Reaffirming international rule of law: Pathways to reinvigorating peace, justice and multilateralism - Security Council, 10096th meeting

10096 meeting of the Security Council is called to an order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is the promotion and strengthening of the rule of law in the maintenance of international peace and security, reaffirming international rule of law, pathways to reinvigorating peace, justice and multilateralism. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Canada, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Finland, Germany, India, Indonesia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Israel, Italy, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Malaysia, Maldives, Mexico, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Niger, New Zealand, Paraguay, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Romania, Rwanda, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Switzerland, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and Vietnam to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers. His Excellency to participate in this meeting, His Excellency Mr. Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, the Chairperson of African Union Commission, and Judge Abdul Ghawi Yusuf, founding president of the African Institute of International Law, is so decided. In accordance with Rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I also invite His Excellency Mr. Stavros Lambrinidis, Head of the Delegation of European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. It's so decided. Security Council will now begin its consideration of item two of the agenda. I wish to draw your attention of the Council members of the Council members to the document S slash 2026 slash 28, a letter dated 13 January 2026, from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General transmitting a concept paper on the item under consideration. I warmly welcome the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, and give him the floor.

Thank you very much, Mr. President. Mr. President, distinguished members of the Security Council, I congratulate Somalia on its presidency of the Council. And I also welcome my fellow briefers, His Excellency, Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, Chair of the African Union Commission, and Judge Abdul Cawi Yusuf, former President of the International Court of Justice and founding President of the African Institute of International Law. Mr. President, The rule of law is a cornerstone of global peace and security, the key to friendly relations among the countries and regions of the world, and the beating heart of the United Nations Charter. For 80 years, it has helped humanity avoid a third world war and eased the human toll in countless smaller conflicts. The Charter, along with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the core human rights treaties, the Geneva Conventions, the Friendly Relations Declaration of 1970, and the Declaration on the Rule of Law of 2012 have all contributed to a collective security system that is robust and resilient, a system that prohibits the threat and use of force and binds all states, large and small, to the same rules. and that respects the principles of sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity of states. For smaller and less powerful countries, and those suffering from historical inequities and the damaging legacies of colonial rule, international law is a lifeline promising equal treatment, sovereignty, dignity, and justice. And for powerful countries, It is a guardrail defining what is acceptable and what is not in times of disagreement, division, and outright conflict. The founders of this organization understood that global problems can only be solved by wielding not the weapons of war, but instead the tools of diplomacy supported by a system based on international law, by dialogue, not a zero-sum rhetoric of division. and by collaboration, not geopolitical competition. In 2024, Member States adopted the Pact for the Future, which included a commitment to act in accordance with international law and fulfil obligations in good faith. But words are not being matched with action. Around the world, the rule of law is replaced by the law of the jungle. We see flagrant violations of international law and brazen disregard for the UN charter. From Gaza to Ukraine and around the world, the rule of law is being treated as an a la carte menu. We see states flouting the rule of law with impunity through the illegal use of force, the targeting of civilian infrastructure, human rights violations and abuses, the illegal development of nuclear weapons, unconstitutional changes of government, and denial of lifesaving humanitarian aid. These violations set dangerous precedents, encouraging other countries to do what they want instead of what they are required to do under international law. They breed mistrust and division among nations, And they undermine people's faith in our ability to find solutions together. Eight decades after this multilateral system was created, we need to get back on track. And this Council must lead the way. Mr. President, the rule of law is foundational to the United Nations and our mission of peace. I'm determined to keep driving our relentless push for just and sustained peace. Peace firmly anchored in international law, and peace that endures because it tackles the root causes of conflict, not just the symptoms. Too many crises today persist in limbo, fragile ceasefires, stalled processes, or agreements that evaporate the moment the ink dries. The rule of law is also foundational to our work here in this chamber. In an era crowded with initiatives, the United Nations Security Council stands alone in its charter mandate authority to act on behalf of all member states on questions of peace and security. The Security Council alone adopts decisions binding on all. No other body or ad hoc coalition can legally require all member states to comply with decisions on peace and security. Only the Security Council can authorise the use of force under international law as set out in the Charter. Its responsibility is singular, its obligation is universal. And that is why reform is essential. That is why we must act without delay to enhance the representation and effectiveness of this Council, to safeguard, sorry, looking ahead on questions of the rule of law, I see three areas where Member States and this Council can take action. First, countries must keep their promises. The purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter are not optional. All countries have an obligation to uphold them, to settle disputes peacefully, in a world crowded with sorry, to safeguard the human rights and dignity of all people, to act in conformity with international law, and to adhere to the letter and the spirit of the principles of self determination of peoples and the sovereign equality of Member States. Our collective security system requires trust, and the best way to reinforce trust is for all countries to meet their commitments under international law. Second, I urge Member States to make full use of the dispute settlement mechanisms spelled out in the Charter to prevent conflicts from starting in the first place. As this Council knows, the best and often only pathway to peace depends on the hard work of negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, and other means set out in Article 33 of the Charter. Preventing conflicts also means building strong partnerships with regional organizations in accordance with Chapter 8 of the Charter. Security Council Resolution 2719 set a good example. by establishing a framework for predictable financing of African Union led peace support operations authorized by the Security Council through assessed contributions. And as the Pact for the Future, my new vision for the rule of law and the new agenda for peace remind us, preventing conflicts also means investing in development and institutions that people can trust. Poverty, hunger, inequality, corruption, injustice, and exclusion erode people's hopes for the future, drive communities further apart, and send shockwaves of unrest, violence, and even conflict across countries and regions. Sustainable development is possible only by adhering to the rule of law, including the requirement to safeguard the rights and dignity of all people at all times.

Excellencies. And third, we must continue to promote the use of fair, independent judicial proceedings. It is encouraging to see increasing recourse to international courts and tribunals, including the International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. As the Court commemorates its 80th anniversary, I reiterate my call for all Member States to accept its compulsory jurisdiction without reservations and to respect and fully implement the Court's binding decisions. It is also time to ensure accountability and to end impunity. The International Criminal Court The central institution of the international criminal justice system must be able to operate independently. There can be no sustainable or just peace without accountability. The rule of law must prevail. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, members of the Council, for eight decades the rule of law has been the greatest equalizer of global relations. It is time for all countries to recommit to the full respect of international law, to live up to the promises and obligations outlined in the United Nations Charter. Members of the Security Council bear a special responsibility to lead by example. Through my good offices and the continued efforts of United Nations envoys and mediators, I look forward to supporting this Council's efforts to advance the rule of law and to build a more stable and secure world for all. Thank you.

I thank the Secretary-General for his briefings. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Mahmoud Ali Yusuf. Your Excellency, we cannot hear you. Maybe it's muted?

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Okay. Let us move to the next while we're fixing the, His Excellency Mahmoud Ali Yusuf's site. And now call the His Excellency, Mr. Judge Abdul Qawi.

Can I take the floor? Can you hear me?

Yes. Yeah, we can hear you now, yeah.

Excellency, Permanent Representative of Somalia, President of the Council for January 2026. Mr. Secretary General, Judge Abdul Kafi Yusuf, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Members of the Security Council, Ladies and Gentlemen, I wish to begin with a warm word of thank to Mr. Robert Hardee, President of the Security Council for January 2026, for convening this high-level debate. I also welcome the leadership of Somalia at the helm of this Council and the trajectory of Somalia is a strong message of resilience and of hope generated by international rules-based order. I also wish to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, for his statement and for his leadership. Ladies and gentlemen, we have gathered at a critical juncture for multilateralism. The international system, which for nearly eight decades has facilitated a relative degree of stability, is presently being has been weakened. Conflicts have proliferated, multilateral action has been weakened, and trust in international institutions is being chipped away. That having been said, the position of Africa is clear and it is steadfast. We remain fully committed to multilateralism. We are aware of the fact that no state, regardless of its weight, single-handedly, no state can tackle present-day challenges, including terrorism, climate change, pandemics, poverty, insecurity. These threats know no borders. They require collective responses rooted in international law and meaningful and sincere cooperation. On the basis of this clear framework, we are addressing matters related to international law. For Africa, this is not an abstract notion. Rule of law is the very bedrock of sovereignty, of dignity, of stability, and of sustainable development. The constituent act of the African Union enshrines democratic governance, human rights, rule of law and good governance as binding principles. It also reaffirms the territorial integrity and the intangibility of borders and peaceful coexistence in an increasingly unstable world. These principles define the identity of Africa and guide our collective action. Africa's commitment to peace is not merely limited to principles. It is reflected in action. And the relevant Security Council resolution has marked a significant step in the partnership between the United Nations and the African Union. We recognize the role of regional organizations in the maintenance of international peace and security. African troop contributing countries, specifically in Somalia, continue to undertake significant efforts and make contributions. We honor the memory of those men and women who lost their lives. as they sought to advance peace and we applaud the determination of Africa to shoulder a greater degree of responsibility for its own security in partnership with the international community. This commitment is undergirded by tangible commitments, including through the AU Peace Fund. African states increasingly leverage legal mechanisms in order to peacefully resolve their disputes, specifically the ICJ and regional jurisdictions. This reflects a deeply rooted conviction that rule must prevail, law must prevail over force. Discussions of international law lead to an alarming recognition of an alarming reality. There are divisions in this Council. Eighty years after the establishment of the United Nations, a continent of 1.8 billion people and 55 member states still does not have a permanent seat in a body which helps to shape its future. This is not just an injustice to Africa. This is a matter of credibility and a problem of effectiveness for the Council itself. Africa's position is clear and we stand united, as is reflected in the El Salvador Heaney Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, a permanent seat with all of the prerogatives, including the right of a veto and five non-permanent seats. This is not a matter of privilege, it's a matter of equity and correcting a historical injustice. We call for greater cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations, specifically the African Union, in accordance with chapter eight of the charter, as well as for partnership rooted in mutual respect, complementarity, and responsibility sharing. Excellencies. Breathing new life into multilateralism requires more than rhetoric. This requires respect for good faith, respect for international relations, peaceful dispute resolution, more equitable global governance, and political courage to reform institutions which fail to reflect present-day realities. We stand ready to play our role, guided by the 2063 Agenda, and by the Charter of the United Nations. We extend a hand to all those who aspire to a more just, a more peaceful, and a more inclusive world order. For Africa, rule of law is neither optional nor selective, nor is it negotiable. Rule of law is a very prerequisite for peace. Let us see to it that succeeding generations do not inherit a weakened system, but that they inherit renewed multilateralism that is more robust, more fair, and worthy of trust. Thank you.

I thank to His Excellency, Hamoud Ali Al-Jassim, for his briefings. I now give the floor to Judge Abdul Qawi Yusuf.

