Fourth Committee, 10th plenary meeting - General Assembly, 81st session

Ladies and gentlemen, The 10th the 10th meeting of the special political and decolonization committee, force committee is called to order. in accordance with the our program of work, the committee will begin this morning by taking action on the draft proposals submitted under agenda item 52 to 56. In accordance with rule 128 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly, member states which are not sponsor of a draft proposal will have the opportunity to explain their vote before or after the vote. In accordance with our practice, all member states shall have the opportunity to make a general statement before or after the vote. To make the most efficient use of our time and resources, I propose to call first for general statements and explanations of vote before the vote. Delegations will have five minutes to make either a general statement or explain their vote before the vote. I propose further that after the vote, a call for explanation of vote after the vote and general statements under each agenda item. Delegations will have five minutes to explain their vote or make a general statement. May I take it that the Committee agrees to proceed accordingly? It is so decided. The order of our actions on the draft proposals on the agenda items 52 to 56 will be guided by the non-paper circulated by the Secretariat last Friday. The majority of these draft proposals are contained in the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples at its 2026 session. contained in document A/81/23, also called C-24 report. The non-paper indicates the exact page number of the report and the link to the respective draft resolution in English. Hereafter, I will refer to each of those draft resolutions as contained in the C-24 reports. The Committee will now resume its consideration of agenda item 52 and turn to draft resolution I, entitled "Information from non-self-governing territories transmitted under Article 73 E of the Charter of the United Nations", contained in chapter 13 of the C/24/2016/10000000000000001 report. I open the floor to delegations wishing to make general statements or explain their vote before the vote.

Okay. Is there any?

I see.

Malawi, you want to take the floor? The floor is yours, Malawi.

Thank you, Chair. Chair, the Malawi delegation wishes to take this opportunity to sincerely congratulate you, Chair, and the entire Bureau for steering the work of this committee in an excellent manner. You can count on the support of the Republic of Malawi as you steer the work of the committee during this session. Chair, Malawi welcomes the efforts progress made by United Nations Secretary-General and his personal envoy Mr. Staffan de Mistura in advancing the political process through continued consultations with the Kingdom of Morocco, the Frente Polisario, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania. Malawi strongly believes that contact and dialogue is the only viable option in negotiations for sustainable peace. In this regard, we align with the initiative of the personal envoy to convene the parties and encourage them to build on current momentum and seize this unprecedented opportunity for lasting peace as enshrined in the UN Resolution 2797 of 2025, adopted by the United Nations Security Council at its 10030th meeting on 31st October 2025. Chair, we welcome Morocco's full cooperation with MINURSO and the Security Council's expressed willingness to evolve the mission's mandate based on the outcomes of the negotiations between Morocco, Algeria, Mauritania, and the Polisario. Chair, Malawi fully supports the United Nations-led political process and calls upon all member states to lend their support to these efforts. We recognize the progress made thus far, and we believe that the current pragmatic and constructive political engagement will provide a valuable opportunity to advance a peaceful and lasting resolution of the issue. Chair, we therefore urge all parties to engage in the negotiations in good faith and with a spirit of compromise, with a view to reaching a mutually acceptable political solution. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Malawi, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United States.

Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. The United States voted no on all of the resolutions and decisions under this agenda item. Our votes on the resolutions and decisions under this agenda item do not change U.S. policy on any of the underlying questions. They reflect our judgment that the Fourth Committee no longer needs to consider these questions through the filter of the Special Committee on Decolonization. The Special Committee has outlived its original purpose, with more than 80 former colonies having since joined the UN as member states. In spite of this, the Special Committee operates as though nothing has changed. Revisiting the same texts every year wastes the UN's time and resources, as do the Special Committee's yearly junkets to resorts in the Caribbean and South Pacific. The Special Committee also refuses to accept outcomes other than independence. As the 1970 Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations reflects, The people of a non-self-governing territory may validly choose free association, integration with the administering state, or any other political status, provided they freely determine it. The Special Committee should not presume to speak for these peoples or intervene in the internal affairs of a sovereign state and its relations with non-self-governing territories. Finally, and most troubling, the special committee has become a venue for ideological posturing rather than a forum focused on the people it claims to serve. Governments that deny their own citizens free elections and the right to choose their leaders use this body to lecture others about self-determination. Puerto Rico shows this most clearly. In 1953, the General Assembly in Resolution 748 removed Puerto Rico from the list of non-self-governing territories. Even so, the Special Committee ignores the General Assembly and holds hearings on Puerto Rico every year. This is spurred on by several members, including Cuba, a government that is not allowed a free and fair election in more than six decades. We incorporate by reference our points from prior years, including the U.S. sovereign right to conduct military activities in accordance with its national security interests and consistent with international law and disagreement with the criticism of a U.S. federal court ruling which enjoined Guam's planned plebiscite on self-determination. These and earlier resolutions, including resolution 1514, are non-binding and do not necessarily reflect international law. Reaffirmations of prior documents apply only to states that originally affirmed them. It should go without saying The people of the remaining territories deserve better than to be considered as props in other governments' political campaigns. The United States calls for ending the Special Committee's mandate. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States.

I see no request for the floor. We will now take Decision on draft resolution I. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution I, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution I, entitled "Information from non-self-governing territories transmitted under Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations", as contained in the C/24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

Please lock the machine.

The voting result is as follow. In favor 160, against two, abstention three. Draft resolution one is adopted. I now open the floor to delegations wishing to explain their vote after the vote or make general statements. I see no request for the floor. The Committee has thus concluded its consideration of agenda item 11.

Burundi, you have the floor.

Thank you. I think my button didn't work, otherwise I would have voted. I should have voted.

Thank you very much. You can play with the secretary at via e-delegate. They will adjust.

They will reflect the voting intention.

Here you have the floor. I give the floor to the delegation of the United Kingdom.

Thank you very much, Chair. As in previous years, the United Kingdom abstained on this draft resolution. We do not take issue with the main objective of the resolution, which is to seek compliance with article 73E of the Charter of the United Nations. We continue to meet our obligations fully in this regard in respect of the United Kingdom Overseas Territories. However, we believe that the decision as to whether a non-self-governing territory has reached a level of self-government sufficient to relieve the administering power of the obligation to submit information under article 73 E of the Charter is ultimately for the government of the territory and the administering power concerned, and not the General Assembly. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

I see no further request for the floor. The committee has just has just concluded its consideration of agenda item 52. The committee will now resume its consideration of agenda item 53 and turn to draft resolution two entitled economic and other activities which affect the interest of the peoples of the non-self-governing territories, contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. I open the floor to delegations wishing to make general statements or explain their vote before the vote. I see no request for the floor. We will now take a decision on draft resolution II. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution II, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The committee is now voting on draft resolution II. entitled "Economic and other activities which affect the interests of the peoples of the non-self-governing territories" as contained in chapter 13 of the C/24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The result of the vote is as follows: in favor, 163; against, 2; abstentions, 2. Draft resolution 2 is adopted. I now open the floor to delegations wishing to explain their vote after the vote or make general statements.

Argentina, you have the floor.

