General Assembly: Eleventh Emergency Special Session (Resumed: 20th Plenary meeting)

I declare the 11th emergency special session of the General Assembly resumed and call to order its 20th plenary meeting. Members will recall that in its resolution ES-11/6, of the 23 February 2023 the assembly decided and I quote to adjourn the 11th emergency special session of the general assembly temporarily and to authorize the president of the general assembly to resume its meetings upon request from member states end of quote in this regard I should like to draw the attention of delegations to document A/ES-11/119, which contains a letter dated 17 February 2025 from the representative of Poland and Ukraine to the United Nations, addressed to the President of the General Assembly, requesting the resumption of the 11th Emergency Special Session. I intend to conduct the proceedings of this meeting in accordance with the Rule of Procedure of the Assembly and the past practices on its emergency special sessions. In accordance with Rule 63 of the Rules of Procedure of the Assembly, the President and Vice-President of the 79th session shall serve in the same capacity at the resumed 11th emergency special session. May I take it that is the wish of the Assembly to decide that the Credentials Committee of the 79th session should serve for the resumed 11th emergency special session? It is so decided. In keeping with established practice, I should now like to invite the attention of the Assembly to document A/ES-11/116 concerning Member States that are in arrears in the payment of their financial contribution to the United Nations within the terms of Article 19 of the Charter. In addition, I would like to inform Members that since the issuance of document A/ES-11/116, slash one sixteen Cabo Verde and Grenada have made payments necessary to reduce their areas below the amount specified in article nineteen of the charter. This information will be reflected in document A slash ES hyphen eleven slash one sixteen slash addendum one to be issued. May I take it that the assembly duly takes note of the information contained in these documents it is so decided in this connection may I further take it that it is the wish of the assembly to follow the provision of resolution 79/3 of 9 October 2024 by which Santome Prince and Principe is permitted to vote in the Assembly until the end of its seventy-ninth session, and to also allow these Member States to vote at the resumed 11th emergency special session. It is so decided. The Assembly will now resume its consideration of agenda item 5, entitled: letter dated 28 February 2014 from the Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the United Nations, addressed to the President of the Security Council, S/2014/136. In this connection, the Assembly has before it two draft resolutions contained in documents A/ES/11 slash L period 10 and L period 11 and draft amendments to draft resolution A slash ES hyphen 11 slash L period 11 contain in documents A slash ES hyphen 11 slash L period 12 comma L period 13 comma L period 14 and Elbrus 15. Excellencies, colleagues, today marks a grim milestone. Three years have now passed since the Russian Federation launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, an act of aggression that has led to untold bloodshed and destruction. And yet, the tragedy continues. According to the Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights, civilian casualties rose by 30% last year compared to the year before. More lives shattered, more futures lost. Meanwhile, the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine remains dire. The 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan, launched last month, estimates that 12.7 million people, roughly 36% of the country's population, will require assistance this year. We cannot afford another year of this unjust war. The General Assembly has been clear and unwavering. It has adopted six resolutions demanding the immediate, complete, and unconditional withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukraine territory, and to an end to attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure. These resolutions have consistently reaffirmed the need for a peaceful solution, one rooted in the Charter of the United Nations in the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity. At a time when the United Nations is under intense scrutiny, and when the Security Council is deadlocked on matters of key importance for our collective security, the General Assembly has demonstrated its ability and its responsibility to act. Colleagues, Russian aggression against Ukraine is a grave violation of the United Nations Charter. As the 80th anniversary of the signing of the Charter approaches, we must reaffirm that lasting and meaningful peace will never be achieved through force. It will come through silencing the guns, turning to dialogue and diplomacy, and upholding the principles enshrined in the Charter. We must be prepared to promote inclusive dialogue and actively work towards a just and sustainable peace, one firmly anchored in international law, General Assembly resolutions, and above all, the will and the rights of Ukraine and its people. This Assembly must stand firm in its resolve to find a way forward towards peace. Let's prove through actions and not words that a comprehensive, just and lasting peace is within our reach. Thank you. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Marianna Betsa, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, to introduce draft resolution A/ES/11/L.10.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Dear ladies and gentlemen, distinguished colleagues, your excellencies, this is a moment of truth, a historic moment, a historic moment not only for Ukraine, a historic moment not only for Europe, a historic moment for the entire democratic world. And the way we answer to the Russian aggression today, the way we answer to Russian atrocities and crimes, the way we answer to the aggression as a tool of statescraft, will define not only the future of Ukraine, will define not only the future of Europe, it will define our common future, the future of entire democratic world, and the future of the UN. Are we ready to abide by the UN Charter? Are we ready to protect sovereignty and territorial integrity? of states? Are we ready to abide by the principle of inviolability of borders and non-use of force? Mr. President, today marks three years from the full-scale invasion by the Russian Federation. Three years of Ukraine's resistance, three years of Ukraine's preservation, three years of Ukraine's fight and heroism. But let me recall that the war started 11 years ago, in 2014. 11 years ago, Ukraine faced one of the most dramatic and challenging periods in its modern history. While resisting the attempt to impose dictatorship, Ukrainians demonstrated dignity and defended their choice for the democratic future in the family of European countries. While the sovereign choice of Ukrainians posed no real threat to Russia, the Kremlin perceived it as a threat to the imperial and non-colonial ambitions. In Kremlin's world, Ukraine was relegated to the role of a Russian satellite within its sphere of influence. For Russia, a military solution to this imagined threat was always an option. Disinformation, Economic warfare, subversive activities, all of this laid the groundwork for the subsequent Russian aggression against Ukraine. And immediately after the victory of the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Russia started its occupation of Autonomous Republic of Crimea and some parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Weak international response to Russia's attacks on Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk back then led to a full-scale military invasion of my country from the north, east, and south three years ago. Russia has plunged entire world into yet another war, a war totally unprovoked, unjustified, and unlawful. driven solely by morbid geopolitical delusions of the past, and yet the bloodiest war in Europe after the Second World War. And all of us became the targets. Ukraine and Ukrainians, because Russia denies our every right to exist. The world has become a target, because Russian missiles do not only strike Ukraine. They also shatter the global security architecture. which, three years into this invasion, remains riddled with gaping holes, much like the countless residential buildings destroyed across Ukraine. The United Nations is under attack because Russia attacked every foundation of the UN Charter, blatantly violated the UN Charter and the core principles enshrined in it. Russia wants to replace the world based on international law to the world based on the rule of force. And finally, Russia attacked humanity. Humanity itself is under attack. An unsurprising reality, given that Russia has made medieval cruelty a hallmark of its military strategy against a peaceful neighbor and blackmails everyone with its nuclear weapons. Excellencies, Russia believed Ukraine would surrender. Russia believed he would fall in three days. Russia believed our government would flee. However, Russia miscalculated gravely. 11 years, Ukraine stands firmly and resists. The myth of Russia's military invincibility has been shattered. What was once seen as an unstoppable force has been met with resilience, courage, and determination, reinforced by the unwavering support of the free world. Your solidarity has demonstrated that unity and principles of the UN Charter are stronger than aggression and lawlessness. I want to reiterate our profound gratitude to over 140 Member States that have stood with us including those who have supported relevant resolutions in this hall, to those who provided military aid to Ukraine, to those who provided humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, to those who received our temporary displaced persons, to those who help and continue to help bring our deported children back home, our prisoners of war, bring home, and our illegally detained civilians to bring them home, to those who have contributed to the implementation of our Grain from Ukraine initiative, a practical effort to mitigate global food security threats stemming from this war. This war has never been about Ukraine only. It is about a fundamental right of any nation to exist, to choose its own path, and to live free from aggression. If aggression is justified and a victim is blamed for its resilience and a will to survive, then no country is safe. Today, Ukraine fights not only for its own independence, but for a world of nations that are not divided into predators and prey, where no zones of conflict, of influence, sorry, and gray zones exist. We are fighting for a world which cannot be divided by any other Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. We stand up for the world where future of a nation cannot be determined by another Yalta Conference. Mr. President, three years of Russia's full-scale invasion against Ukraine have made it clear that we are dealing with a protracted, high-intensity war with extreme levels of casualties and spillover effect rippled across different areas and continents. Let me stress once again that the UN were formed after the Second World War to prevent future wars and maintain international peace and security. Against the backdrop of ongoing and upcoming peace efforts, the General Assembly should take a pivotal role in determining the basis for the just and last peace in Ukraine and in Europe, as well as its standing for sovereignty of all states. A clear message that the vision of comprehensive, just and lasting peace consistent with the UN Charter that we endorsed in this hall two years ago remains valid and must be implemented without delay, already this year. However, reducing the Assembly's position to merely stating that this desire is not enough. We need to reconfirm that the aggression should be condemned and discredited, not rewarded. Our position must include substantive elements and ensure that any future peace initiatives align with the principles of the UN Charter. This is the rationale behind the draft resolution that I have the honor to introduce today on behalf of the broad group of co-sponsors. My delegation moves that, after hearing the introduction of all the L documents, the Assembly immediately proceed to the consideration of our draft resolution A/ES.11/2017. on the understanding that the debate would resume immediately after action on the draft resolution, and that the 11th emergency session would be only temporarily adjourned after the conclusion of the debate. We need clear guidance, not just silence, weapons, temporality, no just ceasefire, but to achieve a solution which is just, comprehensive and sustainable. A solution that guarantees that there will be no repetition of what happened three years ago on February 24, 2022, neither in Ukraine nor elsewhere. For us, for Ukraine, the path is clear. The only way, as our President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has stated, to ensure comprehensive, just, and lasting peace is to reaffirm our commitment to the UN Charter and to agree that the principles enshrined in it The principle of sovereignty and the principle of territorial integrity of states within its internationally recognized borders must serve as the foundation. By adopting the draft, the General Assembly will also address the global impact of war and outline the areas where this impact has been particularly detrimental and where the engagement of all responsible nations would be crucial. In particular, there are global food security, energy security, the global economy, nuclear security and safety, and the environment, justice, and accountability. As we mark three years of this devastating Russia's invasion against Ukraine, we call on all nations to stand firm and to take the side, the side of the Charter, the side of the humanity, and the side of just and lasting peace. Peace through strength, as the aggressor would never stop. while seeing weakness. Excellencies, Ukraine's commitment to the UN Charter's principles traces back to the first day of our organization. Now, it may seem to be symbolic that it was a representative of Ukraine who chaired, 80 years ago, the committee responsible for drafting the preamble, purposes, and principles of the future Charter. at the UN Conference on International Organization in San Francisco in 1945. Unfortunately, we haven't yet reached the point where principles enshrined in the UN Charter are respected by all member states, and the Article 51 of the Charter is just a matter of history. Definitely not, as my country has been compelled to exercise its inherent right to self-defense under the above-mentioned Article 51 following unprovoked, mean, brutal, genocidal war. While persisting in defending our country until the threat is over, we strive for peace. Peace that will give the world another chance to live according to the rules, when all nations, regardless of the size of geography, will equally enjoy their sovereign rights, rather than depend upon the mercy of more powerful. This is the spirit that should guide us during the vote on the draft resolution advancing a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. I am confident that it will be a vote for peace, for the UN Charter, and for each Member State. I urge you to vote in favour of Ukraine's draft resolution. Thank you so much.

I thank the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United States to introduce draft resolution A/ES/11/L.11.