Mr. President, Ambassador Abukar Osman, Mr. Secretary General, Excellency Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, Chairman of the African Union Commission, distinguished delegates, it is a great pleasure for me to see Somalia, Mr. President, presiding the Security Council. after more than half a century. My warmest congratulations to you and to the entire delegation for Somalia's election to the Council and to the Presidency of the Council for this month. A debate on the rule of law is both timely and topical. We live at a time of many threats to the international legal order. We therefore have to remind ourselves of the crucial role of the rule of law, both at the domestic and international levels for peace and security. Every society needs to determine how the relations among its members are to be governed. All societies establish for that purpose rules and principles. This applies also to the international society. At the international level, available options for states certainly include the rule of law, but also the legitimization of the use of war as a means of foreign policy, including as a means to settle disputes or enforce legal rights. This was indeed the case before the adoption of the UN Charter. It led to two destructive and catastrophic world wars in the first half of the 20th century, not to mention the numerous wars in Europe in the 19th century, and the colonial wars in Africa and Asia, which resulted in the death of millions of people. In 1945, through the Charter, the founders of the United Nations chose the rule of law and rejected the rule of force, which had hitherto prevailed. This choice did not come from nowhere and was not a sudden decision. It was a result of the evolution of human civilization. It was a result of the realization that the old system, which had made war permissible to right wrongs, was not only brutal, but fundamentally unjust. The international rule of law is therefore a recent human achievement and represents a model of an international order based on the rules of international law as opposed to a model governed by the claims of power of a few states over the others. The old expression might is right has never helped humanity to live together in peace and harmony. Mr. President, the emergency of an international rule of law in the second-half of the 20th century and the underlying respect for the principles and rules of the UN charter, maybe not all the time, but very often, acted in the past 80 years as a bulwark against the widespread wars and violence in the world. Sovereign equality of states, equal rights and self-determination of peoples, the prohibition of the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity of other states, and the peaceful settlement of disputes, are the fundamental principles and rules, to mention just a few, which brought us all peace and stability. They served also as an engine of freedom and emancipation for the peoples of Africa, Asia and the Caribbean from colonial rule and enabled them to consolidate their independence. They served equally as an engine of economic development and prosperity in many parties of the world, which enjoyed for the first time in their history uninterrupted peace and stability for almost a century. The embodiment of the rule of law in the UN charter went hand in hand with a significant increase not only in the rules applicable to relations between states, but also those applicable to individuals and those meant to facilitate the life of peoples when crossing borders for whatever reason or communicating with others outside their countries or continent. That increase was due to the conclusion of international agreements, in a wide range of fields, from aviation to telecommunications, from labor standards to trade and investment, from human rights to humanitarian law, and all the way to environmental law, global warming, and the protection of biological diversity. It also gave rise to thousands of treaties establishing cooperation among the states, both at the bilateral and multilateral level. The international rule of law as compared to the domestic rule of law, we have to recognize is in its adolescence. 80 years is a very short period in the history of humanity. As we all know, adolescence is a transitional period marked by social change and challenges. We cannot therefore expect that the rule of law among nations displays all the time maturity and solidity. It will experience challenges as it grows. It will occasionally suffer from shortcomings. it will be affected by strong headwinds in its progress. This happens to be the case today. However, there is no reason for despair. The vitality of a legal order is for the long haul. There will always be periods of turbulence, but the danger is lurking behind those turbulences. should convince the states to stay the course, to uphold the rule of law, because the alternative is much less desirable. We need to recall that the binding character of the large majority of rules of international law rests upon the consent of states. The obligations assumed by states through international agreements are not incompatible with state sovereignty. The conclusion of any treaty by which a state undertakes to perform or refrain from performing a particular act is itself an attribute of state sovereignty. It is therefore in the exercise of their sovereignty that states establish the rules governing their relations with other states. They should therefore respect them. A world without rules or legal guardrails is not in the interest of any state, small or big, weak or powerful. Lawlessness and chaos do not benefit any nation's security or development, nor does arbitrariness in relations with other states. The advantages of stability and predictability offered by the web of international legal rules established in the post-war period outweigh any possible constraints that it imposes on states. Without an international rule of law, arbitrariness would increase, predictability would diminish, uncertainty would disappear. Hopefully, cooperation and coordination through the United Nations and its organs will help us all avoid such a situation. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank Jaa Jaa Abdul Qawi Yusuf for his briefings. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Somalia. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it's a great honor and privilege for Somalia to preside over the high-level open debate at the Security Council today. This honor is even more meaningful given that it's the first time Somalia has held the Council's presidency since January of 1972. I extend my gratitude to the excellencies, the Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, the Chairperson of African Union, Mr. Mohamed Ali Yusuf, and Judge Abdul Ghawi Yusuf for their briefings. Their insights and commitments to upholding the principles of the Charter of the United Nations are deeply valued and are basis for this timely deliberations today. Excellencies, we meet at significant milestone, the Charter's 80th anniversary. This is time not just for commemoration, but for an honest reflection. This is a time not just for commemoration, but an honest reflection. We must ask ourselves, Are we living up to the vision that shaped this institution? Are we upholding the principles intended to promote peace, justice, and human dignity for all? I think there is a debate to be had here. In Somalia, we say, "Hadi admantal lafirin, wihishalidai, beri horomar male." This translates as if what happened yesterday is not examined today, there is no progress for tomorrow. Somalia is a proud nation of poets. We turn to our proverbs in moments of reflection. This reminds us that progress is intentional, that only by looking honestly to our past can we correct course and build a better future. For my country and the majority of United Nations member states, the rule of law among nations is not an obstruction. It safeguards sovereignty, anchors justice, and preserves dignity. Yet, today, in too many places, the rule of law is under pressure from conflict and weak global adherence to the international agreements. This is a legal and diplomatic race to the bottom, which risks undermining all achieved international successes in the international development. The UN Charter clearly states, "We, the people of United Nations, are determined to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained." This guided noble ambition, born out of destruction of two world wars, must continue to guide us toward peace and prosperity in these uncertain, turbulent times. To achieve the aspirations of UN Charter, we must strengthen our resolve on four critical areas. First, peaceful settlement of disputes. The Charter is clear. States must resolve their differences by peaceful means. Peace is more than absence of war. It demands lasting solutions built on trust in the legal institutions. Across the world, we have witnessed nations opting for courts, not arms, to resolve disputes. Every legal pathway must be utilized to prevent conflict and injustices from escalating. Second, respecting for sovereignty and territorial integrity. When borders are unilaterally altered through the use of force, the very architecture of the international legal order is threatened. This undermines the collective sovereignty and security of all states. This principle enshrined in Article 2, Chapter 4 of the United Nations Charter and further affirmed in the 1970 Declaration on Friendly Relations finds its most profound regional expression in the Constitutive Act of the African Union. In particular, for post-colonial states, it's a fundamental legal reality. We maintain that global stability and prevention of conflict depend entirely upon the rigorous and consistent application of this principle without exception or selective interpretation. Third, equal rights for all people. The sovereign equality of states and equal rights of all people are the twin pillars upon which the international system is built. As affirmed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, all human beings possesses an inherent dignity that admits no hierarchy, distinction, or exception. The rule of law is fundamentally incompatible with a rhetoric that demands entire population or dismisses voices based on creed, religion, or national origin. Such a conduct constitutes a direct assault on the UN Charter's commitment to international cooperation. The rule of law and the fundamental human rights are indivisible and mutually reinforcing. When dignity of one people is diminished through contempt or a systematic exclusion, the legal framework protecting us all is fractured. True international order cannot exist where equality is treated as a conditional privilege rather than an absolute right. Fourth, the rule of law is the cornerstone of multilateralism. The challenges we face today transcend borders. They demand collective actions anchored in trust and legal obligations. Treaties not honored erode the trust. We must support the established international legal systems, which help resolve disputes and restore faith in the global order. Excellencies, The UN Charter provides the international legal architecture to enforce the rule of law, yet we stand at crossroads. One path leads to a world where power eclipses principles and justice to reserve for the few. Another path lies the promise of our Charter, a world governed by law where sovereignty is protected and justice within each of all. As we look forward to the next eight years, it's crucial to recommit to learning from the yesterdays and acting with a purpose today. Building a world where multilateralism is strengthened, not weakened, and territorial integrity is respected not only in principle but in practice. The Security Council must do more than bear witness. We must act as stewards of the rule of law and defenders of multilateralism. What is needed now is the will to apply them consistently and without double standards. Somalia's return to this important Council reflects a renewed commitment to the principles that anchor this chapter, this chamber, dialogue over division, law over force, and cooperation over conflict. For the betterment of all people and for the advancement of international order and generations yet to come, we must breathe renewed life in the UN Charter. We must ensure that we all match our words with deeds and recommit ourselves together to the rule of law among nations. This is the real road to global peace, security, and economic prosperity for all nations. I assume my function as the President of the Security Council. I now call the representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain for his.

Mr. President, I'd like to begin by welcoming the presidency of Somalia to this public debate. And I also would like to thank His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General of the United Nations, as well as Mr. Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, AU Commission Chairperson, as well as Judge Abdul Kawi Yusuf, from the International African Institute for International Law. I thank them for their precious comments, which are adding to our discussion. The international community is going through an increase in security challenges, the intensification of armed conflicts, and a lack of trust with regard to multilateral mechanisms. International order is therefore subject to unprecedented pressures which is threatening global peace and stability, the very foundations of it. The international community is now commemorating the 80th anniversary of the adoption of the UN Charter. This occasion does not just represent a symbolic milestone, it also constitutes a renewed opportunity to reaffirm the central and pivotal role of the rule of law as the comprehensive framework regulating relations among states and enables us to entrench the principles of justice, peace and international cooperation. The Kingdom of Bahrain firmly believes that the rule of law, nationally and internationally, is a cornerstone of the preservation of international peace and security, in accordance with the provisions of the UN Charter with regard to the respect for sovereignty, non interference in the internal affairs of states and the peaceful settlement of disputes. as well as the good faith implementation of international obligations. This is the true guarantee that will prevent conflicts and promote international stability. Confronting emerging threats to the rule of law requires the adoption of preventive and cooperative strategies at the national, regional and international levels, based on preventive diplomacy, strengthened institutional capacities, as well as consolidating the role of regional organisations in order to address conflicts in their early stages whilst fully respecting the particular circumstances of the states concerned. The Kingdom of Bahrain shares the responsibility with all Member States and members of the Council within the framework of the Council to uphold the rule of law in a consistent, impartial manner in accordance with the UN Charter. My country believes in the peaceful settlement of disputes, including mediation, good offices and judicial mechanisms. In this regard, the Kingdom of Bahrain would like to stress the importance of making greater use of the provisions of the United Nations Charter, particularly those contained in Chapter VI, which provide effective legal tools for the peaceful settlement of disputes and prevents conflicts escalating between states. Bahrain also calls for activating legal frameworks for regional organizations and for strengthening of coordination and constructive complementarity between these regional organizations and the United Nations in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VIII of the Charter in order to support international efforts aimed at preserving international peace and security. Mr. President, in conclusion, my country believes that the rule of law cannot be fragmented or applied selectively. The rule of law must be respected and applied by all without exception. The Kingdom remains committed to working constructively within this Council and with all partners in order to strengthen the primacy of the rule of law and to support international peace and security on the basis of justice, peace and international cooperation. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain and now give the floor to the representative of Pakistan.

