Reports of the Secretary-General on the Sudan and South Sudan - Security Council, 10184th meeting

The 10,184th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is reports of the Secretary-General on the Sudan and South Sudan. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with Rule 37 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite the the representatives of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Ethiopia, the Sudan, and Türkiye to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. In accordance with Rule 39 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, and Ms. Hanan Suleiman, Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of Item 2 of the agenda. I now give the floor to Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo. You have the floor, Madam.

Madam President, thank you for the opportunity to brief today on Sudan. Let me begin with a few words on al-Abaid in North Kordofan State. Last week, the Secretary-General warned of the catastrophic consequences for civilians should the fighting in al-Abaid intensify further. Over the past two weeks, drone strikes by both parties in the area have increased significantly, while the Rapid Support Forces have expanded their presence around the city. An escalation in al-Abaid would place hundreds of thousands of civilians at immediate risk of large-scale violence. The High Commissioner for Human Rights has issued a stark warning of an impending human rights disaster if this offensive is not halted. A full-scale battle would trigger new waves of displacement toward already overstretched areas deepen instability across the wider Kordofan region. It would likely be prolonged, further entrenching the parties' positions in negotiations and narrowing the space for mediation and political engagement. Once again, we call for restraint from all parties and urge them to take all necessary measures to respect and protect civilians. The window to avert a wider escalation in Al-Hobaid is rapidly narrowing. Madam President, beyond Al-Hobaid, fighting in Sudan continues on multiple fronts. The wider Kordofan region remains the epicenter of the conflict, with intensified fighting taking place around Dueng, Khardougli, and Baba Nussa, as both parties continue to contest key strategic areas. Drone strikes on bridges and transport corridors across Darfur and Kordofan in recent weeks have wreaked havoc on humanitarian routes and isolated communities. The security situation in White Nile and Blue Nile States also remains volatile, with continued clashes in Kermouk, Gessen, and Bao localities as the parties fight for territorial gain. Along with these developments, the civilian death toll continues to rise every day. The growing use of drones is making the conflict more unpredictable, more geographically dispersed, and more lethal for civilians. While the rainy season has traditionally brought a reduction in fighting, the drone activity means there will be no respite for for civilians, as it is expected to continue throughout the rainy season. Madam President, the parties could not sustain this pace of fighting without the sophisticated weaponry they obtained through external support. We renew our urgent call on all external actors to use their influence to help end this war, rather than be complicit in it. Let me be clear: there are clear warning signs of worse things to come if we don't act. Sudan's escalating conflict is unfolding amid rising tensions between Sudan and neighboring states. In early May, tensions escalated between the Sudanese and Ethiopian governments following allegations of interference in each other's internal security situations. Tensions also remain high between Sudan and Chad following clashes earlier this year and continued instability on their shared border. These tensions risk becoming drivers of further escalation, drawing neighboring states more directly into the conflict. Madam President, we continue to support all efforts to reduce violence, including the Quad's initiative to secure a humanitarian truce. We call on the parties to engage in these negotiations in good faith to make much-needed progress towards a truce agreement. At the same time, it has become clear that knowing Sudan's political future looks like it is, is key for the parties and their allies to agree to stop fighting. They want a roadmap for what happens the day after they agree to lay down their weapons. So we must, in tandem, continue efforts towards a permanent ceasefire and a sustainable political solution. Central to progress on the political front is the strong partnership among the quintet members—the African Union, the European Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development the League of Arab States, and the United Nations. In early June, the quintet convened consultations in Addis Ababa with a broad spectrum of Sudanese civilians. Participants expressed a wide range of views on the modalities for, and participation in, a future process, reflecting the pluralism of Sudan's society. But they all endorsed the urgent need for a Sudanese-owned and led political dialogue facilitated by the Quintet. This is an encouraging development. The Quintet will now build on this progress and engage with an expanded range of Sudanese stakeholders in the coming weeks. As this work continues, we note the plans announced by Sudanese authorities to move ahead with a national dialogue process. This initiative has the potential to foster meaningful dialogue to outline Sudan's political pathway to peace. The credibility of an intra-Sudanese process will depend on the inclusive participation of a truly representative, wide spectrum of Sudanese political and civilian actors. Madam President, since his appointment, Personal Envoy Javisto has hit the ground running, visiting Sudan, crisscrossing the region, and visiting other key capitals. He has engaged with the conflict parties and a broad range of other Sudanese and international actors to hear their perspectives and explore practical measures to build momentum toward peace. In this regard, the Personal Envoy has commenced discussions with the conflict parties to advance concrete measures that could de-escalate violence and benefit civilians. We are encouraged that both parties have affirmed an openness to take these discussions forward in the coming weeks. In recent days, Personal Envoy Javisto has also engaged directly with key actors to encourage restraint and help prevent further escalation around El-Abeid and elsewhere in the country. Madam President, while our efforts can help create space for the dialogue, they cannot substitute for the political will required to end this war. The parties and their backers take note when the Council acts with unity of purpose. We welcome the recent Council press statement on El-Abeid. Your words and your actions matter. We call on you to do more. We stand ready to work with you and to continue doing our part to bring this conflict to its long overdue conclusion. Thank you, Madam President.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Hanan Sulayman, you have the floor, Madam.

Madam President, Excellencies, I would like to thank the Colombian presidency for keeping the humanitarian situation in Sudan high on the Council's agenda. Thank you to Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing. I am dismayed that we meet today again against the backdrop of a conflict that has now entered its fourth year. After more than 3 years of war, Sudan remains the largest humanitarian crisis in the world. UNHCR reports there are currently more than 3.5 million refugees and more than 6.5 million internally displaced since 2023, with many having been displaced multiple times. As the conflict continues to unravel, the spillover of violence and risk of disease across Sudan's borders intensify and further threaten regional destabilization. And children, as always, are paying the highest price. Let me first tell you about Amina, a midwife in Tawila, North Darfur. She was forced to flee her home after violence reached her community. Along the road to safety, she witnessed scenes no one should ever have to see. Many children died on the way, she recalls. I met a pregnant mother who had 4 children. She arrived with only the one still inside her. Amina lost almost everything and is deeply scarred by what she went through and witnessed. Yet today, she continues to help mothers deliver babies safely. She provides antenatal and postnatal care, supports safe deliveries, and helps pregnant women and young mothers access the medicines and nutrition they need. When asked why she continues, she says simply, I still have something to give even after losing everything. Today, millions of children across Sudan are relying on people like Amina to survive. Yet even their extraordinary commitment cannot compensate for a conflict that continues to destroy the systems children depend on for life itself. Excellencies, my greatest immediate concern today is the escalating violence in North Kordofan. As fighting intensifies in and around Al-Lubayyid, an estimated 500,000 civilians are at risk. Children are at an immediate and growing danger of being killed, injured, displaced, or exposed to other grave violations. Over recent weeks, repeated drone strikes and shelling have damaged civilian infrastructure, disrupted supply routes, and threatened essential services that families rely on every day. Al Ubaid is not only a population center hosting a high number of displaced people from west and south Kurdistan, it is also a critical humanitarian hub. Any further deterioration risks cutting off humanitarian access to Delenj and other areas in south Kurdistan where thousands of people reside. We have seen this before, Excellencies. Last year in al-Fashir, escalating violence trapped hundreds and of thousands of civilians amid relentless fighting, severe shortages of food and medicine, and growing protection risks for children. Since April 2024, more than 1,500 grave violations against children were verified in al-Fashir, including the killing and maiming of over 1,300 children, many by explosive weapons and drones, as well as sexual violence, abductions, and recruitment and use by armed groups. We must not allow history to repeat itself. And while the world's attention is focused on al-Hubeid, we must not overlook other areas of continuing humanitarian concern, including other parts of Kurdufan, Blue Nile, and Darfur, where insecurity and access constraints continue to drive humanitarian needs and place children at grave risk. Excellencies, the violence children face in Sudan extends far beyond the battlefield. Since the conflict began, the United Nations has verified more than 5,700 grave violations against children. More than 5,000 children have been killed or maimed, but the real figure is undoubtedly much higher. Children are being killed in their homes, they're being injured while fleeing violence, they're being caught in crossfire, shelling, drone strikes, and attacks using explosive weapons in populated areas. During the first 4 months of this year alone, nearly 80% of reported child casualties were linked to drone attacks. The proliferation of explosive weapons is leaving a deadly legacy— excuse me— of contamination that will continue to threaten children long after the fighting ends. The psychological toll is equally profound. Across Sudan, children are growing up surrounded by violence, uncertainty, and loss. Many have been displaced multiple times. Many have witnessed events no child should ever experience. Yet children are not only being harmed by the direct effects of conflict, increasingly they're suffering from the targeting and collapse of the services they depend on to survive. Allow me to illustrate. Last year, a strike on energy infrastructure in White Nile State disrupted electricity needed to operate a major water treatment facility. What happened? Families were left with little choice but to collect untreated water directly from the river. Within weeks, thousands of cholera cases had been reported. Thousands. Children died, schools closed, tens of thousands of students lost access to education. In Sudan, one attack does not end when the explosion stops. A single strike can trigger a chain reaction that deprives children of safe water, healthcare, education, and protection.. And this pattern is repeating itself across the country. Health facilities, water systems, schools, marketplaces, and other civilian infrastructure continue to be damaged or destroyed. Nearly half of Sudan's school buildings can no longer function as classrooms. Today, at least 8 million children are out of school. For girls, the consequences are particularly severe, increasing the risks of child marriage, sexual violence, and other forms of exploitation. Exploitation. And the humanitarian situation meanwhile continues to deteriorate, with nearly 19.5 million people facing acute hunger. Conditions in several locations are already at or near famine thresholds. An estimated 825,000 children under 5 are expected to suffer severe acute malnutrition this year. At the same time, families are increasingly relying on unsafe water resources— heightening the risk of disease outbreaks and creating a vicious cycle of illness and malnutrition that threatens children's survival. Excellencies, humanitarian organizations can need— continue to face immense challenges reaching children in need. Insecurity, shifting frontlines, bureaucratic impediments, and restrictions on movement continue to constrain humanitarian access. Communities across Darfur, Kordofan, Blue Nile, and other Conflict-affected areas remain difficult to reach. The approaching rainy season makes an already difficult situation even worse. Yet despite these challenges, UNICEF, amongst other humanitarian actors, is staying and delivering. Earlier this month, after months of negotiations, months of negotiations, UNICEF supported the delivery of life-saving supplies to Delenjen Kadugli through an interagency convoy. With health, nutrition, water, sanitation supplies for nearly 39,000 people. UNICEF was also able to send critical health, nutrition, water supplies for 35,000 people in the town of Wumbaro in North Darfur. The supplies arrived days before the town was engulfed in fighting, providing children with a lifeline. It took us months to negotiate that. Across Sudan, more than 400 UNICEF staff continue working alongside partners to reach children wherever access is possible. Last year alone, UNICEF and its partners provided protection, education, and psychosocial support to 3.5 million children. We reached more than 15 million people with safe drinking water and treated more than 600,000 children suffering from severe acute malnutrition. But humanitarian action alone cannot keep pace with the scale of this crisis, nor can it substitute for peace. Allow me to conclude, Excellencies, with 4 urgent requests for this Council. First, we need immediate action to prevent further escalation, particularly in and around Al-Lubayid. Humanitarian corridors to move civilians out of safety— out to safety are essential, as well as the establishment of child protection services for children who are separated from their families. We cannot allow another al-Fasher. Second, we urge all parties to protect children and the civilian infrastructure they depend on in accordance with international humanitarian law and international human rights law. International law. Schools, hospitals, water systems, and humanitarian assets must never be targets. Council members should unanimously call on member states to refrain from transferring explosive weapons to warring parties that are likely to use them against civilians and civilian objects. Third, 4 years into this war, we have yet to see a single humanitarian truce. We have had none so far. We call on member states to use all their influence to prevent further escalation support efforts towards a negotiated solution, and help create the conditions necessary for lasting peace. Council members should call on parties to engage with the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy and facilitate de-escalation and a negotiated settlement to end this devastating conflict. And fourth, we ask this Council to continue pressing all parties to facilitate rapid, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access across conflict lines, and through all available entry points. Humanitarian assistance must reach children wherever they are in the country. Excellencies, the children of Sudan cannot survive on expressions of concern. They need protection. They need food, water, healthcare, and education. They need humanitarian access. But above all, they need this war to end. They have already lost more than 3 years of their childhood and cannot afford to lose another. Thank you very much.