Thank you, Chairman. In regard to the resolution that was just adopted, as in the framework of resolution 1514 and other relevant resolutions of the General Assembly on decolonization, consequently, The applicability of this resolution to specific territories depend on the that the principle of free determination applies to this specific territory. The right to free determination requires for its exercise an active subject, that is, a people subject to domination, foreign exploitation, as required by operative paragraph one of 1514. And when that is does not apply, then this provision does not apply. That is the case for Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas, which are illegally occupied by the United Kingdom, and whose population are British subjects. So the right to free determination is not applicable to the Malvinas, Mr. Chairman. This was recognized in all the resolutions of the General Assembly on the question of Malvinas, in particular resolution 2065, as well as those adopted to date by the Special Decolonization Committee. In these resolutions, it was explicitly stated that since this is a sovereignty dispute, the way of putting an end to this colonial special and specific situation is through a negotiated solution between the two parties, United Kingdom and the Republic of Argentina. not applying the principle of free determination. The draft resolution adopted, therefore, is not applicable to the question of the Malvinas. Mr. Chairman, it's also important to note that resolution 3149 of the General Assembly urges Argentina and the United Kingdom to refrain from adopting decisions that lead to unilateral modifications in the situation while the islands are going through a process of negotiations recommended by the General Assembly. Therefore, exploration and extraction unilaterally by the United Kingdom of natural resources in the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas are contrary to these resolutions and prejudge the result of the sovereignty dispute. Thank you very much.

I thank the of Argentina. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, Chair. I would like to exercise the right of reply in response to the explanation of vote of the distinguished representative of Argentina. The United Kingdom has no doubt about its sovereignty over the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas of both territories. The United Kingdom is steadfast in its support for the Falkland Islanders' right to self-determination, which is enshrined in the UN Charter and article 1 of the two UN covenants on human rights. The Falkland Islanders have as much right as any other peoples to determine their political status and to freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. The Falkland Islands has a diverse and growing population of more than 60 nationalities, an active and proud democratic community and a healthy economy. The islanders have made clear their overwhelming wish for the Falkland Islands to remain a self-governing territory of the United Kingdom, including in the 2013 referendum, which was supervised by independent observers. I re-emphasise, therefore, that there can be no dialogue on sovereignty unless the Falkland Islanders so wish. On the point around hydrocarbon activities, as I have just set out, the people of the Falkland Islands have freely and democratically chosen their future. They have every right to develop and manage their natural resources without intimidation, coercion or interference from others. That is a legitimate commercial venture that works to some of the most stringent standards internationally, is regulated under Falkland Islands law and is conducted in full accordance with international law, including UNCLOS. Efforts to obstruct such lawful economic activity are not acts of responsible international agreement; they are deliberate attempts to undermine the prosperity and economic security of a self-governing people. To conclude, the United Kingdom will continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with the Falkland Islands Government and the people of the Falkland Islands. We will robustly defend their wishes, their economy and their right to determine their own future. I thank you.

I thank the diplomatic representative of the United Kingdom.

I see no requests for the floor. The Committee has thus concluded its consideration of agenda item 53. The Committee will now resume its consideration of agenda item 54 and turn to draft resolution 3, entitled "Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples by the Specialized Agencies and International Institutions Associated with the United Nations." contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. I open the floor to delegations wishing to make general statements or explain their vote before the vote. I see no request for the floor. We will now take a decision on draft resolution III. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution III, entitled "Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples by the Specialized Agencies and the International Institutions Associated with the United Nations," as contained in the C/24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

Please lock the machine.

The results are.

In favor, 110. Against, 2. Abstention, 54. Draft resolution 3 is adopted. I now open the floor to delegations to explain their vote after the vote or make general statements.

Argentina, you have the floor.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. The Argentine Republic would like to expressed that in accordance with this text, the draft resolution that has just been adopted should be applied in accordance with the relevant pronouncements of the United Nations, the resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly, and the Special Committee on Decolonization on specific territories. Thank you very much.

Thank you very much, Argentina. And I give the floor to the United Kingdom. You have the floor.

I would like to explain the United Kingdom's vote on the resolution. The United Kingdom wishes to reaffirm its support for the specialised agencies in their efforts to offer assistance to non-self-governing territories in the humanitarian, technical and educational fields. However, the statutes of those agencies must be carefully respected. Therefore, the United Kingdom abstained on the vote on the draft resolution.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

I see no further request for the floor. The committee has thus concluded its consideration of agenda item 54. The committee will now resume its consideration of agenda item 55, in turn to a draft resolution submitted by me as the committee chair entitled, "Offers by Member States of Study and training facilities for inhabitants of non-self-governing territories, contained in document A/C.4/81/L.2. I now give the floor to the Secretary to announce the additional co-sponsors of draft resolution L.2.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. The additional co-sponsors on the e-delegate portal of the Fourth Committee are reflected now on the screen. Delegations not reflected on the screen wishing to co-sponsor draft resolution 2, please signify by pressing the microphone button now to be added to the list of sponsors. I see Algeria. I don't see any further co-sponsorship. So, thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the Secretary. I open the floor for the delegations wishing to make general statements or explain their vote before the vote. No request for the floor. We now take a decision on draft resolution A/C.4/81 slash L point. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft. A slash C point four slash 81 slash L point two. Please signify those against and abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on the draft resolution offers by Member States of study and training facilities for inhabitants of non-self-governing territories as contained in document A/C.4/AD1/L2. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The result of the vote is as follows. In favour 162, against 2, abstention 3. Draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.2 is adopted. and now open the floor to delegation wishing to explain their vote after the vote or make general statements. I see no request for the floor. The committee has thus concluded its consideration of agenda item 55. The committee will now resume its consideration of agenda item 56, entitled implementation of the declaration of the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, and take up the draft proposals submitted thereunder. To make the most efficient use of our time, I propose to call first for general statements and explanation of votes before the vote on all proposals under this agenda item. Delegations will have five minutes to make either a general statement or explain their vote before the vote on any or all proposals under this agenda item. Then we will take a decision on all proposals one by one. I propose for the that thereafter I call for explanation of vote after the vote and general statements on proposals and agenda item 56. Delegation will have five minutes to explain their vote or make a general statement or any or all proposals under each agenda item. May I take it that the Committee agrees to proceed accordingly?

I understand the United Kingdom would like to take the floor.

Is it for an EOV? I take it that the Committee agrees to proceed accordingly. It is so decided.

I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

The United Kingdom will support the draft resolution on Gibraltar. The draft decision is co-authored by the United Kingdom and Spain and reflects the unique consensus approach to this matter that the United Kingdom and Spain have followed since 1975. The United Kingdom is clear that its vote in support of the specific decision text on Gibraltar, which is not a resolution, does not affect its established position in relation to the Special Committee on Decolonisation or the British Overseas Territories, more broadly, which reflects, inter alia, our full support for the right to self-determination. The United Kingdom will abstain on the draft resolutions under items 58B to 58P, which include eight other British overseas territories. That reflects, inter alia, our full support for the right to self-determination. However, the United Kingdom believes that the special committee on decolonisation should recognise that the relationship between the United Kingdom and its overseas territories has been modernised in a way that reflects the particular circumstances of the small island territories and is acceptable to both parties. The United Kingdom is always prepared to discuss any proposals for change from any overseas territories, so that the existing relationships may evolve. The British overseas territories on the special committee on decolonisation list of non-self-governing territories have a large measure of internal self-government and have all freely chosen to retain their link to the United Kingdom through a modern partnership based on shared values and the right of self-determination.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

Does any delegation wish to make a general statement or explanation of what before the vote on any or all of the proposals on the agenda item 56? I see none. We shall first take a decision on draft decision A/C.4/81/L.3 entitled Question of Gibraltar, submitted by me as chair of the committee. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.3, please signify those against and abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on the draft decision entitled "Question of Gibraltar", contained in document A/C.4/81/L.3. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The voting results is as follows. In favour 161, against 2, abstention 2. Draft decision A/C.4/81/3.3 is adopted. The Committee will now take a decision on draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.4, entitled "Question of Western Sahara", submitted by me as Chair of the Committee. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft decision A/C.4/81/L.4 Please signify against abstention.

