Upholding the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and strengthening the UN-centered international system - Security Council, 10159th meeting

The 10,159th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is: Maintenance of International Peace and Security, Upholding the Purposes and Principles of the UN Charter, and Strengthening the UN-Centered International System. The agenda is adopted. I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary-General, the distinguished ministers, and other high-level representatives present in the Security Council chamber. Your presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. Before each of you is a list of speakers who have requested to participate. In accordance with Rules 37 and 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, as well as the previous practice of the Council in this regard, we propose that they be invited to participate in this meeting. There being no objection, it is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of Item 2 of the agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to Document S/2026.417, a letter dated May 14th, 2026, from the Permanent Representative of China to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General transmitting a concept paper on the item under consideration. I now give the floor to Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres.

Mr. President, Your Excellency Mr. Wang Yi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, Excellencies. The United Nations Charter is a survival guide for humanity. A promise born from the devastation of two world wars. A commitment that the force of law must prevail over the law of force. That international disputes must be settled by peaceful means. And that all States, large and small, must act in conformity with the principles of justice, and international law. For decades, the values and principles of the UN Charter have helped deliver: placing guardrails on a nuclear arms race; negotiating an end to devastating wars; advancing human rights; supporting decolonization; and fostering development across the globe. And above all, preventing a Third World War. But today, the purposes and principles of the Charter are under profound strain. Let me briefly point to 7 here-and-now threats. First, we are witnessing a dangerous erosion of respect for international law. Core principles—sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political independence, the prohibition of the threat or use of force are being challenged or ignored. Violations go unanswered and impunity is spreading. Second, geopolitical divisions are deepening. Mistrust is growing. Consensus is harder to achieve. And too often, this Council fails to act with unity and purpose. When the Security Council is divided, the consequences are felt far beyond the Charter, and relate to my next point. Third, conflicts are proliferating and intensifying. We now face the highest number of conflicts since the founding of the United Nations. And there is growing external interference, —including the provision of weapons such as drones, which now frequently target civilians and civilian objects. Violence is expanding, in scale and complexity, in the Middle East, Sudan, Ukraine and beyond. And I must add that I am deeply concerned by a recent announcement by the Russian Federation to launch "consistent and systemic strikes against Ukrainian defense enterprises in Kyiv, as well as against decision-making centers and command posts, following reports of an Ukrainian drone attack on a college building and dormitory in the Ukrainian city of Starobilsk, presently occupied by the Russian Federation. On Friday, we condemned the attack on the school, as we condemn all attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure wherever they occur. But now more than ever, it is imperative to avoid any escalation of a conflict that has already exacted a devastating toll on civilians and that risks making the search for peace even more distant, prolonging the suffering of people. This takes place as Israel has announced an escalation of its operations in Lebanon, witnessed constant violations of the ceasefire in Gaza, And the result of negotiations between the United States and Iran to end the conflict in the Gulf remain unpredictable. Fourth, we are seeing an accelerating and destabilizing arms race. Global military spending is at record levels, even as deadly weapons get cheaper to produce and resources for development and humanitarian needs get slashed. Meanwhile, new technologies, including artificial intelligence and autonomous weapons, are advancing faster than our capacity to govern them. These trends create new and uncharted risks to international peace and security. Fifth, human rights are under full-scale attack. Across the world, we see civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights being pushed back deliberately strategically and even proudly. The consequences are devastating for individuals, communities and entire societies. When human rights fall, everything else trembles. 6. The link between peace and development is under increasing pressure. Inequalities are widening. Many developing countries are overwhelmed by debt, and lack access to sufficient financing. Sustainable Development Goals are slipping further out of reach. But let us always remember: there can be no peace without development, and no development without peace. Seventh, the climate crisis is accelerating. It is a driver of instability, a multiplier of threats, and an increasing source of tension within and between nations. Excellencies, these seven challenges are interconnected. And they are testing the resilience of the Charter itself. Together, we must summon the political will to uphold it. Member States have already recognized the need for action. In the Pact for the Future, they reaffirmed their unwavering commitment to act in accordance with international law, including the Charter, and its purposes and principles. And they acknowledge a central reality: our multilateral system must be strengthened to meet the demands of today's world. And that means acting across three fundamental fronts. First, prevention and peacemaking. We must invest far more in preventing conflict before it erupts or escalates. That includes supporting national peacebuilding efforts. Addressing root causes—from inequality to exclusion to weak institutions—and pursuing peaceful means of settling disputes, as this Council itself urged last year in Resolution 2788. The tools exist: negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, regional arrangements, fact-finding, and the good offices of this Organization or any other peaceful means of the parties' own choosing. They must be used fully and in good faith. Second, upholding international law, including international human rights law and international humanitarian law. Commitments must be upheld consistently, without selectivity, without double standards. And when violations occur, accountability must follow. Let's not forget: on matters of peace and security, members of this Council have a particular responsibility to lead by example. Third, and fundamentally, reform. Global institutions must reflect today's realities, not those of 1945. Nowhere is this more urgent than in this Council. A Security Council that does not reflect the geopolitical realities of today's world cannot fully deliver on its responsibilities. For example, the absence of permanent representation for Africa is an historic injustice. It undermines the credibility of the Council and diminishes its effectiveness. Reform is about restoring credibility and better ensuring that this Council can act —decisively and inclusively—to uphold the Charter. Excellencies, we must also strengthen the broader multilateral system. Through our review of peace operations, to ensure they are fit for the future. Through improved coordination with regional organizations. Through greater inclusion, ensuring women, youth and marginalized groups are full participants in decisions that shape their lives. Particularly when it comes to building peace; through reform of the international financial architecture so that it reflects the global economy of today; and through global cooperation on emerging challenges, including the governance of artificial intelligence. At the same time, through the UN80 Initiative, we are working to ensure that the United Nations itself is more effective, more coherent and more responsive, even as needs grow and resources tighten. But no reform—institutional or structural—can substitute for political will. The Charter is clear: "Member States shall refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations." They shall act in accordance with international law. And they shall settle international disputes peacefully, so international peace and security and justice are not endangered, avoiding the imposition of unilateral measures that could lead to escalation. Excellencies, Excellencies, the Charter remains humanity's best hope for peace. But it is only as strong as the commitment of those responsible for upholding it, and here I wish once again to emphasize the central role of the Security Council. The world is watching and demanding action, not merely rhetoric. I urge all members of this council to uphold the charter consistently, to act in the interest of peace, to rebuild trust through leadership and compromise and to do your part to ensure that this organization and this council truly live up to what it was meant to be: a forum for solutions, a guardian of international law, and a force for peace and security. Thank you.

Chinese. I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Minister of Foreign Affairs of China. Your Excellency Secretary-General António Guterres, colleagues, I thank Secretary-General Guterres for attending the meeting and for his briefing. We are gathered here at a time when the international situation is undergoing the most complex and profound changes since the end of World War II. The dark clouds of war keep gathering, and the law of the jungle is resurging. The giant ship of human civilization is sailing into dangerous waters, and world peace and development is at a crossroads. Just as the mural in this council chamber depicts, The world was reborn from the ashes of World War II, and history keeps moving forward amid twists and turns. The challenges before us are testing the international community's commitment to safeguarding peace, its resolve to stand up for justice, and its courage to take bold reforms. We must stand united and act together. To defend, to revitalize, and to strengthen the United Nations. First, we need to reinvigorate the UN Charter for stronger leadership. The Charter has established the international system centered on the UN, the norms governing state-to-state relations, and the foundation for international rule of law. It is the biggest common denominator of the post-war international community. The root cause of the chaos in today's world is not that the Charter's spirit is outdated, but that the international order and the basic norms governing international relations, both set out in the Charter, are not being effectively upheld and observed. The international community should recall the founding vision of the Charter, carry forward its spirit, and fulfill the obligations under it. We must uphold sovereign equality and oppose interference in internal affairs. We must uphold the peaceful settlement of disputes and oppose the use of force. We must uphold the victorious outcomes of World War II and oppose glorifying the history of aggression. All member states should align their policies with the spirit of the Charter and jointly observe and act on the Charter. Major countries in particular have the responsibility to lead by example in following the rule of law and the right path and should not practice double standards, exceptionalism, or selective application. Second, we need to strengthen the authority of the Security Council for greater ability to act. The Security Council is the core of international collective security mechanism. It is the most authoritative and legitimate body in the multilateral security system. The more volatile the world, the greater the leadership required of the Council to effectively manage conflicts and their spillovers. What comes with Security Council membership is not privileges, but responsibilities. Members should rise above narrow national interests and use international public goods responsibly. The Council needs to further improve its rules of procedure to ensure proposals are objective, impartial, and inclusive. It should avoid forcing through contentious proposals or initiatives. The P5 should increase communication and coordination on major proposals, seek maximum commonality, and reduce contention and confrontation. And take effective actions to uphold the solidarity and credibility of the Council. The international community should also conscientiously defend the Council's authority. Any unilateral military actions that circumvent the Council's mandate are unacceptable, and any unilateral sanctions that exceed the Council's resolutions lack legitimacy. UN peacekeeping operations are created and carried out for peace. The value and effectiveness of peacekeeping operations should be assessed, and the necessary reforms should be undertaken to transform and upgrade them in order to truly safeguard peace. Third, we need to reinvigorate global development cooperation for stronger mobilization. Development as the key to all problems must remain at the center of the international agenda. As the implementation of the SDGs is seriously lagging behind, the UN needs to vigorously coordinate global actions and fully mobilize global resources. It is important to solidify the pillar of development, strengthen the development system, provide countries of the Global South with more funding, technological and intellectual support in key areas such as poverty reduction, and urge developed countries to truly deliver on their development financing pledges. The UN should unequivocally oppose protectionism and unilateral actions, oppose making economic and trade issues about security, and oppose sci-tech blockades, decoupling, and cutting off supply chains. It is imperative to earnestly increase the representation and say of developing countries at the IMF and the World Bank. China supports the UN in strengthening dialogue with BRICS countries, the G20, the New Development Bank, and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank for a universally beneficial and balanced global economic and financial governance system. Fourth, we need to reinvigorate the global governance platform for stronger capacity to execute. Faced with emerging threats and challenges, no country can stay unaffected. A united response is our only way forward. We should strengthen the sense of community with a shared future for humanity, replace coercion with consultation, zero-sum with win-win, and small circles with greater unity. We should advocate the common values of humanity, promote intercultural exchanges and inclusiveness, and reject the notion of clash of civilizations and superiority. We should stand firmly for multilateralism, give full play to the role of the UN as the core platform for global governance, and support establishing universally accepted international rules and coordination mechanisms with the UN as the main channel. China supports the UN in playing a bigger role in the political settlement of hotspot issues. And supports exploring an integrated mediation model that would include the UN, regional organizations, stakeholders, and specialized agencies. China calls for expediting climate actions and establishing regular audit and accountability mechanisms for financial and technology assistance commitments. As AI brings with it moral and security risks, We need institutional guardrails, with the UN at the center, as early as possible. Comprehensive solutions on the governance of outer space, the polar regions, and cyberspace should be developed to prevent new frontiers from becoming lawless domains for zero-sum competition. Fifth, we need to reinvigorate the effectiveness of the UN system for stronger vitality. The UN is at the center of the post-war international system. Its role should only be enhanced, not weakened, and its standing upheld, not replaced. Member States should fulfill their financial obligations with real actions, support the UN in performing its mandate, and steadily contribute to the cause of the UN, rather than willfully withdraw from treaties and organizations, still less establish alternatives. Given the new situation and challenges, the UN also needs to reform to better adapt to changing times, be better equipped to deliver and bring tangible results to people around the world. China supports early deliverance of the UN80 Initiative, keeping to the right direction of reform and boosting Efficacy. The ownership of member states should be respected. The three pillars should be advanced in a balanced manner, and the aspiration of developing countries should be addressed to keep reforms on the right focus. Overlapping bodies and mandates in the UN system should be streamlined, resources be better integrated, and a culture of efficiency be promoted. Chinese Ambassador Cui Tianyi: Mr. Secretary-General, colleagues, this year marks the 55th anniversary of the restoration of the lawful seat of the PRC in the UN. For 55 years as a permanent member of the Council, China has taken an active part in the UN cause. Amid international turbulence and transformation, China holds its banner high. President Xi Jinping put forward the important vision of building a community with a shared future for humanity and the Four Global Initiatives, which quickly gained widespread international support. Amid frequent global conflicts, China promotes peace talks. We practice the Chinese way of resolving hotspot issues, including initiating the Group of Friends for Peace on the Ukraine crisis at the UN platform, constantly contributing our wisdom and efforts to maintaining world peace. Amid global development impasse, China empowers and enhances. The Global Development Initiative has mobilized over $23 billion of funds, supported over 180 cooperation projects, delivered up to 10,000 capacity-building programs for developing countries, and trained over 200,000 professionals in different fields. This has given a strong boost to the development of the Global South. Amid major public crises, China races to help. In 2015, China provided full support for the 3 West African countries in fighting Ebola. We are now ready to assist to the best of our ability the DRC and Uganda in the recent Ebola outbreak. As we speak, Chinese medical teams are on the ground fighting the disease shoulder to shoulder with African brothers. Amid headwinds facing multilateralism, China steps up to responsibility. We earnestly fulfill our financial obligations as the second largest contributor to the UN regular budget. We set up and make good use of the China-U.N. Peace and Development Fund and the Global Development and South-South Cooperation Fund. We initiated the International Organization for Mediation, is preparing for World AI Cooperation Organization, and has actively offered to host the BBNJ Secretariat. All these are our concrete efforts to build pillars for multilateralism. Xi Jinping: A country's greatness lies in serving the greater good. This year is the start of China's 15th Five-Year Plan. From this historic point onward, China will continue to uphold principles and follow the path of justice. Together with all countries, we will pursue greater unity under the banner of multilateralism, promote a more just and equitable global governance system, and strive toward —the goal of building a community with a shared future for humanity. Thank you. I now resume my function as President of the Council. And I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Mohammad E. Shaqdar, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Pakistan.