I thank Ms. Suleiman for her briefing. Pending the election of the chairs and vice chairs of subsidiary bodies and following the understanding reached among Security Council members in this regard, I have the honor to report to the Security Council on the work of the committee established pursuant to Resolution 1591 of 2005. For the sake of brevity, I will not read out the report in view of the fact it has already been distributed to committee members and will be posted on the committee's website. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. I give the floor to the delegation of the United Kingdom. You have the floor.

Thank you, President, and I thank USG DeCarlo and Deputy Executive Director Suleiman for their briefing today. The United Kingdom is deeply concerned by developments in and around Al-Obaid and the immediate and escalating risks they pose to the civilian population. I'll make 3 points. First, civilians must be protected and able to leave Al-Obaid, as called for by this Council on June 20. The Rapid Support Forces must halt their assault and civilians must be able to leave, and all parties, including the Sudanese Armed Forces, should ensure that they are able to do so. All parties must comply fully with their obligations under international law to protect civilians. We are deeply concerned at the risk of large-scale atrocities. Civilians face increasing constraints on movement, deteriorating access to essential services, and the threat of intensified violence, including from continued drone strikes and attacks on critical infrastructure. As my Foreign Secretary has made clear, El-Abeid is on the precipice of an atrocity that would deepen the wounds already inflicted on Sudan in al-Fasha. All parties must act now to prevent further harm to civilians. Second, humanitarian actors need to be able to operate safely and without obstruction. All parties must facilitate rapid, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access and provide the security guarantees needed for humanitarians to deliver life-saving assistance. Attacks on humanitarian personnel, are unacceptable. Without urgent action, those able to leave the city will not be able to access the aid they need. And finally, this conflict cannot be resolved by military means. Developments in El-Abeid underscore the urgent need to halt the fighting and create space for a political pathway. We support efforts towards, towards a humanitarian truce as the most credible route to reducing harm and enabling progress. We commend US leadership and Senior Boulos' tireless efforts on this, as well as the work of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Hevisto, to support de-escalation. External support continues to sustain this conflict,, and we call on those fueling the conflict to cease. Those with influence must exercise it now to avoid further bloodshed. The suffering of the Sudanese people cannot endure.

Thank you. I thank the delegate of the United Kingdom for that Statement. I now give the floor to the representative of China. You have the floor.

Madam President, I wish to thank U.S. Deputy Secretary Suleiman for their briefings. I welcome the presence of the representatives of Sudan, Egypt, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey. The conflict in Sudan has entered its fourth year. With hostilities raging in multiple parts of the country, the humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate, mediation efforts remain stalled, and the peace long sought by the Sudanese people appears ever more elusive. China believes that the international community should intensify its efforts in the following 4 areas. First, we must promote an immediate ceasefire and an end to violence and prevent further deterioration of the situation. Recently, the RSF deployed substantial reinforcements to Al-Baidh in North Kordofan State and intensified drone attacks, leading to a sudden escalation of tensions. A Security Council press statement has been issued by Council President demanding that the RSF immediately halt assault on Al-Baidh. China has repeatedly stressed that the large-scale atrocities witnessed in Al-Fasha must never be repeated. We urge the RSF to exercise restraint, de-escalate the situation, fulfill their obligations under under international humanitarian law and refrain from harming civilians or damaging civilian infrastructure. We call on all parties to the conflict to act in the overall national interest, agree to an early ceasefire, and return to the track of political negotiations without delay. There is no military solution to the conflict. External interference will only aggravate tensions. All parties should do more to promote peace and stability. Second, we must address the humanitarian crisis and alleviate the acute hardship facing the population. The lingering civil war effects of the Middle East conflict, together with resurgence of Ebola in Africa, have further compounded Sudan's already dire humanitarian situation. China supports the Sudanese government's efforts to resettle returnees and accelerate reconstruction and recovery. We also support humanitarian agencies in strengthening coordination and communication with the Sudanese government to ensure the safe and timely delivery of relief supplies to those in need. We call on all parties to the conflict to ensure the safety of humanitarian workers and to facilitate humanitarian access to the greatest extent possible. The Sudan humanitarian response plan is severely underfunded. The international community should step up contributions and honor its pledges rather than use humanitarian issues as a tool for political pressure. Third, we must strengthen good offices and mediation efforts and advance the political settlement process. China welcomes the Sudanese government's commitment to advancing the implementation of the peace initiative and preparing to launch an inclusive national dialogue. We also note the recent consultations convened by the quintet in Addis Ababa. We support the United Nations in playing a central role and stepping up coordination with regional mediators, including the African Union, IGAD, and the League of Arab States, so as to forge synergy. International mediation should fully respect Sudan's sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity, uphold the leading role of the Sudanese people, and complement and reinforce Sudan's own efforts. All parties should fully draw lessons from past experience and oppose actions that could lead to national division, such as the establishment of parallel governing bodies. Fourth, we must prevent conflict spillovers and safeguard regional peace and stability. The situation in Sudan is a source of concern for neighboring states with implications for peace and stability across the Horn of Africa and Sahel. If not handled properly, it could easily trigger a wider conflict, which must be taken seriously by the international community. On the one hand, we must focus on the immediate situation, actively support countries in the region in maintaining stability, and jointly guard against threats such as cross-border movement of armed elements, the illicit proliferation of weapons, and the infiltration of extremist forces. On the other hand, we must take a long-term perspective and encourage countries in the region to achieve sustainable development by improving people's livelihoods and strengthening governance to eliminate the root causes of conflict. We must also reject zero-sum thinking, enhance mutual trust and cooperation, and foster good neighborly relations. President, the conflict in Sudan must not be overlooked, nor should the Sudanese people be forgotten. Let us act with a sense of urgency, a commitment to peace, and a spirit of solidarity to mobilize greater resources and efforts to help Sudan achieve an early cessation of hostilities and ceasefire, ease the humanitarian situation, advance a political solution so that the Sudanese people may soon enjoy lasting peace, development, and prosperity. Thank you, President.

I thank the delegation of China for that statement. I now give the floor to the delegate of Latvia. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF, Hana Suleiman, for their valuable briefings. I would like to highlight 4 points. First, the alarms in and around Al-Hobait are loud and clear. The rapid support forces build up around the city. Points to an imminent risk of mass atrocities. We have seen this pattern before. The situation demands continued pressure and vigilance. The Rapid Support Forces must immediately cease its assault on Al Ubaid. Civilians must be protected. Those fleeing violence must be allowed safe passage, and humanitarian access must be immediate safe and unimpeded. The warning signs are grave: siege-like conditions, continued drone attacks, damage to civilian infrastructure, and hundreds of thousands of civilians at risk. At this critical moment, our call is clear: Stop it. Do not enable it. Second, this war must be de-escalated Now, Al-Obeid is the clearest warning sign of a conflict consuming Sudan. But the pattern extends far beyond one city. Across the country, civilians are being killed by shelling and airstrikes. Hospitals, markets, and essential infrastructure have been targeted and destroyed as both parties continue to pursue military gains. Over civilian protection. Drone strikes alone have killed more than 1,000 civilians in the first 5 months of this year. We call on the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces to cease hostilities immediately and to comply fully with international humanitarian law. The flow of arms, financing of other external assistance must also stop. All states must comply with relevant Council measures, including the arms embargo. Latvia commends the efforts of the United States and the Quad to advance a humanitarian truce and bring the parties to the table. Third, justice and accountability must be at the heart of any credible path to peace. In El Fasher, At least 1,300 children have reportedly been killed or maimed since April 2024, with verified reports of sexual violence, abductions, and the recruitment and use of children by armed actors. With around 8 million children out of school, the question is, what future are students, children being offered? A classroom, a battlefield, or no future. UN Human Rights reporting indicates that the Rapid Support Forces and affiliated armed groups bear predominant responsibility for documented cases of conflict-related sexual violence, including rape, gang rape, abduction, and sexual slavery. OHCHR has described such violence as a tactic of war and has indicated that these acts may amount to war crimes and, in some cases, crimes against humanity. The Secretary-General's report on conflict-related sexual violence reminds us that the more than 65% of listed parties, including parties to the conflict in Sudan, are persistent perpetrators. This is impunity, and it allows these crimes to be repeated. Survivors must receive comprehensive support. Evidence must be preserved, and perpetrators must be held accountable. Sudan cannot heal if impunity is left intact. Fourth, Sudan needs a civilian political future, not armed rule. Latvia welcomes the outcomes of the Berlin Conference and supports the Quintet's efforts, including the recent consultations in Addis Ababa, to advance a comprehensive and inclusive Sudanese civilian-led dialogue. A sustainable resolution must be rooted in a Sudanese-owned, inclusive, and civilian-led political process. This process must bring together— a broad spectrum of Sudanese civilian and political actors, including women, youth, civil society, and representatives of Sudan's geographic and social diversity. It must be credible, transparent, and free from coercion. Sudan's future cannot be decided by those with guns alone. Madam President, the war in Sudan has long overgrown the boundaries of an internal conflict and is now one of the world's most regionalized wars. This is why sustained international and regional engagement is indispensable. Latvia strongly supports the vital efforts of the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy Pekka Havisto to advance de-escalation, strengthen regional and international coordination, and help restore a Sudanese-owned path towards peace. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Latvia for that statement. I now give the floor to the Russian Federation.