Thank you, President. We wish to congratulate Somalia for its successful presidency this month. and for organizing this important debate. We see this as a continuation of a series of high-level debates around the UN, multilateralism and international law over the last year, including in this Council. I would also like to thank Secretary-General Guterres, Chairperson of the AU Commission, Mr. Ali Yousef, and the founding president of the African Institute of International Law, Judge Yusuf, for their insightful remarks. The Secretary-General described rule of law as the beating heart of the UN Charter, and Judge Yusuf urged fully respecting and strengthening it. It is therefore obvious that this debate is timely. The erosion of respect for international law is increasingly translating into conflict, humanitarian crises, and weakened multilateral cooperation. Reaffirming the international rule of law is therefore not an abstract legal exercise. It is a prerequisite for peace, justice, and collective security. The purpose of international law is to inject stability into the international system by making interstate conduct predictable and subject to agreed rules and boundaries. When that function is compromised, international law risks losing its meaning and compliance can become optional. A stable, peaceful, and productive international order can only endure if the rule of law is applied equitably, consistently, boldly, and without discrimination. Yet, today, respect for international law is being tested as rarely before. Selective application of legal norms, erosion of treaty obligations, and unilateral actions have weakened trust among states and strained the multilateral system anchored in the UN Charter. When law yields to power or expediency, instability deepens. Disputes entrench further and peaceful coexistence is jeopardized. The core principles of the charter, sovereign equality, non-interference, political independence, and territorial integrity, the prohibition of the threat or use of force, and self-determination are being increasingly challenged. Attempts to normalize unilateral actions outside the charter undermine collective security and weaken the credibility of multilateral institutions. Pakistan itself has experienced such violations. Last May, India carried out an unprovoked military aggression in breach of international law and Pakistan's sovereignty. Acting in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter, Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense in a responsible, restrained, and proportionate manner. Our response established that there can be no new normal based on coercion or impunity. Respect for international law remains the only legitimate norm governing interstate conduct. And that conflict also reminded that the root cause of instability In South Asia remains India's illegal occupation of Jammu and Kashmir in gross violation of Security Council resolutions. The continued denial of the right to self-determination of the Kashmiri people has grave human rights consequences and imperils durable peace in the region. India's unilateral suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty is another blatant breach of international obligations, threatening the lives and livelihoods of millions and endangering peace and security. Pakistan rejects the weaponization of water and critical natural resources. Treaty compliance is a cornerstone of the international legal order. As a country with unwavering faith in international law and multilateralism, Pakistan is committed to pacific settlement of disputes. And this was evident when within weeks of defeating the military aggression, Pakistan led the unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on peaceful settlement of disputes by this council last July, reaffirming the council's collective commitment to dialogue, mediation, judicial settlement and other peaceful means as the first recourse in resolving disputes. President, while some in the West are saying it now, we know that due to double standards and lack of full compliance, the international system has often failed and fallen short of fully benefiting many countries, particularly in the global South. Yet, The developing nations have continued to place their faith in the UN Charter and in an equitable and just international order. Their aspirations for peace, security, and development must remain central to the evolution of multilateralism and the reform of the United Nations. A reform towards equality, democracy, and accountability. away from unbridled power and entitlement. Reform for all, privilege for none. Reinvigorating the rule of law is essential to restoring that confidence. President, but not everything is pessimistic, as Judge Yusuf also pointed out. Despite geopolitical tensions, the international legal framework remains resilient. The entry into force of the BBNJ agreement and the International Law Commission's work on sea level rise demonstrate the capacity to respond to emerging challenges. We also welcome the advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice on Palestine and climate change. These opinions must be respected and applied universally. because selective acceptance would undermine the authority of the Court and confidence in international adjudication. As the Secretary-General also noted, rule of law is foundational to our work in this Council. It requires full compliance with Security Council resolutions on all items on its agenda. The situation in Palestine starkly illustrates the consequences of selective adherence to international law. The continued denial of the Palestinian people's inalienable right to self-determination, persistent violations of international humanitarian law, and disregard for relevant UN resolutions erode the credibility of the international system and international legitimacy. a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through full respect for international law and equal application of legal principles to all. President, the corpus of international law stems, amongst other sources, from the resolutions of this Council. It is imperative that Member States fulfil their obligation under Article 25 of the Charter to implement the Council's decisions. To strengthen compliance and prevent selective application of international law, we would like to make the following suggestions. First, the Security Council should devise effective mechanisms to systematically monitor the implementation of its own resolutions and to take action in cases of persistent noncompliance. Second, the Council should engage the International Court of Justice more systematically where legal disputes on its agenda risk undermining the implementation of its decisions, particularly in situations of prolonged political deadlock. Third, the Council should institutionalize regular legal briefings by the Office of Legal Affairs on situations on its agenda, including on the legal implications of non-compliance with Council resolutions and international treaties. to ensure that the Council's deliberations and decisions remain firmly grounded in international law. Finally, the UN organs and bodies should have easier and more frequent recourse to ICJ's advisory opinions on specific disputes and on fulfillment of the legal obligations of member states and international organizations. President, the international rule of law cannot be sustained by deliberations alone. It requires consistent conduct and credible accountability. If multilateralism is to endure, law must prevail over force and principles over expediency and justice over impunity. Pakistan remains committed to a UN charter inspired rules based international order in which disputes are resolved peacefully, obligations are honored, and the United Nations serves as a true guarantor of peace, justice, and dignity for all. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Pakistan for his briefings, for his statement, sorry. I now give the floor the representative of Denmark.

Thank you, Mr. President. Let me also thank the Secretary General, Mr. Ali Yusuf, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, and Judge Yusuf for their insightful briefings. We commend Somalia for convening this timely debate today. Mr. President, around this table, we must recall that the rule of law is not an abstract principle. For civilians in Sudan, it's the promise that tomorrow will be safer than today. For families in Haiti, it means safety from gangs and a justice system that functions. For communities in Ukraine and indeed around the globe, it is the assurance that sovereignty matters. Put simply, it's the promise of the UN Charter in action, that relations between nations are built on the law and mutual respect for the law. Today, however, that promise upon which so many rely and which all of us have committed to uphold, is under unprecedented threat. Urgent action is needed to reverse course and to promote and defend the rule of law. Mr. President, there are many ways to put this principle into practice. However, the first is as fundamental as it is simple. It is upholding the principles enshrined in the UN Charter, principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of all states without exception. It is resolving disputes peacefully. It is ending immediately the illegal use or threat of use of force. These aspects are foundational and they are non-negotiable. Mr. President, the rule of law is also built on strong, independent legal institutions. Later this year, we will mark the 80 year anniversary of the International Court of Justice. This offers not only an opportunity for celebration, but for recommitment to the Court's central role in upholding international law and the peaceful settlement of disputes. we the member states must fulfil our obligation under article thirty three and seek solutions to any dispute by peaceful means and we encourage all member states to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the court. strong independent criminal courts at both national and international level are also essential. since the international criminal court's establishment denmark's support for the court and the rome statute has been and continues to be unwavering as a part of our commitment to the icc we are pleased to announce the candidacy of danish high court judge mette lydsted knudsen for the upcoming icc judicial election in december twenty twenty six Mr. president The rule of law is the backbone of peaceful, just and inclusive societies. It is vital to both ensuring immediate security and the necessary stability for peacebuilding to take root. It is fundamental to achieve economic and social progress and development and to ensure the protection of human rights. Denmark believes that this Council must therefore continue to provide strong rule of law mandates in peace operations. Such mandates support and build national institutions and capacities, reduce the risk of conflicts re-emerging, and enable effective transition and exit strategies. At a time of increased financial pressure, they are cost-effective investments in peace. However, our tools will remain ineffective Our resolutions empty words on a page if we, members of the Security Council, do not muster the political will to use and implement them. Too often, that will is blocked by the misuse of the veto. Denmark's view is clear. It is time to reform the Security Council to represent the world in this century. It is time to restrict the use of the veto and take seriously initiatives to this end. Above all, it's time to break the paralysis and deadlock that too often hinders our work. Mr. President, in closing, the credibility of this Council and of the multilateral system as a whole rests not solely on our decisions, but on the principles we defend. When we place the rule of law at the centre of our work, we reaffirm that peace is built on justice and accountability. We remind the countless civilians trapped in conflict that their rights matter, that they matter, that the purposes and principles of the UN Charter continue to guide us. Denmark's support to these principles was resolute 80 years ago, and it remains so today. It will also remain so in the future. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Denmark for her statement and now give the floor the representative of China.

Thank you, President. I welcome the initiative of Somalia for convening today's open debate. I thank Secretary General Guterres, Chairman Yusuf of the African Union Commission and Judge Yusuf for their briefings. For 80 years, Driven by the deep reflection on the two world wars, states have worked together to establish an international system with the United Nations at its core, an international order based on international law and the fundamental norms governing international relations. based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. Fast forward to today, we're alarmed to witness the resurgence of unilateralism, the rampant rise of power politics, and the unbridled resort to bullying, all of which severely undermine the international rule of law. More than ever, we need to strengthen unity and cooperation, revitalize the rule of law at the international level, and strive to realize the vision of peace, security, prosperity, and progress. First, we must resolutely uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. The United Nations Charter is the fundamental guideline for handling international relations, and an important bedrock for stable international order. The myriads of challenges that the world faces today does not mean that the Charter is outdated, but rather that its purposes and principles have not been effectively implemented. All states should treat each other as equals, respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, commit themselves to the peaceful settlement of disputes, oppose the use or threat of force in international relations, and abide by the golden rule of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. Secondly, we must staunchly maintain the authority of international rule of law. International law is a common standard. that is equally and uniformly applicable to all states. It does not and shall not have any exceptions. We never believe that any country has the right to act as international police, nor do we accept that any country can style itself as an international judge. The world cannot revert to the law of the jungle where the strong prey on the weak. All states must abide by universally recognized international rules, honor commonly agreed international treaties, and fulfill their respective international obligations. Major powers should play a leading role in this regard. They must refrain from double standards or selective application, nor should they impose their own will on others. Third, we must follow the principles of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits. An increasingly multipolar world and the democratization of international relations are the irreversible trends of our times. The future of the world should be jointly shaped by all countries. International rules should be formulated by all states, and the benefits of development should be shared by all nations. No single country should dictate terms based on its power, and a winner-takes-all approach is unacceptable. We must advocate and practice true multilateralism, promoting equality of rights, rules, and opportunities among all states, and continuously increase the representation and voice of developing countries in the international system. Fourth, we must support the United Nations in playing its central role. The United Nations is the most universal, representative and authoritative intergovernmental organization and an important platform for all countries, especially small and medium-sized ones, to participate in international affairs on an equal footing. The more complex this international situation, the more important it is to uphold the authority and standing of the United Nations. The role of the UN must be strengthened rather than weakened. We shall not cherry-pick our commitment to the organization, nor shall we bypass the UN and create alternative mechanisms. The Security Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. As such, its status and role are irreplaceable. President, the victory of the Second World War defended the moral red line of humanity and gave rise to the modern international law system. Eighty years ago, the International Military Tribunal for the Far East tried Japanese war criminals and handed down severe punishment against the main perpetrators whose hands were stained with the blood of peoples of victim countries. The tribunal's rulings upheld international justice, maintained human dignity, and represented a stern warning against any illegal attempts to resurrect militarism or revive aggression and expansionism. Recently, however, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi made some regressive statements that defy the tide of history. She blatantly linked Taiwan province of China to the so-called situation of existential crisis for Japan and sent a wrong message, implying Japan's possible armed intervention in the Taiwan question. China's recovery of Taiwan is a victorious outcome of the Second World War and an integral part of the post-war international order. This ironclad fact has been affirmed politically and has irrefutable historical and legal bases. Takeichi's preposterous remarks constitute a brazen intervention in China's internal affairs, an open breach of Japan's international obligations as a defeated state, a wanton challenge to the international order based on international law, and a gross violation of the basic norms governing international relations founded on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. We urge Japan to face up to the history, reflect on the wrongdoings, and take concrete actions to address the concerns of the international community in a responsible manner. President, more than 70 years ago, China put forward the five principles of peaceful coexistence, setting a historical benchmark for the rule of law at the international level. Last year, President Xi Jinping proposed the Global Governance Initiative, with adherence to international rule of law as one of its core principles. As a firm defender of the international rule of law, China has joined almost all universal intergovernmental organizations, and acceded to more than 600 international instruments and amendments, faithfully fulfilling its treaty obligations and genuinely honoring its international commitments. China remains committed to working actively with all countries to build a community with a shared future for mankind and make renewed contributions to strengthening the international rule of law and promoting world peace and development. Thank you.

I thank the representative of China for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of United States.

Thank you, Mr. President. I would also like to thank the Secretary-General and our other briefers today. In convening this debate, we appreciate that Somalia has asked us to reflect on the rule of law, not as an abstraction, but as a guarantor of sovereignty, dignity, and justice. and as an element of concrete steps that we can take at the UN to advance peace. Upon his election, President Trump inherited a world on fire. As an answer to this, he did not issue strongly worded letters or theoretical word salad speeches at meetings about meetings. He speaks bluntly, clearly, and he took action. Colleagues, the Trump administration has already taken a number of concrete actions to usher in a new era of peace. These actions include the president's leadership in brokering numerous peace agreements, our consistent calls for compliance with those agreements, and concrete steps in the Security Council to advance peace and further the rule of law. For example, to address the crisis in Sudan, we are actively working with partners to facilitate a humanitarian truce and to bring an end to external military support to the parties. The United States, via President Trump's vision, plays a central role in addressing the situation in the DRC, calling for the DRC and Rwanda to uphold their commitments under the Washington Accords, supporting MONUSCO's role in realizing these historic agreements, indicating the potential and importance of the role of the Security Council on Gaza. The Council endorsed President Trump's 20-point peace plan via its historic resolution on the implementation of the peace plan and authorization of an international stabilization force for Gaza. On Haiti. The Security Council also adopted an innovative approach, spearheaded by President Trump, to address the urgent security crisis, authorizing the Gang Suppression Force and the UN Support Office, and taking into account the key roles of regional bodies, to include the OAS. These measures are aimed at addressing the drivers of insecurity in Haiti. thereby supporting the rule of law at the national and international levels, and helping the Haitian Government to ultimately reassume security responsibility. On Western Sahara, the U.S.-penned resolution adopted in October resulted in the Council voicing strong support for negotiations to reach a mutually acceptable resolution based on Morocco's credible and realistic autonomy proposal. The United States has also strongly supported faithful and full implementation of UN sanctions to counter threats and ultimately support stability and the rule of law. This includes the recently renewed al-Shabaab sanctions regime to combat impunity and instability in Somalia. and our continuing efforts to press for full implementation of the Council's reinstated sanctions on Iran, which are targeted at countering the proliferation threats that Iran continues to pose. The regime has posed a threat to international peace and security for decades through violence and intimidation. As a result of putting money in the pockets of terrorists and funding its nuclear and missile programs instead of the basic needs of the people of Iran, we have seen that the Iranian people have had enough. We expect full implementation of UN sanctions measures on the DPRK to address the illicit activities that generate revenue for its WMD and ballistic missile programs. For example, too many countries are failing to implement UN sanctions, thereby allowing North Korean cyber actors and IT workers to continue malicious cyber activities that it uses to fund the unlawful development of weapons of mass destruction. Finally, we continue to take action to safeguard and support freedom of navigation and maritime security. These include countering threats to maritime traffic in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Unfortunately, we also have to continue to express deep concerns about China's expansive and unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea that do not have a basis in the Law of the Sea Convention. In closing, Mr. President, the United States, via President Trump's singular commitment to peace and security, remains committed to further advancing the cause of peace around the world. Thank you.

