson, as was the case with his predecessor, and the respect we hold for dialogue with petitioners. This is not a change of our viewpoint on the role and the place occupied by each side. French Polynesia enjoys a very strong autonomy within the French Republic. It's based on the constitution. This specific autonomy regime is a result of close relationship and developing relationship between Polynesian institutions and French government. It's built on trust and respect. And under this status, French Polynesia has jurisdiction over all matters, economy, education, health, tourism. labor, and culture. Only sovereign functions are carried out by the state, and this is always in the service of the Polynesian population. Polynesians are full French citizens and enjoy the same rights and freedoms as all other French citizens. The state also stands alongside French Polynesia to support the territory's development and its integration into its regional environment. I would like to recall here that financial transfers to French Polynesia amount to nearly 2 billion euros annually, which is about 30 percent of the territory's GDP. And France will continue with its commitment to support the territory's prosperity and assist development projects alongside the local government, given the climate change and modern requirements. We respect the aspiration of the Polynesian people when it comes to regional forums, in particular the Pacific Island forums, where the Polynesian authorities have the possibility of exercising their authorities. When it comes to the aspirations of the Polynesian people regarding governance, it's a priority for France. France will continue its trust-based dialogue with all relevant political actors so that Polynesians can express their ambitions and thrive in respect of the territory's traditions and identity. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [39:00]:

I thank the distinguished delegation of France. We will now hear the petitioners who wish to make statements on the question of French Polynesia. I invite Mr. Francois Piette to take the floor.


Petitioner [39:33]:

Mr. Chair. Thank you very much for the opportunity provided to the Maori Protestant Church to address your committee today. Since the early stages of colonisation in the 18th century, one of the harmful consequences of the contact with Europeans in our shores was the emergence of new diseases such as the Spanish flu, which nearly wiped out our people. Nuclear tests operated by the state of France in our territory from 1966 to 1996 also caused the death of many Maori from various cancers. The recent result of a committee of inquiry released from the French National Assembly in July 2025 definitely confirmed the intentional lie of the administrative power over the so-called inoffensivity of the nuclear test effect on the Maori people. More recently, the same is true of prophylactic vaccines, which have proven fatal for some people and can disrupt the proper development of newborns, potentially leading to risks of sterility. Today, the Maori people are facing a new wave of annihilation through new heavy drugs such as ice, which destroy the human being, the human consciousness, and family lives. This became a real day-by-day struggle by the many Maori families. In its recent resolution, the Synod of the Maori Protestant Church urges the administrative power to definitely seize disregarding the Maori people since early stages of colonization and calls upon the Maori government to open its eyes to such strategies used to annihilate the Maori people. Both administrative power and Maori government must adopt measures and law to protect the Maori people. The colonial assimilation policy of the administrating power towards the Mohi people, which reached its height in 2003 when France modified its constitution to replace the language. Peoples by population in its overseas colonies must now cease, since Mohi is released on the non-self-governing territories of the United Nations. Thank you for your attention, and may God bless you all. Maruru.


4th Committee · Chair [42:29]:

I thank Mr. Pietae. I now invite Mr. Philippe Neuffer to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [42:43]:

Gracias, Mr. Chair. Thank you. Members of the committee, excellencies, Education must be the weapon for decolonization. Since 1961, UN laws encourage the administrative powers to include in school programs the ways of decolonization. In French high schools, decolonization is a part of the program, but only from the unilateral perspective of the administrative power, with the educative purpose of understanding the weakness of the colonial empires after the Second World War. The curriculum highlights France as mainland and makes her the center and the focus, while the overseas territories are the or the other skirts. We see how urgent it is to have the principles of decolonization integrated in French school programs. French must fill this void in order for our teachers to educate more on how to reverse the effects of colonization on young people. We must give them tools to to break the curse of schooling failure, the mindset into which they cannot achieve a degree in school or have a better professional position. It is a way of fighting against social determinism induced by a colonial mindset that still remains now because some Polynesians are still disseminating toxic ideas in our country. And the first of those ideas is the French view that what is Tahitian is negative unless it is from a French perspective. They like the idea of the innocent and savage Tahitian, free from civilization, because it is part of their common thinking induced by famous writers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau. But when it comes to recognizing Tahitian language, Te Reo Maori, as an official language in the Tahitian law, it is a no way and a complaint filed in the state court in order to destroy the Tahitian law because the constitutional supremacy of French language on overseas languages. Our forefathers resisted in our Protestant schools by teaching Tahitian traditional songs and Tahitian language. And those acts of resistance should also be part of the program of decolonization in our schools. To one of our past teacher claimed that he didn't want to be the Tahitian that the French want him to be. I am and this is the program of my life. This is the real self-determination. Thank you. Gracias.

Mister Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [45:44]:

I thank mister Nofa I now invite Madam Tiare Maui Tiadruwa to take a seat at the petitioners table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [46:03]:

Mr. Chair, distinguished members of the committee, Excellencies, Your Honors, thank you for the opportunity to address your committee today. I come from Bora Bora, a paradise at first sight, but where a silent poison is spreading, the methamphetamine drug. In Ma'ohinui, French Polynesia, one out of ten people has already been affected by it. And it threatens kids at very early age. Our youth, our families, our future are in danger. But our people are rising. Today in Bora Bora, municipalities, churches, associations, parents are joining forces to protect our kids from this scourge. I wish to honor the tremendous work of the Federation de lutte contre les drogues en Polynésie francaise and its strong leaders true pillars in this struggle. Their efforts are acknowledged and supported by the Synod of the Maori Protestant Church, which says no to ICE and urgently calls on authorities to stop this scourge. Yet we cannot fight alone. We need our public authorities to strengthen prevention, support treatment, and back each local action on the field. Mr. Chair, methamphetamine is not just a heavy drug, it is an addictive weapon against our youth and our identity. Together, we can reignite the light of hope because Saving every single young person means saving an entire nation, a drug-free nation. Thank you, Mr. Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [48:26]:

I thank Madam Tairua. I now invite Madam Hana Ani to take a seat at the petitioners' table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [48:42]:

Mr. Chair, distinguished members of this committee, excellencies, I am honored to stand before you today, not as an expert, either as the head of state, but like a child of my country, as the voice of people who suffer in silence. Decolonization is a daily reality. Our whenua is our mother who connect us to our tradition and our identity. Since 1900, my mother, Ma'ohinui, was violated by 193 French nuclear tests in our sky and under our ocean that left invisible scar like cancer, malformation, silent death. Today, Ma'ohinui youth in this distress. They are facing a scourge that is consuming our families. The methamphetamine drugs, ice, highly destructive, that is gripping in our neighborhood and school. Our economy still depends too much on external sources, but inequalities persist. Young people struggle to find job, and our ancestral lands are sometimes so forgotten. Our education system must be redone to restore the value of our own history and culture, kind of now and where of their root. Our culture is so rich, but threatened to be raised, colonial, assimilated by Western society standard. Our song, dance, ancestral knowledge needs to be protected, transmitted, celebrated for our future generation. We are not asking for charity, justice or pity. We are asking for respect, to be spoken for and for the right to speak for ourselves. I stand for a people that suffer in silence, but today I choose to raise my voice, my own sister, for my children, for my land. Thank you, Mr. Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [51:17]:

I thank Madam Ali. I now invite Madam Tura Tevaduwaara. to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [51:29]:

Mr. Chair, distinguished members of the committee, excellencies, your honor. I'm honored to address your committee on behalf of the Maori people of my homeland, renamed French Polynesia by France, and still surviving a bellicose legacy. Since our lands and shores were colonized in the 18th century, France has taken control of Mahouinui and maintained its sovereignty over our people to this day. Our grandparents were beaten for speaking the native language that God gave us. These acts have engraved in our people open hemorrhages that still bleed through generations. Today, most of our youth no longer speak their language and lose their identity. This deadly colonial legacy still kills through poverty, drugs addiction, alcohol, diseases in silence. And instead of healing our people, the administering power prioritizes military recruitment, sending our youth to fight wars abroad instead of supporting our knowledge and life. From 1966 to 1996, 193 nuclear bombs exploded in Mahouinui. Many civilians died and many still suffer. Yet in 2021, the French president came in Mahouinui and said, "I will not ask for forgiveness." These words reopened the pain of a peaceful people already wounded. It was nothing but a denial of our suffering and our humanity. However, we don't seek war or revenge, but healing, justice, and freedom. For God created man free, free to be resilient, free to rise again, free to love, free to live. With strength of our resilience, I humble call upon all relevant decision makers in this committee, including our administering power and our local elected government, to take the following measures. First, recognizing language, the Reo Maori, as the foundation of education and recognizing officially in national exam and as a mandatory criterion for local employment and public service, affirming the identity and dignity of the Maori people. Thirdly, secondly, establish a clear and supervised process of declaration through the constructive program of work adopted in June 2025 by the C24, ensuring full sovereignty for Ma'uhinui. I am Tora, and I am a child of God, and I am a child of Ma'uhinui, and I'm standing to support life in Ma'uhinui. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [54:27]:

I thank Madame Tevar-Wara. I now invite Mr. Richard Tuiavavum to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [54:44]:

Mr. Chair, distinguished members of the committee, I stand as an independentist and for the right to self-determination of my people. The genuine exercise of of the right to self-determination within the meaning of the UN Charter is intrinsically linked to the financial relationship between the non-self-governing territory and its administering power. Transparency in the financial balance and fair dialogue between France and French Polynesia, are are the core of the decolonization process opened by the UN. In this regard, each year, France allocates significant financial transfers to Mahouinui to cover the costs of exercising its sovereign powers in the territory, with a marginal portion also earmarked to support the Polynesian economy and local municipalities. However, far from being just a financial burden on the budget of France, these annual financial transfers are part of a sneaky circular dynamic whereby the French economy indirectly recovers a significant portion of these funds in the form of exports, investments, and contracts for French companies in key sectors.

Firstly.

Our territory's heavy dependence on imports from France and the EU, around 553 million USD in 2022 alone, in goods and services in key sectors such as manufactured goods, food products, medicine, or pharmaceutical products, helps maintain a constant flow of capital back to the French economy, generating revenue for French companies. Secondly, financial transfers from France to also indirectly support the businesses of many large French companies operating in Polynesia, which benefit from public and private investment in strategic sectors such as energy, air and maritime transport, telecommunications, banking, construction, insurance. Since 2013, the party is hardly lifting the colonial veil and revealing the extent of the toxicity of this financial relationship in which appears as an institutionalized financial investment product in favor of its own administering power. I thank you for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [57:22]:

I thank Mr. Tuiava. I now invite Mr. Tevaipaliani Aore to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee for no.

More than three minutes.