Hello, you have the floor.

Madam President, we thank Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs and Peacebuilding, Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, as well as Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF, Ms. Hanan Suleiman for their briefings. We welcome the participation of Sudan's permanent representative, Al-Harith Idris Mohammed, in this meeting, as well as the representatives of Egypt, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Ethiopia. The situation in Sudan is regrettably far from stable. The country's government and armed forces continue to resist the onslaught of destructive elements that have chosen to challenge not only the stability and security of civilians, but also the legitimacy of Sudan's current leadership. The situation in Greater Darfur and Greater Kordofan is also challenging. Significant parts of these areas are being held by the rebels. The recent events around El-Obeid, which the Council properly assessed in its press statement of June 20th, should leave no doubt as to the true objectives of the enemies of peace, which are to spread chaos throughout the country and create conditions for the partition of its territory. We are convinced that no Council member has an interest in such a scenario. Accordingly, in the interest of preventing it, it would seem logical to focus not on addressing the consequences of a confrontation now entering its fourth year, but on finding solutions to its root causes. This requires all of us, without exception, to recognize the need for a more constructive approach by the Council to the situation in Sudan. It is vital to fully take into account the observations and wishes of the country's government, as that government is the sole guarantor of the preservation of Sudanese state institutions and indeed Sudanese statehood itself. Expecting a repetition of the events of 2019, when so-called democratic forces who were unprepared and dependent on external support came to power in Sudan— expecting that to recur appears misguided in the current context, particularly against the backdrop of the events around al-Fasher, al-Obaid, and Dilling. The formula for resolving the acute phase of the conflict is well known. It lies in establishing frank, constructive dialogue with the country's government. Critical voices are regularly heard in the Council, pointing out the insufficiency of current Council efforts on Sudan and the need for more decisive, pressure-oriented steps. However, the Security Council's effectiveness in maintaining peace and security when it comes to Sudan, as experience shows, is determined not by the number of products and restrictions adopted, but by its willingness to approach the crisis without bias, to listen to both sides, and avoid creating conditions that undermine the peace aspirations of one of the parties. Madam President, at the current juncture, it is critical to mobilize efforts to prevent a repetition of the al-Fashr scenario in other cities across the country. That would logically complement the steps taken by the government, which is gradually restoring normal life in the territories under its control. We welcome the relocation of the majority of Sudanese state institutions and international organizations to Khartoum. We are confident that the Sudanese authorities will do everything possible to enable foreign diplomatic missions to resume operations in the capital. We are not encouraged by the continued attempts of Khartoum's opponents to establish their own parallel government institutions in Darfur and Kordofan. Such actions can only be viewed as a bet on the country's partition. External mediation initiatives on Sudan must also take into account the position of the incumbent government. Arrangements made behind its back, including on the modalities of a future political process, are unacceptable. Following an eventual stabilization, it will be important to ensure a harmonious transition to a national intersudanese dialogue to determine future arrangements for the country. We emphasize that this dialogue should not exclude any influential political, military, or religious force that commands genuine authority among the Sudanese people themselves. It is important to preserve the central and guiding role of the UN in accompanying the Sudanese settlement process. In conclusion, we note that the situation in Sudan cannot serve as a pretext for the geographic expansion of UN Security Council sanctions beyond Darfur. Over many years, these sanctions have failed to become a genuine barrier to the illegal flow of arms into the region. We reaffirm our principled position in support of the sovereignty and territorial integrity and unity of Sudan. Thank you.

I thank the delegate of the Russian Federation for that statement. I give the floor to the delegate of Panama. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. We are grateful for the briefings delivered by the Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, and by Hanan Souleiman, Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF. We thank them both for their invaluable briefings. We recognize the presence in the chamber of the Permanent Representative of Sudan, and we welcome the representatives of the other countries that honor us today with their presence. We wish to take this opportunity to commend the appointment of Mr. Pekka Visto as personal envoy of the Secretary-General for Sudan. We wish him every success in the conduct of his duty as he uses his good offices in order to promote rapprochement between Sudanese parties and work with key actors in such a way as to bolster coordination between various diplomatic initiatives and to keep channels for dialogue open. We welcome the renewed efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the League of Arab States, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, and the European Union— work done to revitalize diplomatic action where Sudan is concerned. Specifically, we take note of the consultations held in Addis Ababa in early June and the appeal that emerged therefrom to establish a process of national dialogue which is inclusive and led by Sudanese citizens, this with a view to ushering in a transition towards a representative civilian government. Madam President, this meeting is being held at a particularly sensitive moment in time. Only a few days ago, members of the Council sounded the alarm at the risk of a new escalation of violence in El-Obeid, and we warned of the risk of mass atrocities and of the further worsening of an already devastating humanitarian situation. Panama fully echoes these concerns. Recent reports regarding the concentration of Rapid Support Forces troops around al-Obaid and the rising tide of attacks have significantly increased the risks to the civilian population. We are alarmed to note the expansion of hostilities into new areas,, as well as the growing use of armed drones and the gradual regionalization of the conflict through the flows of weapons, external support networks, and cross-border dynamics which threaten regional stability. We wish to echo the recent warning delivered by the High Commissioner for Human Rights regarding the possibility of new violations of international law. And we here recall what occurred in El Fasher and in the Zamzam camp. There, the escalation of violence had devastating consequences for the civilian population. Today, Sudan is facing a massive protection crisis. It is increasingly deep-rooted and marked by systematic attacks against civilians, acts of sexual and gender-based violence, mass displacement, and the gradual collapse of essential services. The situation of children in Sudan remains devastating. According to UNICEF figures, more than 5 million children have been displaced since the onset of the conflict. At least 160 have been killed and 85 were maimed during the first 3 months of the year. At the same time, 8 million remain unable to attend school. Elsewhere, the recent report of the Integrated Food Security IPCC confirms that 19.5 million people are facing acute levels of food insecurity, and myriad areas of Darfur and Kordofan continue at risk of famine. We echo the words of Hala Al-Karib, a Sudanese woman that addressed the Council in February. During her briefing, she indicated that sexual and gender-based violence remain a key hallmark of the conflict. These grave violations of human rights demand an urgent response and effective protection for survivors. Madam President, accountability is vital if we are to address cycles of impunity. Panama urges all states to refrain from conducting arms transfers These fuel the conflict and contribute to the perpetration of violations of international law. Panama supports the mediation efforts of the UN and regional actors. At the same time, we reiterate the urgent need for an immediate cessation of hostilities, an effective— and an effective humanitarian truce, rather, with a view to making headway with an inclusive political process led by civilian stakeholders, a process which must lay the foundations for a peaceful and representative position. I thank you.

I thank the delegate of Panama for that statement. I now give the floor to Bahrain for their statement. You have the floor.

Madam President, we thank Major Osmo Di Carlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, and Ms. Anan Suleiman, Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF. We thank them both for the detailed briefings. We welcome the participation of the permanent representatives of the Republic of Sudan, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the Arab Republic of Egypt, the Democrat— the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, and the Republic of Turkey. What we've heard today regarding the situation and the challenges in brotherly Sudan means that we should be compelled to do everything we can to complement what's being done at a national, regional level to ensure peace and stability are brought about. The success of these efforts will depend on close cooperation and sustained cooperation between Sudanese parties as part of staunch commitment to upholding the sovereignty and national— the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and national unity of Sudan, I wish to emphasize the following points. One, we have closely followed the results of the quintet's consultations with the various Sudanese parties. These consultations were recently held in Addis Ababa. We are eager to see the next stage of this process. There were other consultations on Sudan recently held in Berlin, and efforts made by Norway to facilitate dialogues through the Oslo Forum. We welcome all of these good offices and emphasize the constructive role that they play in paving the way towards new opportunities for the exchange of ideas to ultimately achieve a holistic, lasting, peaceful resolution to the situation. Such a resolution should be rooted in a political with Sudanese leadership and ownership, and with the effective participation of civilian parties in order to preserve the sovereignty, unity, and stability of Sudan. We hail efforts made by Mr. Pekka Avisto, Personal Envoy of the Secretary General. We also welcome the efforts of the Quad and the efforts of U.S. parties and of the U.S. advisor responsible for African and Arab affairs. The Kingdom of Bahrain urges all Sudanese parties to continue their serious commitment to initiatives proposed with a view to establishing a national roadmap to promote values of solidarity, cohesion, and to strive towards the implementation of a humanitarian truce which should lead to a permanent ceasefire that will pave the way to a new phase of recovery— phase of reconstruction and recovery in Sudan, while at the same time preserving sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of the country, and heeding the aspirations of the country's people for security, stability, and prosperity. My second point, we echo the concerns expressed by the international community in view of the persistent acts of violence being seen and the intensification of fighting in Kordofan de Forêt and the Blue Nile. We are also concerned about the increase in drone attacks. As Mr. Carlo quite rightly stated, the rate The rainy seasons previously slowed the pace of humanitarian operations. Current technological developments have allowed operations to continue throughout the year. Their geographical scope has been allowed to expand, but we're seeing grave repercussions on neighboring countries of fighting. This is namely true in South Sudan and the Republic of Chad. The Kingdom of Bahrain also expresses its expressed grave concern at the unfortunate escalation in attacks targeting civilians at a time when needs in terms of infrastructure, including health facilities, are increasing, and at a time when financing deficits for the humanitarian response plan for 2026 are ever growing. This plan has only been funded to the tune of 23%. The continued nature of these attacks, together with the challenges posed by the rainy season, risk disrupting the main supply routes and hindering the delivery of humanitarian aid. They also risk jeopardizing rescue efforts in order to— in addition to increasing pressures on healthcare systems already at risk of collapse as a result of difficult deliveries of medical supplies and the spread of epidemics. These challenges are growing all the more complex complex as a result of regional dynamics. We're also— we're— namely the closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the repercussions that is having on energy security, international trade, and global supply chains, as well as the increase of transport energy costs and the cost of commodities. That is all having a negative impact on humanitarian operations and is making it more difficult to meet growing needs in Sudan. Against that backdrop, we renew our appeal for compliance with Resolution 2817 of the Security Council. To conclude, Madam President, and in view of all of the above challenges, the Kingdom of Bahrain calls upon all parties to comply with international humanitarian law, international human rights law, and the relevant frameworks. Including the Jeddah Declaration. We underscore the importance of strengthening cooperation between the Republic of Sudan and neighboring countries, such as to preserve the security of borders, protect civilians, and guarantee the unfettered delivery of humanitarian aid. We reiterate our support for all efforts aiming to bring about a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in Sudan, as well as efforts designed to ensure dialogue, peaceful coexistence, and good neighborly relations such as to bolster stability, security, and development in the country. Thank you, Madam President.

