Non-proliferation - Security Council, 10168th meeting

The 10,168 meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is the following topic: Non-Proliferation Security Council Committee established pursuant to Resolution 1737 of 2006. The distinguished delegation of the Russian Federation has requested the floor.

Mr. President, we regret that certain members of the Security Council continue to flagrantly violate decisions previously adopted by the Council and to impose their fabrications about the purported reinstatement of the work of Security Council Committee 1737 on others. We are once again compelled to recall that the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2231 in 2015 terminated the effect of previously imposed Council resolutions against the Islamic Republic of Iran. The sanctions in Resolution 2231 itself expired as provided for in that resolution on October 18th, 2025. The snapback mechanism contained therein was not triggered for a range of reasons that our country and a number of other delegations have explained to Council colleagues and all UN member states on numerous occasions and in great detail. No deliberate distortions of the letter of Security Council Resolution 2231 and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action endorsed by it, nor references to the erroneous and unlawful position of the UN Secretariat's leadership, are of any relevance here. There are and will be no grounds for holding a briefing of Security Council Committee 1737. That body ceased to exist in 2015, and the Council has taken no decisions whatsoever to reinstate it. In light of the foregoing, we request that the presidency put the question of holding today's meeting to a procedural vote. We call upon all colleagues to take a responsible stance in support of the Council's authority and its decisions. And to vote against the adoption of the agenda. Thank you.

I thank the delegation of the Russian Federation, and I now give the floor to the distinguished delegation of China.

President, China supports the statement made by Russia. I wish to reiterate that the Security Council has never reached a consensus on whether the E3 are entitled to invoke the snapback mechanism. Council Resolution 2231 expired and terminated last October 18th, and the Council has concluded its consideration of the Iranian nuclear issue. Certain countries have deliberately disregarded the differences and concerns among Council members, forcibly pushed for the reimposition of sanctions on Iran, and insist on convening meetings on an agenda item that has already been terminated bearing full responsibility for the current difficult situation in the Council. Such actions will not only exacerbate divisions within the Council, but will also seriously impede the process towards a political resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue. China is deeply concerned about this. China calls on Council members to faithfully implement the measures related to the termination day under Council Resolution 2231, uphold the authority of the Council and the credibility of multilateral diplomacy, and create favorable conditions for a political settlement to the Iranian nuclear issue. I thank you, President.

I thank the Chinese delegation, and I now give the floor to the distinguished delegation of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, President. The United Kingdom rejects the points made by the representatives of Russia and China. Today's meeting is fully in line with the decisions and procedures of this Council. The United Kingdom, alongside France and Germany, triggered the snapback procedure in full accordance with Security Council Resolution 2231. We did so because of Iran's significant non-performance of its commitments under the JCPOA. As China and Russia know, the snapback process completed on 28 September 2025 and, as a result, 6 UN Security Council resolutions and UN sanctions have come back into force. We particularly recall Resolution 1737, which requires the Committee to report at least every 90 days to the Security Council on its work. The Council should not be prevented from discussing these important matters at hand. So, President, we urge that we should continue with today's meeting, The United Kingdom will therefore vote in favor of the adoption of the agenda. Thank you.

I thank the delegation of the United Kingdom for the statement, and I now give the floor to the distinguished delegation of France.

Merci, Monsieur le Président. Thank you, President. I would like to also briefly react to the statements that we just heard from the delegation of Russia and China. The resolutions of this Council on the Iranian nuclear program have been reestablished on the basis to reestablish sanctions, the snapback mechanism, which was done in full conformity with paragraphs 11 and 12 of Resolution 2231. In the framework of this procedure, the Council rejected on the 19th of September, 2025, via clear vote, a draft resolution that would have permanently lifted Council sanctions on the Iranian nuclear program. And on the basis of this refusal, 6 resolutions adopted between 2006 and 2010 to frame this nuclear program began to be applied once again on the 27th of September of last year. The Sanctions Committee established pursuant to Resolution 1737 is in charge of working under the supervision of the Council. The reestablishment of these resolutions and Committee 1737 are not subject to debate. These are objective realities that are based on Council decisions. The Secretariat of the United Nations has taken note of these realities in official communications. The International Atomic Agency has also done so and has produced reports in terms of Iran's nuclear obligations on the basis of the resolutions that were adopted again in September. States must implement these resolutions on the basis of Article 25 of the United Nations. Therefore, it is completely justified that the council meets today in order to exchange on the work of the committee, even if— and we regret this— two members have objected to the adoption of the quarterly report of the committee. France is in favor of the agenda. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of France, and I now give the floor to the distinguished delegation of the United States.

Thank you, President. We strongly reject the assertions made by the representatives of the Russian Federation and China and fully support statements that have been made by the representatives of the United Kingdom and France. This is, of course, in support of moving forward with this meeting. Resolution 1737 and subsequent resolutions mandate quarterly reports from the 1737 Committee to the Council. Today, the President of this Council, as Acting Chair of the 1737 Committee, should be presenting the Committee's 90-day report. We are disappointed that the obstruction from two Council members blocked the delivery of this mandated report to the Council despite it being an entirely factual description of the Committee's activities during the reporting period. It is necessary to nevertheless continue to move forward with this meeting. which provides an important opportunity to discuss implementation of the sanctions measures reinstated by the Council. I urge everyone to join us in voting yes to adopt the agenda, hold the meeting, and allow the Council to proceed with its work. Thank you.

Agradezco a la delegación—

I thank the delegation from the United States. The presidency notes that there are no further requests for the floor. Now, in light Of the request and the statements by members of the Security Council, we will now vote on the provisional agenda for this meeting. Therefore, we will now proceed to a vote. Those in favor of the provisional agenda for this meeting, Non-Proliferation Security Council Committee established pursuant to Resolution 1737 of 2006, please raise your hand. Against? Abstentions? The result of the voting is as follows: 11 votes in favor, 2 votes against, and 2 abstentions. The agenda is adopted. The provisional agenda is adopted. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of Item 2 of the agenda. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. I give the floor to the delegation of the Russian Federation.