Petitioner [57:40]:

Thank you very much, members of the Committee on Extranjers. I am fighting for the independence of my country. As was stated by my colleague, the French presence is a major strategic tool for France. They thus have an anchor in South Pacific, and France is present in the region at the heart of interpower rivalries and is active in the forums such as the Pacific Communities and Pacific Island Forum. French sovereignty over 5 million square kilometers of exclusive economic zone helps economically. And the strategic military infrastructure strengthen the French posture in the Pacific and its credibility with its partners in Oceania and the Pacific. Therefore, it's not an assisted territory, but a pillar of the French strategy in our region of the world. This position is never quantified, whereas it really is a great plus for France. The administrative power has still not transmitted the information required under Article 73 of the Charter. It's been 12 years in a row that this has not been done to the Commission. And the majority party in French Polynesia has brought this issue in front of the French justice, reaffirming the legitimacy of our fight. And that is why, on behalf of my people, I call for three specific measures. First, that France honors its obligations and provides complete and verifiable data as regards our territory and open a visit open to all of the parts of our society, and third, implementing constructive work programs already agreed by the General Assembly so as to open a true dialogue. This has to be expressed in specific actions and followed every year by this committee. or through a direct visit to French Polynesia. We're not asking for a favor, but for the implementation of international law. My people have the right to self-determination as all other peoples on the list. Thank

you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:00:15]:

I thank Mr. Ojordi. I now invite Mr. Ted Vidreva-Haria to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee.

For no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:00:35]:

President, Chair, Excellencies, Members of the Committee, I am in favor of independence and for the self-determination of my people. In 2003, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted Resolution 67/2002. 2005 that reinscribed French Polynesia on the list of non-self-governing territories. This decision was welcomed by our people and placed the territory under the international legal jurisdiction foreseen in the Charter of the United Nations for the exercise of the inalienable right to self-determination. Twelve years later, we note with regret that the administering power, France, is still refusing to recognize this re-inscription and is hiding to avoid any constructive dialogue on our decolonization. This behavior stands in strong contrast with their behavior vis-a-vis New Caledonia, also inscribed on the United Nations list. Given the situation and this stalemate, it falls to the responsibility of the Fourth Committee to call France to orders, regardless of international obligations. In 12 years, nothing has changed, nothing has been done to help French Polynesia progress towards self-determination. This is why we today solemnly call for the effective implementation of the programme of work constructively adopted by the Special Political and Decolonization Committee, the Fourth Committee of the United Nations, in its resolution in the operative paragraph 12, which is inspired by the constructive programme of work cited by resolution 54/91 of the 6th of December 1999 adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations. I thank you for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [1:02:41]:

I thank Mr. Haharia. I now invite Mr. Ruben Terremate to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:02:59]:

President, Chair, distinguished members of the Fourth Committee, good day to you all. I am a separatist and I believe in the self-determination of my people. I have the honour of speaking to you today and expressing our profound gratitude to the Special Political and Decolonization Committee of the United Nations held in June 2025. As we have heard, modification of operative paragraph 12 of the draft resolution calling for French Polynesia, to open up a chapter of constructive work in partnership with the government and local institutions of. This decisive step forward is in response to a request, dated back many years, from the Assembly of. This constructive program of work is essential to guarantee a serene, transparent approach that is respectful of the process of self-determination for our people. It is nevertheless important to highlight the persistent obstacles that we continue to face. Since 2017, the local political forces that support the administering power have undertaken various strategies to prevent decolonization. Firstly, by trying to remove us from the list of non-self-governing territories and then and their attempts to remove us from this list and to support the French strategy supporting the fourth option for decolonization that has no basis either in resolution 1514 or in the 1541 resolution 1960. Let us be clear There is a process of decolonization through the United Nations as a result of resolution of 2013 with a mandate from this committee to hold dialogue and to follow it through to its end. That is why we are all here. And then there is a unilateral institutional reform that is being carried out by the administrative power with the local powers. This is an external voice to the United Nations. but a colonial evolution. This paradox says a lot. We are being maintained under colonial powers, and we have come here to express and to ask your committee to support Maui Nui on its path towards self-determination with respect for the Charter, together with the shared responsibility for a free future. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:05:56]:

I thank Mr. Terremate. I now invite Madame Brigitte Pauriac to take a seat at the petition's table and to address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:06:08]:

Good afternoon.

Before I start in French, I would like to warmly thank all the translators for their beautiful work.

And hard work, mainly. Thank you so much.

Distinguished members of the Assembly, French Polynesia was first put on the list of non-self-governing countries in 1946, then it was taken off that list in '47. How and why has French Polynesia then put in again in 2013, when it was much more autonomous in 2013 and 47. Why was this decided so precipitously, three weeks after the fall of the government at the time, which was chaired by a pro-independence president? And that's very simple. Three island states in the Pacific re-inscribed French Polynesia on the list, together with the pro-independence party. This last-minute maneuver in this foreign intervention interference was a stab in the back of all Polynesians, both pro-independence and pro-autonomy. This was a denial of democracy. In fact, there were no popular consultations, there was no referendum upon an initiative to enable everyone to speak with their voice on the following fundamental issue: Are you in favor of or against the re-inscription of French Polynesia on the list of non-self-governing countries? Wouldn't this have been the most democratic step? Of course, in our view, the Decolonization Committee does not have all the information on the comprehensive context of French Polynesia for at least 48 years. And since 2023, the Polynesians have been voting by an absolute majority in favor of the autonomy party. At no point did they give their mandate to the pro-independence party to be reinscribed on the list. So hopefully in future we can hope that your body will return to independence and that all of the Polynesia will be heard. As a consequence of that, we ask that we that the realnessment of the country be restored and strengthened autonomy, we find, is the best regime for us. An institutional rupture with France is not our priority because economic and social consequences will be tragic. We are entering a period where might is increasingly right and democracy is taking a slide back. and France is protecting us from all kind of foreign interference. And I call for the creation.


4th Committee · Chair [1:09:12]:

I thank Madame Pauriac. I now invite Madame Moay Teremate to take a seat at the petitioners table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:09:30]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, members of the committee, your excellencies. I'm pro-independence, and I am in favor of this right to self-determination for my people. We know that all the United Nations organizations is facing many budgetary challenges, but for so many years, no specific provision exists in the regular budget to finance decolonization activities and corresponding electoral activities. This gap, this budgetary gap, explains to a large extent the inaction on the ground. However, the General Assembly recalled regularly that decolonization is a major mission of the UN and even asked on several occasions to adopt innovative measures to fund this work, which hasn't been finalized. The situation is clear. Without funds, there is no action, no visits, no civic education programs. no technical preparation so as to organize a future referendum on self-determination. And that is why we solemnly call on the Special Committee to work together with the Fifth Committee to make sure that the budget on decolonization be finally in alignment with the resolutions passed by the General Assembly. Extrabudgetary resources can be an additional tool, but they cannot replace a regular budget. Because this is not an administrative detail here, but a basic right that we're talking about. Our people, as all people on the non-self-governing list, has to benefit from the full implementation of the right to self-determination. This right has to be supported by specific means and not reduced to just declarations of principle. Finally, this work has to be built on a solid partnership with our own institutions, civil society in Polynesia, and our regional networks. The UN needs to have local networks, but that networks need to have financial means to attain their goals. this way, the equalization process could really move forward. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:11:56]:

I thank Madam Terremate. I now invite Madam Lana Maiteuata Puthamene to take a seat at the petitioners table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:12:12]:

Chair. Ladies and gentlemen, members of the committee, excellencies. I am pro-independence. I support the right to self-determination of my people. French Polynesia is not passive in relation to its future. In 2023, our Assembly created a special commission on decolonization that is already undertaking a program of public education and political awareness raising. This initiative demonstrates our desire to take up our responsibility and to work hand in hand with the United Nations system. However, in order to succeed, this process must be broadened and shared. Our NGOs, our universities, our associations of young people play a central role in disseminating information, in organizing debates and training a new generation that is cognizant of its rights. At a regional level, institutions also represent essential levers. The Pacific Islands Forum, the Group of Polynesian Leaders and the new Inter-Parliamentary Assembly of the Pacific created in Fiji in August 2025 are all fora where the voice of the Maori can be carried forward, can be heard and supported. These networks allow us to pool and share our experiences, to learn from other peoples in the region and to strengthen our political alliances. The United Nations itself through the International Decade of the Elimination of Colonialism has encouraged us to multiply these partnerships. It is now time to serve action. And so we ask the Special Committee to recognize and value the role of our regional and local associations by fully including them in the preparation of a visiting mission to follow up implementation of the administrating powers and the implementation of a future civic education program. Because at the end of this process, there is a simple but essential fact, the inalienable of our people to self-determination. This right cannot be realized without the joint mobilization of our institutions, of our regional partners, and indeed the United Nations system.


4th Committee · Chair [1:14:53]:

I thank Madame Maite Oata. I now invite Mr. William Vanizet to take a seat at the petitioner's table and to address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:15:05]:

Foreign language.

Polynesian autonomy is considered to be increasingly a reference within our territory and seems to be the most realistic one. Any institutional rupture will reduce all of the recent efforts. It will not give us new competencies, including sovereign competencies. The French state does it very well. And this way we can concentrate our resources on the development of our country, which requires capacity of investment much larger than what we have. This state is accompanying us in our development through a permanent dialogue, which is mutually beneficial. And this also is expressed by massive financing into our development, which we wouldn't have been able to do on our own. We therefore receive 30% of our GDP from the French state, which is considerable. Any stoppage of this will lead to a socio-economic collapse. We also defend the principle of territorial integrity of France, which preserves unity and territorial sovereignty. France is a republic, and we therefore reject any external interference The French Republic defends our interests in the region very well. France and the European Union encourage us to strengthen our regional links in the region and finance numerous development and cooperation programs. The state delegates to us the negotiations on bilateral links, and we are full members of various regional and international organizations, which is a recognition of our political autonomy in the region. We are part of the six economic power in the world and a top economic power in the EU. our belonging to these several words in the guarantee of a prosperous future. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:17:32]:

I thank Mr. Vanuget. I now invite Madam Silvana Teatoa to take a seat at the petitioners table and address the committee.

For no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:17:46]:

Chair, ladies and gentlemen, members of the committee, excellencies, I am pro-independence. I am in favor of the right to self-determination for my people. The General Assembly of the United Nations has many times over responded that the right to self-determination is not just a political principle, but a fundamental human right. This is the very heart of the charter of the United Nations and international covenants in relation to civil and political rights. Since the inscription of French Polynesia in 2013, Resolutions 178, 13 and 52 have reaffirmed that the right to self-determination has no alternative. It must result in the effective fulfillment of this right. And yet so far, specific resolutions as regards French Polynesia have not reached this dimension of human rights. It is thus indispensable for the Special Committee the Fourth Committee and the Human Rights Council to work together to ensure that this annual resolution fully reflects this reality, because decolonization is not just a favor granted by the administrating power, but an international obligation directly linked to respect for the most fundamental human rights. This is why we urgently must strengthen the links between decolonization mechanisms in New York and those in Geneva. The Human Rights Council has already shown us the path. In 2021, Resolution 48/7 recognized the negative impact of the legacy of colonialism on the enjoyment of human rights. More recently, in October 2024, Resolution 56/32 highlighted the need for states to fulfill their obligations in the area of human rights, including by promoting decolonization. processes. These texts highlight that colonialism in all of its forms is incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And yet we see a very worrying gap. On one hand, Geneva, the human rights bodies highlight the need to move away from this, and yet the special committee in New York is struggling to make any true progress for the territories concerned. This gap weakens the credibility of the United Nations system and makes it difficult for us to achieve the rights of our peoples. This gap must be filled. There is a need for consistency, and this is even more glaring because our people continue to suffer the consequences, tragic as they are, of a specific colonial heritage that of the 193 nuclear tests carried out by France in French Polynesia. I thank you for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [1:20:32]:

I thank Madame Pieter. I now invite Madame Vilma to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:20:44]:

Monsieur Chair, excellence.