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, Excellencies, colleagues, today marks three years since the escalation of the Russia-Ukraine war. We have all been concerned about the suffering in Ukraine and the war's effects on the rest of the world. Since the start of the war 11 years ago, the United Nations has repeatedly condemned Russia's blatant violations of the UN Charter. Multiple resolutions of the General Assembly have demanded that Russia withdraw its forces from Ukraine. Those resolutions have failed to stop the war. It has now dragged on for far too long and at far too terrible a cost to the people in Ukraine, in Russia, and beyond. Generations of Ukrainians and Russians have died unnecessarily as the war has brought the world closer to a nuclear confrontation. The longer it continues, the greater the suffering for both nations. This war must end now. it is time for Member States to return to the purposes and principles of the Charter, mainly to maintain international peace and security, including through the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. President, as we gather today on this third anniversary, what we need is a resolution marking the commitment from all UN Member States to bring a durable end to the war. The draft resolution submitted by the United States makes this very point. Our draft implores a swift end to the conflict and further urges a lasting peace between Ukraine and Russia. This is what is needed now, and we urge all member states, including Ukraine and Russia, to join us in this effort. A simple, historic statement from the General Assembly that looks forward, not backwards. A resolution focused on one simple idea: ending the war. A path to peace is possible. Mr. President, That is why the United States opposed putting forward another resolution, and that is why we cannot support Ukraine's resolution, and we urge its withdrawal in favor of a strong statement committing us to end the war and work towards a lasting peace. The United States also requests the General Assembly take action on the United States proposed resolution immediately following consideration of the Ukraine drafted resolution. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation to introduce draft amendment A/ES/11/LP.12.

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues. Today we are witnessing historic events. Not every generation gets a chance to see them. In front of our eyes, the multipolar world is taking its outlines, the world that should have come into being 30 years ago at the end of the Cold War, which put a line under the ideological confrontation between the Soviet Union and the West. At the time, the world was full of hope for a better future. hope for cooperation between key actors for the interests of the whole mankind, ending of world and creating a new indivisible system of security where former foes would become allies and we work on international problems together. Unfortunately, at the time, that logic did not come to the fore and the ideology of cooperation was gradually replaced by the philosophy of the zero-sum game. This was not our choice, and we have warned many a time about the dangers this kind of logic contains within itself. As a result, the world ended up on the brink of a third world war because of what the Western countries are doing, namely the anti-Russian project called Ukraine, which is taking place at our borders. Its key milestone was the anti-constitutional coup in Kyiv in February 2014, as a result of which With Western assistance, a loud minority came to power. This minority has the ideals of extreme nationalism and Russophobia. It is intolerant to a different opinion, to everything Russian, to the canonical Orthodox faith. It glorifies the accomplices of Hitler's executioners, who, during the World War II, killed hundreds of thousands of Jews, Roma, both Russians and Ukrainians. This regime launched a brutal war against the Russian-speaking compatriots in the eastern of the country, trying to eliminate their identity and replace them with the ideals of an all-out Ukrainian nationalism. This way, Ukraine itself launched the mechanism of a self-destruction, self-destruction by hatred and intolerance. This could have stopped by the Minsk agreements, which were endorsed by the Security Council 10 years ago exactly. But instead of implementing them, the Kyiv regime, with the patronage of the Western sponsors, decided, as we all now today, decided to undermine the agreements and at the same time arming itself and preparing for a war with Russia. The citizens of Ukraine tried to stop this mechanism again when three-quarters of them in May 2019 voted for the new Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, who promised peace on the eastern part of the country, promised to protect the Russian language and the rights of the Russian-speaking citizens, promised to end the glorification of Nazi accomplices, and to restore good neighborly relations with Russia. Unfortunately, when he became president, he treacherously turned the country back to its earlier suicidal and inhumane course. All this time, Russia, on its part, showed provocations, restraints, did not give in to the provocations from Kyiv and its Western sponsors. And we kept stating very clearly at the same time that we were not going to give up on the Russian people. We will not allow them to be persecuted or to have their identity changed to be changed. There was another red line for us, and that was Ukraine's membership in NATO. That created an unacceptable military strategic risks for Russia. And we're trying to sort out peacefully with Kyiv and Washington and Brussels. No one listened to us. No one took us seriously. And it was only when, three years ago, it became absolutely clear that both of the red lines were going to imminently cross by Ukraine, we had to start the special military operation, stating clearly what its goals were. From the very first day of the operation at the same time, we kept talking that we stand ready to arrive at the special military operation's goals through peaceful means, and that, in fact, that would be our preference. Today, the Kyiv regime is on the brink of a crushing military defeat and continues sacrificing tens of thousands of Ukrainian people and women. Most of them have to be mobilized by force for Zelensky and his clique who usurped power and who refused in May last year to conduct elections in violation of Ukraine's constitution. They find it's unacceptable to have any talk about peace unless they're on the basis of the ultimatum. and the provisions from the Zelensky formula, which has no bearing, no relation with what's happening on the battlefield. In their maniacal thrust to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia and egged on by some Western sponsors, the UK first and foremost, this former actor rejected the Istanbul agreements in April 2022, which had already been initiated, and also passed a law banning himself and his colleagues to have any negotiation with Russian authorities. Over the past three years, Ukraine received hundreds of billions of dollars of support. The country kept receiving weapons and mercenaries and intelligence data. In other words, Ukraine became a private military company of sorts, fighting for Western geopolitical interests. And the conflict became a classic proxy war by Russia against the countries of NATO. Despite that, the Ukrainian army suffered catastrophic losses, and the capitulation of the Kyiv regime is a matter of time. And we have said this many times, including in this hall, trying to drag the Western countries at any cost in confrontation with Russia. In August of last year, Zelensky started a suicidal aggression against a peaceful Russian region in the Kursk Oblast. As a result, As we know today from witnesses and Ukrainian soldiers who were captured, hundreds of peaceful citizens were killed and tortured, and the Ukrainian occupiers were involved in looting, violence, and pillaging. The expectation was that Russia was going to react to this equally brutally, and the public opinion will once again take the side of Kyiv. Similarly to what was being done by the crude provocation in Bucha, whose investigation, by the way, is being slow-walked by the Kyiv regime. The Kursk misadventure of Zelenskyy, as you know, was futile. It only accelerated the collapse on the eastern front, where Ukraine is lacking resources. They're all being burned in the Kursk goblet. Today, the Ukrainian army controls little more than one-third of the original territory there and is suffering horrifying losses. In parallel to that, the Russian army is moving forward in Donbass, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson Oblast, the oblast which became part of Russia in the fall of 2022 as a result of a referendum. Every day, we learn new names of liberated places and, unfortunately, new horrifying figures of Ukrainian army losses or other cannon fodder, which Zelensky turned it into. The new regions of Russia are seeing hundreds of thousands people arriving from Ukraine, and this disproves the Ukrainian propaganda statement that people, that people hate the Russians. When we've stated this clearly, we're not fighting for territories, we're fighting for people. As we all know, the hopelessness of Zelensky regime recently have become obvious also to the main sponsor of the Kyiv junta, the United States. the Republican administration led by President Trump finally saw the real face of the expired Ukrainian president and realized that he is not at all interested in having peace in this country because he is clinging to power with everything that he has, is fearful of democratic elections where he has no chance of winning. He's not interested in anything. else, and he's ready to sacrifice the entire people of Ukraine and its natural resource in order to hold on to his power. Um, um, information starting up to the fore about the unfortunate corruption in Ukraine, which has blossomed under Zelensky, stealing of Western assistance and the reselling on the black market of weapons supplies, hundreds of billions of dollars worth, and the blood-curdling instances of human rights violations, for which the Ukrainians nicknamed their country the Zelensky concentration camp. The number of those who want to leave the Ukraine in order to avoid prosecution and avoid going to the front is is extraordinarily high, but the Kyiv potentate does not allow people from the country. It's clear that under these conditions where we have in Kyiv, a former comedian is very worried by direct negotiations, direct talks between Russia and the United States about the means of settling the Ukrainian crisis and removing the reasons which led to its existence, which would drastically improve the international situation. The European countries are also worried by that. They have spent years helping the Kyiv clique and covered its crimes, and they nurtured Russophobia. They try to ignore the fact that the wind has changed and there is a clear demand for peace now. And the impediment to that is the Kyiv usurper and its accomplices. They're not at the rudder anymore, but these pathetic peacekeepers are at a loss, but do continue to lecture the rest of the world about how we're supposed to live in this beautiful garden. Colleagues, the draft by EU and Ukraine today is directly related to this bubble. It is slapped together by this grouping, which is trying to ignore realities on the ground on the one hand and include into the key elements from the Zelensky formula, the failed Birkenstock process, and on the other hand, trying to cover it up at the same time, round it off to make sure that the countries of the global south do not see such unpleasant undertakings. They are very interested in figures today to present them as support of the Kyiv regime and prolong its agony for some time. But it will be the everyday Ukrainians who will pay for this with their lives. Think about this. Many of us ask us about what would be the right way to vote, choosing between the two texts, the EU-Ukrainian text and the American text. Well, everyone who is going to press the button during the voting process today has the chance. You either play along with Zelensky and his sponsors, and support their incantations which are divorced of realities, or make a choice in favor of practical, realistic steps which can stop the hostilities in Ukraine in the very near future. Don't get deceived and make the right choice here. The second draft resolution was submitted by our American colleagues, and this text is, of course, a step in the right direction. To make sure that this initiative is fully in line with the understandings arrived at during the Russian and American context at the highest and high levels, we introduced an amendment to that about the need to eliminate the root causes of the Ukrainian crisis. And this, by the way, was mentioned by President Trump several times. This would help with its lasting settlement, as is proposed by the United States in their text. And we expect We trust, hopefully, the support of all sensible delegations in this room. As regards the amendments from some states of the European Union, amendments to the American text, well, they clearly replace the essence of that text. If they were to pass, then we will have, instead of something that's full of common sense, we will have an ultimatum in the spirit of the Bergenstock process, and it will distance the settlement of the conflict away from us, and will be not different from politicized products during this emergency special sessions. We shall be voting against them and urge all member states to do the same.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of France to introduce draft resolution A/ES-11/L.13, L.14, and L.15.

Mr. President. I have the honor of presenting on behalf of France and the 23 members of the European Union and the United Kingdom, three amendments to draft resolution A/ES.11/L.11, submitted by the United States of America. which our countries will not be able to support in its current form. The amendments are based on simple messages which reflect the real situation in Ukraine, that of a war of aggression led by Russia against its neighbor. The first amendment replaces the words "Russian Federation-Ukraine conflict" with "full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation". The second amendment reaffirms our commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. The third amendment calls for a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in Ukraine, which respects the United Nations Charter and the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. We call upon all Member States to vote in favour of these three amendments, which recall that in this conflict there is an aggressor State and a State subject to that aggression. And this marks our attachment to peace and a just and lasting peace, which must take as its basis the United Nations Charter and international law. Voting in favour of these amendments is a vote for the United Nations Charter and its principles. It is a vote for international law. Thank you, Mr. President. I would now like to make a statement in my national capacity. We're meeting today three years, day for day, after the beginning of the large-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia to call for a global, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. Three years ago, Russia launched a brutal and unjustified war of aggression against a sovereign state, Ukraine, which was not threatening it in any way, and it already was illegally occupying part of its territory, and that since 2014. In doing this, Russia violated and continues to flagrantly violate the United Nations Charter and the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity that we all share. Russia, for three years now, has been inflicting unbearable suffering on the civilian population of Ukraine. Millions of Ukrainian men and women today are either refugees or have been displaced. Russia is bombing indiscriminately towns and civilian energy infrastructure in Ukraine. This is a risk for the security and safety of nuclear establishments. It is worsening the food crisis throughout the world. It is flouting international humanitarian law. It is guilty of war crimes and even crimes against humanity. The authors of these crimes must be held to account. France will pursue its support for international and Ukrainian jurisdictions, as well as for all of the mechanisms of inquiry aimed at establishing responsibility for the crimes committed by Russia in Ukraine. Mr. President. Russia must cease its war of aggression in Ukraine. Since 16 March 2022, the International Court of Justice has demanded that Russia immediately suspend its military operations. Since the 24th of February 2022, this is now the eighth time that this General Assembly is meeting in order to condemn the Russian aggression and to call for respect for the territorial integrity of Ukraine. France is committed to a resolution of the conflict. Our authorities are at the highest levels and are working on this. We want a global peace that is just and lasting, based on the UN Charter and international law. Peace which does not recompense the aggressor, which does not tread underfoot the rights of the party under attack. Peace which respects the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Ukraine. This Assembly, for three years now, with its resolutions on the situation in Ukraine, has been the moral compass of this Organization, the guarantor of an international rules-based order, based on the sovereign equality between States. Where the Security Council has failed, the General Assembly has defended the law. Today, once again, it can contribute to laying out peace towards solid, just and long-term peace, in accordance with our common rules. It is in this spirit, dear colleagues, that we give our full support to the draft resolution tabled today by Ukraine. It is balanced and it is consensual. It is the result of a genuine process of negotiation that was inclusive and transparent. We call upon all Member States to support it. Since the beginning of the aggression, Ukraine has been defending itself in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter. It wants peace. It wants this aggression to cease. It wants to participate in any efforts to resolve the conflict. It is right. A resolution to the conflict that will be decided without Ukraine and without Europe will not be a lasting peace. It would establish the primacy of force over law. By legitimizing the claim of spheres of influence in disregard for the sovereign equality between States, it would set the stage for the wars of tomorrow. The support of the General Assembly for the Ukrainian resolution is not just another vote. The United Nations General Assembly must stay the course, that of law, that of the sovereignty of States and respect for their territorial integrity. that of responsibility and that of justice. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of France. The representative of Ukraine has moved that, after hearing the introduction of all L documents, The assembly immediately proceed to the consideration of the draft resolution A/ES-11/L.10. The representative of United States has moved that draft resolution A/ES-11/L.11 be considered. Immediate action on draft resolution A/ES-11 This is on the understanding that if the Assembly were to so decide and if the Assembly were to subsequently adopt draft resolution L.10, the 11th emergency special session would be adjourned temporarily following the conclusion of the debate on item 5. Is there any objection? I hear no objection, so it is decided. We shall now proceed to consider draft resolution A/ES.11/L.10 and L.11 and draft amendments A/ES-11/11 /L period 12, L period 13, L period 14, and L period 15. In this connection, since the draft resolution A/ES-11/L.13, L.14, and L period 15 have only been circulated today, it will be necessary to waive the relevant provision of rule 78 of the rules of procedure which read as follows. As a general rule, no proposal shall be discussed or put to the vote at any meeting of the General Assembly unless copies of it have been circulated to all delegations no later than the day preceding the meeting. Unless I hear no objections, I shall take it that the Assembly agrees to waive Rule 78. It is so decided. For your information, the draft resolution and the draft amendments have closed for e-sponsorship. I now give the floor to the representative of the Secretariat.