I thank the representative of United States of America for her statement and now give the floor the representative of Panama.

Thank you, Mr. President. It is an honor for my delegation to welcome you to your signature event of the Somali presidency, and we appreciate you for organizing this debate. We welcome the convening of this open debate dealing with a highly timely topic at a time when the international order is facing serious threats and challenges. We welcome and are grateful for the participation today of Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General of the United Nations. His Excellency Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, and Judge Abdul Kawi Yusuf of the African Institute of International Law. We thank them all for their valuable interventions. President, after the horrors perpetrated during the Second World War, the international community consolidated the essential principles of international law in the Charter of the United Nations. This foundational document, together with other documents covering norms of international law and international humanitarian law and their application, have served as a moral and legal compass in the building of a more just world in which the nations and peoples of the world can coexist in harmony. This rules-based order has allowed us to coexist for 80 years in recognition of our interdependence and of our shared humanity. Through this universal and legally binding framework, we have been able to defend our national interests and addressed historical and ongoing injustices that threaten global coexistence and continue to be used as strategies of division and domination, such as colonialism, apartheid, segregation, territorial disputes, acts of aggression and other unilateral measures. However, this system built upon the sacrifice of millions of human lives and the collective commitment of the world's nations to peace is under siege. In the current global context, short-term thinking appears to be gaining ground over the vision of sustainable peace upon which the United Nations was founded. In 2024 alone, 2.7 trillion US dollars were spent on military expenditures. This figure represents a development financing gap of four trillion dollars. These resources could have been better used to address urgent needs, such as humanitarian assistance, climate adaptation and education for peace, amongst others. Thus, in a contradictory exercise between discourse and practice, Some who claim to defend peace continue to fuel war in a downward spiral that ignores the need to deprive conflict of the resources that sustain it. Mr. President, this challenging scenario works to the detriment of humanity and undermines the credibility of this organisation. The perceived erosion of the principles of the Charter does not stem from a lack of legitimacy or effectiveness of the institution, but rather from a chronic deficit of political will and coherence among its Member States, especially those vested with the special power of veto. It is urgent that we restore the trust that the world has placed in this organisation, and this can only be achieved through concrete actions, such as the urgent reform of this body, amongst others. In the same way, it is also necessary to support peacekeeping operations in their efforts to strengthen the rule of law. It is equally important that this Council continue to grant these operations robust mandates, given their preventive role in reducing the risk of relapse into conflict and in strengthening national capacities. Because we need the United Nations in the same way that the United Nations needs us, in light of the threats facing the international legal system, We believe it is essential to elevate the role of the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court, as these bodies represent the backbone of the international rule of law. In this context, it is necessary that from now on this Council be able to always receive and hear directly from the authorities of both courts, as a complement to the reports that we receive. Mr. President, Panama, as a country that continues to place its faith in peace, believes in the collective responsibility that we have to bring to justice those who strive to create more wars, more conflicts and greater division. In this regard, we believe that the rules based international order must apply equally to all countries, regardless of size, economic or military power. or any claim to political or moral superiority. If we wish to guarantee international peace and security, we must recognize our sovereign equality under international law. This principle also reminds us that the laws governing relations among states may evolve, they may expand and reorganize. provided that the fundamental principles of the Charter are respected, then the global standard of dignity and justice established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is upheld, the protection of civilians is guaranteed and the loss of human life is prevented. For this reason, clear limits and red lines that must not be crossed are necessary. Using spurious arguments to violate human rights or to kill innocent civilians are actions that, in bad faith, seek to distort international law. In this sense, strengthening our support for international legal mechanisms for the peaceful resolution of disputes is essential. In July 2025, Security Council resolution S/RES/2788 was adopted under Chapter VI of the Charter on the peaceful settlement of disputes. This demonstrates that there remains political will and a shared understanding to commit and move forward together toward the ideals that once united us. It is also crucial to strengthen the role of mechanisms that are already revitalizing the foundations of international law, such as the Peacebuilding Commission and regional organizations through initiatives that promote negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, and peacebuilding. Finally, Mr. President, Allow me to express our sincere thanks to the countries of the African continent for their tireless pursuit of peace and sustained dialogue. This pursuit has been made evident through the work of organizations such as the African Union. A continent that, despite having suffered the injustices of colonialism, exploitation, and the appropriation of its resources, persists in its mission to achieve and practice the ideals of a shared humanity in line with its philosophy known as Ubuntu, embodied by leaders such as Nelson Mandela and Patrice Lumumba. This is a powerful example of the notion of peacebuilding. Peace is only built when everyone benefits. May this principled leadership remind us that it is indeed possible to work for the common good of the peoples of the world. Diplomacy, unlike war, is not and must not be a business. The old politics that gave supremacy to the law of the strongest should have ended with the Second World War. Let us unite so that diplomacy may prevail. Thank you very much.

I thank the representative of Panama for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of France.

Thank you, Mr. President. I wish to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. which serves as a reminder of our duties before the Charter of the United Nations. And I thank the Chairperson of the African Union, Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, and the President of the African Institute of International Law, Judge Abdul Kafi Kwa-Yusuf, for their briefings. Mr. President, Somalia has quite rightly chosen today's theme. on pathways for reinvigorating peace, justice, and multilateralism. The principles of the Charter of the United Nations are the cornerstone of effective multilateralism and international law, and rule of law must prevail over law of force. The principles of the Charter are the linchpin for effective and efficient multilateralism, where international law, sovereign equality of states, and peaceful dispute resolution prevail over unpredictability, power struggles, or war. Violations of international law, including international human rights law and international humanitarian law, are legion, far too frequent, be it in Sudan, the Great Lakes, Gaza, and Ukraine. The desire of certain states to adopt obstructive positions undermine the ability of the Security Council to act. And yet, each instance of silence in the light of these violations worsens mistrust and weakens our collective credibility. In this context, we, France, intend to reaffirm our commitment to effective and efficient multilateralism. We remain wedded to the principles underpinning our identity, bringing together a majority of states throughout the world. For example, together with Brazil, with China, Jordan, South Africa, and Kazakhstan, we launched a global initiative for international humanitarian law heralded by the ICRC, which to date brings together more than 100 states. An international conference for this initiative will be held at the end of this year in Jordan. France also reaffirms our commitment to international judicial institutions and to their independence. specifically the ICJ and the ICC. We emphasize this commitment as we near the beginning of negotiations to establish a multilateral legal framework to better tackle the matter of crimes against humanity. Mr. President, international law is not an abstract notion. International law is a tool of protection, protection of peace through its security architecture, protection of fundamental rights through conventions with a universal mission, a reinforced protection of civilians in times of conflict through international humanitarian law. This protection, this tangible protection, is vital and it must be upheld. This protection must be subject neither to exceptions nor to compromise, and international law must not be invoked selectively. Mr. President, defense of international law is also a recognition of the fact that multilateralism needs to evolve. In 2026, France shall continue to advocate for more representative, more effective and efficient, more operational global governance. We will continue to remain fully engaged in achievement of Security Council reform in order to enhance its representativity and its legitimacy through expansion in the two categories of membership and through enhancement of the African presence within it. We cherish the conviction that reform is possible in this area and that There is a need to begin negotiations on the basis of a draft text without awaiting unattainable consensus, moreover consensus which is not required under the charter. Furthermore, we will continue to promote our initiative, which is jointly being advanced with Mexico, to limit exercise of the veto in the event of mass atrocities. This initiative is currently supported by 107 states. Responsible exercise of the veto is a guarantee for greater effectiveness and efficiency of the Security Council. France will continue to call upon the Security Council to fully shoulder its responsibility and to leverage all tools entrusted to it by the Charter. This includes implementation of Chapter six, as was the case in Sudan, for example, for the same reason, the council must not bar itself from referring to the ICJ, whose growing operations reflects the key, its key role in peaceful resolution architecture for disputes and enhancement of the law. In a world driven by crisis, international law remains our best guarantee against lawlessness and violence. France will continue at the Security Council and beyond to act for effective multilateralism rooted in law, in accountability, and in respect for international institutions. Thank you.

I thank the representative of France for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Russian Federation.