Mr. Chair, Your Excellency, I'm here in front of you today so as to defend the largest possible autonomy for the French Polynesia within France. French Polynesia has a rich linguistic and historic history and it's history within France and the level of its human development, thanks to its integration within France. The developing autonomy in line with the French Constitution, which we defend, is not a separatist claim, nor is it an expression of a brutal break, but rather an expression of respectful governance, which respects our identity and our particularities. It shows the recognition of the Polynesians to be masters of their fate, to manage their natural resources both on land and within sea. within the sustainable development, which is respectful towards the future generations, French Polynesia determines its own priorities, its strategies, its public policy when it comes to education, health, social protection, culture, linguistic priorities, and economic ones. Developing autonomy since 1977 is something that we have witnessed with the four changes to our status vis-a-vis the central state. Our autonomy, which is broad and strengthened to date, is the outcome of a political fight conducted by our predecessors. And this is part within the it's within the limits allowed by the French Constitution. This framework shows that it is possible to adapt and can the autonomy can continue being strengthened within a dialogue of trust and a loyal partnership between the French state and the Polynesian institutions. autonomy is a consistent project and a project for the future for the Polynesians, because it meets the deep aspirations of the absolute majority of the Polynesians, in particular when it comes to the economic and political aspirations.

I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:23:34]:

I thank Madam Arau. I now invite Mr. Cliff Lusan to take a seat at the petitioners' table and address the Committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:23:46]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, members of the committee, your excellencies. I pro-independence, and I'm for the right to self-determination of my people. The re-inscription of French Polynesia in 2013 has provided the international community with an opportunity to reconsider the health, environmental, and economic consequences of 30 years of nuclear tests conducted in my country. Since that relisting, the political leaders and civil leaders in Polynesia have jointly been asking the Secretary General of the Commission for the carrying out of a comprehensive study on indemnization over us. It is time for the United Nations to have a more objective analysis than the French ones, which for a long time minimized the impact of the tests. However, the first report in 2014 was very limited. It was based on partial sources, including IAEA of 1976, and did not take into account independent research or declassified French documents. That report, therefore, did not allow for precise assessment of the damage caused, given that The resolution of 2016 has allowed for a more comprehensive report, taking into account independent studies and updated data. Despite that, the report in 2017 did not provide a noticeable improvement, and the representatives of Polynesia had to present themselves information based on reliable sources, which confirmed that the radioactivity continues persisting in the archipelago. And this shows how important it is to continue monitoring, basing ourselves on cooperation with UN bodies, French bodies, and independent ones. It is only on this precondition that it will be possible for the international community to have a clear view of the consequences of nuclear tests. and that the trust of the people impacted can be restored. Ladies and gentlemen, it is our collective responsibility to ensure that the facts of that time be restored so that we can meet the legitimate aspirations of Maori people. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:26:26]:

I thank Mr. Looson. I now invite Madame Tepouadlaouli Tedi Tahi to take a seat at the petitioners table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:26:40]:

Chair, ladies and gentlemen, ambassadors, in 2023 and in 2024, while minority in compared The majority, we won the separatist group, the independent group won the elections. We've been in power for more than two years and they control all local institutions. They have thus have all of the means to access independence by clearly calling for independence from the French state, but also and above all by asking the Polynesian people to find out whether they support independence or not. Have they done so? No. no clear steps have been taken, no local referendum. And yet the independents know that the majority of the Polynesian people disagree with independence. Instead of that, they continue to come here and call for decolonization without any other alternative to independence. And yet According to the options offered by the UN, the outcomes of decolonization are not necessarily independent. They can also be a free institutional future, freely chosen by Polynesians alongside France. Separatists prefer the UN rather than France because it gives them a symbolic stage without any real outcome. Polynesia deserves better than these erroneous stories that you have just heard from pro-independence individuals. There should be a clear, realistic, and responsible project. The future of French Polynesia can only be built based on frank and respectful dialogue between Polynesians themselves and the French state without intermediaries as part of a democratic process, the same one that led to the pro-independence people accessing power. Polynesia belongs to Polynesians, not to a political party. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:28:41]:

I thank Madam Teri Tai. I now invite Mr. Moerani Ferebe to take a seat at the petitioners table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:28:54]:

Thank you, Chair. Ladies and gentlemen, protocols observed. I bring to you the voice of the Pacific Since 2013, certain speeches delivered here present a divided Polynesia that is the victim of a colonial battle imposed by France, but this is not the reality that we live on a daily basis. In fact, we are a single community. There is no civil conflict on our islands. We are not New Caledonia. the autonomy seeking and independence enjoy the same joys and suffer the same fate. We are brothers and sisters. I do not share their vision, but I respect their right to think freely. And this does not erase our desire to live together. Our island precious. Matthew's gospel reminds us that any people divided runs the road to ruin. And so this is why we are here. Colonization and nuclear tests, these wounds are real and they are part of our history. France has recognized them. President Macron spoke in 2021 of a debt to French Polynesia. This debt Today means close and concrete cooperation. Every year, France supports our development and exercises shared responsibilities together with us. Yes, there is still a legacy of our colonial past, and I condemn this, but this does not reflect the reality of our society, nor the policies of the French state. Our responsibility today is to prepare and to pave the way for the future of our children. Yes, there are still inequalities, unfortunately. Our social cohesion is being put to the test by globalization. We support local rights and access to property, to jobs, so that Polynesians can continue to have access to land. Our autonomy is not a prison, but this does not prevent self-determination. The day when French Polynesia decides on its future, we will be able to do so in a dignified way. This is what true sovereignty means, the right to But today, the majority of Polynesians have chosen to continue along this path together with France, not by submission, but because we want strong autonomy that is secure and that gradually evolves to serve our population. We have a plural identity. We are Christian and at the same time very proud of our ancestral heritage and traditions. Like all independent petitioners here in this world of conflict, This temporary solution does not have a place here. Let us deal with the headwinds together. We shall not be cowed by the past nor by the future. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:31:53]:

I thank Mr. Fribault. And I now invite Madame Jeanne Vaez-Naoui to take a seat at the petition's table and address the committee for no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:32:06]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, members of the committee, your excellency, and pro-dependence, I am for the right to self-determination of my people. The re-inscription of French Polynesia in 2013 has enabled the international community to wonder about the nuclear inheritance left by the administering power, France. France has proceeded with 193 atmospheric and subterranean tests in the Moruroa and Muruthova atolls. The health, environmental, economic consequences of that are enormous, and we continue feeling them. In 2014, the Secretary General published the first report on the impact of the tests, but this was based on limited sources and sometimes outdated ones, and it was considered to be incomplete and unsatisfactory. The second report in 2017 did not provide sufficient clarifications in any significant way, but a parliamentary inquiry by the Assembly in 2025 and independent studies, in particular those based on declassified French archives showed that the consequences, radioactive consequences, had been underestimated and the radioactivity continues pervasive in our soil, in our waters, in our bodies. This nuclear heritage is not just a chapter of the past. It's a living trauma in our people. It's expressed in illnesses, environmental damage, and a deep feeling of injustice. In July 2025, after many months of hearings and investigations by the National Assembly of the French Republic, supported by Polynesian deputies, Marianne Reeb, Arbelo, which participated in it, it has been shown that the administrative powers had lied to the Polynesians about the consequences of the test since 1976. So we are asking for a new comprehensive and independent report by the United Nations based on available scientific data and including this report in the -- in it, the documentation published by the French National Assembly and not just the information coming from the administrative power.

I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:34:51]:

I thank Madame Vaiani. I now invite Mr. Vincent Maunour to take a seat at the petition's table and address the committee.

For no more than three minutes.


Petitioner [1:35:02]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, members of the fourth committee. I am pro-independence, and I am for the right to self-determination of my people. In 2013, the independent assessment asked for by the United Nations concluded that French Polynesia has not achieved the full measure of self-determination. It has shown that despite certain administrative autonomy, nonetheless, we are under the power of France. which has a mastery of our political institutions, our natural resources, our judiciary system, and even our cultural choices. A Senate study conducted independently recently confirmed that the administering power did not uphold its international obligations within the United Nations, did not implement those measures which were provided for within the International Decade to Eliminate Colonialism, specifically This means that we're still deprived of the right to freely determine our future. The French state continues imposing rights in essential areas. The health consequences of nuclear tests, the environmental consequences of that, the management of maritime resources, the exclusive economic zone. organizing our elections, and the status of our country are all included here. For as long as France continues governing that, we will not be able to unilaterally determine the fate of our country. And the word "autonomy" does not reflect what we are living through now. We do not have institutional independence. We, therefore, call on the Committee to recognize this democratic shortage and encourage the administering power to engage in dialogue with us under the aegis of the United Nations. It has to be a specific, regular, and followed dialogue to make sure that the right to self-determination recognized by the Charter is no longer a theoretical process but becomes a reality. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:37:23]:

I thank Mr. Maono, and I now invite Mr. Edward Fringe to take a seat at the petitioners' table and address the committee for no more than five minutes.


Petitioner [1:37:33]:

Chair, ladies and gentlemen, ambassadors, I am pro-autonomy, and I support the self-determination of my people. Since 2016, we have been coming here to talk about our reality, those described by the reality in Polynesia of a peaceful and democratic society that has made the choice of being autonomous within the French Republic. And we had asked an information mission, and 10 years later, nothing has changed. There is no outlook. We are clear-sighted, Chair. In light of the immense task that you have before you in Gaza, in Ukraine, in Africa, how can you look at a territory that is living in peace without conflict? admit it, the Polynesian file is not significant from your scale and perspective. The conclusion for us is simple. The future of French Polynesia will not be played out in New York, but rather in consultation with Paris. In 2023, Polynesia is governed by the independence of Mr. Oscar Marrou. The observation is clear. The government is clearly in harmony with the vision of France. We have heard from someone here, someone who has come directly from Paris, and Mr. Vergesson has sought instructions to have a private conversation. We don't know. The cost of life, like taxes, continue to increase thanks to decisions by the independentist government. The administering power that has been so decried here has been received with dances and flowers and seashells. And so what is missing in all of this? There is a lack of real political will to take this ambitious project and to make it a reality. This independentist government is actually moving backwards. And why is this? Depriving itself of several billion euros generously offered by the French state means that we are afraid for the future. There is no substitute being offered for the population. leaving the population powerless. Our true responsibility is not to artificially hold a UN debate that will have no real impact. Rather, we should work to reduce the cost of living, reduce taxes, reduce the inequalities and the poverty in the country. Let us work a little bit more upstream to work for the future of our country. This is the path of realism.