President, we regret that the majority of Council members continue to indulge the legal and procedural nihilism of Western states. Such conduct not only undermines the effectiveness of the Council's work, but outright erodes its authority. We are grateful to those colleagues who chose not to vote in favor of approving the agenda for this meeting, thus standing up for the integrity of decisions previously adopted by the Security Council. President, as the experience of recent months have shown, the Security Council meetings that have been convened by the US and European states on Iran's nuclear program bear no relation whatsoever to the task of maintaining international peace and security. Their statements have made it clear that the global nuclear nonproliferation regime is of no concern to them. Indeed, they ignore direct threats that are being posed to it. The true objective of Western countries is to create the illusion that the anti-Iran Security Council resolutions have been reinstated and that Committee 1737 has resumed its work. In other words, They are attempting to trample upon the legal and procedural foundations of the Security Council's functioning in order to exert pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of the Russian Federation with respect to the purported snapback is consistent and principled. Our position has been repeatedly communicated to member states, and anyone who wishes to review it may do so by consulting the letters circulated in the Security Council and the General Assembly by Russia, China, and Iran. As well as our many statements in the Council. For those with shorter memories, however, I will restate the key points. The letter submitted to the Security Council by the UK, France, and Germany in August 2025, claiming to trigger the snapback mechanism, did not constitute a notification within the meaning of Security Council Resolution 2231. These countries had no right to invoke this mechanism Given their chronic violations, series of violations of that resolution and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action endorsed by it, as well as their flagrant disregard for the JCPOA's provisions requiring that any dispute arising in the course of implementing the plan be comprehensively addressed through the dispute resolution mechanism in Vienna before being referred to the Security Council. For that reason, the outcome of the Security Council vote on September 19th, 2025, on the draft resolution improperly submitted by the Republic of Korea could not produce any legal or procedural consequences with regard to the implementation of the snapback. No matter how much our Western colleagues might try to persuade us otherwise, reality is unrelenting. No reinstatement of the anti-Iran Security Council resolutions has taken place. Security Council Resolution 2231 expired, as it was meant to do, on October 18th, 2025. On that same date, the non-proliferation agenda item was removed from the list of matters before the Security Council. In other words, the Council had concluded its consideration of the Iranian nuclear issue. No unlawful actions by the UN Secretariat in violation of Article 100 of the UN Charter, including restoring the website of Committee 1737 and its sanctions list. None of these actions can serve as a justification for any alternative interpretation. There is accordingly no basis whatsoever for resuming the work of Committee 1737 or holding its briefings in the Council. The fact that some members choose to attempt to prove the existence of the committee by organizing stakeouts only points to the fact that they themselves are straining to prove to themselves and other members of the UN the, the legal invalidity of their position. We deeply regret that the Colombian presidency yielded to the pressure of bad faith delegations and even included the relevant meeting in the draft program of work of the Security Council for June 2026. as a result of which Russia and China were compelled to vote against its adoption. We wish to emphasize once again that any attempts to get Committee 1737 back on track are futile. We will not allow the Council to adopt under the banner of this body any decisions whatsoever imposing restrictions on member states. We will also continue to resist attempts to revive its panel of experts, for which neither the Security Council nor the UN Secretariat has a mandate. We separately note the unacceptability and pointlessness of attempts to legitimize the committee by equating it with Security Council subsidiary bodies that genuinely exist. We categorically reject the actions of European members of the Council's Council who are blocking the adoption of a long-overdue decision on the distribution of chairmanships of the Sanctions Committee by issuing ultimatums and demanding without any justification that the 1737 Committee be included. By doing so, they are holding the entire Council hostage. Your colleagues, your blackmail will not work. President, the procedural crisis in the Council came as no surprise. We warned all colleagues back in August that Western states and their support group were leading us all into a dead end with their untenable attempts to trigger the snapback. And we warned about this back in August of last year. Moreover, China and Russia actively sought to prevent this from happening. In September 2025, our countries proposed a draft Security Council resolution to extend the validity of Resolution 2231 so as to allow for additional time for diplomatic engagement on Iran's nuclear program without creating a legal vacuum or parallel reality within the Council. Some Council members, however, did not heed our call, and the United Kingdom, France, and Germany chose to go all the way to the end with their claims of snapback reinstatement, rejecting any negotiated arrangement. Indeed, subsequent events once again demonstrated their lack of any genuine interest in a peaceful resolution of the disputes surrounding the Iranian nuclear issue. This was made starkly clear by their reaction, or rather lack thereof, to the aggressive actions taken by the US and Israel against Iran, first in June 2025, and then again from February 26 onwards. European member states did not show the slightest concern for the obvious and egregious violations of international law by Washington and West Jerusalem, nor their attempts to undermine the global nonproliferation regime through strikes against Iranian civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards. This includes repeated attacks in the immediate vicinity of the Bushehr nuclear power plant. Instead, Western delegations continued to repeat, as if it were a mantra, their well-worn talking points about some supposed threat to international peace and security allegedly posed by Iran's nuclear program. And this was despite the fact that the sole source of objective and credible information on this matter namely the reports of the IAEA Director General on verification monitoring activities in Iran, never identified any instances of nuclear material being converted to military purposes in the country. And any issues with inspections have arisen solely as a result of the U.S.-Israeli aggression. Yet even now, Western delegations continue to use every means at their disposal to claim that the anti-Iran Security Council resolutions have been reinstated with only one goal only, to continue exerting pressure on Tehran to shift the responsibility for the current crisis in the Middle East onto Iran. We stress that further politicization of the work of the Council on this will do nothing but fuel an escalating spiral of tensions and will adversely affect the prospects for a negotiated solution. Moreover, such an unconstructive approach will impede the creation of conditions for the resumption of IAEA verification activities in Iran that were disrupted by the unlawful and reckless actions of the US and Israel. We are convinced that this does not serve the interests of the international community as a whole. We call on all Council members and its president to stop adding fuel to the fire and to instead focus on promoting a political and diplomatic settlement for Iran. This is an effort to which a number of constructively-minded states are already contributing, including our Pakistani colleagues. Russia stands fully ready to support these efforts. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of the Russian Federation, and I give the floor to the delegation of Bahrain.