Mr. President, We thank the Somalian delegation for organizing the open debate on a very topical and relevant matter of rule of international law for reinforcement of international peace and security. We closely listened to the statement delivered by the Secretary-General Guterres. Unfortunately, the Secretary-General did not find the time and apparently desire to listen closely to the statements from the members of the Security Council. I do hope that this part of our statement will be conveyed to the Secretary-General. We also closely listened to the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mahmood Ali Yusuf, as well as the President of the African Institute of International Law, Abdul Kaoui Yusuf. The modern-day international law is based on the Charter of the United Nations, and all of its integrity is an asset of humanity, the protection of which is one of the main objectives of our organization. And the principle of the United Nations Charter is not a menu, a menu from where one can pick provisions geopolitically beneficial to former Western partners. These former Western partners This is a holistic document in all of its integrity, and it is interconnected. And if you turn to one principle enshrined in the charter, do not forget to quote the others. The principle of sovereign equality of states, which gives a vote to all states irrespective of their size, economic and military capabilities. The principle of self-determination of peoples, which allowed them to throw off the colonialist shackles for the majority of countries in the world, the principle of the prohibition of use of force other than in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, which continued to prevent a global catastrophe of a world war, this is a norm without which humankind cannot exist, at least in the form that can be called humanity. the world where there is legitimacy for intervention in domestic affairs of states and disrespect for their immunity and independence is a fertile ground for economic and technologically powerful states and their victims must obediently accept this reality. We will not forget the meticulous sweeping under the rug of the principle of cooperation. Ask yourselves, when was the last time you heard about the existence of it? And yet this principle is just as much a legal principle as the above mentioned. Moreover, the International Court of Justice rightly stated that in accordance with Article 1 of the Charter of the UN, the pillars of organization, in addition to the maintenance of international peace and security and conducting international cooperation and resolving international problems of economic, social, and humanitarian nature, is the development of friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples. Do we remember that? And the 1970 declaration speaks of the same. Who at the organization is working to make this objective a reality? Not a single one of the reforms being carried out today, not a single one of these reforms even mentions that. Mr. President, we all see what is transpiring in this world against the backdrop of events which took place in just the first few weeks of 2026. A legitimate question arises, is international law not mere noise? Perhaps we would be well advised to acknowledge it as being dead, and perhaps we should turn to the idyllic world, the idyllic garden of rule by force. Here there's a need to recall how modern-day international law was established. This was not the product of academic professors or romantic thinkers. The Charter of the United Nations and the body of the core multilateral conventions were were written down by people who endured the agony of the Second World War, who saw firsthand how a world where respect for treaties began to be viewed as a mere formality looks and looked, where a single state proclaimed itself to represent the exceptional race with rights to the resources of its neighbors near and far, where populations residing on these territories had to either be decimated or simply to die of starvation. These very people who achieved a victory over the hideous ideologies of fascism, Nazism, and militarism set out the above-mentioned principles and founded the organization whose aim is to defend them. It is indeed those who managed to prevail in the armed and economic struggle against evil determined that military and economic might must not rule the world. These are the people who gave pride of place to cooperation, not confrontation, even though at that time they were divided by stark ideological barriers. These were the people who enshrined in the UN Charter that, I quote, "We, the peoples of the United Nations, determined to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained." End of quote. Mr. President, far from all of the objectives placed before the organization have been met. For some time, it appeared that ideological confrontation stood in the way. However, when it ended, it seemed that an epoch of peace and cooperation, prosperity should have been ushered in, something went awry. We began to be told, and we continue to be told, that the principle of cooperation and the establishment of friendly relations exist only for the chosen. or the anointed. And economic warfare for purposes of sonority named sanctions is a legitimate tool and a norm of international law that technical cooperation, technological cooperation needs to be organized in such a way as to for centuries entrench the technological delays of developing nations, that expansion and rearmament of the military block of NATO, which was punctuated by a spate of illegal armed actions from Yugoslavia to Libya, that this is a measure that facilitates the attainment of peace and security. And the country against which this bloc and alliance was established needs to calmly behold the advancement along its borders of high-tech military infrastructure. In 2007, in Munich, President Putin directly put forward the question, against whom is this aggression intended, this expansion intended? And what happened to the assurances our Western partners made after the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. Where are those declarations today? Nobody even remembers about them. Mr. President, the ideologues of this aggressive approach were confident and even openly stated that the Russian Federation would remain silent. Even if this expansion is conducted in breach of existing international legal obligations, as was the case with Ukraine, which assumed the obligation not to participate in military alliances in its declaration on state sovereignty, and subsequently also the treaty on cooperation with Russia assumed the obligation not to allow its territory to be used to the detriment of the security of the Russian Federation, Russia had to remain silent even when in order for the expedited implementation of the plans to transform the country into an anti-Russia in Ukraine, a Western-sponsored coup was carried out with the participation of neo-Nazi groups. And the government which seized power essentially became the avatar of NATO forces, which unleashed warfare against the Russian residents of Donbas who do not even wish to put an end to this to this date. In this way, a unique opportunity was allowed to slip away, a unique opportunity for meaningful, genuine cooperation for the benefit of all, not for the benefit of some, and the world spiraled into confrontation, as President Putin stated in the above-mentioned statement in 2007, in international relations, increasingly, there's a desire to resolve a given question according to so-called political expediency. And this, of course, is exceedingly dangerous, and this results in the fact that nobody feels safe any longer because nobody can hide behind international law as behind a stone wall." Some of our European partners are now feeling this firsthand. This is how their so-called rules-based international order works. This order which they themselves advanced, and now they are its victims. The revolution, as we -- as is known, is devouring its own children. Mr. President, let us pose a question. Was this a rational choice even for those who opted for confrontation? We believe no. The world is falling into the abyss of geopolitical economic crisis which is causing suffering even for the populations of those countries who banked on domination through force. We believe that the way out of the multi-faceted crisis does not lie, contrary to the beliefs of the elites of those countries, does not lie through building the idyllic garden behind whose barbed enclosure the majority of population is suffering. We mustn't allow for the most dreadful predictions of fantasy writers to materialize where people are divided into the privileged ones who enjoy longevity and those with short lifespans who provide for the For this reason, restoration of respect for international law is not a theoretical challenge, but it is the only path to salvation of humankind. If we allow this opportunity to slip away, there may be no second chance. Mr. President, we believe that not a single sensible person would like to live in a world where, for example, international law of the sea does not work, where freedom of navigation in the open seas can be threatened through acts of force based on domestic legislation of certain states. Where in breach of international aviation law, civilian aircraft does not fly, which falls under national prohibitive measures. Where the sovereign assets of states protected under immunity, money earned by entire populations, where these assets can be stolen by a posse of greedy global elites who for many long years have been plundering humanity using fraudulent financial institutions. not to mention the abduction of a head of an independent state on the basis of an arrest warrant issued by a municipal district court of a certain country. A world living on the basis of these rules can hardly last long, and if it does, then it will hardly be a world of humanity. Rather, this will be a dystopian hellscape. Mr. President, we all must fight for international law. Each voice here counts. The fight for international law is a fight for the standard meaning of words, where a violation is called a violation. We are aware that for many countries, speaking truth is an act of courage, which is frequently fraught with threats and coercion. But defense of truth is no easy feat. An important role in this fight falls to the United Nations. Now we must recognize that the United Nations is not at its best. In order to remedy this situation, it must revert back to independence and not take the side of the mighty and the wealthy as it is currently doing. This is a difficult task, but we must prevail. Otherwise, the United Nations will lose its role and significance with catastrophic consequences for the entire world. Thank you.

I thank the representative of Russian Federation for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of China who asked for the floor. Latvia. Latvia. And China. Sorry, my apology. I'll give the representative of Latvia the floor.

Thank you, Mr. President. We thank the Somali presidency for choosing the rule of law as theme for today's signature open debate. which is both essential and timely. We thank Secretary General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, His Excellency Mahmud Ali Yusuf, and founding President of the African Institute of International Law, Judge Abdullah Kafi Yusuf, for their insightful briefings. Mr. President, My country's history reflects both the fragility and the resilience of international law. When the principles of the United Nations Charter are upheld, nations can reclaim their independence and build free, democratic, and prosperous societies. When those principles are disregarded, the cost is measured in human suffering and denial of fundamental rights. The rule of law is not merely a set of norms. It is a vital shield against tyranny, oppression, and violations of human rights. In this context, I would like to make three points. First, the rule of law is what transforms power into responsibility and vulnerability into rights. It is a dividing line between the world governed by rules and a world governed by force. By translating sovereign equality into legal equality, the rule of law provides stability, predictability, and protection for all states, regardless of size or influence, and supports cooperation based on mutual respect. Upholding the rule of law is not a concession by major powers, but it is a strategic necessity that serves long-term interests of the entire international community. Second, the Charter provides a clear legal framework for maintaining international peace and security. Its provisions must be applied fully and consistently, not selectively. The norms of the Charter are binding legal commitments that form the backbone of international peace and security. In this context, consistent application of peaceful settlement mechanisms, as reflected in the Article 33 of the Charter, would strengthen preventive action and reduce both the risk of escalation and the number of conflicts. Likewise, respect of the Article 27.3, would further support the proper functioning and credibility of the Council by ensuring that decision-making reflects restraint and adherence to the Charter framework. Third, reaffirming the rule of law requires more than rhetoric. It requires consistency. It requires that same rules are applied by all states without exception. It requires credible accountability for grave violations of international law, including violations of international humanitarian law. And it requires the Security Council to act in a manner that reinforces legality, predictability, and respect for international law, as affirmed by multiple presidential statements in the past. Mr. President, as we mark the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, This Council has a responsibility to demonstrate that international law still matters. Upholding the rule of law is not about constraining states, it's about protecting them, all of them. Latvia stands ready to work with all members of the Security Council to strengthen respect for the rule of law and to ensure that the principles of the Charter continue to safeguard present and future generations. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Latvia for his statement and now give the floor to the representative of Liberia.

Liberia thanks Somalia for convening this important debate and the distinguished briefers for their insightful contributions. Mr. President, Excellencies, we are meeting at a time when the international legal order, the foundation of multilateralism, is being tested, not by the absence of rules, but by uncertainty in application. The question before us It's not whether international law exists. It is whether it still governs conduct when it matters most. For Liberia, the rule of law is practical, not ornamental. It does govern conduct. As the briefers and many speakers before us have rightly pointed out, the rule of law allocates responsibility. By producing consequences, it serves as a guarantor of peace and security. Guiding the interaction among states, international law the architecture that makes peaceful coexistence possible. In a system of unequal powers, international law allows sovereignty to be more than a mere declaration and peace to be more than a pause between conflicts. Liberia was present in San Francisco in 1945 when this journey began, one of only four African countries. Liberia therefore feels it has the credibility to say, the charter of the United Nations was drafted with clarity of purpose. It did not promise convenience. It promised restraint. It did not privilege power. It disciplines it. Its objections and obligations are not optional, and its principles were never intended to apply selectively. The charter assumes something fundamental, and it is that peace cannot be sustained if rules are treated as discretionary, or if commitments are honored only when aligned with immediate interests. It places responsibility where it truly belongs, on all states, without distinction, recognizing that influence brings obligation, not exemption. Mr. President, the credibility of the international system depends on consistency. All of the briefers have made this point clearly. When international law is invoked in one context and disregarded in another, trust erodes, not only in specific outcomes, but in the system itself. Over time, this weakens deterrence, fuels grievance, and erodes the predictability on which international peace and security depend. Africa's recent experience offers a different path. Across the continent, states have increasingly turned to judicial and arbitral mechanisms to resolve boundary and maritime disputes. These decisions have not always been easy, But they have been respected, and they have been necessary. What's more, they have prevented escalation in conflicts. They have demonstrated that law, when used, actually works. Yet, these gains are fragile. Confidence falters when access to justice appears uneven, when accountability is constrained, or when compliance becomes negotiable. A system perceived as unequal cannot command lasting respect. Certainly, This Council can agree to that. There is an African proverb that captures this text. When the elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers. Today, the grass is suffering. Civilians in conflict zones, smaller states navigating geopolitical rivalries, and communities bearing the consequences of decisions taken too far from their own realities. The erosion of legal restraint does not remain abstract. It produces human costs. Mr. President, excellencies, peace, is not sustained by declarations alone. It is sustained by conduct, predictable, restrained, and consistent with agreed rules. The Charter provides tools, useful tools, for this purpose, and they include negotiation, mediation, arbitration, judicial settlement, and regional arrangements. These mechanisms are not signs of weakness. They are truly safeguards against escalation and insecurity. When they are bypassed, ignored, or applied unevenly, the Council's preventive capacity ultimately diminishes. Liberia believes the Security Council can restore confidence and reinvigorate multilateralism by acting with greater discipline in three areas. One, By affirming clearly and consistently the binding character of international judicial decisions and encouraging their use as instruments of prevention, not last resort. Two, by strengthening operational coherence between the Council and regional mechanisms, particularly in Africa, so that political engagement, mediation, and legal processes reinforce rather than undercut one another. Three, by exercising restraint and consistency in the interpretation and implementation of Charter obligations, ensuring that Council action reflects principles, not expediency. Mr. President, Excellencies, as many have already noted, this year marks 80 years since the adoption of the United Nations Charter. The Charter's relevance has not diminished. What is at issue is fidelity to it. If we want a system governed by law rather than leverage, then adherence must be uniform. If we want peace that lasts, then justice cannot be selectively applied. And if multilateralism is to remain credible, then this Council must lead by example. This is why, for Liberia, the choice before us is not between law and politics; it is whether politics will continue to be guided by law, as we promise it will be, to ensure global justice, equality, security, and peace for all of mankind. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Liberia for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Colombia.