4th Committee · Chair [1:40:37]:

I thank Mr. Fritsch. I now invite Elise Van Aert to take a seat at the petitioners table and address the committee.


Petitioner [1:40:49]:

Chair, distinguished members of of the committee. I was elected to the legislative assembly of our people, Mauini, that was recognized since the 17th of May 2013 by the General Assembly of the United Nations as a non-self-governing territory. And I profoundly believe in the power of my people to self-governance because I am pro-independence. Those who for many years railed against the existence of this very committee I forgive me but let me recall the quest for independence is legitimate it is profoundly rooted in our history and fully aligns with international law The Declaration of 1960 clearly foresees three options for decolonization, including independence and the right to self-determination, in the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, continue to be fundamental rights that cannot be denied to us. Our friends in favour of autonomy support French legislation to close on French Polynesia under autonomy, but these texts do not address the universal right, the right to freely decide one's fate. Since 2013, and on 11 occasions, our Assembly has reaffirmed a single truth that cannot be ignored. The governance system of Ma'ori Nui does not respond to criteria of true autonomy as defined in Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations. Trying to overturn its meaning or to forget about it today does not mean defending autonomy. Rather, it is a continued denial of colonization. This has been in place for 30 years. We have seen the nuclear tests, and this continues to deny justice to our people. This was recognized before our legislative bodies This logic of denial needs no repetition here before the entire international community. We call on this committee and through it, we call on the international community to renew their support to the process of decolonization of Mau'i Nui that began in 2013 and thus to fully guarantee the right of our people to freely choose its future. believe profoundly in self-determination because I'm pro-independence.


4th Committee · Chair [1:43:49]:

I thank Madam Vana. I now invite Mr. Opaui Buia to take a seat at the petitioners' table and to address the committee.


Petitioner [1:44:01]:

Mr. Chairman, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, your honor. I speak on behalf the Teri Ehinataura Family Association. As many Maori families, we want to preserve the land inherited from our ancestors. In Maori, land is not a commodity, but the foundation of identity, the link between generations. In the late 1830s, Queen Poinale IV prohibited the sale of land to foreigners. A way that people deprived of their land ceases to be free. Even today, this position continues. Under pressure from the high cost of living, our own families, out of necessity or weakness, sell their land. Added to this is speculation. In Tahiti, prices soar with international estate agents, French and European newcomers, and recently, New Caledonians fleeing unrest. As a result, our own children can no longer buy land in their own country. Thus advances slow colonization, not by weapons, but by an economy turning poverty and speculation into domination. This is not unique to Mauhinui. World history shows us when a people loses its land, whether by force or purchase, it becomes a stranger on its own soil. Our country spans an ocean as vast as Europe, yet rests on small islands. Each piece of land lost erases a part of our future. As long as we remain under French control, we will not be able to prevent the sale of our land to outsiders. That is why the right to self-determination cannot remain an abstract concept. Without sovereignty, there can be no protection. And without land, there will no longer be a free Maori people. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations must face reality. Land disposition is the disposition of sovereignty. It reduces entire people to minorities on their own soil. It denies international law and paves the way for future conflicts. That is why we strongly call for the launch of a genuine decolonization process for Maori. International justice is one and individual for Mahuini as it was elsewhere in the world. The history of French recolonization has almost been marked by bloodshed, and Kanaky is the most recent example. With your support, we want to base a new story on the recognition of our nation. And to quote our president, Moetei Bratherson, at the Pacific Forum for Friends, it is also an opportunity.

To reinvent it.


4th Committee · Chair [1:47:04]:

I thank Mr. Bouyar. I now invite Madame Rachelle Flores to take a seat at the Petitions table.

And address the Committee.


Petitioner [1:47:21]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, distinguished members of the Committee, I am pro-independence and I am for the right to self-determination for my people. I would like to thank the Special Committee on Decolonization of the United Nations for the draft resolutions on French Polynesia, which was adopted on 12 June 2025, by adding a constructive work programme in operational paragraph 12 to encourage a genuine dialogue, including representative institutions of French Polynesia, Since its creation in October 2023, the Assembly of French Polynesia has been working centrally and locally. Its recommendations reflect the UN resolution on our territory. On 3 October, we proposed the creation of a platform for inclusive dialogue. This is the very spirit of the constructive work programme that we had in July 2025 and that we respectfully are asking from your committee to confirm. This platform has five stages. First, preliminary contact with all civilian forces, then a roadmap, an inclusive one, developing of civic education programs on decolonization, launching an education campaign for our citizens, and finally, launching a decolonization dialogue. with the local forces and the administering power, and launching lobbying in case there is a blockage. The administering power is currently blocking UN decolonization, has been doing that since 2013, refusing multilateral dialogue and is trying to fix this status. But everyone should know that we will not stop. And Maori is a resilient nation. And we will not wait for someone to grant our freedom. We need the support of the UN to implement the programs of decolonization and to preserve the inclusive dialogue against any opposition. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:50:05]:

I thank Madame Flores. I now invite Mr. Ainoi Le Kai to take a seat at the petitioner's table and address the committee.


Petitioner [1:50:15]:

Mr. Chair, Excellencies, I stand for the political sovereignty of my country and for the right of my people to self-determination. In Mahohinui, our people still carry the scars of 30 years of French nuclear explosions. conducted without our consent that turned our islands into a testing ground for colonial power. They left behind illness and suffering and still endanger our health, our environment, and the memory of our people. For the past 20 years, another drug has struck our islands, crystal meth, known as ice. It destroys our families, our youth, and our future. Like the French nuclear explosions, It's a health and social threat that strike a people denied sovereignty. This is the heart of the problem. As long as we are denied the right to self-determination, we remain vulnerable, without the power to protect our children from the French nuclear weapons of yesterday, to shield our youth from the drugs of today, or to freely shape our future. In 2013, was reinscribed on the list of non-self-governing territories. We thank this committee for its constant work and vigilance. Your efforts keep our case alive on the United Nations agenda. But 12 years later, the UN resolutions have never been implemented. As my pro-independence colleagues have recalled here, the work program and the public awareness campaign have never been applied. The financial resources for decolonization are still missing. Our local and regional institutions are not fully associated with the process. The right to self-determination, a fundamental human right, continues to be denied. And finally, full political autonomy has never been achieved. Mr. Chair, this is about the credibility of the United Nations and respect for international law. The youth, the health, and the life of our people can no longer be ignored. Every day of inaction depends our pain and delays the healing. We therefore call on this committee to take concrete action to turn resolutions into reality. Protecting our children is preparing our future, and it's the responsibility of the international community. Maruru, thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:53:00]:

I thank Mr. LeCai. I now invite Madam Maurea Maamatuaiutuaapu to take a seat at the petition's table and address the committee.


Petitioner [1:53:15]:

Mr. Chair, Excellencies, Your Honors, Our country remains unjustly called French Polynesia, and more than 10 years after our re-inscription on the list of non-self-governing territories, our people still don't exercise their right to self-determination. Imposed laws, hidden control, and colonization by settlement maintain the system. In our country, the rule of law doesn't exist. The balance of our people is broken, and the Maori will soon become a minority in their own country. The majority bonus law of 2004, enforced in '11 and '19, turned against its creators, and they are here today. In Kanaky, the two of the electorate has cost lives. Will Maori Nui suffer the same fate just to preserve colonial power? Instead of a true multilateral process of decolonization under the UN, Paris now proposes a so-called constitutional window to include our autonomy in the French constitution, a law that denies our right to sovereignty. Since 2013, the resolutions of this assembly have never been applied. It's time to ensure real cooperation between New York and Geneva so that human rights and decolonization advance together, as required by the UN Charter. Today, people still endure occupation, dispossession, and genocide with the complicity of France and other Western powers. The French president shifts his stance from one conflict to another, one day a complete critique the next, while France faces a deep political and social crisis. How can a divided state pretend to give lessons in democracy to others? This is the hypocrisy of a nation that claims to defend freedom abroad while refusing it to its colonized overseas territories. Let us remain vigilant and remind France of its international duties. Our country seeks no privilege, but claims its inalienable and timeless right to choose its destiny and make the laws that reflects its identity and realities, the natural path of the people. We also share a responsibility when we legitimize the seizure of lands or the use of our resources with prolonged colonial control. Our choices cannot be dictated from 20,000 kilometers away. They must rise from our own people in balance with the Pacific and the world, because the time when others spoke for us is over. Let us finally open the way to full sovereignty for dignity and the next generations. Even today, imperialism strips peoples of their rights and their lands. Our voice is also theirs, calling for respect, peace, and justice. Maoruru, thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:56:15]:

I thank Madam Maama Tuaihu Tapu. I now invite Madame Mathilde Pacheco to take a seat at the petition's table and address the committee.


GPTI · Petitioner [1:56:29]:

Distinguished delegates, it is an honor to address you today on behalf of GPTI, a Geneva-based human rights organization committed to promoting global justice, dignity, and equality. We speak today in solidarity with the people of French Polynesia, whose voices deserve not only to be heard, but to guide their own future. I'm grateful to acknowledge the support of IPSA, a Hong Kong-based NGO. 12 years after the General Assembly resolution 67/265 restored French Polynesia to the list of non-self-governing territories, the reality remains unchanged. The territory does not enjoy the genuine power to freely determine its political future. While local reforms and initiatives are presented as progress towards autonomy, they are in truth partial measures that fall far short of the right to full self-determination, as the administering power retains control over key areas like foreign policy, defence, currency and constitution interpretation. Article 73 of the UN Charter imposes a sacred trust on administering powers, and Resolution 1514/15 makes clear that no pretext can delay self-determination. Clearly, partial autonomy is merely a modernized form of colonial rule. Only genuine self-determination, freely chosen by the people, can restore dignity, equality, and sovereignty. Despite repeated requests, France has neither transmitted the information required under Article 73, paragraph E of the UN Charter's 10, 2013, nor permitted an official visiting mission. This silence is not to the administrative oversight. It is a deliberate refusal to be accountable to the international community. The June 2025 parliamentary report revealed that past nuclear contamination was far greater than previously admitted, and that fewer than 500 victims have been compensated to date. Behind these numbers are families who lost parents to cancer, children whose health has been compromised, and communities whose land and sea still bear invisible scars. Their demand is not for charity, but for justice. Therefore, GPTI respectfully makes the following recommendations to this committee. First, reaffirm that their right to self-determination cannot be diminished by partial autonomy and urge France to fulfill its international obligations and agree to a long overdue UN visiting mission. Second, to support the structure international supervised process that enables the people of French Polynesia to make a free and informed choice on their political status, including the option of independence. Third, to take concrete action to address comprehensively the nuclear legacy. And fourth, to encourage sustained efforts to protect and promote indigenous languages and cultural heritage of French Polynesia. Mr. Chair, autonomy within a colonial framework is not decolonization. The administering power must recognize that only full self-determination freely chosen by the Polynesian people fulfills the promises of the UN Charter and the obligations established in resolution 1514/15 session. The people of French Polynesia have shown courage and vision. They deserve genuine partners in their quest for dignity and freedom, not obstacles disguised as autonomy. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:59:24]:

We have heard the last petitioner on the question of French Polynesia. We shall now turn to the question of Gibraltar. The Chief Minister of Gibraltar, His Excellency Fabian Raymond Picardo, is present and wishes to address the Committee. I suggest that the Committee invite the Chief Minister to make a statement. It is so decided. I invite the Chief Minister of Gibraltar to take a seat at the Committee's table. Sir, you have the floor for up to seven minutes.