The committee is now voting on the draft resolution entitled "Question of Western Sahara", contained in document A/C.4/81/L.4. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows. In favor 152, against 2, abstention 7. Draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.4 is adopted. We will now consider the remaining draft proposals under item 56, relating to the questions of American Samoa, Anguilla, Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, French Polynesia, Guam, Montserrat, New Caledonia, Pitcairn, Saint Helena, Tokelau, Turks and Caicos Islands and the United States. Virgin Islands, respectively, as well as the draft resolution entitled "Dissemination of information on decolonization and implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples." These drafts are contained in chapter 13 of the C-24 reports. We'll consider them one by one.

Chile, I understand Chile want to take the floor.

Is it an EOV or point of order?

Because EOV are at the end.

Chile's mic button is still pressed. The committee will take a decision on draft resolution four, entitled Question of American Samoa. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution IV, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The committee is now voting on draft resolution IV, entitled "Question of American Samoa," contained in chapter XIII of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen. The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows: in favour 155, against 2, abstentions 7. Draft resolution 4 is adopted. The Committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 5, entitled "Question of Anguilla". A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 5, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 5, entitled "Question of Anguilla", contained in chapter XIII of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows: in favor 155, against 2, abstention 4. Draft resolution 5 is adopted. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 6, entitled Question of Bermuda. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution 5.6, please signify. Those against and abstention.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution VI, entitled "Question of Bermuda", contained in chapter XIII of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The result of the vote is as follows: In favour 156, against 2, abstentions 5. Draft resolution 6 is adopted. The Committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 7, entitled Question of the British Virgin Islands. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 7, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 7, entitled Question of the British Virgin Islands, contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows: in favour 157, against 2, abstentions 5. Draft resolution 7 is adopted. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 8, entitled Question of the Cayman Islands. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 8, please signify. Those against? Abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 8, entitled "Question of the Cayman Islands", contained in chapter VIII of the C/24/Report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote are as follows: in favour 159, against 2, abstentions 4. Draft resolution 8 is adopted. The Committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 9, entitled "Question of French Polynesia". A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 9, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The committee is now voting on draft resolution 9, entitled Question of French Polynesia, contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follow: in favor 159, against 2, abstention 4. Draft resolution 9 is adopted. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 10, entitled Question of Guam. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 10, entitled Question of Gram, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 10, entitled Question of Gram, contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The result of the vote is as follows: in favor 150, against 2, abstention 10. Draft resolution 10 is adopted. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 11, entitled Question of Montserrat. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 11, please signify. Those against? Those abstaining.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 11, entitled "Question of Montserrat", contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the votes is as follows. In favour 157, against 2, abstention 4. Draft resolution 11 is adopted. The Committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 12 entitled Question of New Caledonia. A recorded vote has been requested, we shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 12, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 12, entitled "Question of New Caledonia", contained in chapter XIII of the C/24/2018 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows: in favor 158, against 2, abstention 4. Draft resolution 12 is adopted. Next, the committee will take a decision on draft resolution 13, entitled Question of A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 13, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 13, entitled "Question of Pitcairn", contained in chapter XIII of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The result of the vote is as follows: in favour 158, against 2, abstentions 4. Draft resolution 13 is Adopted. Moving on, the committee will take a decision on draft resolution 14, entitled Question of Saint Helena. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution 14, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 14, entitled "Question of Saint Helena", contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows: in favour 159, against 2, abstention 4. Draft resolution 14 is adopted. The Committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 15, entitled "Question of Tokelau". recorded what has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution 15, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The committee is now voting on draft resolution 15, entitled Question of Tokelau, contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The result of the vote is as follows: in favour 160, against 2, abstention 4. Draft resolution 15 is adopted. Next, the committee will take a decision on draft resolution 16, entitled Question of the Turks and Caicos Islands. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 16, please signify. Those against, abstention.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 16 entitled Question of the Turks and Caicos Islands, contained in chapter 13 of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows: in favor 169, against 2, abstentions 6. Draft resolution 16 is adopted. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 17, entitled "Question of the United States Virgin Islands". A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 16, entitled Question of the United States Virgin Islands? 17. Please signify those against and abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 17, entitled Question of the United States Virgin Islands, contained in chapter XIII of the C/24/Report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The results of the vote is as follows: in favour 100; 51 against 2, abstentions 9. Draft resolution 17 is adopted. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 18, entitled "Dissemination of information on decolonization." A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution 18, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 18, entitled "Dissemination of information on decolonization", contained in chapter XIII of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

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The result of the vote is as follows. In favor 164, against 3, abstention 2. Draft resolution 18 is adopted. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 19, entitled Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and People.

Argentina, is it a point of order?

Thank you, Mr. Chair. My delegation would like to make an explanation of position following the adoption of...

After the vote.

Yes.

Not now, after the vote.

Yeah, because the decision has been made.

Thank you, Argentina.

The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution 19, entitled, "Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples." A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft resolution 19, please signify. Those against and abstentions.

The Committee is now voting on draft resolution 19, entitled "Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples", contained in chapter XIII of the C24 report. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows: in favour 120, against 3, abstentions 43. Draft resolution 19 is adopted. I now open the floor to delegations wishing to explain their vote after the vote or make general statements on one or all of the draft proposal under agenda item 56. Argentina, you have the floor.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. The Argentine delegation would like to make the following explanations of vote. relating to the draft resolution 18. Argentina would like to recall its support for the right to self-determination of peoples that continue to be subjected to colonial domination and foreign occupation in accordance with the resolutions 1514 and 2625 of the General Assembly. Without prejudice to that, it is worth noting that the text adopted should be interpreted as being explained in accordance with the pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly and the Special Committee on Decolonization. Following the resolution of resolution 2065 to this date, all of the pronouncements of the General Assembly and of the Special Committee on the question of the Malvinas Islands have expressly recalled that there is a sovereignty dispute that exists over the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom as the sole parties. In that regard, it was established that the way to resolve this situation, this special and particular colonial situation as it is defined by the Organization, is through the resumption of bilateral negotiations that make it possible as quickly as possible find a just, peaceful, definitive solution to the sovereignty dispute, taking into account the interests of the population of the islands. With regard to draft resolution 19, the Assembly should recall that the visiting missions only take place in the cases of territories in respect of which the United Nations has recognized that the principle of self-determination applies. The doctrine of the C-24 itself is clear in this regard, provided that these missions do not take place in the case of territories where there is a sovereignty dispute that has been recognized by the United Nations. That is the position that was approved in its regional seminars, as well as in its proceedings, which maintain that the sending of visiting missions should consider each case in particular and should be carried out in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. And that chimes fully with resolution 8050/R-9, which also establishes that for a visiting mission to take place, it needs to enjoy the approval of the General Assembly. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, Chair, for the opportunity to explain the United Kingdom's decision to vote against both resolutions. The United Kingdom remains of the view that the obligation that item 56Q places on the Secretariat to publicise decolonisation issues represents an unwarranted drain on the scarce resources of the United Nations. As such, the resolution is unacceptable to the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom continues to find that some elements of resolution 56 are unacceptable. For that reason, members will have seen that we again voted against the resolution this year. The United Kingdom remains committed to modernising its relationship with the overseas territories, while taking fully into account the views of the peoples of the territories.

I thank the representative of the United Kingdom. And I give the floor to the delegation of Chile.