Honourable President, worthy UN Secretary-General, Hello members, very good morning. I thank you, Foreign Minister Excellency Wang Yi, for convening this important open debate during China's presidency of the Security Council. Your leadership and presence today attests to China's steadfast commitment to multilateralism and the UN Charter at a time of deepening divisions and growing disregard for international law, China's call for a strong UN-centered international system is most timely and vital. I also thank Secretary-General for this valuable briefing and principled leadership. The UN Charter was born from a tragedy that wreaked immense havoc and suffering. We collectively pledged in the Charter to govern international relations in a manner that saves future generations from the scourge of war. The Charter is not merely a legal instrument. It is the moral foundation of the international order. It affirms the sovereignty, equality of states, prohibits the threat or use of force calls for the peaceful settlement of disputes, upholds the right of peoples to self-determination, and entrusts this Council with primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Mr. President, for Pakistan, these principles of the UN Charter are sacrosanct. They are the foundation, foundation of our foreign policy, the basis of our international engagement and the guiding framework for our contribution to peace and security. Pakistan's commitment to the United Nations is therefore longstanding and principled. We have been among the leading contributors to UN peacekeeping in some of the world's most difficult theaters. We have championed in decolonization, self-determination, conflict prevention, sovereignty, equality, and international cooperation. Over the years, Pakistan has been a staunch advocate of pacific settlement of disputes. We are very grateful that the Security Council lent its full support to this cause by unanimously adopting Resolution 2788 presented by Pakistan in July 2025 on strengthening mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes. It reaffirmed a powerful truth: diplomacy is not weakness, dialogue is not concession, peaceful settlement is not an option of last resort. It is the first duty of states under the Charter for promoting international peace and security. That convention guides Pakistan's approach to the present crisis in the Middle East. As a friendly neighbor of Iran and brotherly countries of the Gulf, and a country with longstanding ties of amity with the United States, Pakistan consistently stood for restraint, de-escalation, and a return to diplomacy. During my one-day visit to Beijing on 31st of March, at the invitation of my friend, Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Pakistan and China announced the Five-Point Initiative for regional peace and stability in the Gulf and Middle East region. Another prolonged conflict would serve no one. It would endanger regional peace, disrupt global energy flows, deepen humanitarian suffering, and strain an already fragile international order. The path forward lies in diplomacy. We have exerted our sincere efforts in facilitating a durable solution that results in lasting peace and stability in the region and keeps maritime routes open for all. We are continuing this noble endeavor with resolve and dedication. I thank the parties for the confidence they've posed in Pakistan, and thank all our partners, including China, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Türkiye, and Qatar for their support. The entire world is watching. We must succeed in the interest of regional and global peace and security. Mr. President, the principle of peaceful settlement must apply with equal force to all longstanding disputes on this Council's agenda. For nearly 8 decades, the Jammu and Kashmir dispute has remained unresolved despite clear and multiple Security Council resolutions promising the Kashmiri people their right to self-determination. Durable peace in South Asia cannot be built on denial, unilateralism, or repression, nor can it coexist with the attempts to hold the Indus Water Treaty in advance, a vital framework for water cooperation and regional stability. Mr. President, water must never be weaponized. Treaties must always be honored, and disputes must be resolved through adherence to international law, dialogue and justice, and the implementation of relevant Security Council resolutions. The same fidelity to the Charter is required in Palestine. There can be no durable peace in the Middle East while occupation, collective punishment, forced displacement, and illegal expansion of settlements continue. The situation in Gaza and the West Bank is becoming increasingly volatile and demands our continuous attention. The momentum generated by the New York Conference on Two-State Solution and the Gaza peace plan presented by President Donald Trump, endorsed by Security Council Resolution 2803, must be sustained till its logical conclusion. Pakistan reaffirms its unwavering support for the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and to an independent viable contiguous State of Palestine based on pre-1967 borders with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. Mr. President, the crisis of the international system today is not caused by absence of principles. The principles are there and have been clearly spelt out and globally agreed. The crisis lies in their selective application. When sovereignty is defended, in one case but disregarded in another, the chapter and the charter of UN is weakened. When occupation is condemned in one region but tolerated and even supported in another, justice is diminished. When Security Council resolutions are invoked selectively, the credibility of this Council is eroded. When powerful states act outside the law, smaller states are left no wonder whether the Charter protects all nations equally. Mr. President, this selectivity is very dangerous. It breeds mistrust, fuels grievances, encourages unilateralism, and weakens the very multilateral system we all claim to uphold. A UN-centered international system can only be strengthened through consistency, equity, and respect for law. Multilateralism cannot mean the management of global affairs by a few. It must mean the participation voice and dignity for all. Mr. President, this is why Pakistan supports comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, democratic, transparent, accountable, and effective. Reform must not enlarge privilege or create new permanent seats of power. A reformed council must reflect the collective interests of the wider membership, particularly developing countries. An equitable reform based on increase in number of elected non-permanent seats allocated to regions, together with improved working methods, is the only feasible way forward. Mr. President, the purposes and principles of the Charter also require us to address the deeper drivers of insecurity. Foreign occupation, denial of self-determination, poverty, inequality, racism, Islamophobia, hate speech, climate injustice, debt distress, and underdevelopment. Peace is not merely the silence of guns. Peace is the presence of justice, the protection of civilians, the dignity of people, the promise of development, and the hopes of equal rights to all. Mr. President, the United Nations remains indispensable, in need of reform undoubtedly, but indispensable. The world needs a renewed commitment to the Charter. It needs a Security Council that prevents war, not merely debates on the wars, multilateralism that protects the weak, not merely accommodates the strong; diplomacy that acts before conflicts explode and generations suffer; justice that is not selective; peace that is not temporary; and law that is not optional. Mr. President, in a fractured world, the Charter remains our common language. In an age of confrontation, It remains our common shield in moments of crisis. It remains our common path back to peace. Pakistan stands ready to work with all members of this Council to uphold the promises and principles of the United Nations Charter, strengthen the UN-centered international system, and build on equitable and just international order where power is restrained by law Disputes are resolved through dialogue and diplomacy, and peace is secured through justice. I thank you, Mr. President.

Thank you. I thank Mr. Dhar for the statement. Now I give the floor to Her Excellency, Ms. Villavicencio Mappi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia.

Mr. President, Columbia thanks the People's Republic of China for convening this debate and for its leadership in promotion— promoting reflection on the continued relevance of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. We likewise extend our appreciation to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his statement and for his ongoing commitment to strengthening multilateralism and international cooperation. 80 years after the creation of the United Nations, the principles of the Charter continue to be the foundation of international peace and security. The sovereign equality of states, non-interference in internal affairs, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and respect for the territorial— for territorial integrity are the pillars of multilateralism and constitute an indispensable guide for collective action in addressing global challenges. Colombia views with concern the increase in conflicts, the selective application of international law, and the erosion of trust among nations. In this context, we reaffirm that cooperation and solidarity must prevail over confrontation and division. The rule of law has been and must continue to be the cornerstone of the multilateral system. Today, more than ever before, the world needs to reaffirm that all power is subject to the law and that international law constitutes the common foundation that makes peaceful coexistence among nations possible. The Charter of the United Nations remains our essential guide and point of reference. The Security Council has a unique responsibility in preserving international peace and security. To strengthen its authority and effectiveness, it must become more transparent and member states must continue to entrust it with the role for which it was created rather than bypassing it when they prefer to prioritize their national interests. In addition, the Council must be capable of responding not only to the challenges that led to its creation but also to contemporary threats, including those arising from climate change, those related to the rights of the most vulnerable population groups, cyber threats, and humanitarian crises. Mr. President, today more than ever, in the context of the crises that surround us, Colombia chooses to reaffirm its commitment to effective multilateralism and to the central role of the United Nations in global governance. We recognize that although the organization faces challenges and requires reforms, its absence from the world would make the world more insecure and less just. It would also make coordination among states and other actors to address global collective challenges, even more difficult and less effective challenges that no country can resolve on its own. For this reason, we must redouble our efforts to consolidate its leadership and ensure that its decisions continue to be based on respect for international law and the pursuit of the common good. It is because of this steadfast confidence in the organization that Colombia has been able to serve on this council on 8 occasions, including the present term. Indeed, since the founding of the United Nations, Colombia has participated in and contributed to highly complex conflict resolution processes, including our own. Never throughout these 80 years have we doubted that dialogue is the key instrument for managing differences and for advancing the construction of consensus, and that the United Nations is the most appropriate forum for achieving understanding among nations. Colombia is convinced that this is not the time to abandon these foundations. Finally, we call upon all member states to act in good faith, fulfilling their obligations under the Charter, and to avoid double standards. Only through mutual respect, cooperation, and shared responsibility will we be able to preserve the achievements of the international order established after the Second World War and build a future of peace, development, and prosperity for all. Thank you very much, Mr. President.

I thank Her Excellency Ms. Vittorio Mappi for the statement. Now I give the floor to Foreign Minister of Panama, Mr. Vázquez.