Gibraltar · Chief Minister [2:00:14]:

Mr. Chairman, allow me to congratulate you on your appointment as Chair of this important Committee.

With your leadership, we can forge a constructive working relationship and improve the Committee's awareness of the position of the people of Gibraltar. I have travelled from Gibraltar to address you again this year as the elected voice of a proud, resilient and democratic people, the people of Gibraltar, a separate and distinct people. We have appeared before this Committee for the past 33 years. We come not to ask you for any favours, not to beg for recognition. The Charter does not require us to do that. We are here to demand recognition of what is ours by right, the right of self-determination, a right enshrined in Articles 1 and 55 of the UN Charter. A right reaffirmed in Resolution 1514, specifically in relation to the peoples of non-self-governing countries. A right that is non-negotiable, unconditional, not subject to the veto of any state, and certainly not suspended because of any historically ill-conceived sovereignty claims. We are listed as a non-self-governing territory before the Committee of 24, but we are not actually governed by others. We govern ourselves. We elect our leaders. We pass our laws. We shape our destiny. And yet, year after year, this committee and the Committee of 24 fail to act. You fail to recommend to the General Assembly our delisting from the list of non-self-governing territories. It is as if this committee fails to listen, fails to see us. Well, hear us now. See us now. See how we are developing and growing. See how we have emerged as a self-governing people in our own land. In 2006, we adopted a modern constitution that provides for our full self-government. Our constitution is founded on the principle that the people of Gibraltar freely and democratically determine their own political, economic, social and cultural development. An echo of General Assembly resolutions 1514 and 2625. We submitted to you our 2006 constitution, but you do not tell us if it meets or fails your criteria for delisting. In 2016, we voted overwhelmingly to remain in the European Union. And in 2025, on the 11th of June, we reached a historic agreement with the United Kingdom, the European Union, and Spain to govern our future relationship with the EU. a sovereignty-neutral framework that respects our sovereignty and our identity, an agreement that provides us unimpeded access into the EU Schengen Area and Customs Union. This agreement is a triumph of diplomacy. It removes physical barriers, but it also builds bridges. It delivers mutual benefit for Gibraltarians and the people of the region around us. And most importantly, it respects the choices of the people of Gibraltar. His Majesty King Felipe VI of Spain, in his address to the General Assembly just two weeks ago, referred not only to the population of the Campo de Gibraltar, but also Importantly, to that of Gibraltar as beneficiaries of this agreement. That reference marks a welcome shift in tone, one that acknowledges our role as legitimate stakeholders in shaping our future. We appreciate that historic acknowledgement. It affirms what we have always said, that genuine cooperation Across borders must be built on mutual respect and recognition, not on denial or erasure. Yet Spain has continued to evoke resolutions which were adopted more than half a century ago, 60 years ago, resolutions adopted here in the 1960s at the instigation of what the current Spanish government call a fascist regime. as a fruit of the murderous Franco regime, those resolutions are politically toxic for modern Spain. It is embarrassing to hear the representative of a modern, progressive Spain place reliance on them. And in any event, those resolutions are legally worthless. They do not override resolutions 1514 or 2625. They do not override the will of the Gibraltarians. Let me say it plainly. Spain ceded Gibraltar in perpetuity in 1713 That is a fact, not a matter of interpretation, a fact. It is in black and white in the Treaty of Utrecht, and it is the reality that the C24 would see if they sent a visiting mission. No resolution of this Assembly can change that, no diplomatic pressure can erase it, and no historical grievance can override our unquestionable legal right to self-determination. The Committee of 24's own working papers have acknowledged our democratic development and our repeated expressions of free will. Yet, despite this, Gibraltar remains listed as a non-self-governing territory. Why? Because this committee and the C24 have failed to act. You have not expressed a view on our current constitution, despite our repeated requests that you should do so. You have not engaged with us to help us achieve delisting. you are failing to discharge your mandate. Because, Mr. Chairman, the time has come for this Committee to recognise that the only legitimate path to Gibraltar's delisting is the one that reflects the freely and democratically expressed wishes of the Gibraltarians. Nothing else. Let me be clear. We are not anti-Spanish. We embrace cooperation with our Spanish neighbors, but we will not be subsumed, we will not be annexed, and we will not be silenced. We are not too small to matter. We are not too weak to be resolute in the positions that we take. We are not invisible to the world. We are the Gibraltarians, and we will never accept any future that is imposed on us. We will never accept any future being imposed on our land. We will only accept the future we choose. which we will freely determine. We are self-governing. It is nonsense to continue to describe us as non-self-governing. Our message is therefore as simple...


4th Committee · Chair [2:07:18]:

I thank the Chief Minister. Does any Member wish to ask a question to the Chief Minister of Gibraltar or comment on his statement? We will now listen to one petitioner on the question of Gibraltar. I invite Mr. Richard Botiguig to take a seat at the petitioners' table. You have the floor, sir.


Petitioner [2:07:50]:

Good afternoon, Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to address you once again as a self-determination for Gibraltar group. I do so with pride, but also with concern that we must continue to repeat what should by now be beyond question, the right of our people to decide their own future. Gibraltar has exercised that right clearly and consistently for more than half a century. In 1967, our people voted overwhelmingly to remain under British sovereignty with institutions of self-government. Barely 44 votes out of more than 12,000 were cast for the alternative. The choice came at a price, yet from hardship came strength. The period helped forge the Gibraltarian identity we proudly call our own today. Decades later, nothing has changed in our resolve. In 2002, by almost unanimous vote, we reaffirmed our wish to remain British with greater self-government. Today, our younger generations are equally determined that Gibraltar's destiny must be shaped by the Gibraltarians themselves. We come before you not to ask for privilege, but for fairness. The Charter of the United Nations promises equal rights to nations large and small. The General Assembly has affirmed that all non-self-governing territories have the right to self-determination. Why, then, does Gibraltar remain on your list of colonies? What more must we do to be delisted? We have asked this Committee the same question for years. We have invited you, time and again, to send a visiting mission to Gibraltar. None has come. Such a mission would allow you to see for yourselves the progress we have made, the high degree of self-government we enjoy, and the reality of our life in our unique community. If you believe we remain a colony, please explain why. If you accept that we have fulfilled the criteria for delisting, then take the steps your mandate requires. Silence and inaction cannot be the answer. Let me be clear, Gibraltar does not seek conflict or quarrel with anyone. We wish to live in harmony with our neighbors, to cooperate for regional prosperity and to build trust through dialogue. But harmony cannot be achieved by ignoring the voice of the people. Partnership cannot be built on the denial of rights. Some say Gibraltar is small, but dignity does not depend on size. Our children deserve the same rights as children born in larger nations. They deserve to know that international law protects their ability to choose their future. Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, the people of Gibraltar will never surrender the right to self-determination. We will never accept being treated as a bargaining chip. Gibraltar and the Gibraltarians are simply not interested in swapping one sovereignty for another. We are, and we shall remain, British Gibraltarians. So today, we ask you not for sympathy, but for positive action. Show us all that the principles of the United Nations equally.


4th Committee · Chair [2:10:54]:

I thank Mr. Batige. We will now turn to the question of Guam. The Executive Director of the Commission of Decolonization of Guam, Mr. Melvin Wonpan Borja, wishes to make a statement on behalf of the Governor of Guam. Her Excellency Lourdes A. Leon Guerrero. In accordance with the standing procedure, I suggest that the Committee invite the Executive Director to make a statement. It is so decided. I invite the Executive Director of the Commission of Decolonization, Mr. Melvin Juan Pat Borda, to take a seat at the Committee's table. You have the floor for up to seven minutes, sir.


Guam · Executive Director of the Commission of Decolonization [2:11:50]:

Ha'afa'adi, Your Excellency, Mr. Chair, and honorable members of the committee. My name is Melvin Juanpat Borja. I come before you today to deliver the following testimony on behalf of the honorable Lurdes A. Leon Guerrero, the governor of Guam. Thank you for this opportunity to provide an update on Guam's recent progress and ongoing challenges in our pursuit of self-determination and decolonization. My administration would like to express our gratitude to the members of the C-24 Committee for supporting our request to reinstate historical language within Guam's annual resolution and for enforcing support and note recalling the joint letter by three UN special rapporteurs to our administering power in 2021. The reinstatement of language recognizing that, quote, "The most acute threat to the legitimate exercise of the decolonization of Guam was the incessant militarization of the island by its administering power end quote, was originally included in our islands resolution since 2016. This language illustrates the continuing militarization of our islands and lands, waters by administering power and to project their military interests within our region against its adversaries. Our administrating power has recently issued its decision to implement missile defense systems across our island. This decision coincides with the ongoing transfer of U.S. soldiers and their dependents from Okinawa and a decade-long program of air and land-based missile tests from our island. US military activities on Guam have been effectuated in the name of defense of our island and nation, but attributable to our inferior political status, setting the terms of our relationship in regard to military matters via consultation and not consent. The sacrifice that has been placed on our island for military activities is disproportionate to our fellow territories and the sovereign states that compose our administering power. We want a dignified framework based on express consent, and our government has proven to be a cooperative partner in maintaining peace and prosperity. I entreat this committee to recognize the impact that militarization has had on non-self-governing territories like Guam and its indigenous Chamorro people, as noted by the UN Human Rights Council, which states that militarization inflicts environmental damage on indigenous peoples' lands. Our administering power acknowledges that their actions will have an undeniable impact on housing affordability and availability for our people. Without proper remedy, our people will be displaced at the cost of defense priorities. I entreat this committee to ensure that the items in reference to our island's militarization by our administering power be kept within our resolution as they are indicative of our colonial reality. Growing geopolitical tensions in the Pacific region has placed Guam in a defensive position. Since Guam is a territory, the United States does not require the consent of the people when it comes to matters of national security. The inactions of Guam's administering power threatens the ability of our people to genuinely express their political aspirations through an act of self-determination. The first and only visiting mission to Guam occurred in 1979. The report from the visiting mission at this time reflected a total of almost 18,000 active duty military personnel and their dependents. As of March 2025, there are nearly 28,000 military personnel and dependents in Guam. According to the U.S. Department of War, this number will exponentially rise to over 35,000 by 2035. The situation in Guam today is starkly different from that of the 1979 visiting mission. An updated assessment of Guam by a visiting mission is needed given drastic U.S. military development in the last decades. I ask this committee to support our request for a visiting mission and coordinate discussions between Guam, the administering power, and the Bureau. Furthermore, I urge this committee to make a commitment to funding the visiting mission to Guam. Finally, let us recognize how colonialization and inequitable political status has led to the artificial division between our islands and our Pacific neighbors. In the absence of a measure of self-government. It has been a longstanding struggle to find spaces where we may engage as equals with our Pacific partners. Despite the systemic obstacles to participation, my administration has made advancements to this end. Most notably, from June 2024 to July 2025, I served as chair of the Micronesian Islands Forum. Last month, my administration also participated in the 54th Pacific Islands Forum. Guam's willingness to expand our voices in in these regional forums reflects our people's desire to be a part and equal to our island sovereign nation neighbors. Identifying and advocating for our island's interests has also manifested in the Guam Green Growth Organization, which aligns initiatives to cultivate a more sustainable, prosperous, and equitable future for the island with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. Despite these efforts, we require further support to aid in the pursuit of our interests through regional and international mechanisms. To equip the people of Guam with the skills and knowledge necessary to advance our engagement in regional and international forums, we are requesting the support of the Fourth Committee and our administering power to develop a diplomacy training program for Guam. Such a program would foster genuine cooperation between the United Nations, the United States, and the government of Guam to achieve political equity and the resolution of Guam's self-determination and decolonization. Furthermore, it would demonstrate that the United States remains committed to its duty as the administering power of Guam to develop self-government and to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples. In this pivotal moment in history, let us be an example of how the fundamental principles of self-determination and democracy are still the way forward in a brighter future for us all. I thank you, Mr. Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [2:18:10]:

I thank the Executive Director of the Commission of Decolonization of Guam. Does any member wish to put questions to the Executive Director or comment on his statement. We shall now hear one petitioner on the question of Guam. We have been informed that the other petitioner was unable to attend. I invite Madame Panisa Nicolas to take a seat at the petitioners' table. Madam, San Nicolas, you have the floor for no more than three minutes.


G3 · Petitioner [2:18:55]:

Your Excellency, Mr. Chair, and honorable members of the committee. My name is Haani San Nicolas. I'm a member of the Guam Green Growth, also known as G3. Thank you for the opportunity to address this esteemed body. Guam is one of the last remaining non-self-governing territories, meaning that our island's people continue to struggle in their fight for self-determination. Our administering power has taken part in actions that have denied Chamorus, the indigenous people of Guam, a full measure of self-government, which is inseparable from achieving a better and more sustainable future. As a territory of the United States, Guam has limited authority over its affairs. The Jones Act, a policy imposed by the United States Congress, requires goods between United States ports be shipped by United States carriers, disrupting Guam's economic sustainability. The United States military is one of the leading contributors of climate change around the world, and their continuous development in Guam has adversely impacted the health and wellbeing of our island's natural environment and that of our people. Moreover, the building of military bases have come at the profound expense of the CHamorus whose homelands have been taken. This goes against the rights of CHamorus to maintain, protect, and have access and privacy to their religious and cultural sites. A 2023 study by the expert mechanism on the rights of indigenous people also found, quote, "The militarization of Guam's, sorry, of indigenous people's lands, territories, and resources is detrimental to their economic, social, and cultural rights," end quote. The United States military expansion has taken place without the consent of the people of Guam, exposing the grim reality that we have and continue to be without sovereignty. Guam can be a partner and we can reach a compromise with the United States, but the unilateral control of our island, our people, and our natural resources challenges the fulfillment of our right to self-determination. Our status is inferior and allows for the unchallenged exploitation of our island. However, with the full measure of self-government, we would have the opportunity and the authority to negotiate with dignity. For Guam to be truly sustainable, achieving self-determination is necessary. Locally led initiatives such as G3 have taken the helm of promoting the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals in Guam. Yet Guam needs assistance in achieving these Sustainable Development Goals, which is contingent on the people of Guam fulfilling self-determination. To support Guam in this endeavor, I request that the esteemed members of the fourth committee fund a C24 visiting mission to Guam to assess our struggle in the pursuit of self-determination and decolonization, and fund and support a training program to develop skills and knowledge of external engagement opportunities for Guam to participate in regional and international forums. Once again, thank you, Mr. Chair and members of the committee for the chance to speak before you today.


4th Committee · Chair [2:21:42]:

I thank Madame San Nicolas. We shall now turn to the question of New Caledonia. We shall now hear the petitioners who wish to make a statement on the question of New Caledonia. I invite Madame Naya Watu to take a seat at the petitioners' table and address the Committee. Madame, you have the floor for up to three minutes.


Petitioner [2:22:11]:

Mr. President, Your Excellency, I speak today as a committed Caledonian citizen and elected representative of the Southern Province, a province that was directly targeted and deeply affected by the events of May 13. These riots, which were fomented and organized by the CCAT, aimed only to drive out part of the population, to destroy the economy, and shatter 30 years of living together. There are no political prisoners in New Caledonia, there are instigators and perpetrators of violence, even if some now try to present themselves here as mere petitioners before this Assembly. I continue to warn against foreign interference, which under the guise of defending the rights of the Kanak people, exploits our history and wounds. These external actors, often themselves removed from the democratic principles they claim to uphold, seek to destabilize our institutions, inflame our divisions, and undermine the trust that Caledonians have patiently rebuilt among ourselves. Let them know the destiny of New Caledonia belongs to the Caledonian people and no one else. The events of May 13, 2024 and the aftermath weakened our economy but, above all, deepened a fracture of trust amongst our own people. The Matignon Agreements were those of peace. The Noumea Accord was that of rebalancing and recognition of the Kanak people. Today, in the same spirit, the Bougainville Agreement seeks to be the court of reconstruction, to rebuild a shared future, restore trust, and establish lasting stability. New Caledonia has followed a singular path toward decolonization. After three referendums, the people of New Caledonia have voted, affirmed, and confirmed their status within France. To some of my pro-independence colleagues who now reject this agreement, I say the following. It is not serious to call for the third referendum and then boycott it. It is not responsible to sign an agreement and then claim it's invalid because it was not initialed. And it's even less credible to sign a document that says one has not signed it. Evasion and denial are not acceptable options in these times. Mr. President and Excellency, the Bucha Fall Agreement embodies what the United Nations itself describes as the fourth option of decolonization. I negotiated a solution built on consensus, oriented towards creating a tailor-made status adapted to the reality of our territory and diversity of our people. It carries the ambition of a Caledonian state which is autonomous within France, assertive in its nationality. By addressing the transfer of powers and greater autonomy, it continues the process initiated more than 20 years ago. The agreement opens that path. But the success of our future depends, above all, on our economic situation. And without institutional political stability, no sustainable recovery is possible. It is a fundamental precondition. is our shared horizon to deal. It must be supported with goodwill and respect by the international community.

Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:25:05]:

I thank the petitioner. I now invite Madame Marie-Laure Ukehiwe to address the committee. You have the floor.


Petitioner [2:25:17]:

Mr. Chair, excellencies, members of the committee, thank you for the time and this opportunity to speak. My name is Marie-Laure Ukehiwe. I'm a Kanak woman, a French citizen, not for independence from New Caledonia. I spoke here with the heart of a mother and a Caledonian who is deeply attached to her land and her future within the Republic. I also carry the voice of those, Kanak or not, who are denied the right to vote, yet are fully rooted in Caledonia. Their exclusion is a wound to our democracy. Today again, our pro-independence compatriots, supported by certain external forces or local lobbies, will speak of the liberation of the Kanak people, claiming that decolonization is not complete. But the reality experienced by the majority of New Caledonians, including Kanaks, is not that of an oppressed people. It's that of a pluralistic people who aspire above all to unity, peace, and living together. In May 2024, violence orchestrated by an extremist faction of the independence movement led to the deaths of nearly 20 people, hundreds injured, and thousands of lives shattered. Our social and economic fabric was torn apart, and ethnic tensions reignited. Unemployment, particularly among young people in our tribes, has worsened, deepening social inequalities. Poverty and insecurity are rising and affect all Caledonians. Access to employment, housing and healthcare remains limited. Yes, there are the wounds of the past and the value of Kanak culture. For decades, decolonization has advanced through consensus. The Matignon and Noumea Accords made possible the recognition of Kanak identity and the creation of a customary Senate. However, The representatives of that Senate, along with the Protestant Church of Kanaky, New Caledonia, have recently publicly supported the FLNKS declaration of independence. Where, then, is the respect for individual freedoms? New Caledonia must find the means to innovate, and the Bougainville Agreement is our path towards decolonization. with the support of the administering power. It's a consensual project that we have built together. Pro-independence, non-independence, and civil society representatives alike. It provides a new momentum and opens up a new social, economic, and environmental perspectives. I wish to firmly recall that the process of decolonization in New Caledonia is first and foremost a Caledonian matter to be addressed between Caledonians themselves and with France. We Kanak and non-Kanak alike no longer wish to be held hostage by incendiary rhetoric that spreads fear, hatred, and dogmatism. I believe in a New Caledonia that's proud of its Kanak roots and rich in all of its diversity, where everyone can live and think freely. By remaining French, we do not deny our identity. We make it shine in our land and beyond to rebuild our country and build a shared, prosperous, and peaceful future within France and for all of our children. Thank you for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [2:28:17]:

Thank you.


Speaker 82 [2:28:18]:

Mr. President, distinguished representatives, I represent the Movement for Decolonization and Social Emancipation of Guyana, a French colony between Brazil and Suriname. I speak today in defense of our Kanak brothers and sisters. I'll start with a fundamental question: Will we finally liberate the peoples still living under French colonial domination? anachronistic, destructive and contrary to international law. Because year after year, this committee gives the floor to loyalists, opponents of decolonization, who come and do the work of the French colonial power. This practice undermines the very mission of this special committee on decolonization and causing to question the UN's commitment to its own resolutions and to the course of history itself. As for France, it refuses to accompany its colonies on the path to complete decolonization. Let us recall the referendum of December 2021 in Kanaky, imposed and conducted in effect without the participation of the Kanak people. The low turnout and the results speak for themselves. We also recall May 2024, when France unilaterally decided to unfreeze the electoral roll, an act that directly triggered unrest and violent and deadly repression on the Kanak youth. The French state had been warned, notably by a member of Parliament, Jean-Francis D'Orcastore, in the French National Assembly. Then came the Bougeval Agreement project in July 2025. Discussed in France, first problem, because it was far from Kanaky. Held behind closed doors, second problem, because of the lack of transparency. In the presence of loyalists, third problem, because it further undermined an already imbalanced process. And without the participation of customary institutions, it was doomed to fail. FLNKS, the main pro-independence organization, officially refused to endorse this project in August, stating that its representatives had never signed any final agreement. And yet, France continues to promote this so-called agreement, pretending that pro-independence representatives had signed it. The document in question is neither initialed nor signed. Ladies and gentlemen, representative of nations that have known colonization, that have fought for your freedom, do not remain silent. Your voice matters. Defend what is just, the liberation of people still under colonial rule. The current people hold an inalienable right to self-determination, not under conditions dictated by Paris, but under their own conditions protected by international law. It is imperative that France abandon its strategies to delay troop decolonization in Kanaky, New Caledonia, and also the other territories, but continues to impose its rule. We call for re-inscription of those territories on the list of non-self-governing territories, and call for the committee to return to its purpose, to accompany peoples across the world toward their full and complete sovereignty. We are all watching you. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:30:57]:

I thank the petitioner. I now invite Mr. Ernest Demenet to address the committee.