Thank you, Mr. President. I wish to address the co-sponsorship of the six L documents one by one. First, on L/10. Since the submission of the draft resolution, and in addition to the delegations listed on the L document, The following countries have also become co-sponsors of A/ES/11/L.10: Antigua and Barbuda, Cape Verde, Fiji, Myanmar, Papua New Guinea, Suriname, and Tonga. I should also like to announce that since the submission of the draft resolution, the delegations of Costa Rica, Hungary, Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, North Macedonia, Palau, and Saint Kitts and Nevis have withdrawn their co-sponsorship of A/ES.11/L.10. If any countries wish to co-sponsor A/ES.11/L.10, please signify by pressing the microphone button now. I see none. So now we move on to L.11. Since the submission of the draft resolution, and in addition to the delegations listed on the L document, the following countries have also become co-sponsors of A/ES.11/L.11. Albania, Argentina, Georgia, Hungary, Israel and North Macedonia. If any other countries wish to co-sponsor A/ES/11/L.11, please signify by pressing the microphone button now. There are none. Next, on to L.12. If any countries wish to co-sponsor A/ES.11/L.12, please signify by pressing the microphone button now. There are no additional co-sponsors for L.12, so now we go on to L.13. Since the submission of the draft amendment, And in addition to the delegations listed on the L document, the following countries have also become co-sponsors of A/ES.11/L.13: Canada, Iceland, Italy, Liechtenstein, Monaco, Norway, the Republic of Moldova and Switzerland. If any other countries wish to co-sponsor A/ES.11/L.13, stroke ES 11 stroke L 13, please signify by pressing the microphone button now. I see Andorra. Next, we move to L 14. If any countries wish to co-sponsor A stroke ES 11 stroke L 14, please signify by pressing the microphone button now. Andorra. That's it. And then next on to L.15. Since the submission of the draft amendment and in addition to the delegations listed on the L document, the following countries have also become co-sponsors of A/ES.11/L.15. Canada, Iceland, Italy, Liechtenstein, Monaco, Norway, the Republic of Moldova, and Switzerland. If any other countries wish to co-sponsor A/ES.11/L.15, please signify by pressing the microphone button now. Andorra, Montenegro. That's it. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the representative of the Secretariat. Delegations wishing to make a statement in explanation of vote before the vote on any proposal item and any proposal under this item, including the proposed amendments, are invited to do so now in one intervention. After action on all of them, There will be an opportunity for explanation of vote after the vote on any or all of them. Before giving the floor for explanation of vote before the vote, may I remind delegation that explanation of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegation from their seats. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of China.

President, China's position on the Ukraine issue has been clear-cut, unequivocal and consistent. No sooner had the crisis begun to escalate on a full scale in February 2022, then Chinese President, His Excellency Mr. Xi Jinping, made it clear that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries must be respected, the purposes and principles of the UN Charter upheld, the party's legitimate security concerns taken seriously, and all pro-peace efforts supported. And these are the fundamental tenets that anchor China's position on the Ukraine issue. The past three years has witnessed China's continuous intensive efforts to make peace talks happen and make peace come true. China sent a special envoy on a proactive mission of shuttle diplomacy and has stayed engaged with the relevant parties, including Russia, Ukraine, the United States, and Europe, calling for adherence three principles, namely no spillover of the battlefield, no escalation of the fighting, and no stoking the fire by any party. Together with Brazil and other countries of the Global South, we set up a Friends for Peace group to pool the wisdom of the Global South and create an important force that supports and pushes for peace. President, as we speak, The calls for a negotiated solution to the Ukraine issue are growing, and the window of opportunity for peace is opening. China supports all efforts dedicated to peace, including the understanding reached between the U.S. and Russia on launching peace talks. China encourages the parties concerned and other stakeholders to participate in the negotiation process, find a just and lasting solution that addresses each other's concerns, and arrive at a binding peace deal that is acceptable to all parties. We hope Europe will contribute to peace. and come together to tackle the root causes of the crisis in the interests of lasting peace and stability on the continent. At this critical juncture, we are counting on the international community to create an enabling atmosphere for a political solution to the crisis and on the UN General Assembly to help forge consensus for peace among member states. China remains committed to searching tirelessly for a political solution and will decide our voting positions on today's two draft resolutions and the amendments thereto in keeping with the principles that we've always stood for. Thank you, President.

I thank the distinguished representative of China. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Paraguay.

Gracias, President.

Thank you, Mr. President. For three years now, the deaths have continued to increase and the devastation has led to terrible humanitarian consequences for the economy and infrastructure. What we all need is an interconnected world, but The situation is disastrous for the countries that are close to the area, that have socio and cultural links to that area. The disaster has gotten worse. It hasn't tapered off in any way. The priority of this General Assembly and all Charter bodies should be to maintain peace and to eradicate war. start putting an end to the continued loss of life. The responsibility of this General Assembly, in addition to condemning the situation, is to act effectively that will provide a framework where the main parties to a conflict are able to arrive at a substantial understanding with regard to their differences. We see that the situation continues unchanged and that a ceasefire is necessary and urgent. because in addition to the belligerent parties, we are seeing a series of threats to security in the immediate area and also for international peace and security. The General Assembly has been, over the last three years, applying the same cures to a disease that is marching on and not stopping. So the countries directly involved are going to be led to ruin, and this organization is going to be further discredited. Paraguay believes the time has come to search a new path, new opportunities, and we feel that the new proposal, L.11, provides us with this, a new opportunity to enter into dialogue, pause the situation, have a dialogue between everyone that is involved to work towards a substantive solution. Paraguay has always supported peace with our positive votes on resolutions approved with regard to this situation, and we want the situation to end. And therefore, we would stress that resolutions ES.11/14 of 2022 and ES.11/6 of 2023, approved by this General Assembly at last meetings of this special emergency session continue to be enforced. They are part of international law. However, It's also true that we now have the opportunity to take another look at the situation in our search for peace and understanding between the parties to the conflict, and Paraguay would like to support this opportunity. For all these reasons, Paraguay will vote in favor of proposal L.11, and we will abstain on proposal L.10. Thank you very much.

The representative of Paraguay. And now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Indonesia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Indonesia has consistently called for an immediate cessation of hostilities to end the war in Ukraine and for peace to prevail. This position is firmly rooted in Indonesia's principled foreign policy, one that upholds the UN Charter, adherence to international law, respects territorial integrity, and promotes peaceful settlement of dispute through an inclusive process. Our President has repeatedly reaffirmed Indonesia's commitment to peace in Ukraine, and has even contributed by putting forward a peace proposal to push the parties towards negotiation and a comprehensive settlement. Lasting peace requires all parties to sit together and give diplomacy a chance to end a conflict that continues to have grave humanitarian consequences. The devastation that emanates from conflict in Ukraine is undeniable, both for the Ukrainian people as well as to the world at large, including to the Global South. Therefore, Indonesia believes that the General Assembly, through this emergency special session, must send a strong and unified message, not that of a division, in response to this situation. Indonesia hopes that any decision taken by the General Assembly today reflects a genuine commitment to resolving the conflict. We must ensure that any resolution adopted here in the Assembly is not merely symbolic. It must be future-proof, genuinely advances peace, and effectively implementable. At this critical juncture, we cannot afford resolutions that merely serve as trophies on a shelf. Let us, therefore, work together to uphold the following principles: respect to the UN Charter, international law, and human rights; respect to territorial integrity of any nation; ensure that double standards have no place in the multilateral system; and to guarantee that peace prevails through peaceful settlement of dispute based on an inclusive process that addresses the concerns of all parties. Indonesia's position today on any document will reflect our firm commitment to these principles. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa.

Thank you, Mr. President. Today, we mark the third anniversary of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The failure to resolve this conflict at its outbreak is a stark indictment of the commitment to the central tenet of this Organization, which is the peaceful resolution of conflict. South Africa continues to call for the urgent cessation of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in order to prevent the further loss of life and the destruction of Ukraine's infrastructure. Every effort must be made to de-escalate the conflict. South Africa remains firmly committed to the need for a peaceful, a negotiated resolution of the conflict within a rules-based system centered on international law, including the respect for human rights and the principles of the UN Charter. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states remain inviolable. In this light, South Africa supports all efforts to bring the conflict to an end and welcomes all efforts to bring about negotiations. We remain steadfast in our commitment to peaceful resolution of the conflict through a negotiated settlement with all parties to the conflict having a seat at the table. We have always maintained that a commitment to inclusivity is key to deliver the buy-in of all parties to the conflict and to provide acceptable solutions to the parties. The importance of compromise cannot be overemphasized in this instance, and we thus encourage the parties to approach the negotiation talks as such. South Africa stated this at the conference held in Switzerland last year, and we state it again today. Mr. President, while South Africa acknowledges that the resolution before this Assembly recognizes the centrality of the principles of the UN Charter and that it speaks to a cessation of hostilities. South Africa maintains that the current resolution does not go far enough in terms of inclusivity and creating a positive momentum towards a peaceful negotiation. South Africa reiterates the importance to make real and meaningful progress towards the peace rather than contribute to what's further divisiveness. We have had resolutions similar to this over the last three years, yet the war continues. As members of the General Assembly, representing the international community, we should, through our words and actions, take actions that promote peace. If you continue doing what we have been doing, and it doesn't reap positive results, then we should consider a different approach. We are at the point of inflection in this conflict, with the urgency to seize the momentum towards a negotiated settlement. There is currently an opportunity that is being presented to this assembly to reflect on the approach to this particular conflict and perhaps take a different path towards peace. It is our view that the current text does not resonate with the renewed impetus towards a negotiated settlement. In conclusion, Mr. President, South Africa urges the parties to the conflict to begin to identify areas of common interest rather than to continue upon divergent ground. It is in this context that South Africa will abstain from this resolution as proposed by Ukraine. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United States.