Thank you, Mr. President. I'd like to thank Somalia for proposing this very timely open debate, and I would like to thank the Secretary General and the briefers for their presentations. Mr. President, the rule of law has been and must continue to be the cornerstone of the multilateral system. Today, more than ever before, the world needs to reaffirm that all power is subject to the law and that international law constitutes the common ground that makes peaceful coexistence among nations possible. The Charter of the United Nations continues to be our guide and essential reference. In the face of the serious challenges confronting humanity, the genocide in Gaza, interference in the internal affairs of other states, the intensification of conflicts in various regions of the world, or the climate crisis, it is imperative to recall that the Charter is not a programmatic text, No, it's a legally binding treaty that obliges all states by virtue of the principle of pacta sunt servanda. Respect for sovereign equality, the prohibition of the use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the good faith fulfilment of international obligations are not abstract principles, they are concrete guarantees of international peace and security. No state may invoke particular interests to depart from the principles of the Charter, nor forget that weakening international law undermines the multilateral order and increases the risk of conflict. Defending the international rule of law is, in essence, defending stability, predictability and peaceful coexistence. Columbia likewise believes that any national, regional or global strategy to address new threats to the rule of law must be grounded in what is prescribed in the Charter, a text that provides the necessary tools to respond to the challenges that we face as societies. Any collaborative process must adhere to its purposes and principles and must also take into account the differing contributions of countries, given their varying levels of development, to the causes of those challenges, as well as their respective capacities to respond to them. For its part, The Council must contribute to strengthening the rule of law in each of its actions. It must reinforce the fundamental principles and purposes of the Charter, not depart from them, and recognise that, whilst threats may evolve, responses must remain anchored in the existing legal framework. Even in light of the evolving concept of threats to peace under Article 39, the international legal framework itself provides the tools necessary to respond in a legitimate and effective manner. Additional instruments available to the Councils, such as the establishment of peacekeeping operations or special political missions, also serve preventive functions. by reducing the risk of relapse into conflict and strengthening national capacities. Any response, however, must emanate from the principle of cooperation among States and must consist of collective and coordinated interventions with the Organisation at their centre. Accordingly, we call for the actions of the United Nations and its Member States to focus on complementing efforts and work in a harmonious and concerted manner. Having said that, we believe that there could be better coordination within the UN itself and that the respective mandates of entities across the system could be implemented more coherently and therefore enhance their impact. All that is required for this is the political will of the community of states. The Sixth Committee of the General Assembly and the Special Committee on the Charter are natural fora for such coordination. The Secretary-General's annual report on the strengthening and coordination of UN activities aimed at promoting the rule of law should serve as the starting point for these discussions. The Council, for its part, must continue to be the privileged political forum for discussing issues related to the rule of law when these affect international peace and security. The Council also bears the responsibility of providing robust mandates and issuing instruments that are always anchored in international law in all its actions and in every context. Mr President, Colombia would emphasise that the full application of international law is the only way to respond to the multiple challenges that we face together, and it is also the only possible means of ensuring their sustainability and effectiveness over the long term, as well as fostering a sense of ownership among local communities. the rule of law has been the achievement of all of our countries, built over decades and as the result of our collective decision to establish it as a central element of our joint action. There is no better alternative and the well being of all our citizens depends on its implementation and respect. The 80th anniversary of the organisation offers us a timely to renew commitments. Colombia therefore invites the members of this Council to defend the Charter as the supreme framework for international coexistence, without downplaying it when it limits the use of power in favour of law. to promote the rule of law without selectivity, convenience or undue interference, and to ensure an inclusive and gender responsive approach across all policies and programmes. Lastly, Colombia reiterates its strict adherence to international law in each and every one of its actions and invites the states of this Council to do the same. Thank you very much.

I thank the representative of Colombia for her statement and now give the floor to the representative of United Kingdom.

Thank you, President. I thank Somalia for convening today's meeting on this important topic. We also thank the Secretary General, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and Judge Yusuf for their briefings. The United Kingdom's ongoing commitment to the rule of law is a key part of our national story. beginning over 800 years ago when the Magna Carta was signed, guaranteeing rights to justice and a fair trial. The rule of law remains fundamental to the international system. It is the bedrock of stable democratic societies and prosperous economies. As embodied in the UN Charter, it is key to the maintenance of international peace and security. We must never lose sight of why nations first came together in this forum, and the principles that continue to bind us together. Respect for international law is fundamental to offering a better future to citizens from the Middle East, to Sudan, to Haiti and beyond. And of course, in Ukraine, which has been on the receiving end of an egregious breach of the UN charter. President, The UK stands firm in our support for the institutions which defend and advance the international rule of law. The International Court of Justice's demanding workload is testament to its impartiality, independence and legal rigour. We also remain steadfast in our support for the International Criminal Court and its vital work to end impunity for the gravest crimes. The UK believes that international law delivers real benefits and helps us address contemporary global challenges. For example, the recent entry into force of the BBNJ agreement marks a major milestone in safeguarding our shared marine environment. As we speak, work towards a convention on crimes against humanity is underway, representing a significant opportunity to strengthen prevention and accountability. and progress on a draft convention for the protection of persons in the event of disasters reflects the importance of legal frameworks that enhance preparedness and cooperation. These efforts show what is possible when states work collectively to build and refine the international legal order to address new and emerging challenges. In this context, the UK was pleased to recently pledge additional voluntary contributions to a range of UN funds supporting participation in these initiatives and the rule of law. These include the UN programme of assistance on international law, the operationalisation of the BBNJ agreement, participation of developing states at the PPED negotiating conference and the ICJ Judicial Fellowship. President, the UK's enduring commitment to the rule of law is unwavering, reflecting our firm commitment to peace, international cooperation, accountability, and to the UN Charter. I thank you.

I thank the representative of United Kingdom for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Greece.

Mr. President, As we reflect on the 80th anniversary of the UN Charter, this debate offers an opportunity not only to reaffirm principles, but to renew political commitment. Revitalizing multilateralism requires ensuring that international law guides action, rather than follows it. It means ensuring that international law and the UN Charter apply to states in the same way that might does not make right, that solidarity and responsibility towards each other prevail over war, repression, and militarization. Indeed, Greece attaches great importance to the preeminence of international law, respect for the UN Charter, the resolution of disputes among states through peaceful means, including recourse to judicial proceedings. We wish to highlight the following points as regards international rule of law as a pillar of multilateralism and as a means to achieve justice and peace. A major achievement regarding the rule of law at the international level and multilateralism relates to the conclusion of a wide range of important multilateral treaties under the auspices of the United Nations, a number of which contain provisions on dispute resolution, judicial or non-judicial. We underscore in this respect the advancement of the rule of law within the United Nations in the framework of the protection of human rights contemplated in Article 1, paragraph 3 of the Charter through the conclusion of the core human rights conventions. Major achievements of multilateralism regarding the international rule of law also include conventions such as those on the law of the sea, a major achievement in this respect being the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea as regards its universal and unified character. We welcome in this regard the recent landmark development with the entry into force of the 17th of January, 2026 of the BBNJ agreement. The agreement implements UNCLOS and sets specific legally binding provisions on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction. Second, Greece wishes to underscore the impact of the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice on the settlement of disputes and of its advisory opinions on the clarification and consolidation of international law. Besides, alongside the ICJ, the jurisprudence and advisory opinions of regional and sectoral courts and tribunals are providing considerable contributions regarding the interpretation and application of international law. Third, serious challenges are, however, present or lying ahead. We must absolutely counter the increasing trend around the world of actions which undermine multilateralism, its institutions, and the international rule of law. A world without the rule of law at its core pillar is a more dangerous, a violent world, a world without peace or justice, particularly for smaller states. The Security Council bears a particular responsibility in this regard. When violations of international law go unaddressed, the credibility of the Council itself is at stake. Reaffirming the rule of law must therefore be accompanied by a renewed commitment to restraint, consistency, and support for peaceful settlement and accountability mechanisms. In this context, threats or use of force against the territorial integrity of states in stark violation of Article 2, paragraph 4 of the Charter continue unrelenting. In a number of instances, these threats are also directed against states which are invoking a legal right that is well established under international law. Furthermore, in a number of cases, states parties to international disputes are taking actions aggravating or endangering the maintenance of international peace and security or impeding the peaceful settlement of disputes. They equally disregard decisions of the International Court of Justice and other international tribunals. Moreover, important legal gaps on criminal accountability still exist. There is no legal binding international instrument currently in force on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity. The process leading to the convening of a UN diplomatic conference to elaborate and conclude a legally binding instrument has just started. Moreover, the number of states accepting the optional clause of the statute of the International International Court of Justice showed no significant increase in comparative terms for years. Lastly, Mr. President, the rule of law at the international level has an obvious impact on the domestic level as regards accountability mechanism, a comprehensive system of judicial remedies, and a range of independent authorities and institutions. Transparency, the fight against corruption and organized crime, as well as the respect of international human rights law constitute essential components reflecting developments at the international level. In concluding, the rule of law at the international level, multilateralism, and the peaceful settlement of disputes are closely intertwined. Their enhancement leads to justice among nations and to the maintenance of peace and security internationally with tangible effects also on the rule of law at the domestic level. Greece will always stand on the side of the international rule of law and all efforts to enhance peace, justice, and multilateralism. Thank you.

I thank the representative of Greece for her statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Democratic Republic of Congo.

Mr. President, the Democratic Republic of the Congo would like to congratulate the Federal Republic of Somalia on its presidency of the Security Council, and we thank you for organizing this open debate. I'd also like to take this opportunity to thank the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres. as well as the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mr. Ali Yusuf, and finally Judge Abdul Kaoui Yusuf, founding president of the African Institute of International Law. This debate is being organized at a pivotal time as we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Charter of the United Nations. As a country affected by armed conflicts, the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains deeply committed to the promotion of international peace and security founded on respect for the rule of international law. Mr President, 80 years after the adoption of the Charter, the Security Council is called upon to engage in a clear eyed reflection on the progress achieved, but also with regard to the persistent challenges relating to respect for the rule of law among nations. The gradual erosion of this normative foundation weakens multilateralism and it fuels a crisis of confidence in international institutions. International rule of law constitutes the cornerstone of the multilateral system. It is based on respect for the UN Charter, on the good faith observance of international obligations, as well as on the strengthening of the organization's three pillars: international peace and security, human rights, and development. Mr. President, The principles enshrined in the Charter, particularly respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and the prohibition of the use of force, continue to be severely tested in several regions of the world. These recurring violations undermine the credibility of the international legal order and weaken trust among States. In this regard, The persistent security situation in the eastern part of the DRC illustrates the challenges facing the multilateral system when the fundamental principles of the Charter are not fully respected. Despite my country's engagement in regional mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of disputes under the auspices of the African Union and in accordance with Chapter 8 of the Charter, results on the ground remain below expectations. This reality recalls the importance of the effective implementation of Security Council decisions, particularly those calling for strict respect for territorial integrity and the cessation of any unauthorised foreign military presence. Multilateralism is currently going through a phase of weakening marked by the resurgence of armed conflicts, the rise of unilateralism and the effects of global crises. In this context, it is imperative to reaffirm that the international rule of law remains the preferred path for preventing conflicts, promoting justice and ensuring lasting peace. Chapter six of the Charter of the United Nations relating to the peaceful settlement of disputes remains an essential and sometimes underutilized tool. Its more systematic activation combined with increased recourse to mediation, preventive diplomacy and international judicial mechanisms would help substitute law for force in the conduct of international relations. Mr. President, Strengthening the international rule of law also requires better coordination among the various organs of the United Nations, in full respect of their respective mandates. Coherent action by the Security Council, the General Assembly, the International Court of Justice and regional organisations would enhance the legitimacy and impact of collective efforts in favour of peace. within as part of all of this regional organisations particularly african ones are playing an increasingly important role in the peaceful settlement of disputes and in strengthening the legal and institutional capacities of states Mr. president the democratic republic of the congo calls upon the security council to fully assume the responsibility entrusted to it under article twenty four of the charter. by placing the promotion and strengthening of the rule of law at the heart of all United Nations actions. This notably entails rigorous implementation of adopted resolutions, increased support for fragile states and coherent use of the instruments at the Council's disposal. Furthermore, in situations of conflict, it remains crucial for the Council to ensure that humanitarian actors are guaranteed unimpeded access in order to assist civilian populations needing aid. In conclusion, the Democratic Republic of the Congo reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the ideals and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It remains engaged in collective action aimed at building an international order founded on law, justice and multilateralism. guarantors of a lasting and inclusive peace. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for her statement and now give the floor to the representative of China who has asked for the floor to make further statement.

Thank you, President. China firmly rejects U.S. representative's erroneous remarks on the issue of the South China Sea and is compelled to make a stern response. I wish to emphasize that China has indisputable sovereignty over Nansha Zudao and the adjacent waters and sovereign rights and jurisdiction over relevant waters. China's territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea are grounded on solid historical and legal basis. I also wish to remind the U.S. representative that the United States is not a party to UNCLOS, and it has no right to presume itself as a judge of UNCLOS and point fingers at other countries. The United States, in total disregard of the historical context and objective facts regarding the South China Sea, has been stirring up trouble and sowing discord everywhere. It has even deployed offensive weapons, including land-based intermediate-range missiles in the South China Sea. and under the pretext of freedom of navigation, has frequently dispatched advanced ships and aircraft for military reconnaissance and drills in the South China Sea and intruded into China's territorial waters and space, as well as waters and airspaces surrounding China's islands and reefs. Who is engaging in coercive and bullying practices in the South China Sea? Who is disrupting regional stability and threatening navigational freedom and security? who is undermining international rule of law. The facts are self-evident. Thank you, President.

I thank the representative of China for his statement. And I wish to remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than three minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. The flashing lights on the microphone will prompt the speakers to bring their remarks to a close after three minutes. I now give the floor to the representative of Kazakhstan.