President, at the outset, allow me to thank Colombia for having convened this meeting of the Sanctions Committee established by Security Council Resolution 1737 at a time where it is more necessary than ever to make use of the Council's tools to preserve international peace and security. President, this discussion takes place in a sensitive regional conflict marked by de-escalation efforts on the part of Iran. Resolution 1737, as well as Resolution 552 and Resolution 2817, were all adopted in order to main— maintain international peace and security and strengthen trust, as well as combat activities that could destabilize the region. We are seeing a worrying paradox in our region currently. We're seeing a contradiction between commitments and reality on the ground. While Iran is attempting to rebuild trust with the international community and its neighbors in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolutions, we are seeing in the country a dangerous escalation created by the launch of missiles, drones, destruction of property, vital facilities, and peaceful civilian nuclear facilities. It is regrettable that principles enshrined in the resolutions of the Security Council are becoming mere slogans in statements that are flouted in practice, in particular through behavior that threatens the security of individual states and the entire region. Such actions erode trust and destroy trust. Rather than strengthening security, they undermine security. Instead of bolstering stability, they lead the region into new tensions. Under the impact of these hostile policies, our region has become a theater of successive hostilities and uncertainty, which endangers civilians and disrupts the economy as well as stability. It places international trade and energy safety at the mercy of Iranian policies based on confrontation rather than dialogue and cooperation. Aerial images, the disruption of basic services, targeting of energy infrastructure, nuclear, uh, energy facilities are affecting the daily lives of people in the region. This approach threatens the security of the entire region, not just one state, and it threatens regional stability with the escalation that is taking place. President, the targeting of sensitive facilities such as the Barakah plant in the UAE, as well as attacks targeting the Gulf Petrochemical Industries Company in the Kingdom of Bahrain, constitute a dangerous escalation that could have led to catastrophic consequences on the safety— nuclear safety and security, not to mention the environmental and humanitarian impacts. President These facts reveal a reality we can no longer ignore. This violation of obligations is no longer limited to a single issue. It is a systemic, systemic behavior that poses a daily threat to regional security and stability by arming armed groups and proxy actors, as well as targeting, uh, major routes, we are seeing these routes become recurrent targets of threats and attacks, which only makes the, the crisis worse. The gravity of the situation is made even clearer by Iran's resumption of its illegal, unjustified drone and missile attacks against the Kingdom of Bahrain and the State of Kuwait. This confirms that the issue before the Council today does not relate to an isolated incident or a technical issue. This is a repeated and ongoing pattern that endangers civilians and civilian infrastructure and undermines trust in the non-proliferation and sanctions regimes of the United Nations. Faced with this worrying situation, the Kingdom of Bahrain stresses the importance of continuing the work of the 1737 Sanctions Committee, which is an essential tool for guaranteeing respect for related obligations and is part of a broader tool set that would include a panel of experts that could support the work of the committee and make the sanctions regime even more credible. President, we welcome the progress made by diplomatic efforts aimed at reducing tensions. However, we stress that the success of such steps remains dependent on Iran's respect for its commitments on the ground and its rejection of any practices that could undermine trust or destabilize the region. The Kingdom of Bahrain asks for those commitments to be translated into concrete measures, namely through the cessation of hostilities, respect for the principles of good neighborliness, state sovereignty, and ceasing the use of missiles and ensuring respect for international law and the Charter of the United Nations. To conclude, Bahrain calls on the Council to fully shoulder its responsibility and ensure that Iran respects its international obligations and its violence in a way that will guarantee regional and international peace and stability. And preserve the credibility of the non-proliferation regime and the UN sanctions regime. Thank you.

I thank the delegation of Bahrain, and I now give the floor to the delegation of France.

Thank you, President. I would like to first thank the presidency of the Security Council for preparing this meeting and for preparing in advance a draft quarterly report for Committee 1737. It's regrettable that two members once again blocked the adoption of the report and prevented its introduction in the council. It's been almost 9 months that Council resolutions on the Iranian nuclear program have been reestablished on the basis of procedures pursuant to paragraphs 11 and 12 of Resolution 2231. These resolutions were reestablished because the Iranian nuclear program continues to be a threat to international peace and security, as we can see in independent quarterly reports of the International Atomic Energy Agency that has a mandate to verify the nature of nuclear activities in Iran. These resolutions were reestablished because Iran, after 2019, chose to persistently and systematically violate its commitments on the basis of the JCPOA when European countries had adopted all possible measures in order to continue to apply their part of the agreement. Iran constantly violated its commitments when there were viable proposals offered in 2021 and 2022 by the European parties and the United States, and when the E3 had deployed until the summer of 2025 efforts in order to find a negotiated solution during 7 different discussions with Iran. Let's recall some facts here. Iran accumulated a stock of highly enriched uranium that cannot be justified in the framework of a nuclear program that is purely civilian in nature includes over 400 kilograms of highly enriched uranium, up to 60%, which is a quantity that is potentially sufficient to produce around 10 explosive nuclear devices. And the IAEA has lost trace of these since June in 2025. The Director General of the IAEA underlined that Iran is the only non-nuclear weapon state that enriches uranium to this level. It is critical to have clarity on the situation with regards to these stocks. Moreover, Iran practically suspended all cooperation with the IAEA. It's been almost a year and teams do not have any access to Iranian sites that are sensitive from the point of view of proliferation, such as Fordow, Isfahan, and Natanz. Authorizing access for IAEA inspectors to these facilities is an obligation for Iran on the basis of the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement. We encourage Iran to renew quickly full and complete cooperation with the agency president. At a moment when the Iranian nuclear program continues to raise serious security concerns and when the Iranian authorities continue to be ambiguous in terms of their intentions, it is indispensable that Committee 1737 implements resolutions approved by this council that contemplate specifically the suspension of Iran's enrichment activities. France reaffirms our support to the work of Committee 1737 that has been reinstituted. We deplore that in recent months the committee has been prevented by Russia and China from adopting useful decisions such as updating the list of entities under sanction or the nomination of 8 candidates selected by the Secretary for the Panel of Experts. We continue to favor the recruitment of a panel of experts whose role is essential in order to assist the committee and keep member states informed. President, the application of resolutions of this council on behalf of all states is a legal obligation pursuant to Article 25 of the Charter. But it is not just that. It is a first step that Iran could take in serious negotiations on a way to sustainably frame its nuclear program in a moment when the Middle East is once again threatened by a regional conflict, our conviction continues to be that only a diplomatic solution will viably respond to the Iranian nuclear issue. We call upon all parties to respect the ceasefire and allow for an immediate and unconditional reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. France is ready, in the framework of the multinational initiative that it launched with the UK, to contribute when conditions will allow it to reestablish free and safe navigation in the strait on the basis of the international law of the sea. Beyond this, we are ready to support efforts to reach a robust, lasting, and verifiable agreement that ensures the peaceful character of the Iranian nuclear program. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of France, and I now give the floor to the delegation of China.