Panama. Thank you, Mr. President. Panama would like to thank the People's Republic of China for convening this important high-level open debate. We welcome His Excellency Wang Yi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of China, as well as the distinguished representatives of the countries honoring us with their participation. We also Would like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for the valuable contributions that he has offered us in his presentation. Mr. President, we, the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, have resolved to combine our efforts to accomplish these aims. With those words more than 8 decades ago, the states represented here decided to build an organization conceived not as an abstract exercise of idealism but as a concrete response to humanity's failure in the face of war, destruction, and the imperative to prevent another global disaster. Today, just weeks before the 81st anniversary of the signing of the United Nations Charter, the world is traversing one of the most complex and tense moments since the founding of this organization. Millions of people continue to live under the weight of conflict displacement, insecurity, and uncertainty. This reality compels us to reflect not only on the continuing validity of the Charter, but also on the strength and consistency of the commitment that member states maintain to this international treaty. As a founding member state of the United Nations, Panama believes that this is a commitment that we must honor. And is one that cannot be reduced to symbolic or procedural references. The Charter must be understood as a living political commitment, one that remains constant to the spirit, principles, and purposes that gave rise to this organization. This commitment is also expressed in the singular capacity of the United Nations to convene states facilitate the exchange of information and experiences, and offer a permanent space for dialogue and international coordination. Without the United Nations, the world would have fewer spaces for negotiation and fewer opportunities to transform political differences into collective solutions. In a time of greater polarization, dialogue is not simply courtesy. It's a strategic— of strategic importance for international peace. Dialogue is not a sign of weakness. It is the most— it's the highest form of trust in reason, in diplomacy, and the ability of human beings to find peaceful settlement to disputes. Panama is not a stranger to the complexities of international diplomacy, nor to the tensions that arise when national aspirations become entangled with the dynamics of the multilateral system and geopolitical ambitions. Our country has maintained a historical relationship with international cooperation efforts. Panama participated in the League of Nations, was present at the San Francisco Conference in 1945 and contributed to the foundational discussions surrounding the construction of the contemporary international order. But this vocation for engagement began much earlier. In 1826, Panama hosted the Anfictiónic Congress convened by Simón Bolívar, conceived as a space for dialogue, cooperation, and continental unity. 200 years later, next June, our country prepares to commemorate that legacy, reaffirming an idea that runs throughout our history—Panama as a point of encounter, connection, and dialogue among nations. Panama also had the honor of its is not only a geographic location but has a historic responsibility. We are a nation that was built to connect oceans, continents, cultures, economies, and visions of the world. Our geography linked us to global commerce. Our history has committed us to understanding amongst peoples. As Kofi Annan confirmed, dialogue is the most powerful weapon to prevent conflicts. And to build lasting consensus. Panama continues to firmly believe in that truth. When others see differences that are irreconcilable, we continue to see the possibility to build bridges. Panama also had the honor of hosting this Council in 1973 in our capital. That meeting held outside these headquarters represented far more than a diplomatic episode. It represented the capacity of a small state to mobilize international attention and use the existing mechanisms of the organization to bring about a discussion of enormous political sensitivity, national identity, and sovereignty to the center of the multilateral system. For Panama, that precedent continues to carry profound historical significance. It reminds us that even the smallest states can exercise political agency within the international system when there is a genuine commitment to the principles enshrined in the Charter and that multilateralism is not strengthened solely through speeches about reform but also when states actively use the mechanisms already in existence to build dialogue, legitimacy, and political solutions. This is Panama's vision, a vision that we promote useful multilateralism, multilateralism that is not just measured by the number of resolutions adopted but by its capacity to prevent conflicts, to save lives, provide development, and provide specific answers to the challenges of our peoples. The United Nations is the most relevant when it becomes an effective instrument to find solutions. The legitimacy of the international system is not just based on norms but also on its ability to respond to the real needs of humanity. Mr. President, We, the peoples of the United Nations, face today one of the greatest challenges of our era: adapting to a world that is evolving and reconfiguring itself with ever-increasing speed. Acknowledging this challenge does not weaken the organization. On the contrary, it constitutes a necessary exercise in institutional honesty. It is clear that there are deep geopolitical divisions that exist. Trust is being lost between states and there are growing difficulties in building consensus around conflicts and crises. Yet part of the challenge also lies in the way that states use or fail to use the organization. The challenge then is to ensure that our collective capacity to respond is commensurate with the speed and complexity of current challenges. International peace is not guaranteed and is precisely for that reason that this organization exists whose charter incorporates notions of adaptation, evolution, and progress. The United Nations is not solely the product of idealistic aspirations. It reflects the reality built by the very states that inhabit it today. Despite its limitations, history demonstrates that the United Nations and the international system have been able to produce concrete results when political will has existed. The organization was present in 1962 during the Cuban Missile Crisis when the diplomatic efforts of Secretary-General U Thant contributed to opening space for de-escalation at one of the most dangerous moments of the 20th century. It was equally, equally present in Namibia when a peacekeeping operation helped accompany the transition to independence and the country's first free and fair elections. It was also present in Guatemala where decades of armed conflict gave way to sustained diplomatic efforts that culminated in the signing of the Agreement on a Firm and Lasting Peace, bringing to an end more than 3 decades of armed conflict. This capacity to produce concrete results is not limited to peacekeeping or political mediation. Through OCHA's humanitarian coordination, the United Nations supported responses that reached 115.7 million people with humanitarian assistance and vital Protection in 2024 and 97.8 million in 2025. The United Nations has also been present in the eradication of diseases, in decolonization processes, in the construction of international legal frameworks, and in the protection of people affected by conflicts and disasters. These examples should not be interpreted as a triumphalist narrative, Nor do they mean that the international system functions perfectly. What they do demonstrate is something much simpler and perhaps more important. Namely, when genuine commitment to the principles of the Charter exists, international diplomacy is indeed capable of producing real results. International institutions must also be evaluated by the crises that they help contain. The spaces for dialogue that they managed to preserve, and the lives that they have helped protect. Mr. President, the transformations of recent decades have produced a profoundly interdependent world. Global logistical disruptions, the increasingly frequent use of unmanned aerial vehicles, attacks in cyberspace, and the rise of artificial intelligence are among some of the elements that have accompanied this dangerous development. This has also meant that almost no crisis exists in isolation. There is an evident relationship between armed conflicts, displacement, climate emergencies, access to strategic resources, and new technologies. The consequences of these dynamics transcend borders and affect in particular developing countries and the global south. Mr. President, the existing international mechanisms for cooperation were built at enormous human cost. It's always better to prevent, and this is always true in a world marked by strategic realities technological advances and geopolitical tensions that are growing, there is no better alternative than dialogue. This is very, very relevant today as we seek stability and dialogue. Dialogue has always been used to overcome uncertainty. Mr. President, since the signing of the UN Charter more than 8 decades ago, Entire generations have placed in this organization a simple aspiration but extraordinary at the same time. The force of law will apply over the force— brute force. Panama believes that the international system's future will depend on our capacity to keep open the channels of dialogue, to defend the principles of the Charter and strengthen multilateralism that will produce concrete results for our peoples. As a nation of encounters between continents and with regard to the spirit of the Amphitryonic Conference in 1826, we are convinced that differences can be overcome, differences can be managed, and disputes can be managed through diplomacy because the United Nations represents much more than an international organization. It represents the collective will of humanity to choose cooperation over confrontation, hope over fatalism, and peace over war. And let us never forget that each generation receives the U.N. Charter as a legacy but also as a responsibility, and that our common duty is to ensure that future generations find in it not only the memory of the lessons of the past, but also inspiration to build a more peaceful, a more just, and a more human world. For Panama, we will continue to be an area of encounter and dialogue working for peace. Thank you very much.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Martiniza Acha for the statement. Now I give the floor to Her Excellency Miss Nyante, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Liberia.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, Liberia congratulates the People's Republic of China for convening this timely debate and commends His Excellency Wang Yi for presiding. We also thank the Secretary-General for his important briefing and the key critical points outlined today. Liberia is one of only 4 original African signatories to the UN Charter. We understand what it cost the world to build this institution, and we approach this debate as a founding member for whom the Charter is not symbolic. It is a covenant to be upheld and preserved with essential reasoning. No nation, however powerful, has the right to unilaterally render the world unsafe. Today, that covenant is under strain. A divided Security Council is deepening global uncertainty. Crisis from Gaza to Ukraine have exposed persistent divisions, including vetoes that have hindered necessary interventions. Across Africa, from Sudan to the Sahel to the Great Lakes, conflicts continue to worsen and drive displacement. What this Council increasingly lacks is not rules or principles, but the political will to apply them consistently and impartially, as speakers before me have mentioned. Liberia knows the value of a united and decisive Council. When our state collapsed, United Nations peacekeeping created the space for peace, for dialogue, reconciliation, and the rebuilding of our institutions. Our experience shapes how we understand Article 1 of the Charter. The maintenance of international peace and security is not only an aspiration for some, but it is an obligation for for all. Allow me to offer 3 reflections. First, the Charter is not only a legal instrument, it is a moral architecture. Selective multilateralism, where rules are invoked when convenient and bypassed when inconvenient, undermines the credibility of the entire system. The normalization of inconsistency itself is a dangerous precedent. Second, The Charter's promise of peace is inseparable from justice. Insecurity emerges from poverty, inequality, exclusion, and the mismanagement of our natural resources. The Charter's provisions on development and human rights are not peripheral. They are foundational. The future authority of this organization will depend on whether it can bridge the divide between security and development. Third, the Charter assumes good faith. Without a minimum threshold of trust, even the most carefully crafted rules lose their force. The Charter challenges us not only to comply, but to believe in the possibility of cooperation even amid disagreement. Mr. President, therefore, Liberia makes the following calls. First, honor the Charter's provisions. Article 27 requires that a party to the dispute abstain from voting on related Council decisions. While, while we thank the UN Secretary-General António Guterres for leading us to the 2024 Pact for the Future, let's be reminded what the Pact for the Future means. It reinforces this obligation. We urge all members to implement it fully and without selectivity. Second, strengthen veto accountability. General Assembly Resolution 76262, which mandates a debate following any veto must be treated as a serious accountability mechanism rather than a procedural formality. Third, invest in African-led peace architectures. The African Union Silencing the Guns initiative, ECOWAS-led interventions have all demonstrated effectiveness and legitimacy. Coming in here today, we met Abdou Salam, a Nigerian in the UN DSS, in the security force here at the UN. He took a bullet in Liberia when he was the first group on the ground as ECOMOG, the ECOWAS intervention in Liberia. These mechanisms, however, require predictable, sustainable financing, not episodic attention. Fourth, and perhaps most fundamentally, we must address the conditions under which the Secretary-General can exercise genuine independence. The Charter tasks the Secretary-General with acting in the interest of the organization above all else. That is a custodial role with direct bearing on this institution's capacity to maintain peace and security and uphold the purposes that member states and the peoples they represent committed to in 1945. Yet that custodial role is compromised when structural incentives pull in a different direction. A Secretary-General seeking reappointment has every reason to avoid the decisions that genuine reform demands, because real reform unsettles entrenched interests and asks powerful actors to accept discomfort for the sake of institutional health. The possibility of a second term is in practice a quiet constraint on the courage the moment requires. We therefore pose this openly: Should the next Secretary-General not consider making the ultimate institutional sacrifice, committing fully to reform in a first term, even at the cost of a second? Should this Council not think beyond established practice and delve into uncharted territories regarding options for UN reforms? There is no precedent for what this organization now faces. The only comparable moment is the one that gave birth to the United Nations itself. Itself when the world looked at the wreckage of the League of Nations that lacked the will to reform from within. It was replaced with what we have today. We cannot afford that conclusion again. We must fix the institution we have with the urgency the task deserves. Mr. President, the question of Security Council reform remains urgent. Effectiveness cannot be sustained without legitimacy. And legitimacy cannot endure without representation. When the Charter was adopted, much of Africa was not represented. Today, the continent is central to the Council's agenda, yet remains underrepresented in its permanent membership. The Common Africa position, as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus, is clear: Africa seeks no fewer than 2 permanent seats with full prerogatives, including the veto, alongside additional non-permanent seats. This is not a demand for privilege, but a call for equity rooted in the principle of sovereign equality, something the UN Secretary-General Guterres continues to iterate. Member States seeking a permanent seat should not be coupled with the rights of Africa. The situation of injustice to Africa needs to be dealt with separately. Reform is also about conduct. The use of the veto carries moral consequences. When exercised in situations involving mass suffering, it raises fundamental questions about the balance between power and responsibility. The relationship between the Council and regional bodies should be one of partnership, not delegation. Mr. President, the UN is at a crossroads. The Secretary-General's term ends later this year. He's given us a pact for the future, he's given us many ideas about what needs to be done. Now, the choice of a new leader cannot be separated from the question of what we are asking them to lead. A machinery that cannot deliver on the promise of peace, security, and human dignity does not uphold the Charter, but betrays the peoples in whose name it was written. "We the peoples," the words with which the Charter opens, is not cliché. Those words represent the mother in Sudan who has fled from her home 3 times. It represents a child in Gaza, who has known no day of life without fear. It represents the civilian in Ukraine who has to endure another winter of war. They are the community in the Sahel who looks at the institution for protection. When the debate— when we debate the purposes and the principles of this Charter, we are debating the conditions of human lives. Is it not time for us to pause and reset to avoid a similar fate of the League of Nations? Are we prepared to give the next Secretary-General the freedom in the new thinking that new times and new realities demand? This would not be weakness, but rather strength in giving we the peoples what we deserve. A more representative, a more responsive and accountable United Nations is within reach, if we collectively summon the will to achieve it. Let us reaffirm not only the words of the Charter, but the values that give those words meaning. In doing so, we will not only preserve the legacy of those who founded this organization, we will answer to those who are in the most need of this organization. If it's not done now, then when? And if it's not done by us, then by who? I thank you. Thank you.

I thank Ms. Niani for the statement, and I'll give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Abdoulaye Fadoulou. Ayesha Yanni, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bahrain.