Petitioner [2:31:05]:

Chair, ladies and gentlemen, Honourable Members of the committee, ladies and gentlemen, allow me to hail your commitment and determination in leading the work of this committee. I introduce myself as a young Kanak who is focused on full sovereignty. On 24 September, the Kanak people, through the FLNKS, and its nationalist parties and activists proclaimed its determination to get to full sovereignty. This is an important question at a time when social cohesion is fragile After 30 years of peace and socio-economic prosperity, the territory is at a political impasse and there is no option for sincere dialogue. The revolt of May 2024 was a response to more force from the state on the question of thawing the provincial electoral body. And there is disarray on the part of young people.

This.


Speaker 85 [2:32:09]:

Issue requires more than a security response. We must rethink public policy for young people and connect people. Now more than ever, France must honor the commitment undertaken in 1998 in the Noumea Accords. There has been a formal rejection of the Bouteflika agreement, which creates a break with the institutions and policies that have been in charge for the last 30 years of peace. The so-called Bouchival agreement is not going to guarantee the rights of the Kanak people to freely decide their future and achieve full sovereignty. This draft agreement means that the Kanak people disappear in the text to the benefit of the Caledonian people and there is no calendar for access to full sovereignty. The transfer of regalian powers or a future expectation is totally uncertain. The FLNKS is also concerned about the disappearance of provinces in this agreement. As part of Noumea, which is still in force, negotiations must continue. The FLNKS represents the legitimate voice of the Kanak people under international law and the right of peoples to decide their future. The support of the UN is crucial today for there to be an end to the asymmetry between the people and for there to be a truly win-win solution. There is a crisis of democracy because the legitimacy of the political class is being undermined by the silent majority of citizens. The words of the French Prime Minister, Sebastien Lecornu, highlight this. In accordance with the law and as confirmed by the French Constitutional Council.


4th Committee · Chair [2:34:06]:

I thank the petitioner. I would like to remind speakers that they should deliver their statements at a reasonable speed so that the interpreters can do their best work possible. I now invite Mr. Jerome Bouquet in time to address the Committee.


Petitioner [2:34:29]:

Chair, Excellencies, peace, security and self-determination under the framework of the Fourth International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism. How can these objectives be achieved if the members of the Security Council flout international law and continue to systematically violate Declaration 2625? The indigenous people of New Caledonia have been facing extreme colonial violence in 2024. The instability in the territory is caused by a lack of the rule of law, and the French government's violation of the Noumea peace agreement, the importance of which is well known to the Assembly. In response to the despair of the Kanak people, only armed force put an end to the 2024 uprising. Repression gave way to militarization aimed at subjugation. France speaks of pacification and is reviving its colonial practices and terminology. Three pillars would have guaranteed stability: mutually beneficial independence in accordance with Resolution 1541, respect for the rights of indigenous people and a process of reconciliation. But without political consensus or consultation with customary institutions, the French government has unilaterally drafted a draft agreement known as the Boucheval Agreement. This project aims to permanently incorporate the territory into the French national entity and remove constitutional guarantees of internal and external self-determination. This maneuver was denounced by customary and independence forces in a statement issued on the 24th of September 2025, which summarizes the gravity of the situation. However, the French state wants to override this and erase the Kanak identity and the Noumea Accord in defiance of the principle of good faith. The risk to peace and security is considerable because France is violating its commitments and international law, placing its territory in the same situation that led to the 2024 uprising. The underlying logic is colonial and assimilationist. France does not want emancipation in Caledonia or elsewhere. This is why we call on the Commission to acknowledge that the Boucheval project does not fulfil the rights of self-determination in accordance with Resolution 1541 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. We call on the Committee to note France's persistent violation of the Nouméa Accord, Resolution 1514, Declaration 2625, and the recommendations of the Human Rights Council and the CAT. And thirdly, be called on the Committee to continue to examine the question of the non-self-governing territory of New Caledonia. The Commission should invite the General Assembly to maintain New Caledonia on the list of territories to be decolonized, include in its resolution on New Caledonia the concluding observations of the HRC of 3rd December 2024 and the Charter 22nd May 2025, considering economic sanctions against the administering power. Peaceful decolonization must be comprehensive. It would be appropriate to consider within the framework of the fourth decade for the elimination of colonialism, the inclusion of all metropolitan and overseas territories of the administering powers, such as France, the United Kingdom, which are clearly colonies from the Pacific to the Caribbean, French Guiana, Corsica, Brittany, Scotland, and many others.


4th Committee · Chair [2:37:29]:

I thank the petitioner. I now invite Mr. Alfred Berg to address the committee.


Co-convener [2:37:39]:

Thank you, Chair, excellencies, delegates, ladies and gentlemen. I am co-convener of Liberation Scotland and scholar of post-colonial studies. On 24 September 2025, the Cana'k people, through the voice of the Cana'k, a socialist national liberation front, traditional and customary indigenous representatives, national socialist political parties and other active groups, resolutely proclaimed their desire to see the land of their ancestors achieve full sovereignty. In accordance with GA resolution 1654, the United Nations acknowledges an urgent need to vigorously apply the declaration on the granting of independence to all such colonial countries and peoples. Postcolonial theory confirms the choice facing the Kanak and all colonised peoples, drained of their resources, whose demographics are manipulated and whose culture is marginalised, between independence, which is decolonisation, liberation and self-recovery of culture, and cultural assimilation, which means continued exploitation and oppression, ultimately ending in the perishing of a people's culture, identity and nation. The decolonisation framework outlines critical aspects of societal power and control that dominate the Kanak people and prevent New Caledonia's independence. reflects a colonial and, hence, oppressive and exploitative environment for indigenous people. As colonial oppression is ethnically oriented, independence depends on the solidarity of the oppressed ethnic group, in this instance, the Kanak people. Decolonisation has the same goal as it has always had: removing colonial oppression and economic exploitation in all its forms, rejecting an aggressive political and imperial ideology and replacing imposed colonial institutions and alien cultural values, which include the crushing of the colonised. The decolonisation framework predicts that the colonial or administrative power acts to block self-determination and independence, including reverting to force. We have seen the militarisation of the territory since May 2024. The colonial power always behaves in bad faith. The Boujouval process did not include prior consent and consultation with customary institutions, in contradiction with the final observations of the Human Rights Committee of October 2024. We see the absence of political negotiations conducted in good faith and the absence of signature of the Boujouval draft agreement. Not unexpectedly, the Boujouval agreement is rightly rejected by the independence and customary institutions. This rejection reflects the contradiction of the Boujouval agreement with the Noumea accord and the principle of irreversibility of the self-determination process. Finally, there is the dubious plan of the French state to implement the draft Bougainville agreement in spite of the absence of consent of the Kanak representatives, in open violation of resolution 1541 and the Noumea accord. Here, we are further reminded that colonialism is force. Today, as in Roman empire times, the only bulwark against imperialism and corporate military colonialism are the nations themselves, liberating colonised peoples. Strengthening that bulwark was the intent behind the creation of the United Nations. In recent decades, the reality is the United Nations has been diverted onto numerous other matters. We urge the Fourth Committee to prioritize the inscription of all metropolized, colonized territories.


4th Committee · Chair [2:40:43]:

I thank the petitioner. I now invite Mr. Ioannis Sonari to address the Committee.


Petitioner [2:40:50]:

Distinguished Chairperson of the UN Fourth Committee, I'm from West Papua. We join a statement together with New Caledonia. We undersigned present this petition to the United Nations Fourth Committee concerning the continuing failure of decolonization in New Caledonia and West New Guinea or West Papua.


4th Committee · Chair [2:41:15]:

These cases remain-- I would like to remind all speakers on the need-- about the need to refrain from discussing territories that are not part of the 17 listed under today's agenda item before the committee. You have the floor for two minutes and 26 seconds.


Petitioner [2:41:44]:

This case is an unfinished responsibility of the United Nations. directly related to the violation of the UN Charter Article 73 and UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 and UN General Assembly Resolution 66 on the first session. And New Caledonia remain of the UN on the list of non-self-governing territory. by UN Resolution 66 on first session in December 4, 1949. Despite the three referenda under Noumea Accord in 1998, the process was contested by the Indigenous Kanak people who boycotted the most recent referendum. is hitting unfair condition and democratic manipulation. The Fourth Committee must reaffirm its responsibility to ensure the Kanak people can freely and fair exercise the right to self-determination under the international supervision. The Pacific, the Pacific, decolonization in the Pacific supposed to be continued according to the UN Charter Article 73, but in the Pacific, so many island granted independence according to the UN Charter. And then in the Canberra Agreement also, they established South Pacific Committee for granted independence for all non-self-governing territory in the South Pacific. In the Charter of the South Pacific Commission Article 2 also say clearly that West New Guinea is a part of the South Commission, but failed because of the mining. So thank you so much.


4th Committee · Chair [2:43:54]:

Indonesia, you have the floor.


Indonesia [2:43:57]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I would like to make a point of order because the petitioner is speaking on matters that fall entirely outside the scope of today's agenda item. And obviously beyond the context of the 17 non-self-governing territories under consideration by this committee, the issue raised are in fact against the principles enshrined in the charter of the UN, particularly those concerning the sovereignty of member states, and in this case, my country, Indonesia. I would like to emphasize that the six provinces of Papua are an integral part of Indonesia. this fact is final and irreversible. And the UN has recognized Indonesia's sovereignty over Papua with the adoption of GA Resolution 2504. The statement by the petitioner constitute a false and misleading narrative. It seeks to distort historical facts and undermine the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Indonesia. And therefore, Mr. Chair, my delegation requests that the Fourth Committee disregard the statement by this petitioner and that his statement to be omitted from the official record of this meeting. I thank you, Mr. Chair. In veto.


4th Committee · Chair [2:45:25]:

I invite Madame Oriane Troluet to address the committee and I would like to remind petitioners to refrain from discussing territories that are not the 17 non-self-governing territories under consideration under this agenda item of the committee.