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, the United States urges member states to vote no on the European Union and Russian Federation amendments to the U.S. draft resolution. We cannot support them. These amendments pursue a war of words rather than an end to the war. They attempt to add the they the attempt to add this language detracts from what we are trying to achieve with this forward-looking resolution. a firm consensus from the members of this body to unite behind a resolution calling for the end to this conflict. We urge other members to join us in rejecting these amendments as we work toward the goal of building a lasting peace between Ukraine and Russia. I would ask all members to remember that the U.S. resolution is not the peace deal. It is the path to peace. Mr. President, if these amendments pass, the United States would consider that the resolution will no longer be able to achieve the consensus of this body on the most solemn pursuit, the pursuit of peace. Neither these amendments nor the resolution offered by Ukraine will stop the killing. The UN must stop the killing. We urge all Member States to join us in returning the UN to its core mission of international peace and security. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United States. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Spain.

Thank you, Mr. President. It's been three years now since the unprovoked and unjustified and unjustifiable Russian attack against Ukraine, and I'd like to begin by reiterating the firm condemnation of Spain against this act. It is contrary to the most elementary principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, as we have seen in successive resolutions of this General Assembly. Russia continues today with its indiscriminate bombing against civilians and civilian infrastructure that is critical, flagrantly violating international humanitarian law. According to the UN Office for Human Rights, At least 12,000 civilians have died in Ukraine since the beginning of the conflict, very many of them children. These crimes cannot go unpunished. We reiterate the need to ensure adequate accountability. In this... situation, Spain has provided and will continue to provide our decisive support, diplomatically, humanitarian, and in the area of construction and military support to Ukraine for their legitimate defense. This is recognized by Article 51 of the UN Charter. Bilaterally and as a member of the European Union, Spanish society has also responded with a lot of solidarity for the Ukrainian people. We have welcomed 230,000 Ukrainians since the crisis started, opening up our schools and hospitals and communities to them. in coming weeks and months. Nothing that we insist that nothing that affects Ukraine's future must be done without Ukraine. There needs to be a path towards a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, and that has to include Ukraine. Ukraine and the Ukrainians have to lead their own peace process as heroically they have been defending their country. They have to it is has to be Ukraine that will decide on the conditions for the beginning and conclusion of the peace negotiations. The international community cannot allow peace at any price or for Russia to be rewarded for having attacked a member state of this organization. The peace achieved must be peace based on international law and the United Nations Charter. Otherwise, international order and border stability, not only in Europe but throughout the world, will be in danger. Finally, We once again demand the immediate, unconditional, complete withdrawal of Russian troops from all of Ukraine's territory, from the borders internationally recognised. This is an attack against the principles of the Charter and it must not continue one day longer. And for all of these reasons, Mr. President, we have co-sponsored and we will be voting in favour of resolution L10.

The distinguished representative of Spain. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Pakistan.

Mr. President, as this Assembly meets today, the conflict in Ukraine continues to rage three years since it erupted, inflicting unimaginable suffering on millions of people and leaving a trail of destruction and misery. And so far, even as the military and humanitarian crisis has intensified, the pursuit of peace has remained largely absent and elusive. Pakistan is deeply concerned by this conflict that has caused immense human suffering and massive damage to infrastructure, economy, and society. It has had vast consequences for the global economy, and particularly for the developing countries. Most ominously, if the hostilities continue, there is an ever-present danger of further military and geographical escalation of this conflict, which poses a clear and significant threat to international peace and security. Pakistan's position on this as other conflicts, is based on adherence to the principles of the UN Charter: self-determination for peoples, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and non-acquisition of territory by the threat or use of force. Consistent with the Charter, states must also implement international agreements and abide by their respective obligations and respond to the legitimate security interests of all states. Mr. President, Pakistan regrets that the principles of the UN Charter have not been universally or consistently applied. In particular, these principles have been flagrantly violated for over decades in the brutal foreign occupation of Jammu and Kashmir and Palestine. The resolutions of the Security Council calling for the exercise of the right to self-determination by the peoples of Kashmir and Palestine remain to be implemented, imperiling international peace and security. International law and justice must be upheld everywhere. Mr. President, we believe the conflict in Ukraine could have been averted through dialogue and diplomacy. It must be brought to an end now, urgently, through constructive and inclusive diplomacy. As a country that has seen and suffered the consequences of prolonged conflict in our neighborhood, Pakistan has consistently advocated immediate cessation of hostilities and resumption of dialogue to achieve a just, lasting, and durable solution to this conflict. Pakistan, therefore, endorses the call for an urgent and swift end to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. and the pursuit of active diplomatic efforts to achieve enduring peace. We see merit in the resolution proposed by the U.S. in this regard. Pakistan had welcomed the early mediatory efforts by Turkey. We also saw value in the endeavor of some countries from the global south to promote a peaceful settlement. We are encouraged that efforts to bring an end to this conflict have gathered wider momentum. We take note of the recent high-level contacts between the U.S. and Russian leadership, and commend the role played by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in facilitating dialogue and diplomacy. Mr. President, Pakistan would welcome any initiative which helps lead the parties to arrive at a pacific and sustainable settlement of this tragic conflict. through constructive and inclusive diplomacy in full respect for the UN Charter, international law, and relevant multilateral agreements, and which is responsive to the legitimate national security interests of all sides. To this end, Pakistan stands ready to play a constructive role in this Assembly, in the Security Council, and in other forums to promote effective and inclusive diplomatic endeavors aimed at bringing a swift end to this conflict in accordance with international law and the UN Charter. As we vote on different proposals today, we hope everyone will come together, united for peace. We must not miss this opportunity. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan And I'll give the floor to the distinguished representative of Azerbaijan.

Mr. President, after three years, the situation in Iran-Ukraine continues to pose a serious threat to peace and security at the regional and global levels. Of particular concern is an increased humanitarian impact as civilians bear the major burden of hostilities. Azerbaijan stands for the earliest peaceful settlement through diplomatic means in full compliance with the norms and the principles of international law guiding interstate relations, in particular those relating to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the inviolability of borders, and encourage the dialogue between the parties to that end. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Azerbaijan and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Canada.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Distinguished colleagues, we're all here meeting together for the cause of peace. And on this, everyone seems to be in agreement. But will this be peace with justice or not? This is the question that we have today. The three past years of the Russian aggression, according to the Office of Human Rights, 12,000 people have died. But according to other information, they are drone attacks on Kyiv. More than 10 million people have been displaced. 2 million houses were damaged or destroyed throughout the country of Ukraine. The situation is worsening. Last year, children work. killed in greater numbers and schools destroyed, more of them than the year before. Three years ago, when I spoke several days after the invasion by Russia, and I'm saying this today again, that the actions by Russia is a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter, of its purposes and principles. the sovereign equality of all states, the right of all people to self-determination, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the prohibition on the using of force. President Putin continued with his war of aggression. We have been receiving huge amounts of Russia's violations of international humanitarian law, international law of torture, sexual torture, arbitrary execution of prisoners of war, targeting civilians and civilian infrastructures, in particular, electricity generators, and the illegal abducting of children from the territory of Ukraine. This is what we need to be talking about and acting on together.

That while we are meeting and while we are talking, the drones are falling, falling even while international leaders are meeting in Kyiv. Let us be clear, nothing justifies this war, these annexations of Ukrainian territory after sham votes at gunpoint. Canada will be voting yes in favour of the Ukrainian motions and in favour of amendments that speak out on the principles of the United Nations and the principles of the Charter. We believe that the evidence shows that President Putin wants to expand a new Russian empire. That goal is incompatible with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. Mr. President, Canada wants peace for Ukraine. The world wants peace. Ukraine wants peace more than any member state here. The question is, what kind of peace will it be? Will it be a peace based on justice and on the Charter and on the principles for which we stand? Or will it be a peace that is a result of an imposition? The cost of colonialism at gunpoint, the cost of Ukraine's children, of its territory. These costs are too high. No state has the right to call on another to make these kinds of sacrifices. We must not accept the lie that of all equal sovereign states, Russia's course is now somehow fixed, unmovable, and that we must discard the UN Charter to accommodate President Putin's imperial ambitions. Russia could end this war today. They could stop the drones today. They could make sure they don't drop on children tonight. They can send their troops home today. We welcome the support of Member States for Ukraine's resolution. We once more urge all Member States to condemn the actions of Russia. Together, we must stand for the values of the UN Charter, that Russia has tried and tries each and every day to destroy. Ukrainians have been fighting and dying not just to protect their sovereignty and their territory. They're fighting for all of us. They're fighting to protect the principles that are enshrined in the UN Charter that have, after all, prevented worldwide war for close to 80 years now. The peace that Ukraine seeks as the Secretary General said yesterday, is a just, a sustainable, and a comprehensive peace, one that fully upholds Ukraine's sovereignty, its independence, its territorial integrity within borders that are internationally recognized in accordance with the UN Charter, with international law, and with the resolutions of the General Assembly. Mr. President, as I close, I want to say to the delegation from Ukraine and to the people and government of Ukraine, you are fighting for us all. You are not just fighting for your own country. What you have borne for three years is literally unbearable. We are inspired by your bravery, and we must match your bravery with our own courage today. We are standing with you. Canada will always stand up for Ukraine. Thank you very much, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Canada. We have heard the last speaker in the explanation of vote before the vote. Before proceeding further, I wish to address the question concerning the majority required for the adoption of the draft resolutions. I would like to remind members that rule 84 of the rules of procedure provide as follows, and I quote, "Decisions of the General Assembly on amendments to proposals relating to important questions and on parts of such proposals put to the vote separately shall be made by a two-third majority of the members present and voting." End of quote. Therefore, it is decided that a two-third majority of the members present and voting is required for the adoption of the draft resolution A/ES.11/L.11. The adoption of draft amendments A/ES.11/L.12 to L.15 would also require two-third majority of the members present and voting. In light of Article 18, paragraphs 2 and 3 of the Charter of the United Nations, is there any objection to taking action on draft resolution A/ES.11/L.10 and L.11 by a two-third majority of the members present and voting? I see no objections. The two-third majority of members present and voting is therefore required for the adoption of draft resolutions A/ES.11/L.10 and L.11. The two-third majority of members present and voting is therefore also required for the adoption of draft amendments A/ES.11/L.12 to L.15. The Assembly will turn to draft resolution A/ES.11/L.10 and L.11.1 by one. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolutions A/ES.11/L.10 entitled advancing a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution A/ES.11/L.10, please signify. Those against, Abstentions.

The Assembly is now voting on draft resolution A/ES/11/L.10, entitled "Advancing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine". Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed. Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows: in favor 93, against 18, abstentions 65. Draft resolution A/ES.11/L.10 is adopted. Before we proceed to take action on draft resolution A/ES.11/L.11, in accordance with rule 90 of the rules of procedure, the Assembly shall first take a decision on draft amendments A/ES.11/L.12 to L.15, one by one. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft amendment A/ES.11/L.12. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft amendment A/ES.11/L.12, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Assembly is now voting on draft amendment A/ES.11/L.12. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed. Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows. In favour 31, against 71, abstention 59. The draft amendment A/ES.11/A L12 is not adopted. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft amendment A/ES11/L13. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft amendment A/ES11/L13, Please signify those against, abstentions.

The Assembly is now voting on draft amendment A/ES.11/L.13. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed. Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows: in favour 60, against 18, abstentions 81. The draft amendment A/ES.11/L.13 is adopted. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft amendment A/ES.11/L.14. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft amendment A/ES.11/L.14, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Assembly is now voting on draft amendment A/ES.11/L.14. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed. Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows: in favour 79, against 16, abstentions 67. The draft amendment A/ES.11/L.14 is adopted. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft amendment A/ES.11/L.15. A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favour of draft amendment A/ES.11/L.15, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Assembly is now voting on draft amendment A/ES.11/L.15. Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed. Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows: in favour 83, against 16, abstentions 61. The draft amendment A/ES.11/L.15 is adopted. Since the draft amendment A/ES.11/L.13, L.14, and L.15 were adopted, we shall proceed to take action on draft resolution A/ES. ES11/L11 as amended. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolution A/ES11/L11 as amended, entitled The Path to Peace. In absence of request for a recorded vote, May I take it? I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ukraine.