I thank the delegation of Bahrain for that statement. I now give the floor to the delegate of Pakistan.

You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. I would also like to join colleagues in expressing our thanks to Under-Secretary-General Di Carlo and Deputy Executive Director Suleiman for their briefings that depict a grim and complex picture which is deeply concerning because of the security situation and the humanitarian consequences. For over 3 years, For years, Sudan has remained in the grip of a devastating conflict, with civilians bearing the heaviest cost. Continued fighting is destroying lives, displacing communities, crippling essential services, and above all, undermining the prospects for peace. Pakistan strongly condemns attacks by the RSF against civilians and civilian objects. Including schools, hospitals, markets, places of worship, and other facilities— facilities that are indispensable for civilian life. The situation around Al-Ubadh is particularly alarming given reports of substantial RSF military reinforcements, the risk of a ground offensive— and RSF's record of grave abuses in Darfur and other parts of Sudan, including indiscriminate killings, ethnic and sexual violence, and forced displacement. These patterns underscore the imminent risk of mass atrocities. The RSF must halt its assault on Al-Ubeddine refrain from further escalation, comply fully with international humanitarian law, and ensure the protection of civilians. The growing use of drones and advanced weaponry is another matter of grave concern, as this is increasing civilian casualties, disrupting humanitarian operations, and risking a wider escalation. Madam President, we call for safe, rapid, sustained, and unhindered humanitarian access to those in need and stress that attacks on humanitarian personnel, convoys, warehouses, and assets are indefensible and must cease. Let me reiterate Pakistan's principal position Full respect for Sudan's sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity, and Sudan's national institutions must be preserved. The Council and the international community should avoid any action, language, or approach that weakens Sudan's national institutions or creates space for parallel military or political structures. Such steps would only embolden groups such as RSF, prolong the conflict, and undermine Sudan's sovereignty and unity. Pakistan welcomes the efforts of the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy and encourages continued engagement to reduce tensions, facilitate humanitarian arrangements, and support an inclusive a inclusive, Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led political process. There is obviously no military solution. Madam President, Sudan is a major, important country in Africa. At the same time, it is a member of the OIC and the Arab League. Instability in Sudan will invariably impact the region. Peace and stability of Sudan and the wider region are intertwined. That's why bringing stability to Sudan must be taken as a collective responsible— responsibility. Pakistan will therefore continue to support efforts by the United Nations the African Union, IGAD, the League of Arab States, the Quad, the Quartet, and the regional partners to end the conflict, to protect civilians, preserve Sudan's unity, and help Sudan return to peace, stability, and constitutional order. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of Pakistan for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Somalia. You have the floor.

Madam President, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the A3 members, namely the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, and my own country, Somalia. We thank USG DiCarlo and UNICEF Deputy Director Executive Director Souleymane for their comprehensive briefing. We welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Sudan in today's meeting. Madam President, as the conflict in Sudan entered its fourth year, the A3 remains gravely concerned by the escalating violence in and around al-Ubayyid. Having witnessed the continued attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure by the Rapid Support Forces and its prolonged siege of al-Fashir, we demand an immediate end to all military advancements toward al-Ubayyid. The A3 condemns in the strongest terms the atrocities committed by the RSF, including attacks against civilians violence, conflict-related sexual violence, attacks on humanitarian personnel and infrastructure, and other grave violations of international humanitarian law. Condemnation alone is not enough. The siege in al-Hawaiyid must be lifted. Humanitarian personnel and assets should never be targeted. Humanitarian assistance must reach those in need safely. Rapidly and without obstruction. We cannot allow history to repeat itself. Civilians, in particular children, as we have heard, continue to bear the brunt of the conflict. We therefore encourage the Council to make full use of its tools, including the sanctions regime established pursuant to Resolution 1591 to promote accountability and deter further violations. Madam President, the A3 remains convinced that only an inclusive Sudanese-led and Sudanese-owned political process can restore lasting peace and stability. In this regard, we welcome the continued engagement of the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy, Havis Tu, and acknowledge his sustained shuttle diplomacy across the region. We further welcome the continued diplomatic engagement of regional and international partners aimed at advancing dialogue and confidence-building measures. We underscore the central role of the African Union in advancing a political solution and commend its continued engagement in coordination with the United Nations and regional partners, ensuring complementarity finally, coherence and streamlining among the various mediation initiatives remains essential to advancing a unified and effective political process. The A3 also reiterates its support for the Sudanese National Initiative for Peace presented by Prime Minister Idris before this Council in December 2025. National ownership must remain at the heart of efforts to pave the way for civilian-led transition and sustainable peace. The A3 rejects firmly any parallel governance structures, including the humanitarian registration system and educational examination bodies, as legitimate violations of Sudan's sovereignty and unity. These actions should not be tolerated under any circumstances, and urge the United Nations, African Union, and all international partners to work collectively and decisively against them. Madam President, there is no military solution to this conflict. Nonetheless, the unchecked influx The increased use of illegal arms and advance foreign weaponry, foreign mercenaries, as well as increasing drones undermines collective efforts toward a comprehensive ceasefire and negotiated political peaceful settlement to the conflict. We call on all external actors to fully comply with their obligation under United Nations Security Council Resolution 27/91/2025. Equally concerning is the conflict economy that continues to sustain the war—the illicit exploitation and trade of Sudan's natural resources, particularly gold, together with other illicit sources of financing. Addressing these financial lifelines must form part of any comprehensive strategy for achieving sustainable peace in Sudan. Impunity cannot stop at Sudan's borders. Accountability should extend not only to those who commit atrocities on the ground, but also to those who continue to fuel this conflict. The regional spillover of the conflict continues to grow.— together with the risk of further regional destabilization, underscoring the urgent need for enhanced regional cooperation and coordinated international action. To conclude, Madam President, the Sudanese people have endured unimaginable suffering for far too long. They deserve more than expressions of concern. They deserve protection. They deserve accountability. And above all, they deserve peace and prosperity. The A3 reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the sovereignty, independence, political unity, and territorial integrity of Sudan. We remain committed to supporting all efforts toward the peaceful resolution of the conflict conflict through a Sudanese-led and Sudanese-owned political process that preserves the institutions of the Sudanese state and responds to the legitimate aspirations of the Sudanese people, as lasting peace is impossible without a comprehensive and inclusive political process owned entirely by the Sudanese people. I thank you.

Thank you.

I thank the representative of Somalia for that statement. I now give the floor to the delegate of the United States. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. Thank you, Madam President. Thank you, Under-Secretary-General Di Carlo and Ms. Hanan Suleiman, for your informative briefings. The United States would also like to acknowledge the presence here today of Personal Envoy Pekka Havisto. Thank you for the fantastic job you have done in your first few months in this role. Your leadership has been instrumental in organizing the Quintet and advancing the political track in Sudan, and I greatly appreciate your close coordination and partnership with the United States and other partners as we collectively push for peace and stability in Sudan. Kollegah, it's an honor to be back in the Security Council with all of you, though it is deeply unfortunate that we are yet again gathered in the midst of fighting and civilian suffering in Sudan. As you know, I am working on behalf of President Trump to spearhead US efforts to achieve peace in Sudan. The situation in Sudan is dire. Civilians across the country are facing drone attacks and airstrikes on civilian sites and critical infrastructure, and we are witnessing further mobilization and amassing of forces in places like al-Ubayyid, Where such actions raise again concerns about the threat of yet more atrocities akin to what we saw in al-Fashir, where thousands of civilians were killed by the RSF siege and attacks on the city. We cannot sit back and watch this happen again. We have also witnessed the continued escalation of the use of drone warfare and airstrikes by both SAF and RSF that are not only prolonging the conflict but also causing extreme harm to humanitarian and civilian infrastructure, including strikes on hospitals, hospitals, bridges, and humanitarian crossings. The conflict in Sudan has also seen some of the worst types of fighting and violence that humanity has seen, with flagrant violations of our most important international conventions against these types of violence, ranging from the commission of atrocities, including genocide by the RSF, to the use of chemical weapons by the SAF. In fact, today, the United States is announcing that we are imposing a second round of sanctions on Sudan for its use of chemical weapons. In violation of international law and failure to come into compliance with Sudan's obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. As this war continues, as we witness continued violations of core tenets and conventions of international law, such as the Genocide Convention, and the Chemical Weapons Convention. And without full accountability for these actions, Sudan's war risks becoming a war on the very foundations of international law that underpin the core mission of the United Nations and the international system to maintain global peace and security. Meanwhile, hindrances to humanitarian aid abound. Cholera is spreading. Millions of civilians are displaced, often to camps or areas without any food or shelter. Children are going hungry instead of going to school. Air strikes continue to target aid convoys and civilian sites. Sexual abuse, exploitation, and kidnapping target women and children across the country. And funeral processions are attacked by drones. These are but some of the terrible circumstances affecting millions of Sudanese civilians every day. While this time of year typically brings the rainy season and some sort of reprieve from the conflict, we are seeing both the SAF and RSF turn to their drones supplied by external actors to perpetrate remote warfare, which does not translate to any battlefield successes but instead just exacerbates the harm to civilians. The Sudanese belligerents are fighting a war of attrition, where the true victims are the Sudanese populace, Sudan's infrastructure, and the safety and security of the entire region. The United States condemns the violence and killing of civilians in the strongest terms. And we call on all parties to the conflict to halt the violence and embark on a path to peace. Now. There is a clear path for peace. It begins with the nationwide humanitarian truce that we have put forward to the parties repeatedly. The truce text guarantees sustained, unhindered humanitarian access across conflict lines and borders. And it sets the stage for negotiating and concluding a permanent ceasefire and creating an environment for genuine and inclusive dialogue. But this has been repeatedly rejected by the Sovereign Council, including this morning's rejection of our most recent text. We know that this truce must not just be written on paper, but implemented on the ground. That is why we are working closely with the United Nations, including the Secretary-General's Office, DPPA, OCHA, and the Office of the Personal Envoy for Sudan. The UN, as well as many members of this Council, to develop a mechanism to support the implementation, coordination, monitoring and supervision of the truce and any subsequent arrangements— again, if accepted by the parties. We also know that efforts for peace through a truce or ceasefire are only part part of the solution. We must at the same time also advance the civilian track and lay the groundwork for a democratic and inclusive civilian-led transition process. As was affirmed by 22 states and organizations in April in the Berlin Principles for Sudan, it is critical that there be an independent inclusive and transparent civilian-led dialogue and transition process to lay the foundation for durable peace and the restoration of civilian rule. I again commend the work of the Quintet on this front, as the coordinated efforts of the United Nations, —the African Union, the European Union, IGAD, and the League of Arab States—represent an important opportunity to move forward this civilian track. We should all support their efforts for dialogue and resist efforts to conduct forum shopping or establish competing dialogues. This process must be free of control or undue influence by any one party. And it must be independent of extremist groups. I have said it before, and I will say it again: Efforts by Islamist networks or any extremist political movement to manipulate this conflict, derail to create a civilian transition or reassert authoritarian control will not be tolerated by the United States. It is clear that external support to the parties continues to prolong the fighting. Drones, military vehicles, and other weapons continue to flood Sudan and terrorize the Sudanese people. As more than a dozen countries— more than a dozen countries— are providing some form of military support to Sudan's warring parties, that external support has flooded Sudan with weapons, prolonged the fighting, and created new means and opportunities for the fighting between the SAF and the RSF to bring more harm to innocent civilians across Sudan. That is why we believe there is a need to consider options for expanding the current arms embargo on Darfur to apply nationwide, or to pursue a new embargo on arms for all Sudan. More external support is only inviting yet more countering external support, creating a runaway race to the bottom, a death spiral in which Sudan's people are caught. In particular, the use of drone warfare continues to obstruct the peace process. Drones are easier to manufacture and more difficult to track down than ever before. We see drones being deployed against civilians, civilian infrastructure, and key aid routes, all while their lack of identifiers and remote operability hindered the 1591 Committee's ability to hold perpetrators accountable. I ask the 1591 Committee to consider what we can do to rein in this deadly evolution of warfare. I would also like for us to consider the role gold plays in fueling this conflict. We know that gold offers a source of revenue that finances much of the acquisition and flow of weapons and drones. We welcome more insight on gold smuggling and links to weapons procurement from the 1591 Panel of Experts so that we can act. Accountability for the perpetrators and drivers of Sudan's conflict remain critical. In addition to a second round of chemical weapons-related sanctions which I just announced, the United States also is announcing today, or has announced, has just announced, the imposition of sanctions on 8 individuals and entities for their connection to procurement and recruitment networks that have allowed the SAF and RSF to escalate the scale of intensity of fighting and further threaten the stability of the region. We will continue to find ways to increase the costs on actors perpetuating the conflict and obstructing peace. We, the international community, must act on behalf of the Sudanese people—not on behalf or in support of either warring party. Throughout this brutal conflict, the Sudanese people have been resilient brave and courageous. They deserve more from all of us. This Council is not powerless. It can make a real difference in Sudan. Let's act now. The United States remains committed to working with all of you to end this tragic conflict and support a peaceful civilian-led future for Sudan. Thank you, Madam President.