President Xi Jinping: President— China is disappointed about the result of the vote just now. We reiterate that the Council has already terminated the consideration of the Iran nuclear issue. Facts over the years have shown that whether or not the Iran nuclear issue is properly addressed has a bearing on the authority and effectiveness of the international nonproliferation regime, the long-term stability and to the tranquility in the Middle East region and the peace and stability of the world at large. At present, the US and Iran, with a ceasefire in place, are trying to resolve the issue through negotiations. Nevertheless, the situation remains delicate, complex, and fragile, with heightened uncertainties and instabilities. Against this backdrop, the Security Council, when dealing with the relevant issue, must stand on the side of peace. Stand on the right side of history and act out of an abundance of caution. In light of the experience of the JCPOA, China believes that priority should be given to the following. First, comprehensively addressing Iran's aspirations and need for peaceful uses of nuclear energy. China recognizes that Iran has at multiple times declared its commitment not to develop nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, as a state party to the NPT, Iran has the legitimate right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy. China supports the U.S. and Iran in engaging in rational and pragmatic negotiations to properly resolve their disagreements in order to make sure that under the strict safeguards of the IAEA, Iran can conduct peaceful nuclear activities in an orderly manner and to effectively eliminate the risks of nuclear proliferation. Second, properly handling the relations between the states— the parties concerned on the basis of equality and mutual respect. The threat of force or even imposition of war will only push the nuclear issue of Iran and the situation in the Middle East towards a perilous precipice. By unilaterally withdrawing from the JCPOA and twice using force against Iran while negotiations were ongoing, the United States has seriously undermined diplomatic efforts. That is the root cause of the difficult and complex situation we are seeing today. The parties concerned should learn lessons from the past, abandon power politics, engage in equal-footed and good-faith dialogue, and commit not to resort to force again. In order to ensure that a new agreement in the future will be effectively implemented and to take concrete actions to regain the confidence of the international community, Maintaining the ceasefire is an overriding priority. The parties concerned should focus on achieving peace by working towards cessation of hostilities and the early conclusion of an agreement that serves the interests of the parties concerned. Third, addressing the reasonable security concerns of all parties in a balanced manner. The world is a community of indivisible security, where the security of one state must not be achieved at the expense of the security of other states. The relevant parties have been taking a heavy toll because of the conflict, and this conflict has also sent shockwaves to the development and well-being of other countries. The relevant parties should stay calm and exercise restraint, abide by the obligations under international law and the purposes of the UN Charter, lift sanctions, accommodate the reasonable security concerns of one another and those of their neighbors, and gradually advance the negotiation process. To work towards a balanced, effective, and sustainable security architecture for the Middle East region. Under the current circumstances, the Security Council should play a constructive role instead of pushing through sanctions and exerting pressure on Iran at every turn, or worse still, becoming instrumentalized by a handful of countries to advance their own political agenda. It is important for Council members to bear in mind the overarching goal of seeking a political settlement of the Iran nuclear issue take concrete steps to secure time and space for diplomatic efforts, and create a favorable atmosphere for diplomatic negotiations. We believe this is a position shared by the vast majority of Council members. President, China has been closely following the developments of the situation in the Middle East region and the Iran nuclear issue. Guided by our consistently objective and impartial position, China has engaged in shadow diplomacy to help bring an end to the war and to do what it can for peace. President Xi Jinping put forward the four propositions on safeguarding and promoting peace and stability in the Middle East. China, together with Pakistan, proposed a five-point initiative for restoring peace and stability in the Gulf and Middle East region. China has also stayed in close contact with relevant parties on the Iran nuclear issue. Through multiple communications to the UN and the IAEA, China has made its position crystal clear and has called for safeguarding the process of diplomatic and political settlement. China stands ready to join the international community in lending greater support to facilitate peace talks and continue to contribute constructively to the proper settlement of the Iran nuclear issue and a lasting peace in the Middle East. Thank you, President.

I thank the Chinese delegation, and I now give the floor to the delegation of the United States.

Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you to Colombia for convening this meeting.— and for doing so despite those on this Council who seek to impede the work of this Committee. Colleagues, such obstructionism is not unique to the 1737 sanctions regime, but the consequences are significant. Certain states, in disregarding restrictions imposed by this Council and, more broadly, shielding Iran from accountability, directly enable Iran's destabilizing activities. —many of which transgress this Council's resolutions. Last September, the Council decided to re-establish the 1737 Committee based on a widely held concern among members about an Iranian nuclear program progressing in the dark, without the international community's visibility. In his introductory statement at yesterday's opening session of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Board of Governors meeting, IAEA Director General Grossi noted that during this reporting period, Iran had not engaged the agency on the unresolved safeguard issues described in his comprehensive assessment report of June last year. DG Grossi called on Iran to engage the agency constructively in order to facilitate the full and effective implementation of safeguards in Iran in accordance with the NPT Safeguards Agreement and implement the relevant provisions of Security Council and Board resolutions. Not only do we echo that call, Mr. President, but yesterday at the Board of Governors meeting, we circulated a resolution that urges Iran to provide precise information on its enriched uranium stockpiles and affected facilities without delay. We describe that cooperation as urgent and essential. For over 11 months now, IAEA inspectors have been unable to access neither Iran's highly enriched uranium stockpile nor other previously declared low-enriched uranium stocks at facilities struck a year ago. In violating its NPT safeguards obligations and denying IAEA access, to verify the suspension of its enrichment activities, Iran has contravened Resolutions 1737 and 1929. Iran has also, in attempting to advance its ballistic missile program, violated the broad prohibition of such activities in Resolution 1929. This program, in turn, has enabled recent strikes by Iran and Iran-affiliated groups against civilians and civilian objects in Bahrain, Israel, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, and the UAE. Moreover, Iran has not only continued to violate its safeguards agreement and sustained its ballistic missile programs in defiance of Council resolutions, but it has violated UN prohibition on the exports of Iranian weapons steadily since those measures reimposition last September. Iran has proliferated conventional capabilities around the world, including in many cases to non-state actors. Iran's defiance of this Council's resolutions has been enabled by two members of this Council. Russia and China have sought to neutralize this Committee, render Iran a beholden partner, and divert international attention away from their own non-compliance with this regime—non-compliance which a panel of experts would inevitably expose. Russia has repeatedly acquired close-range ballistic missiles from Iran in violation of Resolution 1747, In January 2026, Moscow provided Iran with attack helicopters in violation of Resolution 1929. Colleagues, this Council has a clear mandate to enact 1737 sanctions committee and the associated panel of experts. To view these mechanisms as punitive willfully misunderstands the Council and its tools. This committee and these resolutions provide the Council with a peaceful means of resolving threats to international security and welfare. I believe all members would each claim a preference for peaceful resolutions, for diplomacy, over the alternative. And so I urge fellow members to not subvert, but to instead actively implement Council instruments designed to advance resolutions peacefully. President Trump is committed to ensuring that Iran never develops or acquires a nuclear weapon, but his longstanding preference is diplomacy. We call on China and Russia to halt subversion of Council decisions and to more fundamentally not obstruct the possibility of peace. Thank you.