Thank you, Chair. My delegation would like to provide an explanation of vote with regard to the resolution on the question of Western Sahara. Chile welcomes resolution 2797 of the Security Council. as it is a historic milestone and a turning point in efforts aimed at achieving a definitive solution to the question of Western Sahara. We believe that this resolution lays the groundwork for providing a new impetus to the political process with a view to achieving a definitive solution to the question of Western Sahara based on the Moroccan autonomy initiative and the framework of the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco. We reiterate our support for the autonomy initiative presented by Morocco 2007, which has broad and growing international support. And we believe that this proposal is a serious, realistic, and viable basis to achieve a just and lasting political solution in conformity with the UN Charter and the relevant resolution that preserve the integrity of the territory of the Kingdom of Morocco. Therefore, Chile welcomes the renewed political impetus around this initiative under the auspices of the United Nations. and reaffirms the importance of advancing towards a mutually acceptable solution that respects the inalienable right of the Sahari people to free determination in conformity with international law and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.

I think it's the point of Chile. I see no further requests for the floor.

The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. Delegations are reminded of the maximum of two interventions, with the first intervention limited to five minutes and the second to three minutes.

I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Kuwait.

Thank you, Mr. Chair, distinguished delegates. I take the floor to exercise my delegation's right of reply to the statements made by the representative of Iran. I listened carefully to both interventions during these agenda items, and I believe the Iranian representative has left this committee with some serious questions that deserve clear answers. Let me begin with his own words, and he stated, and I quote, Our actions have been directed solely at military sites used in connection with attacks against our people and civilian infrastructure." End of quote. Mr. Chair, I have three simple questions. Is Kuwait International Airport a military installation? Is Kuwait International Public Institution for Security, Social Security, a military target? Are our power generation plants, water desalination facilities, and civilian oil refineries, military installations. These are among the civilian facilities struck during the attacks against my country. These are documented incidents, not hypothetical examples. and they stand in direct contradiction to the Iranian representative's claim that his country's operations were directed exclusively against military sites. The facts do not disappear simply because the Iranian delegation chooses to deny them. Mr. Chair, The representative of Iran also invoked Article 51 of the United Nations Charter to justify his country's actions towards mine. Let me state Kuwait's position with absolute clarity. Kuwait has not participated in military aggression against Iran. Kuwait has not permitted its territory to be used to launch attacks against Iran, and Kuwait categorically rejects any allegation suggesting otherwise. The Iranian representative claimed to possess what he described as, and I quote, "multiple pieces of conclusive evidence," end of quote. If such evidence exists, let him present it. An accusation is not evidence, and an accusation repeated from this podium does not become proof. Article 51 is not a blank check to attack neighboring states or disregard the protection of civilians. A state cannot invoke the United Nations Charter to justify violating it. Mr. Chair, the Iranian representative also declared, and I quote, "No state's territory or facilities should be used to enable attacks against another," end of quote. On that principle, the state of Kuwait agrees. But principles must apply equally to everyone. How does Iran reconcile that statement with attacks carried out against Kuwait by armed groups and militias affiliated with Iran? Iran cannot demand respect for its own sovereignty while disregarding the sovereignty of its neighbors. And interference does not become acceptable simply because it is conducted through armed proxies rather than conventional forces. Mr. Chair, I'll end with this, and I'm pretty sure I'll come later as well. Kuwait has consistently chosen dialogue and diplomacy. But our commitment to peace must never be mistaken for weakness. Our restraint is not acquiescence, and our preference for diplomacy is not permission to violate our sovereignty. Kuwait extended the hand of friendship. That hand should never have been met with attacks. Kuwait seeks peace, but Kuwait will never compromise on its sovereignty, its security, or the safety of its people. And thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Kuwait, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Thank you, Mr. Chair, for giving me the floor. Actually, we requested for point of order, but it is disappointing that our point of order didn't response. Actually, as the general debate is over, and we see just the right of reply to what is expressed during the general debates as an explanation of vote. Actually, I think that it's against the rules of procedure of the room. But in response to the delegation of Kuwait and allegations, I would like--.

You are still under the item. You can make your explanation of vote. That's the right of reply.

Yes, yes, please.

Narrative of original development for us to establish Its relevance to these agenda items for this committee while disregarding the unlawful aggression against our people, particularly since February 28th. That brutal aggression, which was omitted from Kuwait's statement, provided the basis for Iran's defensive measures taken in accordance with international law and in exercise of its inherent right of self-defense under Article 51st of the Charter. My country's defensive actions were not directed against the peoples of sovereignty of neighboring states. They responded to attacks conducted from military bases used by the aggressors in those countries. Documented evidence supports our position. A fundamental point cannot be obstrued by political rhetoric. Sovereignty cannot be worked to disclaim responsibility for allowing territory placed at another state's disposal to be used for aggression against the third state. Such conduct cannot simply be characterized as neutrality and should be condemned strongly. Mr. Chair, colonialism cannot be treated solely as a chapter of the past. In our view, the continued military presence of forces that have attacked our country reflects contemporary patterns of domination in our region. States hosting those forces, including Kuwait, should explain how their military partnership accord with the principles they invoke here, including opposition to foreign domination and unlawful occupation. Regarding Strait of Hormuz, Iran has for decades upheld freedom of navigation and maritime safety and security. That commitment remains unchanged. Current conditions cannot be assessed independently of the aggression against our country or the use of maritime routes to conduct attacks and support the military facilities supporting them. Iran's position concerning the passage regime remains unchanged and consistent with applicable customary international law. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I understand the distinguished representative of Kuwait would like to take the floor. You have the floor. Second right of reply.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I take the floor a second time to exercise my right of reply and advice to everyone in this room to review the rules of procedure before making claims in the room. I'd like to remind, Mr. Chair, the Security Council has spoken through resolution 2817 of 2026. And let me remind the Iranian representative of one particular significant fact. A record number of 136 member states co-sponsored that resolution. That represents more than 70% of the entire membership of the United Nations. 136 countries, ladies and gentlemen. That means more than seven out of every 10 members. The resolution condemned Iran's attacks against Kuwait and other states in the region, the targeting of civilian objects, and the threats to international navigation through the Strait of Hormuz. This is not merely Kuwait's position, nor is it simply a regional position. It reflects the collective position of an overwhelming majority of the international community. The Iranian delegation may disagree with that position, but it cannot rewrite the record of the Security Council. And, Mr. Chair, regarding the Iranian delegation's use and the attempt to dictate geographical terminology used by other delegations. Kuwait will continue to use terminology consistent with the facts on the ground. The editorial practice of the United Nations Secretariat do not grant any member state the authority to dictate the terminology of another sovereign state. The urgent question is not what Iran wishes to the others to call the Gulf. It is whether Iran respects the sovereignty of its neighbors and freedom of navigations through its waters. And one last thing, Mr. Chair, I'd like to remind the Iranian representative, I posed three questions and I did not get an answer to any of them. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Kuwait. And I give the floor to the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Thank you, Mr. Chair, for giving me the floor once again. Actually, my delegation would like to categorically reject all allegations against my country. And actually, it's not clear for our delegation still what's the relevance of these allegations to the work of this committee. that this is the question that I asked and is not responded yet. I take the floor once more following Kuwait representative further intervention, which leaves the central question unanswered, how much this claim concerning the work of this committee. Kuwait or any other delegation cannot assess our defensive response while disregarding the aggression against our people and the arrangements that enabled that heinous aggressions. We distinguish our neighbors from the forces responsible, but sovereignty does not absolve a state of responsibility for conduct facilitating aggression. Iran's commitment to maritime safety continues. Conditions in Strait of Hormuz must be considered in light of the aggressions and the military use of maritime space against our country. My delegation's position also regarding the resolution 2817 is already set out in the relevant communications, including document S/2026/389 and S/2026/202, to which we refer delegation of Kuwait. We will not take further committee time repeating them. Actually, my delegation would like once again to reiterate its strong position regarding the condemnation of all attacks against our country and also those actions that facilitated those aggressions against our people, mostly women and children, including 168 school children that killed in one strike in to to to an elementary school and I would like again reiterate Mr. chair please all delegations should refrain from any any to drag any discussion that is not relevant to the work of this committee to the discussion of this committee thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran. I see no further requests for the right of reply. The Committee has thus concluded its consideration of agenda item 56. The Committee will now resume its consideration of agenda item 57, entitled "Eradicating Colonialism in All Its Forms and Manifestations". The Committee has before it a draft resolution entitled "Addressing contemporary forms of colonialism", contained in document A/C.4/81/L.5. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations to introduce draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.5. You have five minutes.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. The Russian Federation has the honor of taking the floor on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter as co-authors of the draft resolution entitled "Eliminating Contemporary Forms of Colonialism" under number L5. The initiative is rooted in our collective commitment to the UN Charter and implementation of General Assembly Resolution 1514, containing the historic declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. The Declaration solemnly proclaims the necessity to put an end to colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. Today, we must acknowledge that this task remains unfinished. Mr. Chair, since the adoption of the Declaration in 1960, dozens of sovereign nations have claimed their place in this very organization. Yet, as newly sovereign nations, as they celebrated their independence, they quickly realized that dismantling the colonial administrations did not automatically guarantee true freedom or sovereign equality. Highly evolved colonial practices, from economic exploitation and externally imposed constraints on national development to unilateral coercive measures and direct interference, continued to obstruct development. perpetuate unjust dependency and erode sovereign equality of Member States. The General Assembly has already shown a growing readiness to tackle this problem, as evidenced by the success of our previous initiatives within this Committee, including establishment of the agenda item on the eradication of colonialism and all its forms and manifestations, and the proclamation of December 14 as the International Day Against Colonialism. Today, we're taking the next step, recognizing that contemporary forms of colonialism exist and must be put an end to. The proposed resolution is deliberately concise and forward-looking. It calls on member states, on all member states, to refrain from such practices and reaffirms the fundamental right of every state to freely choose its own political, economic, social, and cultural systems without outside interference. Finally, it offers a positive alternative, encouraging strengthened international cooperation to reduce structural inequality, including through enhancing the potential and transfer of technology, Mr. Chair. The Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations takes this opportunity to express its sincere appreciation to all delegations that have participated actively and constructively throughout the negotiation process. The spirit of this initiative has always been to formalize the recognition of a shared challenge and to shape a collective response. In this context, we strongly regret attempts to politicize the adoption process. We firmly believe that differences of opinion should be addressed through constructive dialogue, mutual respect, and a shared commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter. Since a vote on the draft resolution was requested, we call on all responsible members of the international community to support this text. Voting yes for this draft resolution is a principled position in favour of sovereign equality and true independence of Member States. It is a vote to advance one of the most fundamental yet unfinished mandates of the United Nations, the complete and definitive eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. We shall now consider draft resolution I see Iran.