I thank the representative of the United States for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of France. You have the floor.

Merci. Thank you, Madam President. I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo, as well as Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF, Miss Hannah Suleiman, Mr. Secretary-General, thank you for your briefing and in particular for the very serious alert regarding the situation at Al-Obeid. The reports of the Panel of Experts confirm the fact that in Sudan, the parties to the conflict continue their destructive, reckless pursuits. They bear responsibility for one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent history, which is, in addition, destabilizing the entire region. Bring an end to it. I will emphasize 3 points today. First, the priority is the conclusion of a ceasefire across the entire territory of Sudan. The Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, as well as their respective allies, must cease hostilities and engage in good faith in direct negotiations. This ceasefire will need to be accompanied by credible monitoring and verification measures. France urges the Rapid Support Forces to immediately cease any action liable to endanger civilians and provoke further atrocities in El-Obeid. We support the efforts of the Secretary-General's personal envoy, Mr. Pekka Haavisto, in this regard to achieve a de-escalation, and we more broadly support all of his action in pursuit of peace. France calls on all foreign actors to cease providing, whether directly or indirectly, armed, logistical, or financial support to the parties to the conflict, and to refrain from any action that could exacerbate tensions and fuel the conflict. All states must respect the arms embargo imposed by this Council on Darfur. Secondly, the parties must comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law. France condemns in the strongest terms the violations perpetrated by the SAF, the RSF, and their respective allies, and in particular those brought to light by the FACT fighting mission on June 15th. We likewise condemn the use of drone strikes by both the SAF as well as the RSF, which caused the the deaths of numerous civilians. Both parties have committed acts constituting war crimes, and the Rapid Support Forces have committed acts that constitute crimes against humanity. These crimes cannot go unpunished. France has condemned the ethnically motivated atrocities perpetrated by the RSF in al-Fasher and has supported, within the framework of the Security Council and the EU the adoption of sanctions against their commanders. We call for the extension of the 1591 sanctions regime to the entirety of Sudan so that crimes committed outside of Darfur do not go unpunished. Furthermore, we call on the parties to comply with their obligations and to ensure full, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access throughout all of Sudan. We pay tribute to the heroic action of humanitarian personnel who risk their lives daily. Third, it is urgent to break out of the military deadlock. France supports the efforts of the Quad and the Quintet to achieve a humanitarian truce followed by a permanent ceasefire. I welcome the presence here with us today of Mr. Russell Bostic, the Special Advisor of the President of the United States for Africa. These efforts allow to enable the much-needed independent, inclusive, transparent, and civilian-led political dialogue so as to relaunch a transition process and create the conditions for lasting peace and the reestablishment of civilian governance, and ultimately to preserve the unity of this country under threat. Finally, France reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Sudan. It rejects any unilateral initiatives that risk leading to its partition. The continuation of the conflict by the parties only increases that risk. Madam President, to summarize, France has four demands to the SAF and RSF. Of first, safe and unhindered access for humanitarian assistance across the territory of the country on the basis of a humanitarian truce. Second, the conclusion of an immediate ceasefire across the country that would in particular cover al-Obaid. Third, the resumption of good faith negotiation, uh, that ensure the ceasefire is a lasting one. And fourth, engagement in an inclusive civilian-led political process to allow for a democratic transition to which the Sudanese people aspire. The party's insistence on resorting to arms remains the principal obstacle to peace in Sudan. Our responsibility as members of this Council is to promote a negotiated settlement to the conflict in the spirit of the principles of all the parties who participated in the Berlin Conference recently. We must overcome our differences and act commensurately with what is at stake. The Sudanese people have already suffered far too long. Thank you.

I thank the representative of France for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Greece. You have the floor.

I also thank USG Rosemary DiCarlo and UNICEF Deputy Executive Director Hana Suleiman Let me also thank the United Kingdom for its sustained efforts, including the recent adoption of the Security Council press statement. At this critical juncture, it is essential that the Council continue to speak with one voice in support of de-escalation, the protection of civilians, and unhindered humanitarian access. Madam President, allow me to highlight three key points. Points. First, on the security dimension, Greece remains deeply concerned by the rapidly deteriorating situation in Sudan, in particular the alarming escalation of violence in and around El-Obeid, North Kordofan. Reports of intensified attacks and the deployment of significant RSF reinforcements around the city raise serious concerns about the risk broader offensive and further destabilization. We strongly condemn all and any attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure and remain deeply concerned by any actions that continue to undermine Sudan's prospects of peace. We urge for immediate de-escalation in the vicinity of al-Hobaid in order to avoid further deterioration of the humanitarian situation situation and the risk of civilian casualties. There can be no military solution to this conflict. Only a genuine negotiated political process can bring lasting peace and stability to Sudan and ensure the protection of civilians and unhindered humanitarian access to noncombatants. Second, on the humanitarian dimension, the situation remains catastrophic. Catastrophic. Civilians continue to bear the heaviest burden of this conflict, facing widespread displacement, acute food insecurity, and severely limited access to basic services. We are particularly alarmed by developments in Al-Habaidh, a city of more than 563,000 residents that currently caused over 150,000 displaced persons. Continued attacks, including reported drone strikes, have caused civilian casualties and damaged critical civilian infrastructure—hospitals, schools, markets, and essential water and electricity facilities. The recent blackout following strikes on key infrastructure infrastructure has further disrupted water supply and essential services, compounding humanitarian suffering. As a critical humanitarian hub for the wider Kordofan region, any disruption to access in Al-Hibbeid risks devastating consequences far beyond the city itself. We are especially concerned about women and children, who remain among the most vulnerable— facing displacement, hunger, lack of education, and heightened exposure to violence. This concern is particularly acute in Kordofan, where children continue to bear the devastating consequences of the conflict. According to UNICEF, in the first 3 months of 2026 alone, at least 245 children were killed or maimed across Sudan, with some of the highest child casualty rates recorded in Cordofan states. Greece once again strongly condemns all attacks against civilians and humanitarian personnel and calls for safe, rapid, unhindered, and sustained humanitarian access. We reiterate that all perpetrators of crimes against civilians and war crimes must be held accountable and be brought to justice. Third, on the political aspect, Greece reiterates its unwavering support for the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Sudan. We firmly oppose any attempts to create parallel governance structures that risk further fragmenting the country. The future of Sudan must be determined through an inclusive Sudanese-led political— free from violence and coercion. In this regard, we reiterate our support for the efforts of the Quintet, whose sustained diplomatic engagement has played an important role in maintaining international attention and fostering coordination among key stakeholders. We also commend the Quad, the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy for Sudan, Pakihavisto, and Senior Adviser to the U.S. President on Arab and Middle Eastern Affairs, Mossad Bulos, for their constructive and timely engagement in promoting regional dialogue and supporting conditions conducive to de-escalation. We repeat our call on all parties to exercise maximum restraint, engage meaningfully in efforts to reduce tensions and recommit to dialogue. Regional and international actors with influence over the parties must exercise that influence responsibly and urgently to support a return to negotiations. Madam President, at this critical juncture, the Security Council must remain united and actively engaged. Greece stands ready to work constructively with all Council members in support of immediate de-escalation, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a credible political pathway towards sustainable peace. The people of Sudan cannot afford further delay. I thank you.

I thank the delegate of Greece for that Thank you for that statement. I now give the floor to the delegate of Denmark.

You have the floor.