I thank the delegation of the United States and I give the floor to the delegation of Denmark.

Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you to Colombia for convening today's meeting. We regret that once again the committee was unable to agree on the 90-day report due to the continued unwillingness by some council members to recognize the reality that all sanctions against Iran were reimposed last year as a result of the decisions of the Security Council. We also regret the opposition of some Council members to the appointment of the chair of the 1737 Committee, which has in turn blocked the full operation of all subsidiary bodies. This significantly hampers the ability of the Council to fulfill its mandate. A solution is long overdue. Denmark has and will continue to engage constructively in the work of the 1737 Committee. We call upon fellow Council members to fully implement all Security Council resolutions and ensure the Committee functions effectively and as intended. Mr. President, it is imperative that the Council supports the effective implementation of sanctions against Iran. We are deeply alarmed by Iran's refusal to implement its safeguards obligations and by Iran's suspension of cooperation with the IAEA. As a result, The IAEA is unable to discharge its mandate or provide information on the status of Iran's nuclear program. There is no credible civilian justification for the amount of highly enriched uranium that Iran has produced. Even more worrying, for over a year, the IAEA has been unable to verify further enrichment activities due to its lack of access. Denmark's position has been clear: Iran must never be allowed to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. The current escalation clearly demonstrates why this is so important. We strongly call for the pursuit of diplomatic efforts to achieve a lasting and sustainable solution to the challenges posed by the Iranian nuclear program. Mr. President, Denmark continues to follow with great concern the developments in the region including the recent escalation over the weekend and Iranian attacks against several countries last week. Denmark condemns these attacks in the strongest terms. We call for de-escalation, maximum restraint, and the full implementation of Resolution 2817. It is imperative that the current ceasefire is sustained until a durable agreement can be reached. The Council— this Council must also remain engaged. There is an urgent need for the Strait of Hormuz to be reopened. As we have heard on multiple occasions, the consequences, consequences of Iran's attempt to keep the Strait closed is felt globally. From the sharp increase in energy costs to soaring food insecurity across the globe, these are very real threats. As always, the most vulnerable are most affected. Denmark calls on Iran to stop its attacks against countries in the region end the de facto closure of the Strait of Hormuz, and engage in good faith in diplomatic efforts to find a durable solution. We thank Pakistan for its efforts to lead the parties towards a permanent ceasefire. We repeat our call for full compliance with international law, including international humanitarian law, and recall that the protection of civilians, which also includes seafarers, is essential. So too is the restoration of safe passage and the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Respect for international law, including the UN Charter, remains a key condition for international peace and security. It is high time that this condition is fulfilled. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of Denmark for the statement, and I give the floor to the delegation of Greece.

President, I also thank you for convening this meeting and the Secretariat for its continued work on At the outset, let me reiterate Greece's concern over the escalation that we are witnessing during the past months in the Middle East. In the wake of more strikes against the Gulf countries, the present extended ceasefire, although fragile, must be maintained across the whole region and provide time and space for a comprehensive negotiated solution. Any further escalation carries grave consequences for civilians and poses serious risks to non-proliferation and international peace and security. We therefore call on all parties to show maximum restraint, refrain from any action that further inflames tensions, and pursue de-escalation, dialogue, and diplomacy as a matter of urgency. Security. International law, including international humanitarian law and international law of the sea, must be fully respected. Civilians and civilian infrastructure must never be targeted. We strongly condemn attacks against civilian infrastructure, including critical energy facilities in the Gulf countries, and stand in solidarity with all affected states that were drawn into a war that did not want. Freedom of navigation must be safeguarded, including the right of transit passage through international straits as reflected in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Passage through the Strait of Hormuz must be unimpeded. Moreover, Iran's nuclear program remains a major source of concern that needs to be addressed in comprehensive negotiations. Iran must never develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. We remain deeply concerned about the scope of Iran's nuclear program and its lack of transparency. The accumulation of highly enriched uranium, including uranium enriched up to and possibly to more than 60%, cannot credibly justifies civilian use. We call on Iran to immediately re-establish full, effective, and constructive cooperation with the IAEA, including by providing the agency with access and information necessary to fulfill its verification mandate. Cooperation grounded in verification and transparency remains the only way to restore confidence. Mr. President, turning to the issue before us today, we wish to be equally clear. Let me repeat that the restatement of the Security Council committee established pursuant to Resolution 1737 was both valid and legitimate. Following the activation of the snapback mechanism under Resolution 2231, the relevant Security Council resolutions have been reimposed, and those measures remain in full force. They reflect binding international law, and all member states are obliged to respect and implement them. The 1737 Committee, in the absence of a negotiated solution, is therefore an essential mechanism for ensuring Iran's compliance with the United Nations sanctions and the implementation of the Council's decisions. We regret that its work has been delayed and that the Council has not yet been able to agree on the necessary arrangements for its full functioning. We therefore call for the swift appointment of a chair and a panel of experts. Disputing the facts and the legality of Council decisions erodes the credibility of the Council and does not serve regional stability and non-proliferation. At the same time, we call on Iran to seize the present opportunity and negotiate meaningfully and constructively with a view to a comprehensive solution. The objectives that underpin the JCPOA remain valid. Any future understanding must be based on reliable and impartial information on the status of Iran's nuclear program and must provide the international community with clear, verifiable, and lasting assurances that Iran's nuclear activities are exclusively peaceful. Ultimately, a durable solution to the Iranian nuclear issue can only be reached through de-escalation, dialogue, and diplomacy, and in line with international law and the UN Charter. Greece stands ready to engage constructively with all Council members in support of such a solution with a view to ensuring respect of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime and the maintenance of international peace and security.