If it is EOV, it will be later.

We'll now consider draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.5. I give the floor to the Secretary to announce the additional co-sponsors of draft resolution L.5.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. The additional co-sponsors on the e-delegate portal of the Fourth Committee are reflected on the screen. Delegations not reflected on the screen wishing to co-sponsor draft resolution L.5, please signify by pressing the microphone button now to be added to the list of sponsors.

I see no further co-sponsor. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the Secretary. I open the floor to delegations wishing to make general statements or explain their vote before the vote. And I give the floor to United States of America.

The United States called a vote on this resolution, and we will vote no. We set out our concerns clearly during informal consultations on October 5th, and we would like to reiterate some of those points here. First, this resolution falls outside the purpose of this committee. The Fourth Committee's decolonization agenda concerns the people of non-self-governing territories. This text not only does nothing for them, It instead turns a serious subject into a tool for cynical political posturing. And it adds to the strain of an overstretched UN budget. Second, the resolution tries to redefine colonialism to cover lawful sanctions, export controls, and sovereign trade decisions. Using lawful tools of statecraft is a genuine mechanism of diplomacy. Every nation has the right to choose its trading partners, protect its critical technologies, and respond to threats. Many of the measures this text condemns, UN Security Council resolutions. Third, if the sponsors want to talk about domination and dependency today, they should look at their own records. One example in this hemisphere was Cuba's control over Venezuela. For years, Havana used Venezuela's oil wealth to prop up its failed economy, and a Cuban-aligned dictatorship in Venezuela handed Cuba control of key government functions. That ended when the United States arrested the dictator and returned Venezuela to the Venezuelan people. The United States is proud of its re-engagement in the Western Hemisphere. As Secretary Rubio has said, the failure was that Washington neglected the hemisphere for too long. That neglect is over. We work with sovereign governments as partners on the basis of equality, trust, and respect. We offer investment, security cooperation, and trade on fair terms. Finally, this resolution is non-binding and does not create or change the current state of international law. Any reaffirmation of earlier documents, including Resolution 1514, applies only to the states that affirmed them in the first place. Thank you, sir.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States.

I see.

I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ireland.

Chair, I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its member states. First of all, let me stress that we remain ready to work constructively in the Fourth Committee. However, this draft resolution introduces the notion of contemporary forms of colonialism, which goes beyond the mandate of the Fourth Committee. It is a clear attempt by the Russian Federation to exploit politically the work of this committee, spread disinformation and justify its actions while continuing its own colonial practices and territorial expansion. It is deeply ironic and hypocritical that this draft resolution is sponsored by a State that is attempting to subjugate a neighboring country by military force and that itself has a history of colonisation of other territories, which remains wholly unaddressed, not least when such text refers to threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. The Russian Federation's neo-imperial war of aggression against Ukraine is a flagrant violation of the UN Charter and of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. It includes the illegal annexation of Ukrainian territory by force, the forced abduction and transfer of Ukrainian children and their indoctrination, forced passportisation, militarisation, unlawful conscription and mobilization of residents from temporarily occupied parts of the territory of Ukraine, as well as the suppression of Ukrainian language, culture and identity in occupied territories. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine threatens global food security, while Russian authorities try to exploit the citizens of third states by making them fight in Moscow's territorial conquest. The General Assembly has repeatedly and overwhelmingly condemned this conduct. Furthermore, the draft resolution selectively refers to principles of the UN Charter, such as territorial integrity, non-use of force, non-intervention and sovereignty over natural resources. These are all crucially important. The draft resolution is silent on states' human rights obligations. The text also stretches the concept of colonialism well beyond its legal and historical meaning, blurs a well-defined scope and risks weakening the framework that has guided decolonisation efforts for over 60 years and to which we, as the EU and its member states, are firmly committed. Operative paragraph 2 of the resolution instead presents a selective list of unrelated aspects as contemporary forms of colonialism. It brings together distinct issues under a so-called new colonialism framework. For those reasons, EU member states will vote against the resolution. To conclude, let me stress again that the EU and its Member States are committed to work with all partners in the Fourth Committee. Our serious concerns about this draft do not diminish that commitment. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ireland and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ukraine.