Let me also thank USG DeCarlo and UNICEF Deputy Executive Director Ms. Suleiman for their briefings. Today's reports paint a devastating picture. The conflict in Sudan continues to spiral out of control with appalling consequences for civilians across the country. As we have heard, The use of armed drones has become a defining and deeply troubling feature of this war. Civilians, civilian objects, and critical infrastructure are targeted with impunity. Denmark condemns these attacks in the strongest possible terms. Madam President, just last week, this Council expressed alarm that the RSF military buildup around Al-Ubeidh The developments are starkly familiar, and the international community has warned of potentially catastrophic consequences for the hundreds of thousands present or displaced in the city. Let me be clear. We cannot allow El Ubaid to become another al-Fasha. We demand that the RSF halt any offensive and call on the parties to protect civilians and allow the free and safe passage of all of those seeking to flee. This Council has a responsibility to act early to prevent mass atrocities, not only to react when it's too late. We must use every tool at our disposal, including the sanctions regime, to prevent civilian harm and ensure accountability. We condemn direct and indirect external interference in Sudan— whether through military, logistical or economic means, and call on all states to comply with this Council's arms embargo. We once again urge this Council to speak with one voice and to act. Madam President, against this backdrop, humanitarian access remains extremely obstructed. Nearly 20 million face acute hunger, and more than 800,000 children risk severe malnutrition. Aid workers continue to face attacks, bureaucratic obstruction, and deliberate denial of passage. Denmark demands that all parties grant immediate, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access throughout Sudan without conditions, in full compliance with international humanitarian law. Every day of obstruction is a death sentence for those who cannot wait. UNICEF's briefing is a stark reminder of the enormous toll of this war on Sudan's children. They face mass displacement, famine, and a collapse of the education system. Denmark calls on all parties to immediately end grave violations against children, uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law, and relevant Security Council resolutions, and to engage with the UN to develop and implement action plans to prevent these violations. Furthermore, a report issued this week by OHCHR lays bare the brutality and magnitude of conflict-related sexual violence in Sudan since the start of the war. Accountability for these crimes must be pursued. Madam President, Denmark expresses its full support for the work of Personal Envoy Harvester and welcomes the momentum generated by the Addis Ababa consultations in June led by the quintet towards an inclusive civilian-led political process. These are positive steps towards greater convergence of regional and international efforts with Sudanese people at at the centre. An inclusive civilian-led transition, free from the coercion of armed actors and with the meaningful participation of women, youth and minority groups, remains the only viable path out of this conflict. Denmark urges all stakeholders to engage constructively and in good faith through concrete confidence-building measures, including an immediate halt on attacks on civilian infrastructure. Denmark equally supports the Quad's effort to achieve an immediate humanitarian truce leading to a permanent nationwide ceasefire. In closing, Denmark believes it is long past time for this Council to unite to prevent atrocities in El-Obeid, to demand a nationwide cessation of hostilities, to move beyond condolence, concern, and condemnation and to uphold our mandate to maintain international peace and security. We need to take concrete measures and we need to see them implemented. The people of Sudan have suffered for way too long. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Denmark for that statement. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Colombia. At the outset, I wish to thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Deputy Executive Director Ms. Hanan Suleiman for the invaluable information that they have provided regarding the situation in Sudan. I also welcome the delegations that are with us in the chamber today. The recent events in El-Obaid are such that we cannot be ambiguous or sit idly by and delay our response. Military pressure on the city is growing. At the same time, alarm bells continue to sound at the presence of the Rapid Support Forces and vulnerability to drone attacks, as well as regarding the imminent risk of a ground offensive. The Council, as it was in its recent press statement, must continue to force— be forceful insofar as stating that an escalation in El Oued and any attack against the city, the people, or the civilian infrastructure, as well as the humanitarian access routes by any party, is unacceptable. Colombia reiterates its appeal for the immediate cessation of any attack, as well as for the effective protection of the civilian population, for the guarantee of safe, sustained, rapid, and unfettered humanitarian access. It is vital to step up efforts to contain this escalation and to avoid the following: the devastation of El-Obeid, as well as the ever more— as well as ever more civilian casualties. The worsening of the forced displacement crisis and the perpetration of new atrocities must also be avoided. However, our appeal is also a more general one. The parties involved must fully comply with international humanitarian law and in particular must ensure the protection of schools, hospitals, students, patients, teachers, and humanitarian personnel across the full extent of the country. Elsewhere, as we have just heard from the UNICEF report, children continue to pay a high price for the war in Sudan. The conflict has exposed children to grave violations. These include recruitment and use abuse, killing, maiming, attacks against schools and hospitals, abductions, and the denial of humanitarian access. This situation directly threatens any possibility for lasting peace. As such, Colombia wishes to insist that the protection of children must be placed at the heart of all political political responses as well as of negotiations underway. For as long as mediation efforts fail to bear fruit and for as long as parties fail to make progress towards an inclusive political solution, each day of war means more children displaced, more children out of school, and more children exposed to new atrocities. Finally, my delegation takes note of the convening of the Berlin Conference on Sudan. We also take note of the substantive discussions held with various civil society stakeholders in Addis Ababa that was in the first week of June and was under the leadership of the Quintet. Colombia insists on the urgent need to foster dialogue between the parties and to make headway in current mediation processes. With that in mind, we recognize the value of creating fora which give voice to groups from a much broader spectrum of Sudanese stakeholders. I thank you. I now resume my function as President of the Council. I now give the floor to the delegation of Sudan. You have the floor.

In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate, Madam President, distinguished members of the Council, I would first of all like to congratulate you, Madam President, on your country's assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month. We commend your able leadership of the Council's deliberations. I also wish to thank Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, and Ms. Hanaan Sulaiman, Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF, for their valuable briefings. We welcome the participation of the personal envoy of the SG. We hope his efforts contribute to ending the war in Sudan. We will completely cooperate with him to achieve this goal. Madam President, the Government of Sudan has spared no effort in achieving peace. We accepted regional and international initiatives aimed at ending the war and addressing the humanitarian situation. We confirmed our readiness to engage with with any initiative that would lead to ending the war. The Jeddah Declaration was signed in May 2023. However, the militia was intransigent and insisted on remaining in government institutions, public service facilities, citizens' homes, civilian property, and hospitals. This led to a flagrant violation of the Jeddah Declaration. This undermined the effectiveness of the declaration. Sudan has accepted a number of mediation efforts by countries from the region, the Middle East, and Europe. We also agreed to engage with the efforts of the United States administration and efforts undertaken by Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey to stop the war through the Quad, despite our reservations about the participation of the United Arab Emirates as a mediator. Sudan is already engaged with the Secretary-General's special envoy. However, the government was not invited to participate in meetings held in Paris, Geneva, London, and Berlin. Sudan believes that any sustainable settlement must be purely Sudanese, Sudanese-led, and Sudanese-owned, based on the will of the United Sudanese people. We welcome any external support that helps bring views closer and support peace efforts. Sudan further believes that the multiplicity of fora and negotiating attacks has hindered settlement efforts. Efforts are fragmented and lack coordination. In addition, some mediation processes have not included all parties and influential actors from the Sudan. And the root causes of the crisis has not been addressed so far. This is why we have not reached a solid strategy for peace. The position of the Sudanese government includes the following components and are clear. Protecting civilians through the approved national plan. Militia must withdraw from Darfur and Kordofan, as any truce, peace, or ceasefire pursued by mediators without the withdrawal of the militias from one state in Kordofan or one state in Darfur, that means that the country would be fragmented. Conditions were submitted to mediators to ensure that the RSF would withdraw. This is the only guarantee for the unity of Sudan and the halting of the war. Not obstructing humanitarian assistance is important. It is important to facilitate the passage of humanitarian assistance through routes, airports, ports, and the 10 designated crossings. It is important to engage with all mediation efforts and initiatives, but we maintain that the political process is an exclusively national process, Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led. Sudanese are tired of the multiplicity of tracks and confrontation between countries as they try to impose their will on the Sudan to reach a solution, to establish a new Sudan that is not in line with the will of the Sudan. The government does not oppose a ceasefire, but we reject any process that benefits the militia— the militia that is building up military capabilities. We reject demands that we withdraw from cities under army control. As these cities provide protection to civilians fleeing from areas under militia control, and this prevents the commission of further atrocities. It is not reasonable that the armed forces are required to withdraw from 27 cities and from al-Ubayyid. The government calls for relying on testimonies— and evidence. The militia's actions prove that they have committed atrocities and acts of genocide. This criminal record is more than sufficient to designate the militia as a terrorist group, similar to ISIS, Boko Haram, and the Lord's Resistance Army. The peacebuilding process that have presented from a number of delegations is nationally owned and includes civilians, political parties, vital sectors of societies that were marginalized, the armed forces, civil civil organizations, women, youth, and civil society organizations. We need a representation of the armed forces and the security agencies because they're responsible for security. Our position is based on the government's proposal presented by the Prime Minister to the Council in December 2025. In addition to the vision submitted to the Secretary-General, we extended an invitation to him to attend the Conference on Community Peace and National Reconciliation. This is not a political conference. This is a conference that aims to strengthen this culture of peaceful coexistence, address the root causes of communal conflicts through reconciliation, achieve transitional justice, prevent hate speech and violence, and involve community actors such as civil administrations, religious leaders, and key components of society, including women, youth, academics, and others. We have to involve them all in making and building peace so that the peace-building process is not a government process. Madam President, why has peace not been achieved so far? Although the free world, the people of conscience have condemned the atrocities and grave violations committed by the militia, some international actors have failed to fulfill their moral and legal responsibilities. They have instead pursued a policy of dissimulation and passive neutrality, equating thereby the two, the two parties to the conflict. Foreign Policy magazine confirmed that such an approach failed to curb the war and provided a political cover for the militia, emboldening them to continue committing atrocities. Because of this false neutrality, the militia must be designated as a terrorist group, given that the legal elements of terrorism and genocide crimes and their executions, rape, sexual enslavement of women, and targeting even persons of disabilities. This all proves that they committed acts of terrorism. There has been systematic targeting of civilians with more than 200 drone attacks carried out by the militia. It also continues to pursue the partition plans parallel governance structures, establishing a central bank. Emirati support to Rapid Support Forces persists, and the support to Emirati— the Emirati support to the foreign mercenary allies persists and opened additional military fronts across the Chadian and Libyan borders. Military equipment and weapons continue to flow by air and land via the Chadian borders through the crossings of Abishie and Adre. Through the Omdjaras Airport, as well as from Eastern Libya through Al-Kufra, which is administered by Sobol al-Salam Battalion. Military equipment is offloaded directly at airstrips inside the Darfur region through Nayala Airport and then transported by land to Southern Blue Nile. The military equipment includes strategic suicide drones, heavy and medium artillery, armored vehicles, various types of ammunition, jamming devices, air defense systems, and combat and armored vehicles. Dirt airstrips are also being prepared to facilitate the overland transfers of supplies through multiple routes. Did mediators address these violations? The routes are the following: from Libya, supplies arrive from— through the ports of Benghazi and Tobruk and through airports, and transported by land to the city of Al Khufrah and through the desert to assembly areas in Zuruk and Humrad. Al Sheikh. The route of Kufra, Al Buwaib, Saif, 300 west of the Sudan, Chad, Libya tri-border area. The route of Al Kufra, Misrmar, Al Jarjamardi, Al Dahla, Bir Marki, which is the main area receiving supplies from Libya. A route passing through Al Sara base and Umm Jarrah airport, the Chadian area of Adre was opened, but it was misused. There is sustained funding that is being provided to cover the costs of military operations and political support. This grants legitimacy to the militia and provided with a lifeline to sustain a protracted war of attrition against the army. Medical and media support is being provided, including the transfer of injured militia leaders abroad for treatment. Media strategies are being used to improve the militia's image. Including psychological warfare campaigns managed from within the UAE. The ongoing looting of precious resources such as gold and the export of gold by the militia to the UAE continues. Gold smuggling last year reached 56 tons valued at more than $7 billion. Intelligence, intelligence and technical support is being provided through advanced electronic warfare technologies and sophisticated jamming systems. There is no advanced weaponry in the West that did not reach the militia. There is a logistical support center used for transporting UAE supplies to the militia in violation of Resolution 1591. It is used as a transit hub for transferring fighters, weapons shipments, and combat vehicles, air defense system, and other supplies into Sudanese territory in southern Blue Nile. Border airstrips are being prepared— and supply and equipment lines established in Kormuk and areas under militia control. There is a secret training camp in the region. Military vehicles and combat units participated in military operations in southern Blue Nile. The border with the Central African Republic is being used as a logistical corridor for foreign fighters following growing ties between Abu Dhabi and the Central African Republic. Through the northeast of the Central African Republic near the tri-border area close to the Sudan's border. Spartan and Gladiator combat vehicles have been supplied with transit hubs established in southern Libya and Chad. 163 aircraft landed at Al-Kufra Airport. This network is engage in undermining the economy and looting valuable resources. The military buildup is estimated at 20,000 fighters. It includes drones, jamming systems, and rocket launchers, and it aims at enhancing the combat and field capabilities of the mercenary militias to force the armed forces to accept A solution that the military forces does not accept, that the— that the Sudanese people does not accept. Regional sponsor and international sponsors of the militia seek to impose a military reality and alter the balance of power to thwart any move towards peace and to prolong the war. The aim is not to stop the war but to destroy the army. On the 17th of May, 2026, A drone was shot down in the Al-Sunnut area after violating Sudanese airspace over Kormuk in the Blue Nile State. Its flight path was tracked, telemetry data analyzed, and they revealed that it was launched from a neighboring country. The drone bore the serial number S88 and had previously flew from the same airport carrying out strikes against military and civilian targets in White Nile, Blue Nile, and Kordofan states. Other aircraft were also tracked and found to have participated in the attack targeting Khartoum International Airport and western Omdurman and the Jebel Awlia area. On the 23rd of May, 2026, another strategic drone was shot down near Damazin after entering Sudanese airspace from a neighboring country. There were strategic Complex logistical routes for transporting Colombian mercenaries were uncovered, facilitated by the UAE. Within the UAE, the mercenaries were received at a private airport in Abu Dhabi without their passports being stamped and were transported directly to a military base at Al Wahba to receive military training from Emirati officials— officers. The Libya transit route was also used. The mercenaries were transported by charter aircraft from Abu Dhabi to Benghazi in coordination with Khalifa Haftar's militia, from where they traveled in overloaded convoys through the desert to Darfur. There is the East Africa transit, transit route. The mercenaries were housed in underground trenches within the police force base funded by the UAE and then flown through an airport operated by the Emirati company Terminal Holdings to Chad and from there to Niyala. And Jamena was also used as a rapid transit point to Niyala. Omdjarra Airport was, or rather, airport that I already mentioned was used, and these airports were expanded under the COVID of the UAE Field Hospital and used as a base for directing drones in support of militia operations. Nayalah Airport has been transformed completely into a nighttime logistical supply base for the Rapid Support Forces militia and foreign mercenaries since its reopening in September 2024, with the construction of a dedicated mercenary camp consisting of containers and tents within the airport. On modified Emirati weapons and equipment in violation of end-user certificates. The militia has been observed using weapons originally sold to the UAE Armed Forces as the end user. So the following weapons were used: Serbian-made 120mm mortar ammunition imported through the company Adasi, a subsidiary of the UAE's— Bulgarian-made 81mm mortar ammunition seized from the Colombian convoys arriving from Libya. Emirati-made Nimr Ajban armored personnel carriers equipped with the French GALIX defense system. Madam President, I would like to draw the Council's attention to the letter sent by the Government of Sudan to the Security Council and the Secretary-General of the United Nations concerning the grave violations suffered by civilian detainees and prisoners held in detention centers under the control of the Rapid Support Forces militia, particularly in Deir Ezzor and Shala. The detained are being subjected to horrible treatment, and there are serious practices related to human organ traffics— trafficking. These acts, if not met with decisive international action, then they constitute grave violations of international humanitarian law. And may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. From Ristrostrom, Sudan renews its call upon the Security Council and the UN and the International Committee of the Red Cross and all relevant international mechanisms to take urgent, just measures to ensure unrestricted access to detention facilities and to provide protection and humanitarian and medical assistance to detainees, and to conduct independent and transparent investigations, and to hold all those responsible for those crimes accountable in accordance with international law. We welcome in this regard the initiative of the Secretary-General's personal envoy concerning the exchange of prisoners under the auspices of the ICRC. The Prime Minister welcomed this move yesterday.