I thank you. I thank the delegation of Greece for the statement, and I give the floor to the delegation of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, President. I'm grateful to Colombia for convening this meeting despite the efforts of two council members. Colleagues, we meet at a time of heightened tension in the region. As my Foreign Secretary said, the resumption of conflict between Iran and Israel is in no one's interest. Both sides must show restraint. For over two decades, the international community has brought clarity and assurance about the exclusively peaceful nature of of Iran's proliferation activities. Instead, Iran has continued to expand its nuclear program in ways that lack any credible civilian justification. Iran is the only state without nuclear weapons to accumulate over 400 kilos of high-enriched uranium, as well as to persistently fail to meet its safeguard obligations. Iran's failure to cooperate fully with the IAEA erodes confidence and raises serious questions about intent. The IAEA's reporting from May on Iran's safeguards implementation was damning. The agency is unable to draw safeguards conclusions for Iran, citing sustained gaps in monitoring, a lack of credible cooperation on longstanding issues, including refusal of access to nuclear sites, and an inability to verify the peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear program. That trajectory is deeply troubling. It risks further weakening the global non-proliferation regime at a time when it is already under strain. Against this backdrop, the full and effective implementation of reinstated UN sanctions remains essential. The sanctions measures contained within the 6 reinstated UN Security Council resolutions, including Resolution 1737, are targeted measures to constrain Iran's proliferation and protect international security. They impose a ban on nuclear technology and materials, and impose asset freezes on key individuals and entities linked to Iran's enrichment program. All UN member states are obliged to comply fully and without exception. Those seeking to evade or undermine these measures should cease immediately. Any efforts to dilute the restrictions weakens our collective security. We regret that Russia and China continue to impede the sanctions which this Council is entrusted to uphold, and we urge all members of the Council to act in good faith so that the Committee can fulfill its mandate effectively, including through the agreement of 90-day reports and appointments to the Panel of Experts. We also call for the prompt appointment of a Chair, and we look forward to the Secretary-General's report on the implementation of Resolution 2231. President, President, our objective remains unchanged. IAEA reports are clear about Iran's non-compliance, and we are clear in our purpose. We want to see a negotiated settlement that provides verifiable assurances of a peaceful nuclear program. The United Kingdom remains firmly committed to a lasting and sustainable diplomatic solution that ensures Iran never develops a nuclear weapon. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of the United Kingdom for the statement, and I give the floor to the delegation of Somalia.

President, at the outset, Somalia reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the preservation of international peace and security. My delegation takes note of the divergent views among Council members regarding the 1737 Committee. We believe that a measured and balanced approach remains the only sustainable way forward to addressing concerns of all parties and resolving the current challenges. We underscore the primacy of the Charter of the United Nations and international law and encourage constructive, good-faith engagement to preserve the Council's unity. President, regarding Iran's nuclear issue, we urge a return to the negotiating table to resolve the non-proliferation issues. We believe the only viable path forward is with swift recommitment to sustained, substantive talks on non-proliferation anchored in relevant Security Council resolutions. Somalia recognizes the indispensable role of the International Atomic Energy Agency's verification and monitoring activities play in ensuring nuclear safety and global stability. We further underscore the critical role of the IAEA plays in safeguarding enriched uranium, including the clarification of information about material locations. We reiterate our longstanding call for the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and for all regional states to join the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons without exception. President, on the work of the subsidiary body organs We express our deep concern regarding the Council's continued inability to reach timely consensus on the appointment of chairs and vice chairs for the 6th consecutive month. The current deadlock follows the unprecedented delay in appointing chairs last year, the longest in the Council's history at the time until this month. We stress the importance of showing flexibility, pragmatism, and the spirit of compromise necessary to restore the vital work of the subsidiary bodies to full operational capacity. To conclude, President, the challenges before us require a collective, measured response rooted in dialogue, mutual respect, and renewed commitment to the United Nations Charter and multilateralism. Somalia stands ready to engage constructively with all Council members to chart a path forward that upholds the Charter and respects international law. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of Somalia, and I now give the floor to the delegation of Panama.

Thank you, President. We would like to thank your presidency for convening this meeting. The Republic of Panama has reiterated in multiple fora its firm commitment to the NPT, and we recognize that its goals can only be achieved through effective verification and monitoring mechanisms, among those the safeguards of the IAEA and, when appropriate, the mechanisms established by the Security Council with regards to nonproliferation. In this context, Panama would like to underline the importance of— the fact that mechanisms created by the Council to supervise this regime, including Committee 1737, are able to fully carry out the mandate entrusted to them. The lack of effective functioning for these mechanisms limits the Council's capacity to effectively monitor the issue and creates a vacuum that in practice can facilitate the continuity of activities that are incompatible with the obligations on the basis of international law and the resolutions of this council, the persistence of non-compliance on behalf of Iran, as well as the actions and military reactions associated to this issue, continue to negatively impact regional stability, the regular development of commercial activities, and the exercise of the freedom of navigation. As a seafaring country, Panama observes with concern the damages caused to ships transiting through the region as a consequence of the restrictions imposed by Iran in contravention to the principles of international law that ensure free— freedom of navigation. President, preserving the objectivity of verification mechanisms contributes to strengthening international trust in the capacity of the United Nations to promote compliance with its decisions. For this sanctions regime to continue to be credible and effective, it is critical to have A rigorous analysis carried out by experts on the basis of evidence and with verified and up-to-date information that allows for the Council and the Committee to precisely evaluate current challenges and, when necessary, to consider changes that favor a more focused and effective application of the measures adopted. Likewise, the periodic updating of sanctions lists is a fundamental technical element. Listings that are not up to date do not benefit any of the parties, and they create practical and legal difficulties for member states by compelling them to implement measures that do not always adequately reflect reality. President Panama hopes to receive the Secretary-General's upcoming report pursuant to Resolution 2230 31st, 2015, in a timely manner, and we reaffirm the importance of a constant work of subsidiary mechanisms established within that framework in order to ensure the correct implementation of relevant measures to promote the exchange of information and to strengthen cooperation among states, which should complement the important work that is done by the International Atomic Energy Agency. This is why we urge member states to preserve and strengthen these mechanisms so that they may be able to carry out their functions fully, independently, and effectively. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of Panama, and I give the floor to the delegation of Pakistan.