Mr. Chair, Ukraine remains fully committed to the eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. However, Ukraine cannot support the draft resolution introduced by the Russian Federation. This proposal is another attempt by Russia to present itself as a champion of decolonization. In reality, Russia itself pursues neocolonial policies and uses this initiative, among other things, to divert international attention from its ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine. For more than a decade, Russia has been waging an armed aggression against Ukraine, seeking to destroy our statehood. Its temporary occupation of Ukrainian territories and their attempted annexation and systematic suppression of Ukrainian language, culture, and national identity are clear manifestations of its neocolonial ambitions. One of the most notorious examples is Russia's campaign to erase the national identity of Ukrainian children through forced indoctrination through nation militarization, unlawful deportation, and forcible transfer. Mr. Chair, Russia's neocolonial ambitions are neither new nor limited to Ukraine. For decades, Moscow has sought to dominate its neighbors and maintain spheres of influence, while ethnic minorities within Russia face discrimination and suppression of their cultural identities. Beyond Europe, Russia uses economic exploitation, interference, disinformation, and recruitment of foreign nationals to fight against Ukraine. We are equally concerned by the substance of the draft resolution, in particular operative paragraph 2. Rather than addressing real challenges of decolonization, it introduces language on unilateral coercive measures and seeks to redirect the decolonization agenda towards Russia's political priorities. Sanctions against Russia are a legitimate response to its aggression and flagrant violations of the UN Charter. They are consistent with international law and aim to end the war by limiting Russia's ability to finance its war machine. For the reasons outlined above, Ukraine will vote against this draft resolution. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ukraine, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Thank you, Mr. Chair, for giving me the floor. My delegation is pleased to join the other members of the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations in expressing our support for the draft resolution entitled, "Addressing Contemporary Forms of Colonialism." Distinguished colleagues, colonialism has not disappeared, and the work of this committee is not yet complete. It persists and has adopted perpetuating patterns of domination, dependency, and inequality. The draft resolution before us reaffirms the enduring relevance of the Charter of the United Nations and the right of all peoples under colonial domination or foreign occupation to self-determination, while addressing contemporary practices that undermine sovereignty, political independence and national development. It's called to prevent such practices, including unlawful, unilateral economic and coercive measures, interference in internal affairs, the threat or use of force, and economic exploitation in violation of permanent sovereignty over natural resources is a timely contribution to upholding the Charter and international law and ensuring that all States can freely determine their own development path. Importantly, the draft resolution also advances a constructive agenda for international cooperation, including capacity building upon request, technology transfer, and equitable access to critical technologies and services. These provisions seek to reduce structural barriers to sustainable development and promote relations grounded in sovereign equality rather than dependency. By condemning the crimes committed during the colonial era and recognizing their lasting consequences, the draft resolution also underscores the importance of confronting the past while addressing the continuing effects of colonialism. Supporting this draft resolution is an affirmation of the Charter, the unfinished task of decolonization, and a more equitable international order. We therefore encourage all delegations to vote in favor of the draft resolution. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. Cuba voted in favor of the draft resolution that we have considered during this session, in line with its historic commitment to the process of decolonization and its solidarity with the countries and peoples that still live under this anachronistic form of domination. This is in line with our history. People that has fought against colonial and neo-colonial domination and numerous lives have been lost throughout our struggle for sovereignty and the independence that we have today and that no superpower, however powerful they may be, can steal from us. Mr. Chair, we will vote in favor of the draft resolution that we will consider shortly, which clearly recognizes that colonialism persists in contemporary forms and practices. We are not surprised by the position taken by the Government of the United States, the main promoter of unilateral coercive measures and economic blockades with an aim of colonial domination. We most robustly reject the shameful interventionist statement by the representative of the United States, which cannot understand the self-determination, independence and sovereignty of Cuba. It ignores the will of the Cuban people that has made a free and sovereign choice as to its economic, political, and social model. The United States is carrying out a multidimensional aggression against our country, strengthening unprecedented levels of the genocidal blockade, as well as a merciless energy blockade with the declared aim of overthrowing the Cuban government through economic suffocation and the extreme suffering of the people due to material shortages, hunger, and desperation. The United States has once again today demonstrated its disdain for this organization, its disrespect for the United Nations Charter and multilateralism, and its lack of political will and commitment to decolonization. We recall the words of a petitioner in this same room just a few days ago, saying that the United States' security interests have priority over the social, political, and economic interests of the peoples of non-self-governing territories. Once again, the United States has shown its irresponsible attitude and proven its disdain for its international commitments with a totally isolationist attitude. The position taken today by the United States is an affront to decolonization efforts in the United Nations derived from the principle of equal rights and the self-determination of peoples. What's more, it also ignores and rejects the work of the United Nations, in particular, the work of the C24 to advance decolonization which enjoys a mandate from the General Assembly. We are not surprised by the United Nations' actions against yet another organ within this organization. Chair, Cuba also has concerns. Cuba is also concerned by the proliferation in the United States of supremacist ideology of a agenda that is advancing hate and division and which calls for dangerous exceptionalism which will provoke more violence the government of the United States on its own territory is facing rejection um and chaotic fascist forces in the government that is um ensuring that money prevails over the will of the people when it comes to the question of Puerto Rico we recall that the United States the power is doing everything it can to strengthen its economic, social and political domination over this Latin American and Caribbean island, ignoring the decisions and numerous resolutions of the G24. This colonial state imposed on Puerto Rico continues to prevent a brother people from taking a sovereign decision about the needs and the complex problems that affect them. Chair. Cuba will continue to defend the economic, social, and political model which it chose in sovereign terms against the intervention of the United States and one politician after another. In any case, Cuba, a sovereign nation, will continue to maintain commercial and cooperation relationships with other nations. To conclude, my delegation reiterates its firm and unshakable commitment to the decolonization process and the definitive elimination of colonialism in all of its forms and manifestations. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Cuba and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Nicaragua.

Thank you very much, Chair. Nicaragua supports this resolution because it reflects a reality that we experience on a day-to-day basis. Colonialism did not end with the raising of flags. Rather, it was transformed and it persists through economic coercion, interference in internal affairs, and restrictions on development that are imposed from the outside. Faced with questions over the resolution and addressing unilateral coercive measures and market restrictions and tech barriers under the concept of colonialism, which we're not surprised as to where that comes The response is simple, and that is that these are instruments through which contemporary colonial domination operates. As Nicaragua has said before this Assembly, these measures constitute crimes against humanity, and they are among the main obstacles for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and the elimination of poverty. sovereign equality, they limit sovereign equality, they interfere in internal affairs and they run counter to the United Nations Charter. The resolution is not an attempt to attribute blame for what happened in the past. It is about completing a process that the General Assembly itself declared to be necessary more than six decades ago. The appeal in the resolution to address these structural factors, such as unfair dependence, inequality and barriers to access to technologies and markets, is not an expansion of the decolonization agenda. It is an unfinished job of that same agenda. The resolution also reaffirmed the principle that Nicaragua has constantly defended, and that is the fact that all states should be able to freely choose their political, economic, social, and cultural systems without interference or pressure from any state or group of states. That is the United Nations Charter, and it is the reason why Nicaragua stands in solidarity with all peoples that are still subjected to colonial or neocolonial domination. Thank you.

The distinction of Nicaragua.

I see no further request for the floor. The committee will now take a decision on draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.5, entitled "Addressing contemporary forms of colonialism." A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution L.5, please signify. Those against and abstentions?

The committee is now voting on draft resolution A/C.4/81/L.5, entitled "Addressing contemporary forms of colonialism." Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed.

Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows: in favor 85, against 49, abstention 23. Draft resolution L.5 is adopted. I now open the floor to delegations wishing to explain their vote after the vote. or make general statements.

I give the floor to Liechtenstein.