Concerning the humanitarian situation, We have allowed UN organizations engaged in the delivery of humanitarian assistance to utilize airports of Madani, Kadugli in South Kordofan, Al Ubaid in North Kordofan, and Damazine in Blue Line as humanitarian hubs for the delivery of relief supplies. UN personnel may accompany mobile convoys, supervise the distribution of assistance, and return to the points of departure of relief operations. Sudan renews its commitment to facilitate the work of the UN and accredited organizations. As for the provision of humanitarian assistance, the government has provided more than 68% of the needs of the displaced persons, returnees, and those affected by the war. The actual funding of the UN humanitarian needs and response plan has not exceeded— exceeded 37.2% leaving a significant shortfall of 62.8%. The gap between incoming humanitarian assistance and the humanitarian response needs reached approximately 63%, resulting in around 15.5 million people remaining outside the coverage of humanitarian assistance. The number of beneficiaries of humanitarian assistance owing to the facilitated humanitarian access and coordination, has reached approximately 18 million people. UN interventions during 2024-2025 amounted to $2.3 billion. Humanitarian assistance by friendly countries totaled 73.46 metric tons. The national humanitarian assistance matrix amounted to 8 million, metric tons. Estimated humanitarian needs across sectors amounted approximately to 33,600,000 metric tons. We request support for early recovery, uh, for returnees and affected communities through the rehabilitation of livelihoods, providing housing, rehabilitation of water sources, primary healthcare centers, schools, universities, and providing environment equipment totaling approximately 2,570,440 units. It is also important to ally humanitarian response operations with sustainable solutions. Madam President, data issued by the relevant national authorities indicate an unprecedented increase in violations and crimes committed by the militia against civilians. Number of criminal cases registered against the militia has reached 149,860 cases, including 385 against members of regular forces whose immunity has been lifted. This demonstrates the state's commitment to preventing impunity. Investigations have been completed in 21,787 cases that have been referred to national courts. And judgments have been issued in 10,417 cases. The National Investigation Committee documented 2,200 cases of rape, 14,999 cases of detention and enforced disappearances, 30,971 killings, 44,617 injuries. Preliminary economic losses resulting from the destruction of infrastructure infrastructure are estimated to $771 billion. The number of cases of conflict-related sexual violence amounted to 2,250 cases, 3,700 cases of enslavement and slave trafficking, 920,000 cases of hostage-taking, 22,000 cases of child recruitment and use in hostilities, The starvation of 3.5 million civilians, 4,700 cases of arbitrary executions, 4,500 cases of sexual slavery in the Khartoum state alone. The militia, as witnessed by EU ambassadors, the militia left widespread destruction in various governmental security and service sectors. 33,000 buildings were reduced to rubble. The Presidential Palace and 29 ministerial buildings sustained severe damage, in addition to the extensive destruction of the General Command Headquarters, the Central Reserve Forces Headquarters, the Armored Corps Headquarters, the premises of the General Intelligence Services, forensic labs, police facilities, and the destruction of a number of public facilities, service institutions, and economic centers. 6 water stations were destroyed, while 93% of power facilities were damaged. 9,000 electricity poles were destroyed. On the economic level, 158 markets were completely destroyed. 411 factories in Bahri and 231 factories in Khartoum were destroyed. The health sector suffered severe blow, with 200 health facilities rendered out of service and 220 pharmacies destroyed and looted, leading to a sharp deterioration in health services and medical care. Madam President, according to the recent statistics, millions of refugees went back to their regions, and none went back to the regions under the control of the militia. All the civilians who returned are now living in regions under the authority of the government. Madam President, the EU have emphasized its its will to engage with the Sudanese in order to reach a settlement for the current crisis and support a civilian transition. And the Prime Minister stressed before 17 EU ambassadors last week the need to include the Sudanese government in all regional and international initiatives aiming at resolving the Sudanese crisis. The government rejects any outcomes or results of regional or international efforts undertaken without participation. The Sudanese people is the primary stakeholder in all efforts. The European mission witnessed firsthand the scale of destruction and devastation, and we hope that you will— the council will visit Khartoum to witness firsthand the destruction. The EU ambassadors rejected any parallel facility organizations in Sudan and rejected, or rather supported, Sudan's sovereignty, territorial integrity. As for al-Ubayyid, the recent escalation is being carried out by a military alliance comprising the rebel militia and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, which is planning to seize the cities of al-Ubayyid and Delim. This has been accompanied by extensive propaganda by externally funded media platforms— serving as cover for large-scale military supply operations alongside militia concentrations in Nyala, Abu Zabad, Al-Fashaya, Al-Khajer, and Al-Dulayma. Madam President, in this context, we commend the efforts of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General and his recent efforts to take stock of the reality on the ground, to correct the flawed narrative that has provided an inadequate description of the crisis, and meeting tribal, religious, and Sufi leaders, as well as opposition figures who have returned to Sudan. Guarantees will be provided for the return of those wishing to return and participate in the Conference on Community Peace and National Reconciliation. Sudan can cooperate with the United Nations regarding approaches to achieve peace in Sudan with the integration of armed movements and military formations with the objective of establishment establishing a unified national army. Pressure should be applied to the Sudan People's Liberation Movement led by al-Helu, which is allied with the militia according— and which is igniting ethnic conflict, making al-Helu an unacceptable leader to different components in South Kordofan. And to conclude, Madam President, our two accusations were made against Sudan. We heard that Sudan rejected two proposals this morning. The President was following this session and he sent me what he said, but it seems that Mr. Wallace did not read that. It includes a schedule for the withdrawal and for establishing peace. And I would have read that statement to you if it it did not reflect the U.S. engagement in the conflict. So regarding the repeated accusation to you— of using chemical weapons by the armed forces, this issue should be left to the OPCW since Sudan is a member of its executive board. And we have created a national committee that is engaging with the U.S., and the U.S. team has visited Sudan. And they have visited the areas where they said that our forces have used chemical weapons. And samples of the soil from 4 regions were taken. And therefore, until now, no proof has been submitted from— by the American establishment to prove that the Sudanese army has used chemical weapons. And the— Sudanese ambassador in Washington has been engaging with different parties, and so far no evidence has been presented proving that the army has proven— has used chemical weapons against civilians. Therefore, we ask the Council— and if needed, I can submit a memorandum this week regarding the Sudanese engagement with the U.S. regarding this very serious accusation. So what are our demands? To mainstream the various mediation processes which have taken the form of external conferences whose hosts do not invite Sudan. The Council should support the Jeddah Agreement as the only achievement realized so far. The Jeddah Platform is the legitimate forum for resuming the technical talks initiated by the former Special Envoy Lamamra under the supervision of Special Envoy to. The Council should support national ownership of the political process. There's a need to establish a border monitoring mechanism to detect arms smuggling through desert routes and across the borders. We have said that Sudan will not accept the expansion of the resolution to cover all Sudan because it means that the army will not be allowed to acquire weapons to defend its territories. International partners can put pressure over the UAE to end providing the rebels with weapons and the war would end. Therefore, we call for ending external interferences by implementing resolution— relevant resolutions, especially resolutions 1591 and 2736. And we call for ending drone attacks and attacks against civilians, ending military financial support provided by the UAE and some neighboring countries to the militia, and that are not being mentioned by the mediators. There's also a need to adopt strict measures to remove foreign mercenaries from Darfur and Kordofan. We submitted a list of their names to the Security Council. And also there's a need to implement the African Union Convention for the Elimination of Mercenaries. There's a need to sanction private security companies in the UAE involved in recruiting, training, and transporting mercenaries to Darfur, to prosecute entities proven to be involved in such activities, and to conduct the necessary UN investigations in the facilitation and coordination; to investigate the activities of the Global Security Services Group headquartered in Abu Dhabi; and supporting investigations initiated regionally, nationally, or internationally concerning war crimes and crimes against humanity; and establishing a compensation fund for victims, survivors, and communities affected by the atrocities committed by the UAE-supported RSF militia; and compelling the militia to protect civilians. Thank you, President.