Thank you, President. Pakistan is deeply concerned at the ongoing situation in the region. Marked by renewed conflict and heightened tensions. Events of the last few days have amply underscored the fragility of the situation, the risk of escalation, and the need for diplomatic efforts to come to fruition sooner than later. The recent surge in violence is a stark reminder of of the dangers associated with a tenuous ceasefire and the unbearable consequences it may lead to. The cycle of violence and instability must end for the good of regional and international peace, security, and prosperity. Regrettably, the breakdown of diplomacy and outbreak of hostilities has also impacted the consideration of the Iran issue, pushing the parties further apart on this complex file. It also disrupted the IAEA's crucial verification mandate. President, we reaffirm our support for the resolution of all outstanding issues, including the Iran nuclear issue, through peaceful means— diplomatic engagement and sustained dialogue. Dialogue. We are of the view that diplomacy and dialogue should be the guiding principles for achieving negotiated settlement of all contentious issues in accordance with the rights, obligations, and responsibilities of the parties concerned. Pakistan, along with partners, initiated diplomatic efforts to stop the war and to bring the parties to the table. We have been undertaking constructive diplomatic engagement in supporting de-escalation, ceasefire, and the broader pursuit of stability in the region. We appreciate both parties for reposing their trust in Pakistan and engaging in dialogue to achieve ceasefire and participating in the Islamabad talks, the highest-level direct engagement between the United States and Iran for over 4 decades. Through sustained interaction at the leadership level with both Washington and Tehran, as well as with other partners in the region and beyond, notably Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Türkiye, and Qatar, and China, and others, Islamabad has sought to encourage dialogue facilitate the exchange of messages, and help create space and conditions conducive to meaningful negotiations. President Pakistan's sincere efforts are meant to break the momentum of hostilities, save lives, and give diplomacy a chance. Our approach underscores Pakistan's consistent commitment to regional stability and international peace, reflecting our preference for principled, dialogue-oriented diplomacy in addressing geopolitical challenges and managing complex situations. As we work earnestly and painstakingly together with our friends and partners to find a peaceful diplomatic solution to the conflict, and especially when the final objective is just about to be achieved, we sincerely urge all sides to exercise restraint and give peace a little more chance. So let us continue to tread the path of peace and diplomacy, for it has bright prospects of success, something that the international community has pinned its hopes on. Thank you.

I thank the delegation of Pakistan for the statement, and I now give the floor to the delegation of Latvia.

Thank you, Mr. President, and I thank the Colombian presidency for convening this legally mandated meeting at the earliest possibility. First and foremost, Latvia would like to reiterate the UN sanctions against Iran have been reimposed and remain in force. They reflect biding international law, and all UN member states, including the members of this council, are obliged to respect and implement them. The 1777 Committee has also been reestablished and is exercising its mandate despite the unprecedented delay in the appointment of chairs of the Security Council subsidiary bodies for 2026. And the committee's work is reflected in its engagement on the relevant exemption procedures. It is regrettable that we were again unable to reach an agreement on the 90-day report of the 1737 Committee, and this follows the equally disappointing lack of agreement on new listings and panel of experts.

Mr.

President, Security Council sanctions are a critical instrument to curb unlawful behavior of states. Iran's continued and systematic Iran's systematic failure to live up to its international obligations, and most notably under the JCPOA, the NPT, and the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement, led to the imposition of sanctions. By violating countless binding provisions and producing highly enriched uranium, Iran continuously disregards international law. Enrichment to up to 60%, as previously reported by IAEA inspectors, cannot be reconciled with any peaceful purpose. And despite repeated assurances to the IAEA, Iran has withheld required access and has not complied with its commitments, therefore necessitating a clear and firm response. As long as Iran chooses to pursue its destabilizing nuclear program, to refrain from granting unhindered access to IAEA inspectors to all relevant sites, and do not return to meaningful negotiations, the sanctions will remain in place. Iran's destabilizing activities in the region carry global consequences and further demonstrate its reckless attitude. It must cease and provoke attacks against its regional neighbors and immediately terminate any attempts to block the Strait of Hormuz. The humanitarian toll resulting from Iran's actions is growing more severe by the day, and already the consequences are far too grave. In this regard, we must recall that Iran has supplied Russia with drones and missiles for Russia's aggression in Ukraine, also used to attack civilian targets. And these are the same weapons Iran has been using against its neighbors in the Gulf region. And we maintain our call for an immediate cessation of attacks and urgent de-escalation. The ceasefire must be respected and a comprehensive solution is needed to ensure that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon and that free and safe navigation can resume in the Strait of Hormuz. Mr. President, it is deeply regrettable that some Council members continue to dispute legal reality and, as a result, the work of all UN Security Council subsidiary bodies is being paralyzed. Narratives that in our reality do not alter the obligations under international law. Attempts to disrupt the decisions of this body and their implementation undermine both the Council and international law more broadly. And finally, allow me to reaffirm our readiness to engage constructively in the work of the 1737 Sanctions Committee and reiterate our strong call for the subsidiary bodies to resume their full operation without further delay. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of Latvia, and I now give the floor to the delegation of Liberia.