Chair, I am delivering this statement on behalf of Iceland, Norway, and my own country, Liechtenstein. Chair, Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein voted against the draft resolution entitled "Addressing contemporary forms of colonialism". The decolonization of the vast majority of the world to date is one of the UN's signature achievements. Nevertheless, we agree it is past time for colonialism to be brought to an end everywhere, and that its continuation anywhere is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. To this end, we agree that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the subsequent agreements we have made to implement our commitments to uphold self-determination, including the Friendly Relations Declaration of 1970, should be implemented in full. We agree, in addition, that the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity of states and countries precludes the full implementation of their right to self-determination and is also incompatible with the Charter. Chair, in this context, we note that implementing the principles on which the draft resolution is based in full would entail a significant policy shift by the drafter of this text. Its implementation of the resolution would surely require an immediate end to its ongoing aggression against Ukraine, as has repeatedly been demanded by the UN membership since 2014. The drafter would also need to cease its ongoing security threats against many other UN member states in violation of their right to self-determination. It would perhaps seek to reckon with the legacy of its external political interference across many decades. Chair, one may wonder in this context why the drafter has put today's resolution forward. In turning to the operative paragraphs, we note that the drafter has added a new neocolonial category. on a quote, "unilateral economic, financial, or trade measures," close quotes. Chair, the drafting state is subject to sanctions that we have implemented alongside many other states as a result of the violations of the charter that the drafting state is committing, even as it condemns them in its own resolution. Chair, when the drafter of this resolution ends its transnational repression of self-determination, including through the illegal use of force, we may be able to end the sanctions that cut off funding to its military apparatus. Unfortunately, as it stands today, we see this text as a cynical attempt by the drafting State to revise its own historical legacy, whitewash its ongoing illegal practices, and undermine attempts to end its conduct. We are therefore not in a position to support the draft. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein, and I give the floor of Saudi Arabia.

Mr. Chair, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reiterates its unwavering commitment to the eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, relevant General Assembly resolutions, and the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination. The Kingdom consistently supports global efforts aimed at ending foreign domination, ensuring the full sovereignty of the peoples over their lands and resources, and safeguarding the principles of sovereign equality and non-interference. The Kingdom has voted in favor of the resolution. However, the Kingdom wishes to place on record a reservation concerning OP2. due to its selective framing and its failure to acknowledge other well-established and ongoing forms of colonialism. Saudi Arabia underscores the importance of ensuring that the text remain balanced, comprehensive, and fully aligns with the principles of the Charter and the UN resolutions on decolonization. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia. I give the floor to the representative of Spain.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. Spain aligns with the statement made on behalf of the European Union and its member states and would like to make the following comments in its national capacity. Spain supports the work of the Committee on Decolonization and reaffirms its support for the application of the doctrine on decolonization of the United Nations, specifically resolution 1514 of the General Assembly, the resolutions and the relevant resolutions and decisions. This commitment is shown through our active participation in the debates and the work of the Fourth Committee and the Special Committee on Decolonization. Spain is grateful that informal consultations on this resolution were open to all Member States. Nevertheless, Spain shares the concerns already expressed in the statement on behalf of the EU and its Member States and considers that the scope of the text goes beyond the mandate of the Fourth Committee. For those reasons, Spain voted against this resolution. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Spain, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

Many thanks, Chair. The United Kingdom has voted against this resolution, and we want to be clear about why. I want to stress that the United Kingdom supports the right of every people to self-determination. We also recognise the lasting harm of colonisation, and we do not stand apart from that history. A vote therefore reflects the text before us. It is absolutely not a vote against self-determination or decolonisation. This resolution rightly affirms principles that we share: that borders must not be changed by force; that every state is entitled to choose its own future, free from coercion; and that no state should exploit another's resources. But those very principles are being tested now. A permanent member of the Security Council and a principal author of this resolution has invaded its neighbor, occupied its territory, claimed to annex it and is imposing its own laws, language and schooling on people living under occupation. Thousands of Ukrainian children have been deported or forcibly transferred. That is what contemporary colonisation looks like in practice. A resolution that states the principle but cannot confront the practice does not advance decolonisation; it dilutes it. The elements of this text, notably on unilateral measures, risk presenting lawful responses to a breach of the charter as the wrong itself, turning cause and effect upside down. The question for every member state is whether the charter protects every state equally or only those whose borders no one chooses to violate. If borders can be changed by force in one region, no region is insulated. If the Charter is optional for some, it is optional for all. Ukraine did not outsource its decisions. It chose to defend itself, and others chose whether to respect that choice. Respecting it is the self-determination this resolution claims to uphold. Decolonisation is a cause that should bring Member States together. A text that avoids naming the most flagrant contemporary example while casting lawful responses to it as the wrong does not advance that cause. That is why we voted against and why we will keep standing with Ukraine's right to decide its own future. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Japan.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Since this is the first time for my delegation to take the floor in this session of the Fourth Committee, I would like to seize this opportunity to commend the diligent work of the Bureau members of the last session and congratulate you and the other current Bureau members on your elections. I assure you of our full support. Japan remains fully committed to abandoning colonial rule, and respecting the right of self-determination of all peoples. Our dedication to making unceasing efforts toward the full realization of this right remains unwavering. However, Japan voted against this resolution due to the following concern. Article 1 of the 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples start with the term subjugation, which is prohibited as acquisition of territory by force in the contemporary world. The prohibition of acquisition of territory by force is indeed a corollary of the prohibition of the use of force to which this resolution refers. In recent years, regrettably, we are witnessing increasing attempts to acquire territory by force. Therefore, from our point of view, the focus of this resolution should have been the issue of recent attempts to acquire territory by force. Mr. Chair, to conclude, Japan reaffirms its commitment to continuing strong support for decolonization efforts by the United Nations and its member states. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Japan, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Argentina.

Thank you, Chairman. The Republic of Argentina reaffirms its firm commitment to the process of decolonization in all its forms and manifestations. Its fundamental framework is established in Resolution 1514 of the General Assembly. That resolution is one of the pillars of the decolonization system of the UN. It establishes fundamental principles that must be interpreted comprehensively, including the right of peoples to free determination, and also with regard to sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, specifically enshrined in this paragraph 6. With this in mind, Argentina considers that any process of decolonization must be conducted in accordance with the UN Charter, Resolution 1514, and other relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. into account the specific characteristics of each colonial situation. It is up to the United Nations, through its competent bodies, to determine the modalities that are applicable to put an end to these situations. The Republic of Argentina reiterates its full support to the free determination of peoples subjected to colonial or foreign domination. This right must be interpreted in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. and resolution 1514, 2065, and other relevant resolutions of the United Nations. Such a determination is only applicable when there is a subject that is applicable to, as the holder of this right, that is a people subject to foreign domination. In the absence of such a subject, there is no right to self-determination. The Republic of Argentina considers that the question addressed in this resolution exceed the scope of application of Resolution 1514 of the General Assembly and other relevant resolutions in this area of decolonization, as well as the mandate of this committee. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina. And I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Norway.