Thank you, Mr. President. The delegation of Ukraine would like to request a recorded vote on the draft resolution A/ES/11/L.11. Thank you.

A recorded vote has been requested. We shall now begin the voting process. Those in favor of draft resolution A/ES.11/L.11 as amended, please signify. Those against, abstentions.

The Assembly is now voting on draft resolution A/ES.11/L.11 as amended, entitled "The Path to Peace". Will all delegations confirm that their votes are accurately reflected on the screen? The voting has been completed. Please lock the machine.

The result of the vote is as follows. In favor, 93. Against, 8. Abstention, 73. Draft resolution A/ES.11/L.11, as amended, is adopted. Before giving the floor for explanation of vote after the vote, may I remind delegation that explanations of vote on any and all of the proposals and the amendment are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. I give the floor to His Excellency Dag Artelius, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden, on behalf of Nordic countries.

Mr. President, I have the honor to speak on behalf of the five Nordic countries, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and my own country, Sweden. Today, we mark three years since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, a Russian war of choice, a war that Russia could end by a single order from its president. For three years, Ukraine has defended its people and shown remarkable resilience. During these three years, this General Assembly has repeatedly and overwhelmingly reaffirmed its commitment to the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Mr. President, no one feels the effects of the war more than Ukraine and its people. No one wants peace more than Ukraine. But it needs to be a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace. the peace in accordance with international law, including the rules and principles of the UN Charter. Russia and other potential aggressors must now draw the conclusion that violations of international law will pass without consequences. Such conclusions would risk renewed aggression and undermine global security. Russia must be held to account for the crimes it has committed in and against Ukraine, including for the crime of aggression. Let's be clear, this is not a conflict between two parties. This is a war in which Russia, a permanent UN Security Council member no less, is the aggressor and Ukraine is the victim. The fundamental starting point for any conflict resolution is that the injured party be part of the process. Ukraine must be involved in any negotiations. Likewise, Europe must be involved in decisions that affect the core of European security. The Nordic message is clear. Respect for international law, including the UN Charter, must be ensured. UN member states need a world order based on universally agreed rules, not the imperial ambitions of individual rulers. Mr. President, the Nordics were proud to co-sponsor the resolution presented by Ukraine and more than 50 other UN member states. The resolution called for de-escalation cessation of hostilities and set the foundation for just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the Honourable Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sweden. I give the floor to the Distinguished Representative of Thailand.

President, Thailand reiterates its unequivocal adherence to our principles and purposes enshrined in the UN Charter and its commitment to upholding international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Our votes today reflect such longstanding position. As we convene today, President, three years have passed since the conflict began in Ukraine, which has caused affected international peace and stability. Thailand remains steadfast in its support for meaningful dialogue aimed at ending fighting and achieving a sustainable and lasting solution to the conflict. We urge all parties to engage in constructive dialogue and diplomacy to resolve the crisis peacefully. Thailand welcomes recent diplomatic efforts toward this end and looks forward to the outcomes, we should take into account concerns of all sides. We reiterate our deep concern for the humanitarian situation and reaffirm our collective responsibility to alleviate the plight of civilians affected by the ongoing situation. Civilians and civilian objects must be protected. While all parties concerned must ensure safe, rapid, and unhindered access to humanitarian assistance without discrimination or politicization. On our part, Thailand will continue to support humanitarian efforts for those in need. Thailand, through the Thai Red Cross Society and other entities, has long provided humanitarian assistance to civilians affected by this conflict, including the recent procurement of power generators. President, as a true believer in multilateralism and the rule of law, Thailand is in full support of diplomatic efforts, dialogue, and peace. We join the international community in calling for a de-escalation of conflict immediate cessation of hostilities and a lasting peace in Ukraine at this critical juncture. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Thailand. And now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Kuwait on behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council.

Shukran, Sayed Al Rais.

Thank you, Mr. President. In the name of God, the most full of compassionate, we are happy to deliver this statement on behalf of the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council: Qatar, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the Sultanate of Oman, and my country, the Kingdom of Kuwait. The members of the GCC have abstained from voting on the draft resolution presented by Ukraine, and we've also abstained from voting on the draft resolution presented by the United States. We reiterate our position, firm position, for respect for the principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, which govern relations between member states. as well as the world order that is based on respect for the sovereignty of states and their territorial integrity and their sovereignty and non-interference in their affairs and respect for good neighborly relations. In this regard, we would recall Article 2 of the Charter, which says that member states have to solve their various disputes through peaceful means and to abstain from using force or threatening to use force in international relations. In that regard, the members of the GCC reiterate our support for the mediation and dialogue efforts between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Ukraine. A ceasefire is needed to resolve the crisis through political means. we must give priority to dialogue through mediation and negotiations. President, the GCC states are attached to a resolution to the conflict in Ukraine as soon as possible, and to seeing this resolved through diplomatic means in order to arrive at a global solution that will make it possible to maintain international peace and security. We have taken positions to bring together the positions between the parties to the conflict. Over the last three years, we have assumed the role of mediation, and that has enabled us to ensure the release of hostages between the two parties. We also want to... shed light on uh the uh on efforts that could change the conflict and could bring about a just and lasting Global solution in the Republic of Ukraine in accordance with the two resolutions that were adopted today indeed last Tuesday the kingdom of Saudi Arabia hosted discussions between the foreign affairs minister of the Russian Federation and the foreign affairs minister of the United States, Secretary of State. We hope this will be a first step towards solving the conflict. The UAE is also pursuing mediation efforts for an exchange of prisoners between the two countries that has made it possible to release 2,883 prisoners since the beginning of the conflict. And lastly, at the beginning of this month, 300 prisoners were released. In the same way, we would refer to Qatar's mediation efforts that have made it possible for 75 children from Ukraine and the Russian Federation to rejoin their families. And lastly, that was on the 14th of February 2025. The members of the GCC will continue their efforts, President, aimed at arriving at serious solutions that will make it possible to put an end to the bloodshed and the military conflict and put an end once and for all to the conflict. The successive crises have proven that there is no military solution to any crisis. The solution is in dialogue and negotiations in order to bring about a political solution. In conclusion, the Arab members of the Gulf Cooperation Council would like to mention the tireless efforts of the United Nations and humanitarian organizations to meet the urgent humanitarian needs of civilians. We'd also like to thank the Secretary-General for his ongoing efforts aimed at responding to this crisis. We call upon the parties involved to commit to serious negotiations in order to arrive at an agreement that will put an end to the current crisis and will make it possible to bring about regional and international stability. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Kuwait. Now I give the floor to Her Excellency Lotte Madsen, State Secretary for Foreign Policy of Denmark.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Exactly three years ago today, Russia launched its illegal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It did so in clear violation of the UN Charter, in continuation of what it started in 2014. Russia's aggression has resulted in a long and brutal war with terrible consequences. It's a war that had caused and continues to cause tremendous humanitarian suffering, hundreds of thousands killed, millions more displaced, and almost 13 million people in humanitarian need. Today we have gathered here in the General Assembly to show our solidarity with the plight of Ukraine. Our aim is to advance on a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, grounded in the principles of the Charter. To ensure that our calls for peace leave absolutely no doubt about the UN membership's commitment to the UN principles, the UN Charter and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of nations. Let there be no doubt, no one wants peace more than Ukraine. We therefore welcome all efforts to bring this senseless war to an end. It needs to be a just, a lasting, and a comprehensive peace. The General Assembly resolution by the United States goes in that direction. With the adopted improvements to the text, it aligns with our shared vision for genuine peace and diplomacy. It refers to the core values we collectively must uphold, the sovereignty, the territorial integrity of states, which are and continues to be the basic principles of the Charter. The resolution correctly states there is only one aggressor, Russia, and one victim, Ukraine, in this savage war. It also underlines that for any peace to be just, lasting and comprehensive, and in full compliance with the UN Charter, we must ensure that Ukraine's security, territorial integrity and sovereignty are upheld. In our view, this resolution complements the resolution on advancing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, which we co-sponsored and supported. This is why Denmark has decided to vote yes to the US draft resolution with the adopted improvements. I thank you.

I thank Her Excellency, the State Secretary for Foreign Policy of Denmark. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Singapore.

Mr. President, as a staunch supporter of international law.

And the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. Singapore firmly believes that the sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of all countries, big or small, must be respected. The invasion of one country by another under any pretext cannot be justified. It is for this reason that Singapore has always taken a clear, consistent and principled position on Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which is a clear violation of international law and the UN Charter. For small states like Singapore, upholding international law and the UN Charter is a matter of existential importance. Singapore is also deeply committed to the cause of securing peace and the peaceful settlement of disputes. in accordance with the principles of international law as enshrined in the UN Charter. We call on all parties involved in this conflict to negotiate in good faith and step up efforts to bring an end to the hostilities. Mr. President, Singapore has voted in favour of the resolutions tabled by both Ukraine and the United States.

It is our hope that the adoption of these resolutions.

Will pave the way for a cessation of hostilities and create the foundation for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace. I thank you very much for your attention.

I thank the distinguished representative of Singapore. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Ecuador.

Gracias.

Thank you, Mr. President. Today is three years since the war in Ukraine began that continues to cause suffering and death and continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. At the first session of this 11th emergency special session held on the 28th of February of 2022, a broad majority of the international community anticipated that the war would continue unless the weapons were laid down. And we see the increasing needs for the population to be protected, including women, children, and those in situations of vulnerability, in addition to the serious food security situation that this conflict has created. President, since this war began, Ecuador has clearly expressed our position in line with the pillars of our foreign policy that are based on the promotion of peace and the peaceful settlement of international disputes and a rejection of the threat of force or the use of force. Our own experience in our country has shown us that conflicts that are very complex can have a peaceful solution if it's found. We firmly believe that the time has come to put an end to this war that has led to the loss of uh tens of thousands of lives history has taught us that military means uh do not bring sustainable peace uh and that all conflicts in the last instance end up through being solved through negotiations therefore in the uh Summit that was held in 2024 for peace in Ukraine in Switzerland our president Daniel nooa provided his good offices for a peaceful solution to this conflict. And it's in that regard that we feel it's urgent that the parties show political willingness, as was expressed by the Secretary of State of the United States, leading to a sustainable peace. The international community and this organization must provide their support to these efforts and create the necessary conditions for putting an end to the conflict and giving a real impetus to peace. That is why, although Ecuador was not able to vote for a situation beyond our control. We were in favor of the original text, the draft resolution that was put forward by the United States, as well as in favor of the draft resolution presented by Ukraine with the support of the European Union. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Ecuador. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Colombia.

Mr. President, the delegation of Colombia abstained on the draft resolution presented by the Government of the United States with regard to Ukraine, bearing in mind the tradition of adherence to international law and negotiated solution to disputes. That has been Colombia's historic position. The Colombian government has been emphatic in opposing war and all actions that attempt to continue with a war over time and that move away from a frank discussion on an equal footing between the parties. Colombia is opposed to any attempt to exclude one of the parties involved in the war from the negotiating process aimed at providing a lasting response to the conflict. on the understanding that it is only with the participation of both sides that we can see just and lasting peace come about. We also abstained from supporting the resolution, drawing attention to the lack of action for a definitive end to the crisis that would put an end to genocide in the Gaza Strip and the violence generated in the occupied Palestinian territories. The deployment of actions of the Global North in Ukraine is a worrying contrast compared to the inaction of allowing for the systemic violation against the Palestinian people. We would call for an immediate ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine that would lead to negotiations for a just and lasting peace. Colombia voted in favor of human rights, and that's why, once again, we express our firm willingness to support efforts to resolve conflicts and build peace, always with the participation of all parties involved. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Colombia. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Qatar.