Thank you. Thank you, Mr. President. We face a moment of dual crisis. A region holding a fragile ceasefire and a Council that has allowed competing legal interpretations to displace collective responsibility. As a nation that rebuilt its institutions after prolonged conflict and that has lived inside both the promise and the failure of multilateral mechanisms, Liberia understands concretely what it costs when this body allows procedural disagreement to become a substitute for action. The impasse over Resolution 2231 and the 1737 sanctions architecture is the Council's most immediate institutional challenge. Divergent views on whether that architecture remains operative have created a vacuum in oversight precisely when oversight matters most. Liberia does not ask the Council to resolve that legal question today. We ask it to refuse to be paralyzed by it. Three steps are both necessary and achievable in our view. First, the Secretary-General should be requested to establish interim secretariat-led reporting arrangements that preserve the core transparency, monitoring, and institutional memory functions of the sanctions regime. And this is pending resolution of the underlying legal questions. This requires no agreement on legal interpretation. It requires only agreement that the Council's oversight responsibility does not lapse because its members disagree about the legal calendar. Continuity of information is and must be the floor below which this body cannot fall. Second, the Secretary-General should be requested to facilitate a dedicated communication channel between the relevant parties, building on existing intermediary arrangements, with a mandate to engage directly under Article 99 whenever developments risk escalation. The current cessation of hostilities is real, but it is also, as we all know, reversible. Miscalculation does not require intent. It simply requires opportunity. Removing that opportunity demands mechanism, not merely restraint. Third, Liberia supports a time-bound negotiating process under the Secretary-General's good offices. addressing nuclear concerns and defining regional security issues on parallel tracks. Full IAEA cooperation must be restored without delay. It is not a concession to be sequenced into a later phase of diplomacy. It is the precondition for any agreement capable of commanding international confidence. Sanctions relief must be structured as verifiable, reciprocal, and benchmarked against IAEA-certified compliance milestones, not political declarations. Mr. President, this Council cannot always eliminate disagreement, but it must never allow disagreement to eliminate action. Liberia stands ready to support every effort that reduces tensions, preserves institutional coherence, and advances a durable negotiated settlement. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of Liberia, and I give the floor to the delegation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Mr. President, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been closely following the situation regarding the work of the 1737 Committee, which is responsible for overseeing the sanctions related to the Iranian nuclear program. In addition to all other considerations, my delegation wishes to highlight the following. The Democratic Republic of the Congo reaffirms its commitment to the fundamental principles of the United Nations in particular, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law, and the promotion of dialogue among states. In that regard, my delegation underscores the importance of cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency in order to ensure transparency and confidence in the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Secondly, the Democratic Republic of the Congo believes that nuclear nonproliferation constitutes is an essential pillar of collective security. At the same time, we believe that any measure adopted by the Security Council must be accompanied by sustained diplomatic efforts aimed at fostering a negotiated, lasting, and mutually acceptable solution. Third, in this spirit, the Democratic Republic of the Congo encourages all parties concerned to continue constructive dialogue and to fully honor their international obligations. Diplomacy and international cooperation remain the most effective means of resolving tensions and preventing any escalation. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to reaffirm that the proper functioning of subsidiary bodies is an indispensable prerequisite for the overall effectiveness of the Security Council's work. It should be emphasized that the alternative arrangement currently in place, which puts an excessive burden on the presidencies, cannot meet the demands of effective operation in the long term. In light of these considerations, my delegation wishes to recall that The responsibility incumbent upon the Council in fulfilling the noble objectives of our organization, in particular the maintenance of international peace and security, obliges us collectively to transcend our differences in order to ensure the smooth conduct of the Council's work through its subsidiary bodies. Thank you.

I thank the delegation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for the statement. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Colombia. Distinguished delegations, as President of the Security Council for the month of June and acting in the absence of a President for— of a Chair for the Committee, Colombia distributed the report for the period under review and to convene this meeting on the basis of the mandate and reporting cycle of the Security Council, as well as usual practice, guidelines, and applicable methods of work. Convening this meeting responds only to compliance with the functions of the President of the Security Council. It does not prejudge members' positions on substantive issues with regards to this file. Distinguished members, for Colombia, the operational, technical, and institutional capacity of Committee 1737 to fully carry out its mandate is especially important in the current international scenario. The situation in the Middle East, and especially with regards to Iran, continues to be characterized by high levels of volatility with confrontational dynamics, a deepening of distrust, and latent risks of escalation with direct implications for international peace and security. In this context, issues relating to proliferation and specifically Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program, acquire an even greater relevance. The relevance and credibility of mechanisms established by this council cannot be separated from the current political moment, nor from efforts in order to reduce tensions and favor diplomatic solutions. And this is exactly why Colombia considers that it is critical to preserve the technical integrity and effective functioning of subsidiary organs of the council, including this committee. These mechanisms carry out a fundamental role by providing objective inputs that are verifiable and based on evidence and that guide the deliberations of the Council in a more constructive terrain and one that is less exposed to differing interpretations. Colombia regrets the persistent difficulties that have prevented the Council from operating with the necessary regularity and predictability, specifically the lack of progress when it comes to choosing a panel of experts. These limitations do not just reflect the divisions that this council is experiencing. They also directly affect its capacity to act effectively in the face of risks that affect international peace and security. In the midst of growing tensions and geopolitical fragmentation, preserving the operational capacity of these mechanisms is even more critical. Last, my country considers that it is equally important to to preserve a balanced approach when it comes to the implementation of the Iranian sanctions regime. These measures should contribute to risk mitigation and also to the creation of conditions that are appropriate in order for political solutions to advance. In the current context, where we continue to see efforts toward dialogue, mediation, and diplomatic contact in order to reduce tensions, it is even more important to preserve the multilateral architecture built by this council and to avoid the weakening of mechanisms designed to build confidence and contribute to de-escalation. This— there is no sustainable solution to existing concerns that is outside of diplomacy, international law, or multilateral cooperation. This is why my country shall continue to champion the Charter of the United Nations, the credibility of instruments established by this Council, and the peaceful solution of disputes as fundamental principles to address current challenges. I thank you. I resume my function as President of the Council. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. The meeting is adjourned.