Shukran sayid al-Rais. Thank you, Mr. President. At the outset, it is my honor to convey to you all the greetings of His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa, King of the Kingdom of Bahrain, and His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister along with their wishes for successful and fruitful outcomes to this meeting. I would also like, on the occasion of the blessed Eid al-Adha, to extend my highest congratulations to the Islamic people and ummah, praying to Almighty God to accept the acts of worship and to grant everyone goodness and blessings on this occasion. It is also a pleasure to welcome His Excellency Mr. Yong Yi, member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, as President of this important session. I would also like to thank the Secretary-General of the UN for his valuable briefing on upholding the objectives of the UN in the face of current challenges. Mr. President, this debate takes place at a time when the world faces unprecedented challenges. With humanitarian crises and armed conflicts intertwined with the rise of terrorism and extremism, as well as climate, health, and cyber challenges. In light of such circumstances, the multilateral system faces a critical test, and it falls upon the Security Council to uphold the collective responsibility for maintaining international peace and security achieving sustainable development, and respecting human rights. We in the Kingdom of Bahrain reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the principles upon which the UN was founded 80 years ago. Foremost among them, respect for the sovereignty of states, non-interference in their internal affairs, refraining from the force and the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. We call on the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities in line with the Charter in a manner that strengthens confidence in the multilateral system. Proceeding from these principles, the suffering of the Palestinian people must be at the forefront of our efforts. To defend their right to establish an independent and sovereign state in accordance with a two-state solution while accelerating the granting of full membership in the United Nations. Accordingly, we support the outcomes of the first meeting of the Board of Peace chaired by His Excellency President Donald Trump aimed at ending the war in Gaza, beginning its reconstruction, and launching a comprehensive political process that paves the way for a just and lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2803. Mr. President, civilians, especially women and children, continue to bear the brunt of armed conflicts and humanitarian crises. These conflicts have contributed to worsening food insecurity for more than 266 million people, and the number of displaced persons worldwide has exceeded 123 million. At the heart of these crises, Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz has disrupted energy markets and vital shipping lanes. Halted food and medicine supplies, and disrupted international trade, resulting in economic losses to the global economy estimated in the trillions of dollars, prompting many countries to adopt emergency measures to protect consumers. The Kingdom of Bahrain emphasizes the need for the Islamic Republic of Iran to comply with its international obligations in accordance with international law and the principles of good neighborliness. We also call upon Iran to adhere to UN Security Council Resolution 2817, which was co-sponsored by 136 countries, as well as Human Rights Council Resolution 61/1, adopted by consensus. The latter ensures freedom of navigation in the Straits of Hormuz and other international waterways and prevents the imposition of fees, as well as ceasing support for proxies and armed militias and ending destabilizing activities. In underlining our appreciation of the affected effectiveness of the brave armed forces of the Kingdom of Bahrain and our sister nations in confronting the Iranian attacks, we affirm the legitimate rights of the affected states to redress unfair compensation. In this context, the Kingdom of Bahrain welcomes the tangible progress achieved in the negotiations between the USA and the Islamic Republic of Iran, thanks to the commendable efforts of the sisterly Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and the advanced stages reached that paved the way for the signing of a memorandum of understanding establishing lasting peace in the region. We highly value the leading role of His Excellency President Donald Trump and his sincere will to establish peace, as well as the consultations he has held with the leaders of the countries of the region. This reflects an approach of active diplomacy as a means of resolving disputes. In calling for the continuation of this path to ensure that all core issues in this conflict are addressed, we reaffirm the words of His Majesty the King of the Kingdom of Bahrain at the inaugural meeting of the Peace Council, that peaceful solutions are the way to avoid an arms race and ensure the stability of the region. We look forward to these noble efforts bearing fruit in the form of a comprehensive and lasting peace whose benefits will extend to the peoples of the region and the entire world. Achieving peace in the region requires a collective effort to bring peace to Gaza, Yemen, Sudan, Libya, and Lebanon. It will also provide support to Syria and Iraq on their path towards stability and prosperity. It also requires addressing all fundamental issues, including Iran's nuclear program, missile— Iranian missile capabilities, and the support for armed militias. Thereby giving the peoples of the region the opportunity for peace, development, and peaceful coexistence. Peace in our region remains intertwined with peace and stability in the world, particularly in the neighboring European continent. In this regard, we support all diplomatic effort to resolve conflicts by peaceful means in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. From this perspective, the safety of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz is a collective responsibility that cannot be overlooked. It is the foundation for the security of energy, food, and medicine supplies, as well as maintaining the orderly flow of global trade in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Security Council resolutions, and the International Maritime Organization. Mr. President, the Kingdom of Bahrain, under the leadership of His Majesty the King and the guidance of His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, is committed to strengthening multilateral cooperation. Our membership in the Security Council for 2026 and 2027. Our presidency of the Gulf Cooperation Council and our active role in the League of Arab States and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation reflect our dedication to this mission, including the promotion of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda and the Youth, Peace and Security Agenda. In light of the technological and digital challenges facing the multilateral system, the Kingdom of Bahrain is working to strengthen effective international cooperation and partnerships. This includes contributions from the friendly People's Republic of China, and to promote the responsible, secure use of modern innovations and AI technologies in a manner that safeguards the rights of developing countries reduces the digital divide, reinforces the values of coexistence, and contributes to countering extremism through media and digital platforms. In this context, the Kingdom takes pride in its pioneering initiatives such as the King Hamad Global Center for Coexistence and Tolerance and the King Hamad Award for Peaceful Coexistence, inspired by the Kingdom of Bahrain Declaration on Freedom of Religion and Belief. The Kingdom of Bahrain calls for a comprehensive reform of the UN and its institutions, including the Security Council, in a manner that responds to current realities and enhances their effectiveness in— and integrity in the service of Sustainable Development Goals and the Charter. And the pact of the future. In conclusion, the future of the Charter is the future of us all, and safeguarding it is safeguarding hope for a more just and equitable international system. From the Kingdom of Bahrain's position on the Security Council, we renew our commitment to working with member states and international and regional organizations to ensure that the Charter remains alive and for hope to remain possible and for peace to become a reality for all peoples of the world. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency Mr. El-Zayani for the statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Michael George de Saint-Pierre, Assistant Secretary of Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs of the United States.

Thank you, Mr. President. Thanks also to Secretary General Guterres for his presentation. Colleagues, this debate is an opportunity to reaffirm our collective commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and, more importantly, to demonstrate through concrete actions how we are delivering on those commitments. The United States helped found the United Nations after World War II to prevent global conflicts and promote international peace and security. We remain deeply invested in that mission today. Some 80 years later, however, the United Nations has not fully realized the Charter's lofty goal of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That includes the Security Council itself, a body charged with maintaining international peace and security. Since January 2025, the United States has taken decisive and significant action to address these shortcomings. Over the last 16 months, the United States has led efforts to get the UN back to its basic, basic mission of maintaining international peace and security. In practice, that includes streamlining the bureaucracy, eliminating duplication, and ensuring accountability for a more effective UN. Under President Trump's leadership, U.S. foreign policy is no longer beholden to a network of international institutions that are often driven by transnationalism that seeks to dissolve individual state sovereignty. Instead, we are focused on results. In the Security Council, we are putting these words into action. I will highlight a few examples. First, Gaza. When the Trump administration came in, the war was raging. Hostages, including Americans, were still in tunnels, and there was no credible path to peace. In response, President Trump crafted the 20-point comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict. In November, under U.S. leadership, the council endorsed that framework. Via its Resolution 2803, through which it welcomed the Board of Peace. It also established the basis for an international stabilization force, the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, and a World Bank-managed reconstruction fund financed largely by regional partners. Turning to the Strait of Hormuz, the United States is working closely with partners in the region, and notably with Bahrain, here in the Council, to reestablish the ability of states to freely navigate through this critical waterway. This work resulted in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817 in March that condemned Iran for egregious attacks against GCC countries and Jordan, and in the process garnered more than 130 cosponsors, a Security Council record. We regret that this council was unable to endorse a second resolution on the Strait of Hormuz. That vetoed resolution would have sent a clear message, namely that the Security Council will not tolerate Iran's continuing violations of international law and disruptions to maritime security. Those responsible for preventing this Council from acting claim that their obstruction helped create conditions for the U.S.-Iranian ceasefire announced on April 11th. Nothing could be further from the truth. On Haiti, we joined partner countries across the region to stand up the Gang Suppression Force to enhance security and stability. We secured Security Council backing and UN logistical support for this hybrid mission, despite reluctance from some members. In Sudan, the United States continues to support humanitarian truce, to pressure those who perpetuate the conflict, including through sanctions on those who impede peace, undermine stability, and commit atrocities in Darfur, and to support humanitarian access. And in the Eastern DRC, the UN peacekeeping operation MONUSCO is playing an invaluable role in the implementation of the ceasefire monitoring mechanism. Colleagues, as critical issues that demand the Council's attention continue to fall by the wayside, there is clearly much to be done. In closing, and as I highlighted today, the United States is leading efforts at the UN, including here in the Security Council, to make it fit for purpose and return to its founding mission. The United States has played a central role in shaping the international order and multilateral institutions. What we are working towards is not a rejection of multilateralism, but putting clarity and results over inefficiency and hollow words. We will continue to work to advance the founding principles of the UN Charter. We call on those whose actions undermine the UN Charter, including at times permanent members of this Council, to change course immediately. Thank you. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency Mr.

de Saint for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation. Mr. President, We wish to welcome the participation of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of China at the convening of the open debate by China in defense and upholding the purpose and principles of the United Nations Charter. We listened closely to the statement delivered by the Secretary General. The Russian delegation had to, based on the invitation of the Foreign Minister Wang Yi, should have been represented during today's meeting at the level of the Deputy Foreign Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Alexander Alimov, who oversees matters related to the United Nations. However, despite all of our attempts to persuade the U.S. side to issue a visa to him, that visa was ultimately not granted. We view this not just as a breach by Washington of its obligations under the United Nations Headquarters Agreement, according to which access to headquarters of the United Nations needs to be provided for all officials of member states, barring none, but we also view this as an egregious instance of disrespect for the Chinese presidency of the Security Council, and of the topic that is under discussion today, that of the Charter of the United Nations. Mr. President, the Charter of the United Nations was signed following the Second World War, the 81st anniversary of the victory of which we commemorated this month. It is a unique document which has helped to forge a system of international relations which saved the world despite mushrooming risks and challenges from the horrors of a new world war. The soundness of the postwar world order was repeatedly put to the test. At that point, it seemed that the greatest peril was a confrontation of incompatible ideologies during the Second World War. However, years passed and the bipolar system was consigned to the past, and today we have reached closer than ever before, a global disaster, we are bearing witness not merely to ubiquitous breaches of the United Nations Charter, but also the casting of doubt on its value and obligation to comply therewith. Instead of this, a group of countries spearheaded by the West are proposing some kind of a rules-based order, which they themselves have both designed and have portrayed as a replacement— as portrayed as those rules of theirs as universal. And today, disregard and contempt for the Charter of the United Nations— Charter, that cornerstone document— has reached its peak. Driven by desire to preserve their dominant position in the world, Western elites have shed any remaining qualms about the use of brute force for the advancement of their political and economic interests. They're continuing to hunt for resources and influence in their former colonies, first and foremost in Africa. They are engaged in an open fight against inconvenient sovereign countries. They are imposing in new spaces in Asia NATO-centric unions, which directly undermine— threaten to undermine collective security there. By using organizations under their control and media outlets under their control, they are diverting the international community's attention away from the real root causes of conflict, spawning double standards which cause those who are striving to approach conscientiously respect for the Charter of the United Nations to lose their bearings. Under these circumstances, our duty is to cherish the Charter, its purposes and principles in their full and integrated way, its mechanisms for checks and balances which are designed to defend the interests not just of the majority but also of the minority. We mustn't lose sight of the fact that the United Nations was created not by idle theoreticians. It was established by people who experienced the horrors of the Second World War, who themselves paid the price of peace. The singularity of the Charter of the United Nations lies in the fact that it has vested all states with equal rights. On its basis, the United Nations has helped peoples oppressed by colonialism to become free and to become the global majority, proclaiming the goal to facilitate social— social and economic progress of all peoples without exception, as well as to promote respect for the dignity of all individuals without distinction as to race, sex, language, and religion. It is indeed the Charter that has established the principle of collective action first and foremost in the area of security under the stewardship and leadership of the Security Council. Today we have heard a great deal of criticism of the United Nations. However, one must not deny the fact that the United Nations has changed the international landscape and our mindsets. The UN has set and continues to set the international standard for justice, which had been inaccessible to humankind prior to its establishment. And the world around us is far from ideal, War— armed conflicts are spreading. People are being persecuted for their mother tongues and language and faith, as is the case in Ukraine. We certainly are aware of the fact that the situation is not in alignment with the Charter of the United Nations, and there's a need for us to revert back to the principle of justice. Mr. President, the Charter of the United Nations has become the benchmark of justice, not just in terms of its goals and mechanisms, but also in the acknowledgment of the victory in the Second World War the victory over Nazism and fascism, the reminder of which is reflected in Article 107 thereof, which spells out the continued responsibility of what is called for in the Charter enemy states for their grave crimes following the Second World War. This applies first and foremost to the leader of such a state, Nazi Germany. Let us recall that prior to 1973, Germany was side-lined by the United Nations, did not recognize borders in Europe, and refused to endorse non-use of force against its eastern neighbors. The situation was changed by the 1970 Moscow Treaty between the USSR and Germany, wherein only 25 years after Nazi Germany was defeated, Bonn agreed to recognize the territorial realities of Europe and to issue the use of force. This treaty paved the way for the entry of West Germany and East Germany into the United Nations and established the foundation for cooperation within Europe. The era of cooperation in Europe brought about prosperity, a part of which was the unification of Germany. However, short-sighted politicians in Europe decided to be more clever They determined that cooperation is not their method. Better to use blackmail and intimidation. There's a need to once again seize lands in the east, this time under the banner of the expansion of NATO and the European Union. These imperialist designs are expanding eastward without consideration for the views of the peoples of the countries they have seized. They are relying on paying off the elites and colored revolutions. But today, the European elite has decided to cast off its masks and to bank on overt use of armed force, actively becoming engaged in the crisis in Ukraine, including through unprecedented deliveries of weapons. As we repeated, as we stated during one of the Security Council meetings, Germany has no qualms about fueling with weapons the conflict in Gaza, including by providing new technologies. On the 22nd of April, the German Foreign Minister decided to make the aggressive plans of his a public asset. With the publication of the main documents delineating the strategic direction of the German armed forces, what follows is that that country plans to become the main military force in Europe and to bear responsibility for its security. That is what the document states. The goal of unprecedented scaling up of armed forces and weapons is being proclaimed. And furthermore, Germany, together with France, are establishing a certain high-level nuclear steering group. They are announcing participation in doctrinal dialogue and strategic cooperation with France on the necessary combination of conventional weapons and missiles and French nuclear capabilities, end of quote. Germany is beginning to shift its military posture eastward. Deploying a contingent to Lithuania. Germany has announced goals and actions which run counter to the 1990 Treaty on the Final Settlement with respect to Germany— this treaty which is the basis for the unification of that country, which establishes very concrete limitations on German armed forces, as well as a ban on possession of nuclear weapons. And that same treaty stipulates that Peace alone must emanate from German territory. So a question follows: The remilitarization of Germany and the policy of confrontation, does this bring about prosperity for Europe? Prosperity which can be compared to that which the region achieved during the era of cooperation with the USSR and the Russian Federation in the 1970s and early 2000s? The response is clear, in our view. Not only— and it is not merely reflected in economic development indicators. Mr. President, the remilitarization— remilitarization is also being embraced by other countries which fall within the purview of Article 107 of the U.N. Charter. Japan, for example, is augmenting its armed forces and weapons deliveries, is openly engaged in discussions about amendments to its constitution which places limitations in this area following the Second World War. The policy of remilitarization is undermining the U.N.-centric international system. Countries that were defeated during the Second World War are seeking plausible pretexts for rewriting its outcomes, and their rhetoric should not mislead anybody. This is a very dangerous trend which warrants the attention of the entire international community. Mr. President, throughout the world, the situation is teetering on the cusp of war and peace. Our alarmed gaze is riveted on the situation in the Middle East, the hawkish rhetoric targeting Cuba. We firmly believe that this is the road to nowhere. We need to help one another avert a global crisis, to restore the United Nations' role as honest broker. However, to start, as was the case in the past, there is a need to reaffirm consensus under the core parameters of international cooperation. We believe that achievement of this goal is advanced by the initiative which was advanced in June 2024, the Russian President's initiative for establishing a new architecture for equal and indivisible security in Eurasia, fully open to all states and sub-regional organizations. There, the elements set out in its foundation vest each state with the right to uphold and to choose the means for upholding its own security, but without prejudice to the security interests of other states. Last October, during Russia's presidency of— Do we have the interpreter? Interpretation is here. Good. Last October, during Russia's presidency of the At the Security Council, a presidential statement was adopted marking the 80th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations. It is important that in this document, the membership of the Security Council reached consensus and unity on the need to uphold the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter in their entirety, as well as to ensure comprehensive response to threats to international peace and security, which must incorporate eradicating the root causes of international conflict. In order to surmount the crisis of trust in the United Nations, there is a need to reach agreement in good faith and to ensure international agreements are enforced and that the United Nations system is tailored to reflect the shifting realities under the leadership of member states. And this is precisely why the UNAD reform initiative needs to be carried out under full state oversight and fully in accordance with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations bodies. It is vitally important to see to it that the prerogatives of the Security Council are not cast into doubt, and for— it is indeed the United Nations Security Council which under the Charter bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. We trust that with the election of the new Secretary General this year, the United Nations will be reinvigorated. For far too long it has been sidelined on matters related to eradicating root causes of conflict, rebuilding trust between member states, and objective efforts to resolve the most urgent crisis situations. In order for the United Nations to be able to effectively deliver upon its potential, Secretary General must unswervingly comply with Article 100 of the Charter on compliance with the principle of neutrality and the exclusively international nature of obligations without any qualifications. We invite interested partners to engage in a frank discussion with assiduous efforts undertaken in the interest of the prosperity of all humankind. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the DRC.