Thank you, Mr. President. We ask for the floor to explain our vote after the vote on the draft resolutions that were proposed within the 11th emergency special session of the United Nations. Nations General Assembly, here, Qatar would like to renew its principled position on the Russian-Ukrainian crisis, which is based on the United Nations Charter's purposes, especially Article 2, paragraph 4 of the Charter, which forbids the use of force or threatening the use of force in international relations. We call upon all member states to respect the territorial integrity and the independent and and political independence of other states. Qatar renews its call on all parties to engage in negotiations to put an end to this suffering that has had many negative repercussions on the humanitarian side and has affected the global arena. Qatar has exerted humanitarian and diplomatic efforts extensively to participate in resolving this crisis. These efforts are an extension of the state of Qatar's approach to mediation and the peaceful resolution of conflict. And here, the state of Qatar welcomes the fact that the King of Saudi Arabia is hosting talks between Russia and the United the Russian Federation and the United States and we reiterate our support for these efforts to put an end to this crisis. Qatar renews its belief that dialogue is the best solution to disputes and we reiterate our full readiness to participate in any international regional effort that aims at finding an immediate and peaceful resolution to this crisis. We also reiterate our interest in keeping all channels of communication open with all interested parties. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Qatar. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Timor-Leste.

Thank you, Mr. President. Timor-Leste voted in favor of the resolution aimed at fostering a comprehensive, just, and enduring peace in Ukraine. We underscore the significance of upholding sovereignty, territorial integrity, and adherence to international law. We welcome the ongoing talks between the U.S. and Russia to end the conflict and call for the wider involvement of all parties in the conflict for a lasting peace in Ukraine. We recognize that the ongoing conflict in Ukraine poses a serious threat not only to its citizens, but also to global stability and security. The Morality Call for a swift end to the conflict and urges a lasting peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. Mr. Chair, our endorsements of the resolutions tabled by the Ukraine and the U.S. is based on the following core principles. First, we affirmed the sovereignty and territorial boundaries of every nation, including Ukraine, must be honored and safeguarded. Second, we condemn the severe human rights violations and humanitarian crisis resulting from aggression. We urgently call for an immediate halt to hostilities. Third, we advocate for resolving the conflict through inclusive diplomacy, dialogue, and political negotiations in line with the UN Charter and international legal standards. We urge all parties involved in the conflict to stop fighting, respect international law, and strive for a peaceful settlement that prioritizes the health, dignity, and well-being of the Ukrainian people.

I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Timor-Leste. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of New Zealand.

New Zealand co-sponsored and voted in support of the resolution entitled "Advancing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine". New Zealand also voted in favour of the amended Path to Peace resolution, in line with New Zealand's support for all efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just, and lasting end to this war as soon as possible. It has been three years since Russia commenced its illegal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. New Zealand has consistently denounced that invasion, which was a grave breach of international law, including the UN Charter. New Zealand remains committed to upholding the Charter and international law, including the core rules and norms that underpin international peace and security. This includes respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the prohibitions on the use of force and the threat of use of force. New Zealand maintains that Russia's invasion was illegal and unprovoked, and breached the prohibition on the use of force in Article 2.4 of the Charter. Our positions today are grounded on those core principles. This war has had a horrific human cost. It has caused immense suffering to the people of Ukraine. and has significantly impacted regional and global stability. We welcome the effort that all parties are bringing to the shared endeavor of ending this conflict. We acknowledge the renewed energy the US has brought to these efforts. In seeking an end to this war, it is vital that we do so in a way that best achieves a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in accordance with international law. To do otherwise would be inconsistent with the principles and purposes of this grand organization. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of New Zealand. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Today, we are gathered here once again for an emergency special session of the General Assembly, solemnly commemorating the third anniversary of a war of aggression waged by a permanent member of the Security Council against a sovereign state. This blatant violation of the principles of the UN Charter continues to bring immense suffering to innocent people. There are two goals that everyone can agree on. One, this senseless and unlawful war must come to an end as soon as possible. And two, we must strive to uphold the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and international law. Now is the time to gather our wisdom and determination to achieve both objectives simultaneously as much as possible. In this light, the Republic of Korea voted in favor of both resolutions proposed by Ukraine and the United States, as well as the amendments to the U.S. text proposed by the European countries. Mr. President, for the past three years, the war in Ukraine has inflicted unspeakable suffering and devastation. The tears of innocent civilians have long overflowed and are now nearly exhausted. Moreover, this war is now perilously globalized, with the security threats in Europe and Asia becoming ever more interconnected. No one imagined that North Korea would take part in this unjust war when it began. As explicitly stated in Ukraine's resolution today, for the first time, the involvement of North Korean forces in Ukraine, in addition to the procurement and the use of DPRK weaponry, is deeply troubling. The illegal military cooperation between Russia and DPRK, in blatant violation of multiple Security Council resolutions, must stop immediately. Mr. President, As this senseless war has continued for three years, we support diplomatic efforts and negotiations, though long overdue, to end this war. At this vital juncture, the international community must summon the collective wisdom and the resolve to ensure a peace settlement that brings about a just outcome and sustainable peace, and to guarantee that such tragedies never occur again. The Republic of Korea reaffirms its commitment to assisting the Ukrainian people as they persevere over the current hardship and rebuild their nation. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Republic of Korea. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba.

Thank you, President. We have repeatedly pointed out to this General Assembly the consequences of an increasingly offensive military doctrine of the United States and NATO, which is leading to the progressive expansion of NATO beyond its borders. Today, the conflict in Ukraine has been leading to human losses and great material losses. The growing flow of arms and the aggressive rhetoric and the unilateral sanctions have only led to an exacerbation of the situation on the ground and regional and international tensions and have prolonged the conflict. Despite the changes made to the draft resolution L10, the text still contains divisive, confrontational aspects, politicized aspects that do not really contribute to dialogue and negotiation to achieve genuine, lasting peace with the participation of all the parties involved. It does not take into account the legitimate concerns that everyone has or recognize the responsibility of those that instigated aggressive actions that led to the breakout of the conflict. That's why Cuba abstained. What we need is a serious diplomatic solution that is constructive, realistic, achieved by peaceful means, in adherence with international law that will guarantee the security and sovereignty of all. Cuba has insisted on this before this General Assembly consistently. In this regard, we have expressed our support for the joint proposal presented by China and Brazil for the peaceful settlement of the crisis in accordance with Cuba's defense of peace and multilateralism. We once again state our commitment, unfailing commitment, to the UN Charter and international law. and the independence and sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the self-determination of peoples, as well as our firm position with regard to the use of force or the threat of the use of force against any state. Thank you very much.

Thank the distinguished representative of Cuba. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia.

Thank you, Mr. President. We meet here today after three years have passed since the war on Ukraine started. And since the crisis began, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has called for de-escalation and for the protection of civilians and for the peaceful resolution of conflict through dialogue and an end to hostilities. in a manner that would contribute to the restatement of peace and stability in the world. We have offered initiatives and efforts, and His Highness the heir apparent has succeeded in efforts to secure an exchange of prisoners between the two sides. We've also stressed the importance of meeting humanitarian needs that have increased since the war began. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has offered humanitarian aid to Ukraine in response to these needs. Moreover, we hosted the Jeddah meeting on the Ukraine crisis. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reiterates the relations that exceptional relations it enjoys with all parties and its firm position on the need to abide by the laws, the rules of international law, and the United Nations Charter and their principles. Our delegation today voted on the draft resolutions. And this vote stems from the role it shoulders in its genuine efforts to find a just resolution to this crisis and to take advantage of conditions that may not be repeated to reach the settlement. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is facilitating and hosting meetings that aim at establishing peace and stability in the world. We hope that these current efforts would contribute towards reaching a resolution to the Ukrainian crisis and would lead to a lasting peace through political and diplomatic means that would bolster international peace and security and would save the world from the further humanitarian and security and economic repercussions. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Turkey.

Mr. President, let me start by thanking Your Excellency for convening this emergency session. After three years of intense conflict with immense humanitarian consequences, the war in Ukraine continues to have profound global implications for international peace and security. It has now become apparent that military means fail to bring peace. And yet, the ultimate solution still lies in diplomacy. We have been witnessing that recently, the calls for diplomacy, dialogue, and negotiations are gaining momentum. It is our sincere hope that the current efforts constitute the beginning of the end of the conflict, and consequently pave the way for peace. Mr. President, even though the latest developments may seem like a novelty for some, They correspond to the longstanding position of Turkey, a consistent proponent for a peaceful resolution of this conflict in line with the UN Charter. Since the very beginning, we have been advocating that the focus should be on reaching a just and lasting solution through negotiations and diplomacy, while warning against the risks of escalation in the region. With that in mind, Turkey has remained in direct contact with both sides and opted to communicating messages without intermediaries. In the meanwhile, we have continued to support Ukraine's territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence. Ultimately, a just peace can only be achieved through direct dialogue and mutual understanding. The basic principle has shaped our approach to conflict since this out since its outset. From Istanbul talks in March 2022 to Black Sea Grain Initiative and the exchange of prisoners of war, Turkey has actively pursued diplomacy and achieved concrete results. As ever, today we stand ready to facilitate an end to this war through negotiations. Mr. President, The responsibility of building peace should not be imposed on neither one country nor a group of limited number of countries. It is time that we focus our efforts on a realistic and, above all, viable peace. Now more than ever, it is necessary to have both sides of the conflict present in the process in order for the peace talks to be successful. As Turkey, we remain committed to playing our part in the pursuit of just and sustainable peace. Turkish votes for both resolutions today and amendments were carefully shaped to reflect this principled policy. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Turkey. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Russian Federation.

Mr. President, I'm not going to explain the reasons as to why Russia voted against the EU-Ukrainian draft. They're obvious, and we've named them many times. The only explanation here is the reason we voted against the American draft. Unfortunately, the absence of our amendment stating that we need to eradicate the root causes of the conflict, and also after the European amendment understandings were taken in, the essence of it has become completely distorted. As a result, instead of an appeal for peace, which originally was put in there by the American colleagues, we ended up with yet another anti-Russian piece of paper which is distorting the truth, which is creating unrealistic expectations, presenting as regards the way the international community can settle the Ukrainian crisis. This way, yet another opportunity was lost to hear from the General Assembly an appeal for fair, equitable, sustainable peace in Ukraine, taking into account the realities on the ground. We were ready to support that, but the EU and their supporters deprived us of this opportunity, thus having devalued and bankrupted the American draft. Under these conditions, we had to vote against a product which was unrealistic and not viable. And I think that today, our American colleagues have seen for themselves that the road to peace in Ukraine will not be an easy one, and there will be many who will try to make sure that the peace doesn't come for as long as possible. But this shouldn't stop us. We appreciated the initiative of the United States, and we do hope that this will be followed by other new initiatives which will finally set aside the party of war in Europe. This is important. This is important, first and foremost, to save Ukraine and the Ukrainians, which are being sacrificed by the expired Ukrainian president in order to save himself and enrich himself. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Syrian Arab Republic.

Thank you, Mr. President. I thank you for giving me the floor to explain the vote of the Syrian Arab Republic. The new Syrian leadership, Mr. President, has declared its commitment to a balanced foreign policy that is based on the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and aims to establish amicable and friendly relations with all members of the United Nations based on the principle of mutual respect as well as common interests. and in a manner that would bolster efforts to achieve peace and stability throughout the world, away from the policies of axes and political polarization. Therefore, my country abstained on voting on the draft resolutions and the pursuant amendments. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Syrian Arab Republic. Now I give the floor to distinguished representative of Tunisia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Tunisia voted in favor of the two resolutions presented to the General Assembly today, and this is because we firmly believe in the principles of international law. On the Ukrainian resolution, we voted in favor of that resolution because it condemns violations of the United Nations Charter, including Article 2. It is a resolution that defends the right of countries to have sovereignty and to maintain their territorial integrity. My country voted in favor of the U.S. resolution because it calls for a just and comprehensive peace in Ukraine. Tunisia. affirms that its vote is based on principles and is not related to any geostrategic calculations. It is a vote that is a vote in favor of the principle of the United international laws that are binding to our members of the United Nations Organization. Tunisia hopes that it would see the same amount of commitment and solidarity from the international community when it comes to the Palestinian question and the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the right of the state of Palestine to have sovereignty and territorial integrity. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Tunisia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Brazil.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. President, everyone agrees that the war that has raged in Ukraine in the past three years has to end.