Mr. President, I thank Somalia for convening this open debate and for selecting the theme, which rightly stands at the center of the Security Council's agenda. Kazakhstan views the rule of law as a central pillar of international peace and security. Lasting peace is impossible without the rule of law, and international peace and security can be maintained only on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations. Today it is crucial to reaffirm once again the rules agreed by all member states must be respected by all. This common understanding has underpinned the council's previous deliberations aimed at a deeper discussion of how within the United Nations we can uphold peace and security through the promotion of the rule of law. In this regard, Kazakhstan highlights several priorities. An important element of the rule of law is strict compliance with international law. Selective application of norms, double standards, and the politicization of legal mechanisms undermine the international order. We call on all states to refrain from the threat of use of force, to respect sovereign equality and territorial integrity, and to resolve disputes exclusively by peaceful means. We equally call for the fullest compliance with the existing international norms against the use of threat, use or threat of use, as well as testing of nuclear weapons or any other types of weapons of mass destruction. In this regard, we believe the upholding of existing CTBT and NPT regimes to be a key collective priority. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons that marked the fifth anniversary since its entry into force just few days ago is also becoming an integral part of the international legal architecture, with the majority of the UN member states having joined it. We also note the particular importance of the global initiative to galvanize political commitment to international humanitarian law launched by Kazakhstan together with a group of states and the International Committee of the Red Cross. To date, 99 states have joined the initiative. In this regard, we encourage all states to engage actively in its implementation and to participate in the high-level conference on humanity in war scheduled to take place later this year in Amman, Jordan. Where serious breaches of international law occur, it is important for the international community to act consistently and to ensure that existing mechanisms function effectively. The Security Council should therefore support the strengthening of national justice systems and the rule of law in post-conflict societies. In this regard, UN peace operations play an important role in supporting national institutions, including judicial, police, and rule of law structures. Kazakhstan underscores that strengthening the rule of law should be regarded as an integral and strategic component of peacekeeping, contributing to sustainable peace and nationally owned post-conflict recovery. Enhancing the role of international justice and the peaceful settlement of disputes also remains an important priority. Kazakhstan supports close interaction between the Security Council and the International Court of Justice, and calls upon states to implement in good faith the decisions of the principal judicial body of the organization. Mr. President, Kazakhstan is convinced that strengthening peace and justice and multilateralism begins with a return to the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and with respect for international law as our shared language of security. We stand ready to work with all members of the Council to reinforce the legal foundations of conflict prevention, mediation and peacebuilding, so that international law once again becomes not a subject of dispute, but a pillar of trust. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Kazakhstan for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Egypt.

Mr. President, Allow me at the outset to thank Somalia for its initiative in convening an open debate on this important topic. I also thank Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the UN, for his statement. I would also like to extend my sincere thanks to His Excellency Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, as well as the esteemed Judge Yusuf for their valuable briefings. The United Nations was established after decades of severe human suffering and a harsh historical experience. through which the international community came to realize that the logic of power and force would only lead us all toward further tragedies, conflicts, and disputes. Thus, the United Nations Charter emerged to embody the will of humanity to turn the page on the past and rebuild a new international order, one that safeguards international peace and security, strengthens cooperation among nations, upholds human rights, grants peoples their freedom and right to self-determination, and enables them to achieve development and prosperity. Despite our firm adherence to the UN Charter and its principles, yet we must acknowledge that the international system that was established eight decades ago and reshaped later after the end of the Cold War, is now undergoing profound transformations. It has experienced a state of fluidity and uncertainty and suffers a decline in its credibility and effectiveness. The gap continues to widen between the provisions and principles of the charter and the practices observed on the ground. Growing polarization, friction, tension among major powers have also weakened multilateral institutions and undermined their effectiveness. The selective application of international law and persistent grave violations of its rules, along with the inability to enforce United Nations resolutions, all have caused that many of our peoples lose confidence in the fairness of the international system and its ability to protect them. Acknowledging these challenges is not intended to undermine multilateral action or diminish the role of the UN. Rather, it represents an effort toward candor and transparency to develop a clear and realistic vision for the steps required to restore confidence in the organization and in multilateral mechanisms. Egypt believes that the ongoing efforts to reform the United Nations, foremost among them the UN80 initiative, these efforts must be seen as an opportunity for an objective assessment of the organization's performance and its various bodies, with the aim of restoring their effectiveness, developing their working methods, enhancing their efficiency and improving their ability to respond to current challenges. This requires that the reform process be comprehensive, participatory and transparent, that it is based on the priorities of all member states, particularly developing countries. In conclusion, Egypt affirms that the international peace and security is subject to our ability to safeguard the charter and the rules of international law and to give priority to multilateralism and joint action. As such, we reiterate our commitment to the international community. commitment to work with all partners in order to strengthen and enhance the effectiveness and credibility of the UN and safeguard its pivotal role as a place for all of us to work collectively to achieve peace and security. Thank you, Mr. President.

Thank the representative of Egypt for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Philippines.

Thank you, Mr. President. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos People's Democratic Republic, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Vietnam, and the Philippines. We thank Somalia for convening this debate. at a time when the world is facing increasingly complex and cross-cutting challenges to the rule of law. ASEAN reaffirms its strong commitment to upholding multilateralism and a rules-based international order. ASEAN member states stress the utmost importance of upholding the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including the principles of sovereign equality of states, respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and international law. We affirm our commitment to the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the UN Charter. We also continue to promote the rule of law in all its aspects and affirm our commitment to peace and security, good governance, and the promotion and protection of human rights enshrined in the ASEAN Charter. In this regard, ASEAN reaffirms the importance of upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the 1982 UNCLOS, as well as ASEAN's shared values and norms enshrined in the ASEAN Charter and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, among others. We further emphasize the importance of strengthening preventive mechanisms in addressing emerging and existing challenges to promote peace and security, including through diplomacy, confidence-building measures, and inclusive dialogue, in line with international law and ASEAN's longstanding commitment to conflict prevention. Mr. President, as a rules-based intergovernmental grouping, ASEAN is committed to stability and security in the region. ASEAN treaties and instruments have paved the way for our success. ASEAN member states continue to work with China towards the early conclusion of an effective and substantive code of conduct in the South China Sea consistent with international law, including UNCLOS, and within a mutually agreed timeline. Mr. President, ASEAN is committed to strengthen the ASEAN community and the peaceful resolution of disputes, including through the respect for legal and diplomatic processes without resorting to the threat or use of force in accordance with the universally recognized principles of international law, including UNCLOS. As we mark the 80th year of the Charter and the 50th year of the Treaty on Amity and Cooperation, ASEAN reaffirms the rule of law and underscores the importance of reinforcing its role through the observance of international obligations in good faith, the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, the prohibition of the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, and the strengthening of multilateral cooperation. In this context, ASEAN underscores the importance of the Security Council acting in an efficient, consistent, transparent, and non-selective manner, particularly in the application of international law, in order to uphold its credibility and effectively safeguard international peace and security. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the representative of Philippines for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Indonesia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Indonesia aligns ourselves with the statement of ASEAN delivered by the Philippines and would like to add the following in our national capacity. Mr. President, in the last 80 years, the world has largely benefited from a rules-based multilateral order. Indeed, it's true that much remains to be done. Access to justice remains a luxury to many, as most evident through the long overdue quest for justice of the Palestinian people. Nevertheless, for Indonesia, international law provides not only legal clarity, but also a moral compass in navigating increasingly complex global challenges. This derived from Indonesia's principle foreign policy, an independent and active foreign policy implemented through mutual respect and partnership. as exemplified among others through the 1955 Bandung Principles, the first ASEAN Concord of 1976, and the second ASEAN Concord of 2012. We never believe that power determines justice. Instead, we believe that with great power comes even greater responsibility. Responsibility is to uphold international law without double standard. to embrace others and uphold the principles of equality among nations and peaceful settlement of disputes. In the words of my president, Prabowo Subianto, and I quote, "We must stand for all, the strong and the weak. Might cannot be right, right must be right." Therefore, whichever forum of international arrangements Indonesia has decided to join, please rest assured Indonesia will bring our firm commitment to the UN Charter to the table. We will uphold the principles of multilateralism, and we will be the voice of reasons, particularly the voice of developing nations and those left behind. Amid that background, I wish to underline two points. First, now more than ever, the world must come together to uphold the sanctity of international law. Indonesia has repeatedly underlined that a la carte implementation of international law will never work. Instead, it will open a dangerous Pandora's box. Expectations are high that the Council can effectively serve as a bastion of international law. Placing international law at the heart of the Council's every decision will enable the Council to rise above the paralysis that has become, unfortunately, more evident in recent years. paralysis that unfortunately has allowed some grave humanitarian situations unanswered in Gaza and some other parts of the world. Placing international law at heart means the Council will ensure accountability across all situations without exception. We call for every veto cast in the Council to be accompanied by legal justification, thus reaffirming that its exercise is subject to legal responsibility. Further, the Council should also serve as a critical intermediary for dispute settlement, bridging political dialogue and judicial resolution before recourse to the ICJ. Second, amid imperfections in the multilateral system, we should come together to improve it. Imperfections should not lead to retreating from the multilateral system. It should lead to reform through genuine engagement. Worth highlighting also the need for a stronger and mutually reinforcing process among UN organs to ensure effective implementation of international law. Having regular substantive dialogue between the Security Council with the General Assembly and the ICJ, as well as with regional organizations, will help to ensure that international law prevails in all conflict situation. As the President, Indonesia will never rely on a broken multilateral system, nor entrust our future to a world that defies international law. We will continue to work with all to reform the multilateral system to be more effective in maintaining international peace and security, one that is based on the principles of multilateralism and shared responsibility to uphold international rule of law. Thank you.

I thank the representative of Indonesia for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of South Africa.

Ms. President, South Africa welcomes the convening of this timely open debate presided over by His Excellency President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, whose presence signifies the importance of its theme in the current international environment. We thank the distinguished briefers for their insightful comments. South Africa has always believed in the international rule of law with the United Nations Charter at its core. An international system based on the fundamental legal principles of the sovereign equality of states, territorial integrity, and political independence inherently benefits all nations, large and small. It has led to the prohibition of interventions in the internal or external affairs of other states, the prohibition of the use of force that is not in line with Article 51 of the Charter or duly authorized by this Council, obligations to respect and implement treaties in good faith, cooperation among states, the peaceful settlement of disputes, as well as respect for human rights and the self determination of peoples. Furthermore, it has provided a framework for development by defending the vulnerable against exploitation and coercion. We therefore reaffirm our commitment to the rule of law, as well as the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. The debate today aimed at reaffirming the international rule of law is therefore very opportune given the current geopolitical developments largely characterised by the wanton disregard for international law, a deficit of trust among nations, erosion of the spirit of cooperation and the inability of the institution, especially the UN Security Council, to act when required. We therefore appreciate Somalia's leadership on this issue, building on the Security Council Presidential Statement PRST/2014/5. Mr. President, when countries ignore the Charter and act contrary to the central premise, it undermines the credibility of the entire system within which we all undertake our international relations. It erodes trust that law will protect those most vulnerable to the excesses of power. At times like these, our collective action is required to build a just and more humane world. Key for the United Nations is the reform of the Security Council to allow this principal organ of the UN to fulfill its mandate and enable the enforcement of the rule of law as a backbone for the maintenance of international peace and security. The unfettered exercise of the veto has largely hindered much needed action to protect the most vulnerable, even in the midst of a genocide committed in full view of the global public, with national interests prioritized over the maintenance of international peace and security. In this regard, we have seen how the General Assembly has stepped in to address pressing issues in the face of the failure of the Security Council to act. While all principal organs of the UN contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security, It is also important to recognize the reinforcing nature of all three pillars of the UN, and thus the promotion and respect for human rights and access to justice to ensure accountability will have a meaningful impact in the lives of peoples. Finally, Mr. President, we must be clear that the violations of international law are the exception to the normative progress we have all made. Therefore, it is incumbent on all of us to ensure accountability for gross violations which threaten all of us. A precedent of impunity for those wielding unrestrained power is a dangerous one which threatens the very bedrock of international peace and security. We must therefore be united as we had been in the past and rally behind the UN in its lofty and noble ambitions set out in the charter. As I conclude, Mr. President, South Africa aligns itself with the statement to be delivered by Austria on behalf of the Group of Friends of the Rule of Law. I thank you.