Monsieur le Président. Mr. President, the Democratic Republic of the Congo wishes to warmly congratulate His Excellency Mr. Wang Yi, member of the Political Bureau of the CPC, and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. We also wish to welcome the presence of their excellencies of ministers and deputy foreign ministers. My delegation pays warm tribute to Antonio Guterres, His Excellency Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his unstinting commitment to peace and the defense of the Charter of the United Nations. Mr. President, the defense for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the enhancement of the U.N.-centric system are two sides of the same coin, with common ground being, without a doubt, respect for international law. And indeed, international contemporary law is dominated by Article 2, Paragraph 4 of the Charter of the United Nations, which calls upon member states of the organization to refrain in their international relations from the use or threat of either against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other way which is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Therein lies the foundation of the collective security system which is established by the Charter of the United Nations, a system that hinges on the idea of a conventional community within which all parties must respect certain principles, Critical principles and breach thereof by any member requires a collective response of others. On the theater of operations, there is a clear observation that the dream of those who drafted the charters has evaporated because scenarios that have not been set out are taking shape 82 years after the Dunburton Oaks Conference. Broadly speaking, the violence being perpetrated by gangs, including major international powers, economic dominant actors, or systemic domination systems are seeking— are reaching their limits. American continent in the east, and including in Africa, the Middle East, and in Europe, no area of the world has been shielded. There's escalation on a number of levels: geopolitical violence, economic hegemony, and the absence of guardrails. with at the heart of current— which resulted in growing conflict. And these are major challenges to international law, with civilians being targeted in their most vulnerable to unparalleled humanitarian crises. This absence of guardrails have bred sentiments of injustice, widespread injustice, and a profound lack of trust in institutions, leaving those who are most vulnerable without protection in the face of lawlessness. On the other hand, Despite the observation that the established— the circle established in 1945 cannot be upheld without the United Nations being sidelined to the backdrop, the Security Council, the sole principal body of the United Nations vested with the power to provide legitimacy for armed intervention and sanctions, continues to seek to initiate reforms. In light of this observation, the DRC reaffirms our unstinting commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, which since 1945 has remained the cornerstone for the international order based on the sovereign equality of states, peaceful settlement of disputes, non-use of force, international cooperation, as well as protection and promotion of human rights and basic freedoms. These principles enshrined in Article 1 of the Charter are based on a three-pronged objective, namely peace, international security, and development. These constitute the very basis for universality of the United Nations and are set out as guarantees of both political, legal, and moral guarantees for the peaceful coexistence of all United Nations member states. Mr. President, beyond this observation of a feeling of a a dream unfulfilled. The drafters of the charter— the U.N. has not failed in every respect. There's a need to recognize that over the course of decades, the organization has worked assiduously to provide for the well-being of peoples and nations. So through efforts that have been undertaken for peacekeeping, for the maintenance of international peace and security, it has managed to advance progress in a number of areas, including in education, including in fight against poverty, delivering humanitarian assistance, fighting against sexual violence, conflict prevention, and intercommunal— intercivilizational dialogue. We wish to voice our gratitude, my delegation, to the United Nations for the efforts it has continuously undertaken for the DRC, specifically in seeking lasting solutions for peacebuilding and for the achievement of stability. This solidarity is reflected in a tangible way through the presence of MONUSCO, whose commitment we welcome alongside the Congolese people. And yet we remain concerned by the observation that the fundamental principles that sat out in Article 2 of the Charter are today being flouted egregiously, repeated violations not only undermining and weakening member states but also the entire multilateral system. System in light of persistent tensions in a number of regions throughout the world. Multilateralism, which had once been ascending, is now being undermined given the presence of armed conflict, climate change, conflict— challenges related to international criminal justice, and issues related to human rights. And this weakening is reflected in growing unilateralism, the emergence of new poles of geopolitical influence, as well as a growing mistrust of the immutable recognized values under— of international law, which is the foundation of collective action and the existence of the United Nations. In light of these global challenges, there's a need to enhance the centrality of the organization as was desired by the founding fathers, as well as the role of the Security Council in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter, which confers upon it the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. There's an important need to recall the primacy of the Charter of the United Nations over all other international obligations, as is stipulated in Article 103. Mr. President, the Charter of the United Nations needs to remain a key tool. It needs to continue to guide efforts to enhance preventive diplomacy, to support peace operations, to shore up respect for international law, to revitalize multilateralism, and to promote peaceful dispute resolution. In that vein, it is also important for the Security Council to, uh, to assume responsibility for implementation of Resolution 2788 of July 2025, which judiciously urged member states and wisely urged member states to effectively leverage means for peaceful dispute resolution stipulated under the Charter, such as negotiation, mediation, arbitration, and judicial settlement. Furthermore, it is important for the United Nations to continue to bring together the necessary efforts in order to bring about peaceful coexistence, in order to save humanity and succeeding generations from the nefarious consequences which we all fear. Mr. President, by upholding the purposes and the principles of the United Nations, we are embracing a world governed by international law, cooperation and solidarity, enhancement of international systems with the U.N. at its heart, for us, remains a key commitment to a future of peace, international security, development, and justice for all. This approach of strengthening the multilateral system with the U.N. at its heart requires, as was emphasized above, by stringent respect for the Charter of the United Nations and to ensure that its mechanisms are tailored to reflect contemporary geopolitical challenges. In that vein, it would also be desirable, Mr. President, for member states to demonstrate enhanced solidarity and unparalleled consensus around the Charter of the United Nations, which is the very bedrock of our collective security, and respect for the rules which we freely embrace. The revitalization of the role of the Charter of the United Nations and of the United Nations system hinges on reforms to make more effective not just collective security, but also in order to tackle all of the challenges that have been identified by member states which undermine the functional architecture and of the organization, as well as its legal and judicial framework. Global governance by the United Nations can only be effectively provided for with political— meaningful political will on the part of all member states. This includes non-state actors. in upholding the principles and the norms set out under international law. By way of conclusion, in light of the present-day challenges which are before us and in order to safeguard the international order, in order to safeguard the gains reflected in the Charter, there's a need for member states to draw their attention to the 5 following recommendations. Number 1, to reaffirm the solidarity— the centrality of international law while at the same time highlighting the primacy of the Charter of the United Nations; 2, to enhance respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states and their territorial integrity and non-use of force; 3, to support the International Court of Justice in its judicial advisory function as a framework for the peaceful resolution of disputes amongst states; 4, to revitalize multilateralism through United Nations, which includes reform of the Security Council, and 5, to shore up mediation mechanisms, including preventive diplomacy and early warning mechanisms. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the DRC for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the UK.

Thank you, President. I thank China for convening this important meeting today. And I'm grateful to the Secretary-General for briefing us. As he set out, we are facing a deeply complex set of conflicts, including the protracted crises in the Middle East, Sudan, and Ukraine. And on this last conflict, I share the Secretary-General's concern at the escalating violence in Ukraine. Russia's egregious attacks attacks like those we've seen in the last few days take us further from the peace that the international community repeatedly calls for. All these challenges require a coordinated global response and a collective commitment to the principles of the UN Charter. So I'll make 3 points. First, we must use the UN more effectively to prevent and resolve conflict, particularly through this Council, which has the primary responsibility for international peace and security. We know the tools, including peacekeeping deployments, good offices, sanctions, exist, but we need the collective will to ensure they are effective and fit for purpose. This Council should also be more representative of the world today, including via expansion of both its permanent and non-permanent membership. The UK supports permanent representation for Africa alongside permanent seats for Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan. Second, we should collectively embrace the opportunity of the Secretary-General's reform initiative to strengthen the broader UN system and bolster its impact. The Pact for the Future reflected a shared commitment to reinvigorate multilateral cooperation and improve how the UN delivers. UN80 should continue to build on that momentum, working towards a stronger, more effective UN, better able to deliver against today's complex challenges. As we look ahead to the selection of the next Secretary-General, This year, their ability to deliver a fit-for-purpose UN will be particularly important. And finally, let's not lose sight of the UN's successes in preventing conflict, supporting peace, helping states uphold their human rights obligations, and responding to humanitarian crises. The UN continues to facilitate and provide life-saving assistance across the globe. It has deployed over 70 peace operations, successfully stabilizing some of the most challenging environments and bringing lasting peace, including in El Salvador, Sierra Leone, and Timor-Leste. We honor the courage and sacrifice of the 4,500 UN personnel and peacekeepers who've lost their lives since 1948. And in our lifetimes, the UN has helped reduce polio by over 99%, secure landmark climate agreements, and avert great power conflict. When we work together, the UN can deliver. President, multilateralism faces unprecedented strain, but it remains the best tool we have to address our shared challenges. Our response must be guided by the principles of the UN Charter, including respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, human rights, and international law. Only through collective adherence to these principles can we deliver lasting peace and security, justice and development. The United Kingdom remains committed to working with all member states to this end. I thank you.

I thank the representative of the UK for the statement. I now give the floor to France.

Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, first and foremost, I wish to thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs, His Excellency Mr. Wang Yi, and to thank China for having convened this open debate on a subject of crucial importance. I wish to thank the Secretary-General as well, Antonio Guterres, for his observations which serve as a reminder about the Security Council's responsibility in a world that is punctuated by the resurgence of war. The purposes and principles of the Charter can remain fully relevant 80 years after their adoption, and they have stood the test of time. However, implementation thereof has rarely been subjected to such a challenge as is the case at present. The maintenance of international peace and security is one of the principal purposes of the organization, as we recalled, founded in 1945 to end war. The Charter vests the Security Council with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, granting it specific powers to prevent threats to the peace, to act against any threat of aggression, and to contribute through peaceful means to dispute resolution. Where do we stand in this regard, and what can we do? The observation is very clear: erosion of international law, slide back into wars of aggression, and trampling upon international law. This situation is the result of recklessness. The illicit use of force— illegal use of force and breaches of international humanitarian laws is reflected in the past 4 years, the war of aggression which has been waged by the Russian Federation, a permanent member of the Security Council, against Ukraine. With a lack of knowledge about the purposes and principles of the United Nations and the rulings of the International Court of Justice, France condemns the surge of discriminate actions against civilians in Kyiv and other— discriminate bombing in Kyiv and other areas, going beyond unacceptable threats targeting communities and foreign embassies. These emanate from the same spirit of the reversal of responsibility, which is not misleading us— we are clear-sighted about this— which has prompted the Russian representative to engage in inappropriate and mendacious verbal attacks against both my country and against Germany. This erosion of the law is something which we also see taking place in the Middle East, where grave and recurrent Violations of international law are unacceptable regardless of the perpetrators. And this is also the consequence of the interference of foreign powers into internal conflict, as is seen in Sudan, the Great Lakes region, and in Libya. With the conflict that is a consequence thereof, the situation is concerning almost all areas of international law, including freedom of navigation in straits, nonproliferation, human rights, the privileges and immunities of the United Nations, as is illustrated in the circumstances surrounding UNRWA and the protection of civilians, which is a fundamental and a core principle of the Geneva Conventions. In light of this observation, Mr. President, why has the Council been unable to fully play its role? The Council shares some responsibility in this weakening of international rules. Given the current blockages, given its inability to adopt in a timely manner decisive measures, the number of resolutions adopted is at its lowest level, and the casting of vetoes has reached a sad, lamentable record unseen since the Second World War. And also, the Council has had difficulty when it comes to mobilizing peaceful dispute resolution set out in Chapter VI, Investigation, Conciliation, Arbitration, Settlement, Judicial Settlement. And the same applies to constraint measures. When a peaceful resolution fails, they need to be implemented under Chapter VII. These include sanctions, a tool which is insufficiently leveraged even though the effectiveness thereof has been proven, and sanctions are often the last resort prior to the use of measures involving armed force. And lastly, the Council's attention is far too frequently diverted away from the establishment of peace operations even though there is no substitute to them, imperfect as they may be, when it comes to safe— shielding people from the worst atrocities. We pay tribute to Blue Helmets, troop-contributing countries, and those who fight for peace. A surge is necessary. The gravity of the violations to international order requires bold decisions. The first is reform of the Council, whose composition needs to reflect present-day realities, preserving the legitimacy diversity of the council includes greater representation with a broadening of the two categories of membership, permanent and non-permanent membership, and granting new permanent members all prerogatives related to this, addressing the injustice of underrepresentation of Africa both by granting permanent and non-permanent seats to that continent. And the second is to end the abuse of the veto. We support a collective and voluntary restriction on casting vetoes in the event of atrocities, and this is following the aspiration of 118 states who support the Franco-Mexican initiative to that end. We call for responsibility on the part of all permanent members in that vein. The third is a greater use and more of all the tools at the disposal of the Security Council. and this is particularly the case for peace operations where the Council needs to continue to establish them where circumstances require with adequate mandates, with predictable financing, and where necessary in conjunction with regional mechanisms. We are eagerly awaiting, Mr. Secretary-General, your forthcoming report on this subject. Furthermore, we believe that the Council could resort more— could leverage to a greater extent opportunities for cooperation with the International Court of Justice. Let us bear in mind that the Charter has granted the Council opportunities to refer matters to the ICJ for opinions, to make recommendations, or to decide upon measures in order to enforce decisions. I now turn to preventive diplomacy and reinvestment in preventive diplomacy, mediation, good offices, and this requires greater cooperation between the Council and the Secretary-General. France stands ready to support any and all efforts to that end. Mr. President, France, more than ever before, calls upon the international community, and we too embrace the charters of and the ideals set out therein to uphold international peace and security, to promote human rights, and to create conducive conditions for sustainable development. Yes, peace and human rights go hand in hand in this time of fragmentation. So the singularity of the Charter and indivisibility of its These principles need to remain our common bedrock. The Council has a particular responsibility in terms of compliance therewith. Thank you.

I thank the representative of France for the statement, and I'll give the floor to the representative of Greece.

Thank you, Mr. President. I wish to welcome His Excellency Mr. Wang Yi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of China, and thank you for choosing as the theme of China's signature event the topic of upholding the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and strengthening the UN-centered international system. We also welcome the Secretary-General and thank him for his insightful remarks. Greece has been elected to serve as a non-permanent member of the Council at a time when the multilateral system with the United Nations at its center is serious, serious strain. The persistent crisis in the Middle East, Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, and the grave political and humanitarian crisis in Sudan, the Sahel, Yemen, the DRC, Haiti, and elsewhere are deplorable manifestations of blatant violations of the the core principles of the United Nations Charter, as well as of an alarming disdain of multilateralism. Greece wishes to underline the following in relation to today's debate. First, in response to today's multifaceted challenges, the need for full respect for international law and the UN Charter is more pressing than ever. In the— it is the architecture that protects more small states from the coercive power of larger ones. It is the framework through which we confront climate change, manage pandemics, and pursue sustainable development. Put simply, it is the difference between a world governed by law and one governed by force. In this regard, we are deeply concerned by the erosion of the Charter principles that we are witnessing. The prohibition on the use of force against the territorial integrity of states enshrined in Article 2.4 is not optional. It is neither a preference nor a recommendation. It is a cornerstone of the international system. When that principle is violated with impunity or with implicit acquiescence of the powerful, every member of this body is weakened. We therefore call upon all Council members to recommit to the core principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law, and the rules-based international order. Second, any à la carte implementation of the Charter is completely unacceptable, and we should all oppose any attempts at selective application and double standards. Let us not forget that the Charter serves as the legal foundation of this Council, which has been entrusted with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Third, a major achievement of multilateralism is, has been, the conclusion of important multilateral treaties. In this context, we underscore the core international human rights conventions, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, particularly given its universal and unified of character, and more recently, the BBNJ Agreement on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biodiversity. Greece also wishes to underline the contribution of the International Court of Justice to the peaceful settlement of disputes, as well as the role of its advisory opinions in clarifying and consolidating international law. Fourth, it is imperative that this Council unequivocally reaffirm UN's central role in international affairs. The UN's convening power is unmatched when it comes to facilitating discussions and serving as a forum for forging consensus on global issues such as climate change, as well as on new emerging challenges, including the global governance of artificial intelligence. Last, Greece highlights the need to ensure a credible, effective, transparent, and more representative Security Council. We support the long-overdue call for Security Council reform in order to enhance its authority, effectiveness, and inclusiveness. A Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of 1945 cannot fully serve the needs of a world of 193 member states in 2026. My country supports meaningful reform—reform that enhances equitable geographical representation, increases transparency, transparency and accountability, and reduces the paralysis that allows atrocities to unfold while this body deliberates. Within the framework of the IGN process, my country has expressed its readiness to support any reform model that is fair, balanced, and capable of achieving the broadest possible consensus with the objective of strengthening the United nations as a whole. To conclude, Mr. President, having recently celebrated the 80th anniversary of the creation of our organization and the entry into force of the Charter, we should also reflect— we should all reflect on its great accomplishments. We thus call for greater investment in preventive diplomacy and in the peace-building architecture that addresses conflict before it ignites. Prevention is not a weakness, it is wisdom. It is far less costly in lives and resources than reconstruction. Fundamentally, the world cannot afford to do without a UN-centered international system. It is not perfect, but the alternative—a fragmented world of competing spheres of influence where might determines right is one that history has already tested and proven to be catastrophic. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Greece for the statement, and I'll give the floor to the representative of Latvia.

We commend China for convening this timely debate, and we welcome His Excellency Foreign Minister Wang Yi and all other distinguished ministers joining us here today. Let me also thank the Secretary-General for his important analysis and recommendations. Mr. President, the United Nations was built on a promise that relations between nations would be governed by law, not by force. That promise is under pressure today, and this Council bears, under the Charter, a particular responsibility to respond. Denmark has been part of this organization from the very beginning. Our commitment has not wavered. But commitment must be accompanied by candor about what is working and what must change. Mr. President, allow me to make 4 points. First, multilateralism works. For 8 decades, the United Nations has brought together our nations to work towards our shared goals. Together, we have prevented and resolved conflicts around the world. More than 2 million peacekeepers over 7 decades have protected civilians and supported political processes. We have created programs to reduce poverty and hunger, to protect human rights, eradicate disease, mitigate climate change, and to advance gender equality. We've worked to uphold and expand international law, and pursue accountability for international crimes. While much remains to be done, let me be clear. When multilateral cooperation faces headwinds, the answer is not retreat. It is renewed investment and political commitment. That means implementing the agreements that we make, from the Pact of the Future to the 2030 Agenda. It also means meeting our financial obligations in full and on time. Second, Mr. President, upholding the Charter means upholding all of it by all of us. This includes sovereign equality and territorial integrity for all States without exception. With this in mind, we are compelled to express our deep alarm at Russia's ongoing war against Ukraine. During the past days, we have witnessed a new, an appalling level of aggression by Russia, including intensified attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. The Charter calls for peaceful settlements of disputes and the general prohibition of the use of force. These are cornerstones of the system we built. The Charter is equally a human rights document. Article 1 is unambiguous: promoting respect for human rights is a core purpose of the United Nations. For all individuals without exception. A Charter selectively applied is a Charter undermined. When international crimes are committed, accountability must follow for states as well as for individuals. Denmark's support for the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice is unconditional. We know that impunity is one of the principal drivers of recurring conflict. Ending it is essential to sustaining peace and preventing recurring atrocities. Mr. President, my third point: We must not be afraid to rethink our tools. This is especially necessary for UN peace operations. Denmark firmly believes that UN peace operations remain an indispensable tool. Around the world, the blue helmets represent hope in the darkest corners of conflict. But we also must recognize that the nature of conflict has changed. Threats are more complex, actors more fragmented, and political solutions harder to reach. The Security Council must lead the way in developing fresh, bold thinking. We need peace operations that can respond faster, adapt more effectively, and draw on the resources required to succeed. We must also invest far more in prevention. Above all, we need the political resolve to act on the evidence before us. Finally, Mr. President, my fourth point. UN80 represents a historic opportunity for systemic reform to create a more agile, efficient, and effective UN. Bringing the system safely into a new era is not easy, but requires difficult prioritizations and political resolve. Denmark also supports fundamental Security Council reform. We wish to see more members in both categories, including permanent seats for underrepresented regions, and we wish to commence text-based negotiations. Equally important is who will lead this organization into this new era and continue the reform process launched by the Secretary-General. How we select that person matters, and Denmark continues to call for a structured, a fair, credible, and robust selection process guided by transparency and inclusivity. Mr. President, in closing, the United Nations was built on a promise. That promise is worth fighting for, worth reforming for, and worth investing in. Denmark's commitment to the United Nations was firm 80 years ago. It remains so today, and it will remain so tomorrow.

I thank you. I thank the representative of Denmark for the statement and I'll give the floor to the representative of Latvia.

Thank you, Mr. President. I thank China's presidency for convening this timely and important high-level open debate and especially His Excellency Wang Yi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of China, for honoring us with his presence today. And I thank the Secretary-General, António Guterres, uh, for his briefing and his principled leadership. The UN Charter was born from the devastation of the Second World War, and its promise was clear: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to ensure that international relations are governed by law, not by force. Today's debate rightly highlights that at the time of multiplying conflicts, ranging from Ukraine to Middle East to Sudan, Great Lakes, and to many other regions of the world. The purposes and principles of the UN Charter must be applied consistently, not selectively. In this context, I would like to highlight the following 3 points. First, the UN Charter is not a menu from which states may pick and choose to the principles they like and disregard the rest. Sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political independence, non-use of force, peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference, and good faith fulfillment of obligations are not abstract principles. They are binding legal obligations on the basis of the multilateral system. Impunity for the violations of the UN Charter, including Russia's ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine, gravely undermine and destabilize the international system. A state cannot call for peace while rejecting the peaceful settlement of disputes. It cannot claim respect for international law while disregarding the most fundamental obligations of the UN Charter. The Charter is not merely a document of political aspiration, but a legal shield against aggression, coercion, and injustice. Second, it is our duty to protect the UN Charter in order for the UN Charter to protect us. Safeguarding it requires legal clarity, accountability, and Council's action. The UN Charter cannot defend itself. It depends on member states, and especially this Council, to uphold it all at all times. The Security Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. That responsibility must be exercised in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. Russia has flagrantly and systematically violated its obligations as a permanent member of this body. The Council's authority rests on its ability to, to defend the rules. It was created to uphold. And this includes the obligation under Article 2, Paragraph 3, and Article 33 to settle disputes by peaceful means through negotiation, mediation, arbitration, or other lawful avenues in a manner that safeguards international peace and security. Concrete action by this Council means calling out violations of the UN Charter when they occur. It means supporting genuine diplomacy rooted in international law. And it means ensuring accountability when the UN Charter is violated. The Council cannot fail to uphold the Charter and still expect to be authoritative. And in our view, a more effective, transparent, and representative and accountable Council is essential to delivering on the purposes and the the principles of the Charter. And we expect the next Secretary-General, to be appointed later this year, to serve as a guardian of the Charter, to defend its principles and purposes consistently, and to speak up clearly when they are violated. At a time when the UN Charter and international law are under pressure, silence and hesitation in the face of clear violations will not protect the credibility of the United Nations. It would undermine trust in the multilateral system. Third, threats against sovereign states are threats against the Charter itself. The prohibition contained in Article 2, paragraph 4 is clear. States must refrain not only from the use of force, but also from the threat to use force against any state. Let me again take an example of the Russian Federation, which in recent months has been building up of deliberate hostile campaign against the Baltic States with completely baseless claims that they have allegedly given permission for the use of their airspace or territory for Ukraine to execute military operations against targets in the Russian Federation. And these are lies, and the Russian Federation is fully aware of the facts. However, a week ago, the Russian Federation escalated these claims by openly threatening the use force against the Republic of Latvia. On the same day, threats were reiterated in this very room. While lies and disinformation have long been an integral part of Russia's diplomatic tools, it does not make hostile campaign or threats of use of force issued in clear violation with the UN Charter acceptable or legitimate. Russia must be and will be held accountable for its aggression against Ukraine and other violations of the Charter. Mr. President, Latvia will continue to stand for the principles of the UN Charter and underscore the importance of international law, and we will work collectively with others to ensure that the world is not governed by aggression and brute force, but by law and mutual respect. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Latvia for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Somalia.