FLNKS [2:45:47]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, your excellencies, I speak to you as a Kanak woman and a representative of FLNKS. It's been an hour and a half since the great events in Kanaky, and the UN bodies showed a negative development and the failure at all levels of the decolonization process began by PRONUD. This spontaneous uprising is a consequence of institutional violence and colonial policies orchestrated by the French state and its local representatives against the Kanak and Oceanian population. and on the claims of the Kanak people who aspire to freedom and independence. The tragic situation in Kanaky is a result of successive actions undertaken by France, which reneged on its commitments under the Noumea Agreement, tried to adopt a defreezing of the electoral rolls to authorize once again the arrival of new people and make Kanaks minorities in their own country. In accordance with the colonial practices, the French state is encouraging social destabilization and try to make the independent moves responsible for that. This resulted in a daily psychosis situation. The front denounces The continued repression, which is justified by security motives and the absence of inquiry of the assassination of the young Kanaks in 2024, we accuse. the radical anti-independence of interfering in justice decision as regards the Kanak prisoners who were deported into France in horrible conditions, and using the collectivities to legalize discriminatory measures against the Kanak and Oceanian people. Despite the many recommendations that came out of the UN, no measure is undertaken by France to rectify the situation. More than that, the Front firmly rejects the draft of Bourjaily agreement because it imposes a definitive integration of Kanaky in France, bringing in assimilation and neocolonialism. The French state and radical anti-independence instrumentalize the affront signature to obtain consent and extinguish any possibility of sovereignty. We affirm that the only way to ensure decolonization is peace, justice, and equity. It is to note that a constitutional council confirmed that the freezing of the electoral rolls is in line with the French constitution. The state and its local supporters affirms the contrary. And once the institutional instability currently in France worsens the current situation, we ask that elections be organized before the 30th November 2025. To conclude, ladies and gentlemen, we ask for elections before the French elections of 2027.


4th Committee · Chair [2:48:51]:

I thank the petitioner. I now invite Mr. Paul Charles Weir to address the committee.


Petitioner [2:48:59]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, as you know, New Caledonia lived through events three months after the Bucha Valley agreement. The Bucha Valley agreement provides us with hope after the events of 2024. We think that the Bucha Valley agreement is a new political prospect and the extension of the decolonization process, which has begun by the Matingon agreement And on the other hand, it's a part of the economic recovery of New Caledonia. And it is in line with 1514 UN resolution on colonial people. In this regard, the Boucheval agreement is a political advancement because it shows a road of moving forward on an innovative basis. such as the creation of the state of New Caledonia, but also the Caledonian nationality and the transfer of competencies on international relations. It is obvious that the new state of New Caledonia provides a new dimension to New Caledonia and with sovereign attributes, in particular in such areas as justice, printing, defense. So New Caledonia can be recognized by the international community as a state and have a status within the UN, regional organizations, for example, as a forum of Pacific states. Furthermore, the movement towards sovereignty allows the people of New Caledonia to self-determine our destiny to have our own political institutional organization so as to have our own identity in Kanaky, New Caledonia. Mr. Chair, the Bougainville agreement remains fragile for the moment, taking into account the fragile national situation needs to be finalized before being submitted to institutional procedures nationally in particular through organizing a referendum in 2026. However, we underscore that this is an important agreement given the recent events in 2024. And as regards the prospect of building a new nation state in the Pacific, we call on the international community to support support us in New Caledonia, and we continue thinking that peaceful decolonization of New Caledonia through the Bougeval mechanism is possible, but this requires political will and the commitment of France and our partners in the general interest for the future of New Caledonia.


4th Committee · Chair [2:52:00]:

I thank the petitioner. I now invite Mr. Patrick Jomcsey to address the committee.


Petitioner [2:52:09]:

Chair, ladies and gentlemen, members of the committee, allow me to greet you. We have come before the C24 to share with you the results of a debate that led to a proposal from the state, lead on from the French state on the question of New Caledonia, and we have asked you to support us. A agreement was found, the Bougival agreement between the so-called Bougival agreement. This follows directly from two previous agreements and between the Caledonian partners, we have agreed on how to explain this to the people. We have been holding such consultations for two months. Transforming citizenship into nationality creates the recognition of a new state, and we look forward to implementing this Bougainville agreement and to distributing competencies, which will be gradual to support New Caledonia as per regalian powers. We welcome the methodology, Mr. Vincent. people have given their support to provincial elections in 2026. The referendum can approve this according to a calendar that continues to be tentative and depends on the national context. It is the future electoral representatives to be elected in 2026 that will have to install the new state, and they will have to justice according to the norms of decision-making. We call on you to support us in this new stage of decolonization that is part of a new political agreement, and therefore we call for the Kanaks in New Caledonia to continue to be listed under the C24 list until the final regalian powers are transferred in accordance with the Charter and the declaration in of 1960 in relation to colonial entities and other documents. We reject the instrumentalization of this issue by the French political class. Based on our prior experience, For the moment, this Bougival agreement is the outcome of a lot of investment and time, and we wish to pursue this process of decolonisation that we have been progressing on for 40 years.


4th Committee · Chair [2:55:06]:

I thank the petitioner. I would like once again to remind petitioners that it is useful for them to deliver their statements at a reasonable pace in order for the interpreters to do their best. I now invite Mr Craig Murray to address the committee.


Petitioner [2:55:25]:

Thank you, Mr President, distinguished members of the committee. It's 2025. We are a quarter of the way through the 21st century already, and the world is sick of settler colonialism. We shouldn't still be talking about it, and we should have got rid of it. And New Caledonia is one of the worst examples of continued settler colonialism. It's a place where the indigenous people are not only deprived of their power in the state, deprived of autonomy in major monetary, fiscal, defense, foreign policy. It's a place where they are excluded from economic autonomy, where they are excluded from most of the wealth of the natural resources of the colony. This cannot stand. And we have a situation where local people driven to despair by their circumstances react with an act of understandable resistance, and that is met with military force and the old excuses by the colonizer to stamp down on the colonized. And we're seeing practices I find it hard to believe we are still seeing. We are seeing young members of the resistance shipped 10,000 miles away from their homes and their families to prison in France, in the prisons of the colonizer. And we're even seeing a situation where a French court recently ruled that one of them should be sent back to New Caledonia, and he's still in prison in Paris while the French government appeals against that decision. This is not the 19th century. These kind of behaviors need to stop. And now we're seeing fake agreements which are rejected in the declaration of the 24th of September by the legitimate representatives of the Kanak people. Let's have no more of these colonial tricks. Let's have no more of these fake agreements. The French have one duty in New Caledonia and that's to get out of New Caledonia. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:57:46]:

I thank the petitioner. We have heard the last petitioner in relation to the question of New Caledonia. I thank the interpreters for granting us an additional 10 minutes, and I now give the floor to the distinguished delegation of France. I would ask you to please respect the limit of three minutes.


France [2:58:14]:

Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. I welcome the presence at this session of the Caledonians who were able to travel to New York to speak as petitioners. New Caledonia experienced in 2024 violence that took the lives of 14 people and caused significant damage to economic and social infrastructure. And I would like to once again to commend the efforts of the Caledonian leaders, which led to the calming of the violence within two weeks. Mr. Chair, I speak today in a different context. On July 12th, the French government and Caledonian representatives concluded an important agreement, the Bougeval Agreement. This agreement is the result of a long-term process built on an inclusive method of consultation with all Caledonian stakeholders. It follows a unique process initiated nearly 40 years ago with the Matignon, Oudinot and Noumea agreements. These agreements reflect shared conviction that the future of the archipelago can only be shaped through dialogue. The Bougainville Agreement provides for the establishment of a state of New Caledonia within the national framework and a Caledonian nationality linked to French nationality. The Bougainville Agreement will thus promote further regional integration of New Caledonia, which is already well underway. This agreement is an important step, but we must continue our efforts as many challenges remain. And the first is the economic recovery of the territory, which remains very fragile. Still, the government of New Caledonia holds authority in this area. and can rely on the territory's many assets. The state stands alongside it and provides full support in this recovery effort. The state contributed more than 2.7 billion euros in 2024, which represents 30% of the territory's GDP. It's also assisting the territory in overhauling its economic and social model. France will continue along the path laid out by the Noumea Agreement, respecting the right to self-determination. It is committed to maintaining close cooperation with the Special Committee on Decolonization and the United Nations during this transitional phase.


4th Committee · Chair [3:01:18]:

I thank the distinguished delegation of France. Indonesia, we have noted the request made previously. I am asking whether you want to take the floor again.


Indonesia [3:01:35]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Just would like to seek for clarification with reference to my previous request and also intervention that I would like again to request that the Chair can make a ruling to omit the statement by a petitioner named Johannes Anari from the official record of this committee. Thank you, Mr. Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [3:01:55]:

We have duly noted your request, and we will proceed to consult within the Bureau, and we will come back to you about this request. I would now like to give the floor to the delegation of Fiji.


Fiji · MSG [3:02:18]:

Chair. I have the honor of delivering this statement on behalf of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, MSG, member states represented in New York, namely Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and my own country, Fiji. New Caledonia, FLNKS, is also an integral part of the MSG membership. We recognize the important work of this committee and reaffirm MSG solidarity with territories from our Pacific region that are listed on the UN list of NSGTs, in particular, New Caledonia. In line with the 23rd MSG Leaders' Communique signed in Suva in June this year, the Group encourages and supports peaceful dialogue process and calls for continued inclusive engagement among all stakeholders to decide the future status of New Caledonia. We wish to reiterate that it is imperative that the question of New Caledonia remains on the list of NSG Ts and that momentum is maintained in supporting New Caledonia in its political journey. As chair of the MSG, we reaffirm the group's alignment with the position taken by PIFs as reflected in the PIFs 54th Leaders' Communique adopted in Honiara, Solomon Islands, last month. Pacific leaders deployed a high-level trigger plus mission to New Caledonia last year following the May 2024 incident. We engaged meaningfully with a wide spectrum of stakeholders and assisted in the restoration of peace and harmony and normalcy. This engagement reaffirmed the Pacific's enduring commitment to supporting New Caledonia, that any future governance must reflect the will of all communities. The group takes note and is encouraged by the signing of the New Caledonia roadmap, the Bougainville Accord, and recognizes the collective efforts of all New Caledonians and the government of France to find a lasting political solution on the question of New Caledonia following the tragic event last year. The MSG also underscores the importance of ensuring that a great UN visiting mission to New Caledonia takes place in appropriate time and urges for adequate resources to enable this mission. We also recognize the commendable level of UN visiting missions to New Caledonia as a non-self-governing territory over the last decade, 2014, 2018, and this pending visit. We thank the administering power, France, and the people and the government of New Caledonia and the Special Decolonization Committee for working together in a cooperative spirit in this context. Our group encourages all parties to remain engaged in good faith discussion and to work collaboratively towards a peaceful and durable political solution. Peace in the Pacific is central to decolonization journey consistent with the Pacific way and the Pacific Declaration on Ocean of Peace, whether it's New Caledonia or any country in the Pacific abroad. MSG stands ready to support these efforts consistent with our long-standing commitment to the rights, dignity, aspirations of the Kanak people and the broader Melanesian community, including in French Polynesia.

I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [3:05:15]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Fiji. We will continue with the question of New Caledonia and continue with the speakers list. I see Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu have both requested the floor. We shall continue with this at our next meeting. The next meeting will be held tomorrow, Wednesday 8th of October, at 3 p.m. in this chamber. Let me remind that submissions in relation to decolonization and the eradication of colonialism in all of its forms and manifestations, the deadline is tomorrow, 8th of October at 4:00 p.m. The meeting is adjourned.