Mr. Chair, Norway voted against the draft resolution entitled Addressing Contemporary Forms of Colonialism. There was no other choice. The reason for this is that the pen holder of this draft resolution, Russia, is violating the important principles this text is supposed to strengthen. At this very moment, Russia continues to attack Ukraine with soldiers, drones and missiles. In the temporarily occupied areas of Ukraine, Russia seeks to erase people's identity by forcing residents to take Russian passports, suppressing the Ukrainian language, culture and educational system, and integrating occupied territories into the Russian state system. For this reason, Norway cannot accept a resolution that is presented by a state who violates the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of another state. The UN was created to avoid exactly what Russia is doing today. By invading Ukraine, Russia is violating the UN Charter and the principle of non-intervention in its most fundamental way. If we are to address the contemporary forms of colonialism and people's right to self-determination, we must also address the Russian temporary occupation of parts of Ukraine. Colonialism must be brought to an end everywhere. Its continuation anywhere is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We agree, in addition, that the threat and use of force against the territorial integrity of states and countries precludes the full implementation of their right to self-determination, and is also incompatible with the Charter. The decolonisation of the vast majority of the world to date is one of the UN's signature achievements. Norway supported the end of colonialism through assisting and supporting the decolonisation process at the United Nations. We did this because it was the right thing to do, and we had our own national experience as an important backdrop and motivation. Norway is a small country in Europe. We have also been victims of subjugation and occupation. This led to Norwegian support for decolonisation and liberation in many countries in Asia and Africa. The support was provided by the Norwegian Government, church leaders, trade unions, student unions and civil society. Norway provided political and financial support. We supported the liberation in Zimbabwe and the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa with substantial funding, to name two examples. Mr. Chair, Norway's support to Ukraine is a continuation of our support to the same principles we stood by during the decolonization of Asia and Africa. However, this resolution is a testimony to unchecked use of double standards by Russia, and it is a shameful attempt to put a smokescreen over the terrible atrocities committed at this very moment by Russia against the people of Ukraine.

I thank the distinguished representative of Norway. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Germany.

Thank you, Chair, for giving me the floor. I align myself with what's been said by the European Union representative before the vote, and I would like to add the following from a national perspective. For Germany, confronting the legacies of colonialism remains a critical and ongoing priority. And I wish to thank all our partners here at the General Assembly to engage in an open and friendly dialogue on this important topic. We take our historical responsibility very seriously. And still, we cannot support a text that seeks to instrumentalize this pressing global issue for geopolitical maneuvers. We have serious concerns about the credibility of the intentions of the facilitator of this resolution. A UN member state that has been waging an illegal war of aggression against a neighboring nation for over four years now, denying its very right to existence and subjugating the population in temporarily occupied territories. This member state seeks to present itself as an advocate of decolonisation and an opponent of imperialism. Yet it denies its own history of imperialism, while at the same time brutally suppressing neighboring peoples in order to expand its own territory. It is deeply concerning that this state lures foreign citizens from across the globe to fight and to die in its criminal war. The state similarly justifies its aggression against its peaceful neighbor, using a profoundly imperialist rationale, claiming a sphere of influence, whatever that is, over sovereign nations and denying them the sovereign right to make their own decisions regarding alliances and governance. This reveals the true intention behind this initiative today, to deflect global attention from this genuinely neocolonialist attitude and to pass the buck to others. Therefore, we cannot consider this endeavor presented here today as a credible contribution to addressing a very pertinent topic, the legacy of colonialism. During the colonial era, Germany was among the countries that caused immense suffering in various parts of the world. We recognize our historical responsibility. We also have no doubt that the injustices of colonialism endure through their lasting legacies today. Germany stands in solidarity with the victims of the transatlantic slave trade and their descendants. We remain committed to reconciliation, remembrance, fighting racism, discrimination, and exploitation. In recent years, public awareness in my country about the crimes and atrocities committed during the colonial period and the lasting consequences has grown significantly. On several occasions, Germany has recognized its moral responsibility for colonial injustice and asked for forgiveness for colonial crimes, as did, for example, the German Federal President during his visit to Tanzania in 2023. More recently, Germany had the opportunity to co-host a high-level side event on reparatory justice organized by the president of my neighbor, by the president of Ghana, during this year's high-level week here in New York. When addressing our colonial past, it is essential for us to do so in dialogue on the basis of mutual respect on eye sight. Open discussions and mutual listening are the only way to build authentic partnerships to overcome the colonial legacy once and for all. Unfortunately, in our view, the resolution before us does not contribute to this aim. This is why we could not support it. I thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Germany. and I give the floor to the delegation of the Russian Federation.

Mr. Chairman, making a statement on a national capacity, the Russian Federation is one of the co-authors of the adopted resolution on countering contemporary forms of colonialism would like to express his gratitude to all those who have supported it the text adopting this document is not merely a decorative gesture it delays a groundwork for cleaning international relations from the negative new colonial practices which unfortunately continued to obstruct the development of independent countries in this context is very telling the position and statements of certain delegations who are against initiative based on their remarks some of their representatives didn't even take the time to read the text that we presented deciding instead of thorough work in the fourth committee to to organize a kind of a show for journalists it's hard hard to consider it a coincidence that precisely these countries for many centuries oppressed the nations of the global South and after the collapse of the colonial system continued their exploitation in new in new colonial forms as we like to say a guilty conscience gives itself away Mr. Chairman, we look forward to a constructive examination and broad support of this document during the plenary session of the UN General Assembly, as well as we confirm the constant readiness of Russia to continue joint work with all interested countries in order to once and for all defeat colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Australia.

Thank you, Chair. I have the honour to deliver this explanation of vote on behalf of Canada, New Zealand, and my own country, Australia. Cairns members strongly support the right of all peoples to self-determination. We remain committed to the full implementation of the UN Charter and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to colonial countries and peoples. It is through this lens that we consider the resolution before us today. One of the sponsors of this resolution, a permanent member of the Security Council, continues to wage an illegal, immoral, and unjustified war against a sovereign neighbor. Russia's actions undermine the principles it claims to defend in this resolution. While claiming to oppose colonialism, Russia continues to deny Ukraine the very sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence that this committee seeks to advance. Beyond this concern, Cairns was unable to support the resolution and voted no for two reasons. First, this resolution seeks to expand the concept of colonialism beyond its established meaning within the UN decolonization framework. By grouping distinct political, economic, and security issues under a single concept of contemporary colonialism, it obscures rather than clarifies the framework that centers on the self-determination and political status of peoples and territories. Second, the resolution risks further politicizing the work of the Fourth Committee and diverting attention from the UN's unfinished decolonization agenda. Tanz remains committed to good faith efforts to advance self-determination and decolonization in accordance with the UN Charter and established international principles. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Australia.

I see no further requests for the floor.

I now give the floor to the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran on a point of order.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I rise to a point of order under Rule 113 concerning a procedural irregularity that just took place a moment ago, when a delegation misused the floor that was granted for the explanation of vote to exercise of the right of reply to what passed during the debate. The Islamic Republic of Iran formally objects to that action. As in accordance with Rule 115, only during the course of a debate in a main committee, the Chair may accord the right of reply to any member if a speech delivered after he was declared the list closed makes this desirable. Furthermore, as established under Rule 128, once the Chairman has announced the beginning of voting, no representative shall interrupt the voting except on a point of order connected strictly to the actual conduct of the voting. A right of reply does not fall within these parameters and is legally impermissible during this phase. Taking the floor for a right of reply at that juncture bypassed established protections and disrupt the voting process. We request that the distinguished representative of secretariat clarify the application of rule 128 regarding interruptions during voting and how the integrity of our voting procedures was maintained in this instance. Finally, Mr. Chair, we request that this formal objection, the secretariat clarification and the chair's ruling on this matter be fully and explicitly recorded in the official records and reflected in the final report of this committee to the General Assembly I thank you.

I think the distinguished of the of Iran the committee I see no further request The Committee has thus concluded its consideration of agenda item 57. The Committee will meet again next Wednesday, 00 p.m. in this conference room to consider agenda item 45, entitled "Effect of Atomic Radiation." Further, I would like to inform delegations that the UN Meetings Coverage section has resumed coverage, meaning press releases, of the work of committees since October 1st, and hopefully until the end of the session. In line with the committee's decision taken at its ninth session, the committee will hear immediately after adjourning this meeting a briefing by the co-chairs of the working group on mandate implementation review. I kindly ask you to remain seated. The meeting is adjourned.