I thank the representative of South Africa for her statement, and now give the floor to the representative of Germany.

Mr. President, I would like to first commend Somalia for organizing this timely and important debate, and thank the Chairperson of the AU Commission, as well as Judge Yusuf and the Secretary-General for their important contributions. The rule of law lies at the very heart of the international order, and if we do not adhere to international law, trust between states will inevitably erode. And if there's no accountability for serious crimes within states, societies will not be able to achieve sustainable peace. But how do we strengthen international law with all the conflicts that we're seeing? We strengthen it by learning from the past, building on successes that we've seen and made, by enhancing knowledge about the significance of international law, and by working concretely on its development. And I would like to be very concrete in the following points. First, the deliberations last week in the Preparatory Committee for the Convention on Crimes Against Humanity underlined that unlike genocide and war crimes, Crimes against humanity are not yet governed by a universal treaty dedicated to their prevention and punishment, and Germany firmly believes that this normative gap must be closed. So we call upon all member states to engage in the negotiations in order to ensure an outcome of global and historical importance. Second, in 1994, this council established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. not only did this court make history in handing down the first international judgment based on the 1948 Genocide Convention, but it also contributed to the legal development of establishing international jurisdiction over crimes against humanity. And it contributed to justice and accountability after the atrocious genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. And I would like to recall this and maybe to revisit the judgment of this court for the historic relevance and the legal distinction between genocide and crimes against humanity. Furthermore, clarity in law goes hand in hand with clarity in the facts. And conflicts often arise, just as an example, around border disputes. Certainty about borders can avoid conflict, war, and suffering. And I would like to highlight the African Union Border Program, which is, as many of you undoubtedly know, a delimitation and demarcation project to clarify legally and factually the exact line of over 9,000 kilometers of borders between several countries in Africa. And my country has been proud to support this initiative since 2008 with over 90 million U.S. dollars. Mr. President, colleagues, Germany is particularly committed to international law and international criminal law, not the least because of our own history. Eighty years ago, in the wake of devastation and unprecedented human suffering, a new international order began to take shape. And the Nuremberg trials were revolutionary because they introduced a new principle in international law. that individuals should be held accountable for grave violations of international law. And this legacy is still visible today. Three years ago, almost four, in 2022, a judgment of the higher regional court in Germany in Koblenz convicted a man of crimes against humanity for his crimes committed in a prison in Damascus. And this is one, only one, of the prominent examples of how Germany is committed to ensuring accountability and bringing justice to victims of crimes. Excellency, in summing up, let us all learn from the past that peace and justice are inseparable, that international law plays a decisive role in keeping the peace between nations, and after conflict, finding back the way to peace. Let us reconfirmed that respect for each other requires us to prevent the recurrence of crimes against humanity, and that adhering to international law is at the heart of preventing conflict and keeping the peace. And let us strengthen international law by supporting the UN and its institutions, including the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court, and by reforming the institution and reforming those parts that have been in need for reform for a long time, including the Security Council. Would like to assure you that Germany stands ready to do its part in working with all of you and in this endeavor. Thank you very much.

I thank the representative of Germany for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

Mr. President, distinguished members of the Security Council, in just a few weeks, the world will mark four years since the start of Russia's unprovoked and treacherous full-scale military invasion against Ukraine that has brought immense suffering to the Ukrainian people. In recent months, intensive diplomatic efforts initiated by the United States and supported by our European allies and like-minded countries have been underway to stop this barbaric war and to achieve a peace that would be lasting and just. One of the central questions before us today is accountability. We often hear that argument that in order to reach a stable peace, justice should be set aside or at least not be overemphasized. Some claim that holding perpetrators accountable might complicate negotiations and endanger peace. But is it really true? History gives us a clear answer. Justice and accountability are not obstacles to peace, they are its foundation. After the Second World War, the Nuremberg Tribunal established a basic principle of international law. Those who commit the gravest crimes are individually accountable, regardless of rank or position. Decades later, the international tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda demonstrated that justice contributes to sustainable peace by breaking cycles of violence and enabling reconciliation. In these cases, tribunals did not obstruct peace, they made peace possible. The same principle must apply to Russia's aggression against Ukraine. This invasion has brought systematic atrocities against civilians in occupied territories, mass killings such as those uncovered in Bucha, forced deportations, torture, and sexual violence. These crimes were not isolated instances. They were part of a broader deliberate pattern and clearly constitute crimes against humanity. Today we witness yet another form of Russia's criminal conduct, the deliberate destruction of Ukraine's energy infrastructure, plunging entire cities into darkness and cold and leaving millions of Ukrainians without heating, electricity and water. These are just a few instances in the history of humankind when suffering on such a magnitude has been inflicted so intentionally on a civilian population. Can we simply look away from crimes of this scale and move on at the negotiation table? Can sustainable peace be built on deliberate indifference to such violations? Ukraine's position is clear, all those responsible for the crime of aggression, for crimes against humanity and for crimes of war must be held accountable. There can be no selective justice and no immunity. Important steps have already been taken. The ICC has issued arrest warrants. Last June, an international convention was signed in Strasbourg that establishes a special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine, a milestone in restoring justice for this gravest crime under international law. The rule of law is the foundation of peace. A peace built without justice is fragile and temporary. A peace built on accountability has a chance to endure. And my last point, Mr. President, we have just heard the Russian delegate accusing Ukraine in violating our international obligations regarding military alliances. First of all, this is a lie, and second, There can be no justification for a war of aggression. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Ukraine for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Liechtenstein.

Thank you very much, Mr. President, for convening this important discussion. In ratifying the Charter, member states have established a system under which relations between states are governed by agreed upon rules with the peaceful settlement of disputes at core. purpose of the United Nations. An important dimension of the current rule of law crisis is the erosion of respect for Article 24, which obligates all of us to refrain in our international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. Under the Charter, the use of force is only lawful in self defence in accordance with Article 51 or when authorised by the Council. When invoking Article 51, states are to report measures taken to the Council and to provide a clear legal justification. The steady decline in the Council's practice in this respect has created dangerous results for international peace and security. The right of self-determination, which occupies a central place in the charter and in the history of the United Nations, is also under significant pressure, both through the overall negative trends on the respect for international law and new challenges such as sea level rise. In reaffirming the rule of law, we must also reaffirm unequivocally the right of all peoples to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. Mr. President, international courts play a crucial role in upholding international law, in particular the charter. The International Court of Justice has played a key role in adjudicating territorial disputes between states and has the competence to settle disputes between states under numerous UN treaties. Hopefully, the treaty on crimes against humanity soon to be added to this list. Also in exercising its advisory role, the ICJ has been able to play an important role in settling disputes as illustrated in the Chagos advisory opinion. The International Criminal Court ensures accountability for the most serious crimes under international law, genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. All these crimes are of direct relevance for the work of the Council, which is why it has the power to refer situations to the Court, warranted in situations of particular gravity, such as most recently in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The court's role with respect to the crime of aggression deals with the most serious violations of the prohibition of the use of force under the UN charter. We hope that more states will join the jurisdictional regime of the ICC over this crime and that this jurisdiction is elevated to the level of the other crimes. At the time when international law is challenged in an unprecedented way, political attacks on international courts are sadly almost inevitable. standing up in their support is indispensable for the reaffirmation of the rule of law. Mr. President, we live in times that none of us have witnessed before. International relations are at the risk of being thrown back not only to a time prior to the creation of the United Nations, but indeed to a far more distant and darker past. International law is owned by all of us who have agreed to the rules in the charter and it benefits the peoples in whose name we work. It is ultimately the task of those who believe in international law to stand together and to stand up for it and to place it again as we did in 1945 at the center of international relations. We look forward to working with all members, including members of this council to that end. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Liechtenstein for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Malaysia.

Thank you, Mr. President, for convening this open debate. Malaysia expresses its appreciation to the Secretary-General and the briefers for their valuable insights. We align ourselves with the statement by the Philippines on behalf of ASEAN. Mr. President, Malaysia firmly believes that this debate is both timely and essential, particularly in light of recent events that starkly demonstrate the concerning trend of disregarding the rule of law with impunity. Today, we are witnessing blatant acts that erode the very foundations of international law, foundations that we, the international community, has painstakingly built and upheld over decades. Israel's illegal occupation of Palestine and its systematic atrocities against the Palestinian people, which are brazen violations of international law, including international human rights and humanitarian law, are clear examples. In addition, we have been witnessing increasing violations of international law and the sidelining of the UN through unilateral actions and the detestable flexing of power. Could we be at the onset of a dangerous breakdown of the international world order based on international law and regressing into a world where only might is right? Mr. President, the United Nations was established with a clear mandate to maintain international peace and security, to prevent conflict, and to uphold international law. Yet, this mandate remains severely constrained, particularly within the Security Council, where the repeated use of the veto or the threat thereof by permanent members has undermined its effectiveness and because of it, the United Nations credibility. Malaysia therefore reiterates that upholding the rule of law within the United Nations system must begin with meaningful institutional reform, especially of the Security Council. Persistent concerns relating to accountability, transparency, and equitable representation demonstrates the urgent need to align the United Nations structures with contemporary global realities. Mr. President, Malaysia maintains its longstanding position that reform of the Security Council is no longer optional, but an absolute necessity. While immediate measures to regulate the use of the veto are necessary, Malaysia firmly believes that the veto has no place in a modern, democratic, multilateral system and should ultimately be abolished. Such reform is essential to restore confidence in the international legal order and to prevent its further erosion. It is the only way to ensure equality of all sovereign states before the law. In conclusion, Malaysia reaffirms its unwavering commitment to strengthening the rule of law, upholding human rights and advancing justice at both the national and international levels. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Malaysia for his statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Chile.

Thank you very much, Mr. President. We'd like to thank Somalia for convening this high-level debate at a time when the erosion of the international rule of law threatens not only peace and security, but also confidence in multilateralism. We also thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Mahmoud Ali Yusuf, and Mr. Abdul Qawi Yusuf for their participation this morning. Chile agrees that reaffirming the rule of law among nations is indispensable to preserving a rules based, fair and legitimate international order. Chile considers it a priority to develop preventive and cooperative strategies, both at the regional and global levels, that allows threats to the rule of law to be anticipated before they escalate into conflict. This requires lasting frameworks for collaboration between the United Nations and regional organizations based on effective diplomacy, early information sharing, and the strengthening of institutional capacities, especially in regions affected by historical legacies of inequality and institutional weakness. In this regard, the Security Council and the UN system as a whole must act with greater coherence and predictability to prevent the erosion of international law. This entails a firm commitment to the Charter, respect for international humanitarian law and human rights law, and the rejection of all forms of impunity. The Council must strengthen its preventative role and ensure that its decisions and mandates are implemented consistently without double standards. Mr. President, Chile underscores the importance of actively promoting negotiation, mediation, arbitration and judicial settlement, as well as strengthening recourse to regional mechanisms. The African experience, marked by an increasing use of regional and international judicial bodies, demonstrates that law can and must replace the use of force as an instrument of international relations. In this context, it is essential to make fuller use of the tools already enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, particularly those aimed at the peaceful settlement of disputes. These provisions, designed to prevent the escalation of conflicts and to strengthen the rule of law among nations, remain essential, but they are still insufficiently utilised. Advancing the rule of law among nations requires better coordination among the various organs of the United Nations. Political, technical and resource related barriers persist that hinder coherent action. Overcoming them requires pragmatic reforms, greater alignment among peace, development and human rights, and the allocation of resources that reflects these priorities. Effective cooperation between the Security Council, the General Assembly and the specialised bodies is key to maximising impact and legitimacy. Finally, Mr. President, Chile reaffirms its commitment to people-centered multilateralism grounded in international law and oriented toward peace. Reaffirming the rule of law is not only a legal obligation, but a collective responsibility to ensure dignity, justice, and security for present and future generations. Thank you very much.

I thank the representative of Chile for his statement. There are still number of speakers remaining on my list for this meeting. I intend with the concurrence of the members of the council to suspend the meeting until 3:00 PM. The meeting is suspended.