Destruction is the only concrete result of three years of violence.

Yet, we have decided to abstain on resolutions L10 and L11 in an attempt to preserve an atmosphere that is more conducive to dialogue and the end of this conflict. We encourage member states to focus on building bridges and negotiating in a transparent.

Manner and in due regard for agreed and standard language. In our understanding, neither of the texts before us were ripe for action today.

L10 reiterated concepts that have not, so far, helped us to advance towards peace.

L11, on the other hand, was presented within sufficient time for a constructive process of consultations and adjustment.

We believe a landing zone between both projects is still both possible and desirable.

We see merits in both texts. Brazil will continue to play a constructive and proactive role, both in future initiatives in this Assembly and through our Group of Friends for Peace, in order to find a pathway that will lead to a lasting.

Peace in Europe, guided by the United Nations Charter and recognized tenets of negotiation processes.

The world wants peace, dialogue, effective multilateralism, and strengthened diplomacy.

For long, diplomacy has been criticized for not preventing the war in Ukraine.

However, we may now finally realize that when diplomacy falls short, the solution is not less diplomacy, but more. The United Nations is the appropriate forum to bring the parties together, facilitate a lasting agreement, and put an end to this ruthless war.

I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Brazil. I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Mr. President, I would like to reiterate my delegation's consistent position, which has been expressed numerous times during 11th special sessions since 2022. The Islamic Republic of Iran reiterates its principal position that all disputes should be resolved through peaceful means and dialogue in accordance with international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. Since the onset of the crisis in Ukraine, the Islamic Republic of Iran has maintained a clear, consistent, and unwavering position. We have emphasized that all UN member states must fully respect the purposes and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter as well as international law, including the principles of sovereignty, independence, unity, territorial integrity, and the imperative to refrain from the threat or use of force. The Islamic Republic of Iran has repeatedly called for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the escalation of tensions. It has long been the position of my delegation that in order to find long-term and sustainable solutions crisis such as these, it is essential to address the root causes. We note that the current complexities in the fragile region of Eastern Europe have been exacerbated by the provocative actions and decision of certain states as well as NATO, which have led to a geopolitical divide in that region. Regrettably, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been facing baseless allegations from some parties to this conflict that may that my delegation repeatedly has denied and continues to reject it categorically. After considering the motivation of some of the Member States sponsoring today's resolutions, we have come to the conclusion that this is another political move in a wider geopolitical rivalry. I want to reiterate that the references made to the purpose and principles of the United Nations in resolutions just adopted a few minutes ago must in no way be regarded as reinterpretation of the United Nations Charter. For all of those reasons, my delegation abstained in the voting on these resolutions. Finally, it should be mentioned that the Islamic Republic of Iran will continue its constructive engagement to help the peaceful resolution of this crisis. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We have heard the last speaker in the explanation of vote after the vote. As agreed earlier, the Assembly will resume the debate on agenda item 5. I now give the floor to His Excellency Jim O'Callaghan, Minister of Justice, Home Affairs and Migration of Ireland.

Mr. President, Excellencies, Colleagues, Today we gather in this hall on a very somber occasion. We are here to mark three years since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We are here to reaffirm our steadfast commitment to international law and to the fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity outlined in the UN Charter. Russia's full-scale invasion was an act of unprovoked and unjustified aggression against a peaceful neighbor. The brutality of Russia's actions has caused immense suffering and loss for the people of Ukraine. It has disrupted the global supply of food, grain, energy, and other vital commodities. It has undermined the foundations of the international rules-based system on which the United Nations is based. The principle that borders cannot be changed by force protects us all. And yet, a permanent member of the Security Council has cast this vital principle aside. This should concern us all. It must surely not be rewarded. The cause of Ukraine is not a case of north and south or east and west. It is the cause of right versus wrong. These are universal values that apply to each of us equally and in full. Any credible future for multilateralism depends on this. Let us recall, Mr. President, that on seven occasions This General Assembly has called for an immediate, complete, and unconditional withdrawal of Russian military forces from the territory of Ukraine. We have done so in overwhelming numbers. Today, Mr. President, we gather once again to call for an end to this war and a just and lasting peace in full accordance with the UN Charter. Mr. President, we all want this conflict to end. The distinguished Minister from Ukraine has been eloquent in describing her country's desire to see an end to three years of war. The cause of peace must be our overriding objective and our guiding star. We welcome and commend efforts to bring about an end to conflict. We thank the United States for its commitment to advance peace for Ukraine. Many of us in this chamber have known conflict in our past. For some, the present is marred by conflict and its terrible effects. We in Ireland know the value of peace and why we must work to achieve and to preserve it. But we must also acknowledge that how we make peace matters. We must aspire to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace. A peace that respects Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law. Ukraine must be central to any process and must determine the timing and terms of any agreement. We know that an end without justice is not peace. The people of Ukraine have endured over 1,000 days of attacks on land, by sea, and from the air on their homes, their hospitals, their schools, and their critical energy infrastructure. Russia has forcibly deported thousands of Ukrainian children, forced over 14 million from their homes, and deepened the scourge of global hunger. The decisions of our shared institutions of international justice reinforce the collective condemnation that we, as United Nations member states, have made of Russia's reprehensible aggression against Ukraine. These decisions must guide us as we seek to craft a peace in line with the United Nations Charter and international law. And so we meet today, Mr. President, not for any partisan geopolitical agenda, but because the Russian Federation has failed to implement all seven resolutions of the General Assembly. And it has ignored the orders of the International Court of Justice. Accountability for Russia's violations must remain a priority. Mr. President, in the face of brutal adversity, the people of Ukraine continue to demonstrate outstanding courage, resolve, and determination. Today, Ireland would like to honour their heroic efforts to defend their country and their freedom. They have done nothing to bring down this war on their heads. They deserve the same right we all claim of self-determination, to determine their own future in peace, dignity and security. They deserve the unqualified support of each of us in this Chamber. We are all agreed that the time for a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in Ukraine is long overdue. Let us act now to advance this noble goal. In doing so, let us recall that if the UN Charter and accountability are not central to our endeavors, each of us is less secure. We know this from history. And we know that any common framework to deliver a just and lasting peace must uphold the United Nations Charter. I urge all states to join with Ireland in recommitting to these fundamental purposes and principles, purposes and principles that are for the peace and security of all of us of these United Nations. Thank you very much.

I thank His Excellency, Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration of Ireland. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Georgios Gerapetritis, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece.

Thank you, Mr. President, for convening today's meeting of the General Assembly. President, Excellencies, colleagues. Our meeting here today marks the third anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Greece's foreign policy has been invariably defined by its commitment to international law, to the UN Charter, and the respect of international treaties that define borders between states. Therefore, we condemn in the strongest terms any breach of international peace and security affected through military action by any state against the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity of any other state. Based on those principles, on the issue of Ukraine, Greece's stance has been very clear from the 24th of February 2022. We have consistently supported all previous calls to put an end to the war in Ukraine, welcomed thousands of refugees from the war-torn country, and worked together with other nations to promote relevant UN General Assembly resolutions. Once again, we call for the cessation of hostilities and a peaceful resolution. This war has already caused immense destruction and suffering. We need peace. Perhaps peace might not be within grasp, but it might be within sight. But what is needed is not only a cessation of hostilities, but mostly a comprehensive and lasting settlement through inclusive diplomacy based on the UN Charter and international law. We also need an agreement that will guarantee and act in a deterring and preventive way in the years to come. The war must stop. We all agree on this. and we commend all efforts to this effect. Yet, it is incumbent that fundamental principles of international law enshrined in the UN Charter are explicitly stated. It is in this vein that our vote was directed earlier today. We need to draw the right lessons and endow any future peace settlement with credible security guarantees for Ukraine that will deter and prevent the recurrence of war in the future. Ukraine is not a regional issue and should not be treated as one. It has a direct impact on global security and peace. It concerns us all in this Assembly. Ukraine, Europe, indeed the world, need a fair, viable, and thus a lasting peace for Ukraine. Let us support this goal after three disastrous years of war, while at the same time hoping that this could also lead to a model of how to prevent similar calamities in the future. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece, I now give the floor to His Excellency Radoslaw Sikorski, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I had many ideas for today's speech, but one by one I discarded them. Here's why. We live in turbulent times. After a short break from history that some of us enjoyed, it has again caught up with us all. In times like these, when the world seems out of joint, when the old seems to be dying, but the new cannot yet be born, what we need is a return to basics. to questions about what's right and what's wrong, what's true and what's false, what's actually happened and what's just a figment of propaganda. Almost exactly three years ago, on March 2nd, 2022, nations of the world gathered here in a special session, faced with a straight question, whether to condemn, applaud, or ignore Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Their answer was clear. The measure condemning Vladimir Putin's actions was adopted by a vote of 141 in favor, with 35 abstentions, an unequivocal reaffirmation of our commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity. Only five countries voted against, among them Russia, Belarus, North Korea, and representatives of the now-deposed Syrian regime. Quite a company. According to Kremlin's propaganda, what started three years ago was a justified reaction to Western imperialism allegedly threatening Russia's security. In fact, we have seen a modern-day colonial war against Ukrainian people who want a better life and realize they can never achieve this goal by going back to their subjugation to Russia. That is what they are being punished for, an effort to free themselves from under the control of a former metropolis. Many countries represented here know the experience. Kremlin aggression is a manifestation of a failing empire's desperate struggle to restore its sphere of influence. We all knew it back then. Fast forward three years, and the same group is no longer so sure. What happened? Basic facts have not changed. Russia invaded a sovereign nation. violating its rights to existence and self-determination. During the course of war, Russian forces have killed thousands of people. They have indiscriminately bombed both military and civilian infrastructure, apartments, hospitals, schools, kindergartens. You've seen it all. War crimes have been committed. Thousands of Ukrainian children have been kidnapped and sent to Russia to strip them of their national identity. Vladimir Putin does not only want to destroy Ukraine's presence. He wants to steal its future, too. We all knew it back then. We still actually know it. Opinions in this body began to shift, not because facts have changed. They are changing because of self-interests. Some of our member states now seem to believe that ending the war at any cost and restoring business as usual with Russia will be beneficial. As a representative of the country neighboring both Russia and Ukraine, I can tell you it will not. By normalizing relations with Moscow, you would be entrusting your security and economic stability to an autocrat and a war criminal in an international environment much more unstable than it was a decade ago. Russian victory, may it never come, would not create a more just global order. It wouldn't benefit countries dissatisfied with where things stand now. it wouldn't even bring about a more just and prosperous Russia. Suffice to say, there are now more political prisoners in Russia than there were in the 1980s when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. There are many more casualties as well. Repercussions of an appeasement would also not be limited to Russia's immediate neighborhood. Kremlin's green men, well known from Donbas, are already present in African, Latin American, and Asian countries operating under different names. Let Putin win in Ukraine, and their activities will only intensify. Moscow's disruptive actions in Africa echo its actions in Europe, undermining stability, supporting illiberal regimes, discrediting the West. Thousands of mercenaries from the so-called Wagner Group, now charmingly renamed Africa Corps, are employed by local warlords and rewarded with access to precious metals and mineral mines, stripping Africa yet again of its wealth. If Ukraine is abandoned today, who will be next? Another country in Eastern Europe? Possibly, but possibly a country in the Middle East or an African state targeted to serve as a Russian military base, replacing Syria, where a regime propped by the Kremlin recently collapsed. Ladies and gentlemen, we've just heard another performance by the Russian ambassador consisting of lies, propaganda, and hypocrisy. He referred to Ukraine as a project. Ukraine is not a project. Ukraine is a country with a longer history than Russia. Ukraine is a member of this body for far longer than the Russian Federation. Ukraine has a history, language, and identity and aspirations all of its own, with borders confirmed several times in treaties by the Russian Federation. The mission of this body, from its foundation, has been to decolonize, not to recolonize. International community cannot appease aggression because violence reproduces by indifference. Basic facts that prompted our strong, unified reaction three years ago have remained unchanged. And when the facts don't change, we should stick to our guns. Poland, of course, supports peace, but peace that is stable and with justice for the victim of aggression. Thank you very much.