Mr. President, at the outset, my delegation expresses sincere appreciation to the People's Republic of China for convening this timely and important debate. We warmly welcome His Excellency Wang Yi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of China, as he presides over this— over today's meeting. And thank Secretary General for his briefing. We also acknowledge the presence of esteemed dignitaries who have joined us today. Mr. President, over the last 80 years, the international order has stood as both a beacon of hope and a framework for global cooperation. Born out of the devastation of the amid the horrors of the Second World War, this order was crafted with the solemn promise to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Anchored by the United Nations Charter, it established principles of sovereignty, collective security, and respect for international law—principles that have guided states in navigating an increasingly interconnected world. The current international order, for all its achievements, have been— have never been without its imperfections. It still reflects the imprint of mid-20th century geopolitics, along with structural inequalities, old grievances, and competing spheres of influence have sometimes pushed the system to its limits. The world has seen its share of conflict and crisis, exposing both what this framework can handle and where it falls short. As we celebrated Africa Day yesterday, we reflected on the journey of our continent, a journey marked by resilience and determination. Africa gained its independence following a long and determined process of decolonization, reclaiming sovereignty and the right to self-determination. However, the continent continues to grapple with the enduring challenges of neo-colonialism, manifested in economic dependency, political interference, and unequal participation in global governance. The African state is a vivid example of these ongoing struggles, highlighting the need for genuine sovereignty and equitable engagement in international affairs. Africa's experience and aspirations must be central to any effort to revitalize the UN system. In this context, my delegation highlights 3 points. First, we call for upholding the authority and the integrity of the United Nations Charter through full respect for its principles and the faithful implementation of UN Security Council resolutions. Selective application of international law, and double standards undermine trust and justice. The ongoing plight of the Palestinian people, who continue to suffer under occupation and denial of their legitimate rights, is a stark example. There can be no lasting peace without justice, and no justice without the end of the longstanding Israeli occupation and the full realization of the rights of the Palestinian people, including their sovereign and independent state with al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. We urge all Member States to implement all UN Security Council resolutions, including those on the occupied Palestinian Territory, impartially and without delay. Genuine commitment to these principles safeguards the credibility of our system. Second, genuine multilateralism requires Security Council meaningful reform. Africa remains the only region without permanent representation, despite being home to more than a quarter of the UN member states. An exclusion rooted in colonial legacy. It's time to correct this injustice by granting Africa greater representation, including 2 permanent seats. Only a more inclusive and representative Council can revitalize multilateralism and preserve the UN's credibility and effectiveness. Third, we emphasize robust and practical partnership with regional organizations, especially the African Union, in peace and security efforts. Somalia attaches a great importance on this partnership. It's evident in our organization during our 1972 presidency, the first United Nations Security Council meeting in African Union headquarters in Addis. The meeting's agenda that time was Africa's decolonization, apartheid, and the right of self-determination in Namibia, Southern Rhodesia, and South Africa. Now that historic meeting has been institutionalized as the annual Joint Consultative Meeting between the AU Peace and Security Security and the United Nations Security Council. Decades later, colonial legacy and enduring neo-colonialism continue to delay Africa's path to sustainable peace and development. Today, African issues now constitute more than half of the Council's agenda. underscoring the need for African leadership in Council deliberations as well as its actions. Therefore, full implementation of Security Council Resolution 2719 is vital. Supporting AU-led peace operations through predictable financing and collaboration will enable more effective, context-sensitive response to crises. We must also address the root causes of conflict by investing in peacebuilding and prevention. To conclude, Mr. President, the United Nations was built on hope— the hope that sovereign, equal nations could unite to prevent suffering and promote the common good. Africa remains deeply invested in that hope. Now is not the time to turn away from the United Nations or weaken its role. Our delegation is committed to working with all partners for meaningful reform, a strengthened partnership, and a renewed commitment to justice and equality. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the representative of Somalia. I now give the floor to His Excellency Minister Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia.

Thank you. Thank you, Mr. President. His Excellency Wang Yi, Mr. President of the Security Council, Excellencies, distinguished delegates. At the outset, I extend my sincere congratulations to the People's Republic of China on its presidency of the Security Council and thank His Excellency Mr. Wang Yi for convening this timely high-level debate on a topic of profound importance to international peace, sustainable development, and collective security at a time of growing global uncertainty, turbulences, and transformations. For 80 years, the Charter of the United Nations has served as the foundation of the international order and the guiding framework for relations among nations. Its fundamental principles—samurai equality of states, respect for independence and territorial integrity, peaceful settlement of disputes, and refraining from the threat or use of force—remain indispensable for maintaining international peace security, stability, and justice. Today, however, these principles are increasingly under strain. The world continues to face armed conflict, geopolitical tensions, economic fragmentation, and declining trust among nations. At the same time, climate change Food and energy insecurity, pandemics, cyber threats, and transnational crimes continue to pose serious challenges, particularly for developing countries. These realities remind us that peace, stability, and sustainable development can only be achieved through stronger international cooperation, mutual respect, solidarity, and shared responsibilities. Cambodia therefore believes that revitalizing and strengthening the United Nations-centered multilateral system is essential to safeguarding the security, dignity, and legitimate interests of all nations. Especially small and developing countries. The UN Charter must remain the cornerstone of international relations and the indispensable framework for peaceful coexistence, cooperation, and conflict prevention. Cambodia's own experience demonstrates the important role of the United Nations in promoting and preserving peace. In the early '90s, UNTAC, or the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia, played a vital role in supporting Cambodia's peace process, national reconciliation, and recovery. Having endured decades of conflict and suffering, Cambodia deeply cherishes peace and firmly believes that disputes must be resolved exclusively through dialogue, diplomacy, mutual respect, and adherence to international law. In this spirit, Cambodia sincerely appreciates the support of the international community for the ceasefire and the peaceful settlement of disputes between Cambodia and Thailand. In accordance with international law and the principles of the UN Charter. Borders and sovereignty must never be altered by force of true fait accompli. While the ceasefire continues to hold, we remain concerned by the situation on the ground in the occupied areas well inside Cambodian territory. Therefore, the ceasefire and peace agreement between the two countries, particularly the Joint Statement of December 27, 2025, need to be fully, effectively, and urgently implemented in their entirety. In this regard, steadfast adherence to international law and existing treaties and agreements As well as dialogue, good faith, mutual respect remain essential for restoring trust, securing lasting peace, and enabling displaced populations to return home safely and with dignity. Cambodia calls upon the international community to continue supporting these peaceful efforts. For the benefit of both countries and for the continued peace, stability, and prosperity of the wider region. I thank you, Mr.

President. I thank His Excellency Mr. Sokom for the statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Peter Machinka, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Chechnya.

Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, allow me first to thank the Chinese presidency for convening this important debate and for the opportunity to address this Council. As coming from the Czech Republic in Central Europe, let me make one simple observation. While great powers often speak about world order, Smaller nations focus rather on what happens when that order breaks down. Central Europe knows very well what a world looks like when rules between major powers cease to apply. In this world in which smaller states cease to be subjects of history and become merely the space through which history passes. The United Nations was never created to build a perfect, perfect world. It was created to prevent the worst from happening. Yes, the United Nations is imperfect. Its structures reflect the reality of 1945 more than the reality of today. But what is the alternative? The alternative is to The alternative to an imperfect United Nations may not be a better world. It may be a return to a new concert of great powers, a world in which most nations will not sit at the table but will themselves become items of the menu. That is why the United Nations still matters. Not because it can eliminate conflicts from the human history, but because it still gives smaller states a voice in a world dominated by power. Ladies and gentlemen, the world today suffers not only from conflict of interests, it also suffers from the loss of the ability to speak to one another. The Security Council must therefore not become a a place of parallel monologues. Its value lies in the fact that even competing powers are still able to speak to one another here. History teaches us that major conflicts do not begin only with aggression. They also begin with miscalculation, with the loss of communication, and with the conviction that others no longer need to be listened to. As great powers need allies, but great powers also need to hear how the rest of the world perceives their actions. And there are small states who often see the consequences of major decisions earlier than the great powers themselves. So, ladies and gentlemen, the 20th century taught us that not only military empires are dangerous. Equally dangerous are convictions of one's own moral infallibility. Any power that begins to believe it represents the only rightful future for humanity gradually loses the ability to respect others. And then dialogue turns into reeducation, cooperation turns into obedience and international law becomes an instrument of political selection. We in Central Europe and in the Czech Republic, former Czechoslovakia, know this from our own historic experience very well. Today, many speak about a multipolar world, but multipolarity is not a virtue, it in itself. Without restraint and respect for limits, a multipolar world may become even more dangerous. So I want to make clear that small states are not seeking a world without great powers. What smaller nations seek is a world in which even great powers are capable of accepting limits to their own power. The world today It doesn't need a new universal ideology or a new hegemon. What it needs are great powers willing once again to practice restraint, respect, and the ability to listen. The Charter of the United Nations was born from the experience that civilizations which refuse to accept limits to their own power sooner or later move towards catastrophe. And the ability to accept limits to one's own power remains one of the fundamental conditions for peace among nations. I thank you.

I thank you, Excellency, for your statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Beredov, Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan.

Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. President. I have the honor to deliver the statement on behalf of the Group of Friends of Neutrality for Peace, Security, and Sustainable Development. At the outset, we express our appreciation to China's presidency of the Security Security Council for convening this timely, high-level, open debate on upholding the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and strengthening the UN-centered international system. We also thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his briefing. Mr. President, while 8 decades have passed since the establishment of the United Nations, the relevance of the Charter of the United Nations and its founding principles has become even more profound and indispensable in addressing today's global challenges. At a time of growing geopolitical tensions, proliferation of armed conflict, increasing mistrust and pronounced fragmentation, the world increasingly requires dialogue instead of confrontation, diplomacy instead of coercion, and cooperation instead of division. In this regard, the Group of Friends of Neutrality believes that the principles of neutrality, meaningful commitment to dialogue, and confidence-building can make an important contribution to maintaining and strengthening international peace and security. With this background, I would like to make the following 4 points. First, the group reaffirms the central role of the United Nations and the continued validity of the purposes and principles to— of the Charter of the United Nations as the foundation of international relations. We underline that sovereign equality of states, non-interference in internal affairs, refraining from the threat or use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes must remain universally respected principles. The group stresses that selective approaches to international law and double standards undermine trust among nations and weaken the effectiveness of multilateral institutions. Second, the group emphasizes the growing importance of diplomacy, mediation, and the dialogue in addressing modern challenges. In this regard, we welcome the adoption by the General Assembly on 20 May 2026 of the resolution entitled The Role and Importance of a Policy of Neutrality in Maintaining and strengthening international peace, security, and sustainable development. The resolution recognizes that neutrality can embody responsibility rather than indifference and can serve as an important instrument for conflict prevention, mediation, confidence-building, and peaceful engagement. Disagreement among states. We particularly underline the resolution's call for closer cooperation between the Secretary-General and neutral states in implementing the principles of preventive diplomacy and mediation. The group believes that the peaceful settlement of disputes must remain the primary and preferred approach in international relations. In this context, we welcome the adoption last year of Security Council Resolution 2788 and support the resolution's call for the peaceful settlement of disputes. We also support the effective use of the territories of neutral states for hosting peace talks, dialogue platforms and mediation processes. The Group of Friends of Neutrality calls for the practical use of the experience of neutral states by establishing international frameworks to share best practices in conflict prevention, sustainable development, and inter-regional cooperation by implementing joint projects and programs in relevant fields under the coordination of the United Nations. We believe that neutral states can serve better as an important bridge for strengthening regional and global security by offering their territories and resources for peace negotiations, international seminars, and expert-level discussions aimed at conflict prevention and trust-building. Third, the group underscores that peace and security cannot be separated from sustainable development and mutually beneficial cooperation. We emphasize the importance of strengthening regional and inter-regional connectivity, sustainable transport, and economic cooperation as instruments for stability, resilience, and trust-building among nations. The group also stresses the importance of intercultural and intercivilizational dialogue, mutual respect, and the promotion of a culture of peace as essential foundations for strengthening multilateralism and preventing conflicts. Fourth, the group supports continued efforts aimed at strengthening the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations and enhancing the role of multilateral diplomacy. We believe that reform and adaptation of the United Nations system should preserve the organization's universal character. As well as its intergovernmental nature, and reinforce its ability to respond effectively to contemporary global challenges. In this regard, we underline the importance of inclusive dialogue and consensus building among member states. Mr. President, the Group of Friends of Neutrality reiterates reaffirms its conviction that neutrality, grounded in the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, can serve as an effective instrument for promoting peace, trust, dialogue, and constructive international cooperation. The group remains committed to supporting international efforts aimed at conflict prevention, mediation, and the strengthening of peaceful relations among states under the central coordinating role of the United Nations. In conclusion, we call upon all member states to recommit themselves to multilateralism, mutual respect, and diplomacy. In order to build a more peaceful, stable, and cooperative international order. Thank you. And now I deliver a statement on my national capacity. Distinguished Mr. President, distinguished participants, first of all, allow me to express appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Wang Yi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China for the initiative to convene this high-level open debates on such an important and timely topic which directly concerns the interest of all United Nations member states. Today we are witnessing a period of profound transformation and geopolitical change that may fundamentally reshape approaches to the agenda, to the global order. Under these circumstances, the main and defining task before the UN member states is to join our efforts to preserve and strengthen the system of international peace, security, and stability. We are convinced that this can be achieved only through firm adherence to the Charter of the United Nations, as well as through strengthening the central role and mandate of the United Nations. Guided by these principles, Turkmenistan pursues a foreign policy aimed at creating effective international mechanisms for maintaining global and regional peace and security. Among them is the active use of preventive diplomacy. This is especially important for the early prevention of conflicts and for addressing their root causes. We support the expansion of UN preventive diplomacy mechanisms to different regions of the world. The first such mechanism, the United Nations Regional Center for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia, was established in 2007 and headquartered in my capital, Ashgabat City. To contribute to the current debates Turkmenistan would like to reiterate importance of promoting the following initiatives. First is the initiative Peace Through Development, based on the understanding that peace and security are directly linked with sustainable socioeconomic growth, prosperity, and the progress of humanity. In this Our country, in cooperation with the United Nations, is currently holding a number of major international events of global significance aimed at strengthening peace and sustainable development in the world. One of them was LLDC3 conference held in Turkmenistan in August last year. A wide range of issues Related to security, sustainable transport and energy, climate change, and others were discussed during the conference. In this regard, we call for the effective implementation of the Avaza Political Declaration and the Avaza Program of Action for LLDCs for the upcoming decade adopted as the outcome document. Documents of the conference. Second is Turkmenistan's initiative Dialogue as a Guarantee of Peace. The new view and philosophy reflected in this initiative is the firm rejection of the use of force in favor of dialogue, which alone can provide lasting guarantees for peaceful and and non-confrontational development. And third, in support of these initiatives, our country continues efforts to promote trust, mutual understanding, and a culture of respectful communication among states. Thus, at the initiative of Turkmenistan, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed 2025 as the International Year peace and trust. In this regard, at the international conference dedicated to this year held in Turkmenistan, the President of Turkmenistan put forward an initiative to establish a University of Peace and Neutrality, the main purpose of which is to educate specialists in peacebuilding, trust, and prevention. Of diplomacy. A modern world order, as well as long-term stability and development, are impossible without consistent strengthening of system international law as a key foundation of global security and sustainability. Therefore, during the current session of the General Assembly, the President of Turkmenistan proposed to declare 2028, the Year of International Law. Turkmenistan has also proposed launching joint work on the development of a global security strategy. Such a strategy should be based on the principles of the UN Charter and universally recognized norms of international law. Our country stands ready to work with all interested partners and looks forward to the support and understanding of member states, international organizations, and institutions. I thank you for your attention.

I thank you, His Excellency Mr. Peredov, for the statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency the Foreign Minister of Thailand. I give you the floor, Your Excellency. Thai.

Mr. President, Excellency Wang Yi, Secretary-General, at the outset, Thailand congratulates China on its leadership during its presidency of the Security Council and commends China's initiative in convening this timely debate. 80 years ago, When the United Nations was created from the ashes of the Second World War, its founder understood a profound lesson that when competition among nations is left completely unchecked, eventually everyone becomes less secure, including the powerful. That is why they built an international system grounded not only in power but in rules, and not only in national interests but in the understanding that cooperation ultimately serves everyone's interests. Today, the challenge lies not just in conflicts and instability, but in the gradual erosion of confidence in the international system, with the United Nations at its core. When might makes right and transactional calculations replace established rules and principles, trust begins to weaken, and slowly but surely the foundations of international order begin to crack. In reality, respect for international law and charter must not be simply rhetorics or a means of seeking unilateral gains. Ultimately, it is trust and confidence and good faith that matter, and that leads to peaceful solutions and lasting end to conflicts. Mr. President, Thailand firmly believes that the United Nations must remain the cornerstone of the international system and the foundation of global order and multilateralism. To this end, we should focus on three practical approaches. First, Member States must demonstrate stronger collective responsibility by exercising restraint and upholding the rules and principles that underpin international peace and security. Major powers indeed carry particular responsibility. Their actions shape confidence in the system itself. But smaller and middle powers must also have a stronger collective voice in defending the principles of the Charter. The legitimacy of the international system cannot rest solely on the preferences of the powerful. It must also reflect the confidence of the wider international community. Now, despite all the shortcomings, the UN still matters because of its impact on the ground in many areas. Thailand continues to be in full support of the role of the UN. We have therefore contributed to humanitarian assistance, sustainable development, food security, and human security, including combating online scams. For the past 80 years, these actions underscore Thailand as a responsible member of the UN. Second, Mr. Chairman, we must reform and strengthen multilateral institutions. Thailand supports meaningful and forward-looking UN reform to ensure that it remains agile, effective, resilient, and responsive to the multifaceted challenges We commend the Secretary-General for his leadership in reforming the UN system, including through the UN80 Initiative. We wish this legacy continues under the tenure of the new Secretary-General. The reform of the Security Council is crucial. This chamber should not become a place where geopolitical divisions are replayed. We must remain a place where differences are managed before they spiral into confrontation. This Council must enhance credibility, transparency, responsiveness, and greater representation of the Global South. At the same time, the P5 must exercise greater responsibility and accountability, especially regarding the use of veto, in particular in case of mass atrocities, as well as a selection process of the new Secretary-General. Third, we should recognize that strong regionalism and minilateral cooperation can reinforce multilateralism. Smaller, flexible, and issue-based cooperation can often deliver practical and tangible outcomes more effectively. In our region, ASEAN's experience has shown that regional cooperation can reduce tension, strengthen resilience, and preserve dialogue even during periods of wider geopolitical uncertainty. Regional and minilateral frameworks should strengthen and not fragment the wider international order. This is pragmatic multilateralism in action. Mr. President, the United Nations cannot solve every problem before us, but without it, the world would be far more dangerous, divided, and unpredictable. The real question before us is not whether nations will pursue their interests—they always will. It is whether we can shape a system where cooperation serves national interests better than confrontation. That is why we must restore confidence in the system, strengthen it, and adapt it to a changing world. As a reliable partner and responsible member of the UN, Thailand stands ready to work with all member states to ensure that the UN remains credible, relevant, and capable of delivering peace, development, and respect for human rights. Lastly, Mr. Chairman, on Thailand-Cambodia relations, that was alluded to earlier by my Cambodian colleague, I wish to assure you that Thailand is committed fully to the ceasefire between Thailand and Cambodia and going beyond the ceasefire towards sustainable peace. But an enduring peace requires us to build trust and work in good faith so that we can turn a new page based on respect for international law and the UN Charter. And I want to repeat that Thailand does not seek any claims on the territory of any country. Thank you very much.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Phankhetkiawng for the statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Paulo Hangzhou, Minister of State and Foreign Affairs of Portugal.

Mr. President, Excellency Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Excellencies, I thank China for convening this debate at a meaningful moment, the United Nations' 80th anniversary. 80 years ago, the Charter emerged from the ashes of war. It was a political pact, a legal framework and a moral commitment. Its purpose was clear: to save future generations from war, and to promote peace. And for all its shortcomings, Portugal believes that the United Nations promise still stands. In a time of fragmentation, polarization, and mistrust, Portugal's message is simple: the answer is not less multilateralism, but better and more effective multilateralism. The answer is within United Nations. The system created in 1945 did not assume conflict would disappear, but that dialogue must prevail over division, cooperation over confrontation, and international law over the law of the strongest. That remains the greatest strength of the United Nations. Nations, the only universal forum where all states meet as equals. It is still the central platform for diplomacy, mediation, peacebuilding, development and cooperation. Despite its flaws, no other system matches its legitimacy, universality or convening power. We firmly believe in the United Nations. And also in regional organizations, because they are essential partners: the African Union, ASEAN, CARICOM, the League of Arab States, the Gulf Cooperation Council, the OIC, the European Union, and the Community of Portuguese-Speaking They bring proximity, legitimacy, and experience. They help prevent crises, mediate disputes, and support transitions to peace. And for Portugal, prevention must be central to the Council's work. The Council must not only react to crises. It must also prevent escalation. Open political space for dialogue, and use the sharpest tools—mediation, good offices, and peacebuilding. Mr. President, strengthening the United Nations system also means reforming it. A more effective Security Council must also be more representative. We support the expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories, with special attention to Africa's historical underrepresentation. The Council must also better reflect Latin America, the Caribbean, the Asia-Pacific, Arab states, SIDS, and small and medium-sized countries. and especially those that have never served on it. These voices matter. If elected next week for the 27-28 term, Portugal will work to amplify them. Portugal wants to be a voice at the table. A voice that resonates their voice. Your voice. The UN must also adapt to today's challenges: climate-related security risks, food insecurity, disinformation, urban warfare, criminal networks, and the impact of new technologies on peace and security. None of these challenges can be addressed alone. None can be solved outside multilateralism. Mr. President, the Charter remains the international community's greatest common denominator. To defend it is to defend equality and justice amongst states, large and small. It is to choose Peace over war. The United Nations is not perfect, but we have no better instrument to preserve international peace and security. The Charter remains its backbone. Portugal stands ready to work with all partners to strengthen this organization's effectiveness. Credibility and legitimacy. We firmly believe in the United Nations and in its unique role in the world, in its work for all humanity. Thank you.

I thank Mr. Hanzhao for the statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Sukiyono, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia.

Mr. President, I thank China for convening this important meeting and also the Secretary-General for the insightful briefing. And Indonesia aligns itself with the statement of MIKTA, which will be delivered later by Australia. The United Nations was created with the solemn promise to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to promote better standards of life for all. 80 years later, the question is not whether the Charter remains relevant, but whether we still have the collective courage to uphold its consistency. Because today, we see a widening gap between the principles we proclaim and the actions we tolerate. International law is too often applied selectively, and the Charter is upheld only when convenient. They cease to be universal covenants and become conditional instruments of power. And this is not the international order we envisioned back in 1945. Mr. President, Palestine has become the defining test of our collective conscience. Gaza is a humanitarian catastrophe and a moral reckoning for this Council and for the entire international community. For far too long, The world has witnessed the unbearable suffering of the Palestinian people, where families erased in an instant, hospitals destroyed, and aid obstructed while famine looms. Yet this Council's response has too often fallen short of the urgency demanded by humanity itself. This is a moment of solidarity. History will not judge us by the speeches we deliver in this chamber, but by whether we act when innocent lives are being destroyed before the very eyes of the world. When we fail to act, we fail the Charter, because the Charter was created to protect humanity Universally, Indonesia's support for Palestine is not a matter of political convenience. It is a constitutional and moral commitment, grounded in justice, humanity, and international law. Indonesia therefore reiterates that the two-state solution, based on international law and relevant UN resolutions, remains the only viable path toward a just and lasting peace. Mr. President, at a time of rising geopolitical tensions, we must also prevent the further erosion of international norms. Strategic waterways must never become arenas of coercion, confrontation, or political bargaining. Respect for international law —including UN CLOS—remains essential to global peace and stability. Likewise, attacks against UN peacekeepers are attacks against the very principle of collective security. Peacekeepers serve under the mandate of this Council, and their protection is not optional. Accountability for attacks against them must therefore be upheld without exception. Mr. President, the world is entering a new era of insecurity. Artificial intelligence, autonomous weapons, and nuclear weapons are reshaping the nature of conflict. A Council designed for the realities of 1945 cannot fully respond to today's challenges without meaningful reform. They must therefore become more representative, more democratic, more transparent, and more accountable. Indonesia always believes that reform is about restoring trust in the Council, not weakening it. And that process must begin with renewed unity within this Council and the voices of Global South must no longer remain peripheral in decisions that profoundly affect their future. Mr. President, Indonesia is convinced that we need a renewed commitment to the Charter, not a new hierarchy; not the Charter as rhetoric, but the Charter as responsibility; not the Charter as selective principle, but the Charter as common obligation, and not the Charter as a relic of history, but as a living mandate to restrain power through law, to protect civilians through principle, and to pursue peace and development through diplomacy. And this is how we return to the Charter: by defending the system it created, by restoring the trust it requires, and by fulfilling its enduring promise of peace, justice, and prosperity for all. And to that end, Indonesia will continue to work with all countries to preserve dialogue, uphold international law, and strengthen a multilateral system that serves all nations equally. I thank you.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Sugiyono for the statement. Dear colleagues, there are still a number of speakers remaining on my list for this meeting. I intend with the concurrence of members of the Council to suspend the meeting until 3 PM. The meeting is suspended.