I thank His Excellency, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland. Now I give the floor to Her Excellency, Biba Brice, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Latvia.

Mr. President, delegates, distinguished representatives of the Member States. Three years ago, Russia unleashed a full-scale aggression against its sovereign neighbor, Ukraine. Three years ago, Russia, a permanent member of the UN Security Council, blocked that council from taking action mandated by the UN Charter to uphold international peace and security. Three years ago, the International Court of Justice ordered Russia to stop its military activities in Ukraine. That did not happen. So, three years later, today, Russia, 114 million, nuclear-armed state, has failed to take even a fifth of Ukraine's territory. It has failed to break 40 million Ukrainians' will to be free and sovereign. But Russia will have lost a million killed and wounded this year while attacking an innocent neighbor. There is no shadow of doubt that Russia is the unprovoked aggressor in this war. And let me be unmistakably clear. We all want peace. Ukraine, above all, wants peace. The only one opposed to peace resides in the Kremlin. It's Russia who continues to bomb Ukrainian cities and kill civilians every day. while pretending to engage in peace process. Latvia welcomes all efforts to bring a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace for Ukraine, a peace that is rooted in the UN Charter and international law, just as the Assembly voted today, a peace that guarantees Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and freedom to choose its own future, just as all our countries want. A peace that ensures that Russia is unable to resume its brutal aggression. In principle, peace is easy to achieve. Russia needs to stop fighting. That is the end of the war. But if Ukraine stops fighting, that's the end of Ukraine. Ukraine has exercised its right to self-defense, clearly covered in Article 51 of the UN Charter. Therefore, countries providing support to Ukraine are not parties to the war. Mr. President, the Kremlin has a new favorite talking point about the root causes of the war and that they need to be addressed. Very well, let's talk about those root causes. Contrary to the Kremlin's twisted fantasies, this war is not about NATO or Ukraine's wish to join NATO. NATO is not a party to the war, neither are the member states, nor it's the reason for the war. Ukraine's NATO membership was not debated either in 2014, when Russia invaded for the first time, or in 2022, when a full-scale aggression started. So this war is not about Ukraine. It's not about fascism in Ukraine or protecting the rights of Russian speakers. No international human rights organization has recorded anything of that sort. And that's why we have international organizations. The Kremlin's blatant lies have been debunked every single day that Ukraine continues to stand strong and resilient as a democracy. So the root causes of the war are Russia's imperial colonial ambitions. Russia seeks to restore its imperial sphere of influence and change the international order. Russia seeks to control the future, choices, and resources of sovereign countries and peoples, not just in Europe, but in Africa and other continents. Therefore, ladies and gentlemen, addressing the root causes of war requires stopping Russia's imperial conquest once and for all. Therefore, we call on all countries, their parliaments and governments, to significantly increase their aid to Ukraine. Political, economic, military, financial, humanitarian, any assistance to Ukraine. The stronger Ukraine is, the stronger its position at the diplomatic table. Mr. President, this is not an isolated war, nor it's just a European issue. Its consequences are felt across the globe, affecting the food security, energy security, resources at some of the world's most vulnerable regions. According to several estimates, Russia's war against Ukraine has cost around 2% of the global GDP. 2% of the global GDP. Impunity for aggression in one place creates a domino effect, emboldening efforts to undermine international order elsewhere. So Russia must face international accountability for the crime of aggression. But we will continue to stand with Ukraine in its existential fight, just as we did today, showing that rights matter, that UN matters, that General Assembly and the will of independent countries matter. I thank you. Slava Ukraini.

I thank Her Excellency, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia, I give now the floor to Her Excellency Gabeija Grikebaite-Dodirze, Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of Lithuania.

Mr. President, Excellencies, colleagues, we stand at the threshold of the fourth year of Russia's full-scale aggression on sovereign Ukraine. an enduring tragedy that has become Europe's darkest war since the horrors of World War II. This aggression is a blatant attack on the very foundations of a rule-based international order. It is attack on our shared values, and at the same time, it is test to our collective resolve and common understanding of this fundamental moment shaping the future of global peace and security. Three years later, Ukraine continues to resist heroically. Putin's attempt to military conquest Ukraine has failed. Ukraine has shown the world what true courage and resilience looks like, and its unwavering commitment to defending its sovereignty, independence, and freedom still continues to inspire us all. Today, my message is clear. We cannot give up and must continue to stand for Ukraine. We must continue to support Ukraine, as its struggle is inseparable from our shared commitment to peace, security, and the defense of the values enshrined in the UN Charter. UN General Assembly has played crucial role in defending these fundamental values. Together, with upholding credibility of international law by condemning this crystal clear act of aggression. And UN General Assembly has defended international law today again. The resolution advancing a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine is a decisive step. Lithuania strongly believes that it is in the interest of all member states to support this resolution. It is not only support for Ukraine, it is about defending the principles that guarantee security for all nations. And Lithuania reiterates that any peace proposal or resolution must include strong reference to the fundamental principles of the UN Charter, particularly the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. And we strongly supported amendments that were introduced by France to the resolution tabled by the US. Colleagues, the pursuit of peace requires constant commitment to international norms and international justice mechanisms, by first respecting the mandates, and then by not undermining the role that they have been entrusted. And we must remain fully committed to also creating new justice mechanisms, if existing ones cannot deliver far-reaching justice for Ukraine being the victim of brutal aggression of Russia. Furthermore, accountability for the crime of aggression against Ukraine must not be an afterthought. It must be fundamental pillar of our legal response to Russia's aggression, because it is not only about having just ending for the war in Ukraine. It is about stopping aggression in Europe, making it far more likely that aggression against Ukraine is Russia's last unprovoked war, not merely the latest one. An unjust deal on the tribunal would only reward and embolden Russia not to stop. Furthermore, impunity of military and political leadership for the crime of aggression will empower rogue actors to challenge borders, sovereignty, and attack international rules with force. Wherefore, we all must be concerned about justice for Ukraine, as it affects every nation, every economy, and every society. This is why Lithuania is advocating for the strong and effective special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. Such a tribunal must have real power to deliver real justice, not create another loophole for impunity of those having the greatest power. Justice must also extend to Russia's accomplices, including Belarus. Lukashenko regime must be held accountable, and not only for the crime of aggression against Ukraine, but also for widespread and systematic human rights violations against its own people. That is why last year Lithuania has referred situation in Belarus to the International Criminal Court concerning alleged crimes against humanity, including forceful deportation. We must also continue to support UN investigations, including the work of special rapporteurs, in identifying war crimes and delivering justice. These mechanisms are under increasing pressure and face threats to their funding, so we must defend them. Strengthening international justice is the only effective way to prevent future atrocities. Justice takes time, but it must be felt by every victim of aggression against Ukraine. And the establishment of the Register of Damage for Ukraine represents a significant international effort and an essential first step towards creating a mechanism to deliver justice and compensation for Ukraine and its people. Visibility of justice and its real impact are important, as well as our all humanitarian efforts towards alleviating suffering of Ukrainians on the ground. We commend the UN for their efforts in supporting Ukraine with humanitarian aid. The UN's role in humanitarian aid and reconstruction remains essential. The devastating impact of the aggression against Ukraine requires ongoing and sustained global efforts. We urge all Member States to stay committed. Ukraine's recovery is not just about rebuilding. It is about reaffirming peace, stability, and respect for international law. Colleagues, our support for Ukraine must remain unwavering. We continue to be guided by the same principle: nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. And so-called peace that forces Ukraine to submit to Russian terms does not guarantee peace. Ukraine must enter any negotiations from a position of strength and justice, because just and lasting peace is only possible if Ukraine is empowered and Russia's ability to wage aggression is crippled. Because weak response today incites aggression tomorrow. Justice, strength, and unity are the only answers to tyranny and lawlessness. But our actions must match our words. Talking about what we cannot do weakens our position. We must focus on what we can do instead. Ukraine must be free to choose its alliances, security arrangements, and finally, its future. Ending the war is possible, but true peace can never be dictated by the aggressor. The path forward lies in the defeat of Russia in Ukraine and Ukraine's victory by restoring its territorial integrity and independence. Just and lasting peace is possible, but only if Ukraine is strengthened and Russia's war machine is dismantled to prevent future aggression. So the choice is clear. Future shaped by Ukraine's victory as being strategic victory for all of us, or a world where aggression runs unchecked. So let us make wise choices on which the fate of nations depend today and tomorrow. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank Her Excellency, Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of Lithuania. And I'll give the floor to His Excellency, Traian Ristea, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Romania.

Thank you very much, Mr. President. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The root cause of today's war in Ukraine is the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, followed by the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, February, exactly three years ago. Russian Federation needs to unconditionally withdraw all its troops from the internationally recognized territory of Ukraine. This should be the silver line for any negotiation effort meant to achieve a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. The United Nations General Assembly stood by Ukraine in the past three years in defense of its sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity, because these are in line with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. These defense lines that the General Assembly has taken is consistent with its work in the last 80 years since the Charter was negotiated, thus keeping alive the spirit of the San Francisco Conference. As a country neighboring Ukraine, Romania has witnessed in the last three years the multidimensional consequences of the war launched by Russia. Being a frontline state and benefiting from European solidarity, the government of Romania has employed to the best of its ability a wide range of measures in order to mitigate the consequences for the rest of the region and, if possible, worldwide. In line with the human rights law, we welcome the civilians seeking shelter and currently take care of almost a quarter of a million Ukrainians that were granted temporary protection in Romania. We focused our attention to the needs of women and children by employing programs and extending cooperation with most of the United Nations agencies that were on the ground. In line with the international humanitarian law, we have facilitated the export of over 70 million tons of goods, of which 55 million tons of grains, to ensure the continuity of the global supply chain. The focus of our actions has been on ensuring transit of agricultural products so as to mitigate the risk of food insecurity worldwide. The European solidarity lanes meant using Romanian roads, railways, river, and Black Sea ports to ensure food products can be available for the global market. Even after peace will be achieved, we will continue to lend support to the overarching goal of food insecurity by putting in use the existing infrastructure. In line with international law, we sought to establish a tribunal for holding accountable those responsible of all crimes against and in Ukraine, including the crime of aggression. Ukraine is entitled to the strongest reply in terms of judicial accountability, and Romania is part of the effort to establish the best possible international tribunal in this regard. It must serve as an example of compliance with the United Nations Charter as a discouragement of any such future action from any state. Mr. President, Romania will continue to support Ukraine during the process and after reaching out a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace, because we are determined to live up to our commitments to respect the United Nations Charter and international law. This is not a peace for Ukraine, but it is a peace for the whole world. Any conversation on the future of Ukraine and of the neighboring region needs to factor in Ukraine and European countries, particularly those that were affected by the invasion. We cannot allow, 80 years after the creation of the United Nations Charter, for the clock to be set back in time, for the borders to be retraced by force, and for unprovoked wars to start against sovereign states. The principles and values that bind the effective multilateralism with the United Nations at its core, cannot be blatantly ignored. Mr. President, the support of the international community is necessary for Ukraine because it is for legitimate reasons. And it should be the same in any situation when the purpose and principles of the United Nations Charter are blatantly violated. For these reasons, Romania decided to co-sponsor the Ukrainian resolution adopted today. And I thank you very much, Mr. President.

I thank His Excellency, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Romania. We have heard the last speaker in the debate on item for this meeting. We shall hear the remaining speakers at 3:00 p.m. today, Monday, 24 February, in this hall. The meeting is adjourned.