I thank the delegate of Sudan for that statement. I now give the floor to the delegate of Ethiopia.

Thank you. Thank you, Madam President. Allow me to I would like to start by congratulating you for assuming the Presidency of the Council for the month of June. We also thank Under-Secretary Rosemary DiCarlo and Ms. Hanan Suleiman for their briefings. Madam President, as a close neighbor with deep historical, cultural and economic ties to Sudan, Ethiopia has a long-standing interest in Sudan's peace and stability. Stability. The close bonds between the two nations have fostered a relationship of mutual importance and shared interests. Ethiopia views a peaceful and stable Sudan as vital to the stability of and development of the wider region. In this spirit, Ethiopia remains firmly committed to the promotion of lasting peace and stability in Sudan. Like many in this Council, Ethiopia is deeply concerned by the ongoing conflict and the immense suffering it continues to inflict on civilians. The loss of life, displacement of communities and destruction of livelihoods underscore the urgent need for an immediate de-escalation of violence and the prioritization of of humanitarian access to those in need. The well-being and protection of the Sudanese people must remain at the centre of all efforts to address the crisis. Ethiopia reaffirms its unwavering respect for Sudan's sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. Ethiopia believes that a sustainable and lasting solution to the conflict can only emerge through a Sudanese an independent and Sudanese-led political process that reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people. External prescriptions or imposed outcomes risk deepening divisions and prolonging instability. The stability of Sudan is essential not only for its own citizens but also for the broader stability of the Horn of Africa. Africa. Sudan's peace and security are closely interconnected with regional security and cross-border cooperation. Continued instability in Sudan risks undermining collective regional progress and exacerbating humanitarian and security challenges. Ethiopia continues to be concerned about the impact of the escalation of violence in Sudan on its its cross-border security. Increased insecurity along the shared border risks exacerbating humanitarian pressures, disrupting livelihoods of local communities. Ethiopia firmly believes it is in the best interest of all countries in the sub-region to ensure that their territories are not used to carry about cross-border attacks that undermine the security of their neighbors. Ethiopia recognizes that regional peace and prosperity are mutually reinforcing. Ethiopia actively promotes collaborative approaches to addressing common challenges, including through economic cooperation. We believe lasting stability can only be achieved through partnerships and mutual trust. Ethiopia will continue to play a constructive role as a force for peace in the region and will pursue policies that foster prosperity in the neighborhood. In the same vein, Ethiopia reiterates its call for dialogue and encourages efforts towards a peaceful and inclusive Sudanese-owned political process that safeguards Sudan's unity and stability. Security. While emphasizing that the ultimate resolution of this conflict lies with the Sudanese people themselves, Ethiopia remains ready to cooperate with regional and international partners in support of peace. I thank you, Madam President.

I thank the delegate of Ethiopia for that statement. I now give the floor to Türkiye. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. We also thank USG DiCarlo and Deputy Executive Director Suleiman for their comprehensive briefings. Sudan's unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence are among the basic tenets of our principled approach to the region and the African continent. The ongoing conflict and the devastating humanitarian situation in Sudan remains gravely concerning. Most recent and continued attacks on Al-Obaid by the RSF risk further escalation and aggravate the suffering of the Sudanese people. The core issue in Sudan should not be treated as a matter of balancing between supposed equals. It's important to preserve the state institutions as well as public order in the country. The most effective way for ending the conflict is dialogue and diplomacy. To this end, we support regional and international efforts aiming to resolve the conflict. While international initiatives are valuable in keeping the conflict in Sudan on the international agenda, their ability to contribute to a lasting solution is limited in the absence of Sudan's legitimate representatives. Weakening and delegitimizing state institutions in the country without any viable options only delay the potential for sustained peace. Peace and order. The civilian transition must be based on the realities of Sudan and the realities on the ground. In this regard, dialogue processes have to be owned and led by the Sudanese. In these difficult times, Türkiye does not remain indifferent to the humanitarian crisis in Sudan. We will continue to provide humanitarian aid to ease the suffering of the Sudanese people. We believe that the establishment of stability is intrinsically linked contribute to the normalization of the country and the daily life. Turkish authorities and companies therefore continue to maintain their presence and activities in Sudan. Madam President, Türkiye urges all Council members to work constructively for the peace, stability and unity of Sudan. We call upon the Security Council to prioritize the humanitarian tragedy and focus on the facilitation of Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led dialogue dialogues. Türkiye further invites the Council and all stakeholders to take into account the essential concerns of the legitimate Sudanese authorities, adopt an inclusive approach, and place the realities of Sudan at the basis of these discussions. I thank you.

I thank the delegation of Türkiye for that statement. I now give the floor to Egypt, you have the floor.

Madam President, the brotherly Sudan is facing one of the most serious crises in its modern history, even one of the most serious humanitarian crises in the world. The Sudanese people, the brotherly Sudanese people, is bearing the brunt of these humanitarian repercussions resulting from an artificial crisis, a contrived crisis that is affecting the people. Millions are facing the risk of starvation and displacement. The infrastructure and vital services are collapsing. Humanitarian response— international humanitarian response response does not rise to the level of the challenge, and there is still no progress in putting an end to this crisis with all its dimensions. We regret that attention given to the Sudanese crisis has declined because of other crises, more recent crises. We warn of the The international community remains a spectator when the Sudanese people is facing exceptional circumstances, subjected to most serious violations. Rescuing Sudan from this plight is a collective responsibility. It is a political, moral, and humanitarian duty that we all shoulder to prevent recurrence of violations against al-Junaynah and al-Fasher in Darfur. These attacks led to carnage against civilians and civilian— civilian infrastructure. Khartoum was also affected. Madam President, the crisis of Sudan is seeing important developments on the ground. The humanitarian suffering persists, persists in al-Ubayyid as a result of the blockade imposed on the city. This portends a crisis that threatens the lives of hundreds of thousands of Sudanese civilians. Egypt expresses its full support to the press statement by the Council on the situation in al-Ubayyid. We stress that starving civilians and obstructing the delivery of humanitarian aid and targeting civilian objects and service facilities are practices that constitute a grave violation of international humanitarian law. The recent developments on the ground uncover systematic attempts that aim to undermine and weaken the state institutions in Sudan. They aim to create a new reality on the ground that threatens the unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan. The international community is required today to confront any attempts to fragment Sudan, to fragment its social fabric, and impose parallel institutions that claim to be legitimate— falsely claim to be legitimate. Madam President, since the onset of the crisis, Egypt has engaged in humanitarian, political, and diplomatic efforts that were extensive. As we have a historical responsibility towards the brotherly Sudanese people, we believe that the stability of Sudan is a fundamental pillar for the stability of the region as a whole. It is part and parcel of Egyptian national security. I would like to recall the red lines that the statement of the President of the Republic of 18th December 2025 has contained. We stress the importance of the unity and territorial integrity of Sudan. Reject any attempt to fragment the country or to allow for any part of the territory to secede. We categorically reject the establishment of any parallel institutions in the Sudan or recognize those institutions. It is of utmost importance to preserve the state institutions of the State of Sudan They must be kept intact and must not be undermined. Against this background, we continue our efforts in coordination with regional and international partners, including as part of the Quad. We're making efforts to reach a ceasefire and to reach a humanitarian truce. This will create necessary conditions for launching a Sudanese political process. That the Sudanese people determine— that Sudanese people determine the parameters of the political process until we reach a ceasefire or humanitarian— temporary humanitarian arrangements. Or these arrangements should not be interpreted as a prelude to fragmenting the Sudan or accepting the new front lines or granting legitimacy to certain situations that were imposed on the Sudan by force. In this regard, we value the efforts by the U.N. envoy and initiatives to ensure dialogue among the components of the Sudanese society. We have made efforts to ensure convergences between civilian powers in Sudan. It is important for these efforts to complement each other. They must complement initiatives presented for the political settlements that includes the elements of the plan presented by Kamel Idris, the head of the transitional Sudanese government before this council in 2025. The settlement to this dispute must be a purely Sudanese settlement based on the will of the Sudanese people, supported by the national state institutions, away from any diktat, away from any external interferences. Any solution that equates the Sudanese armed forces and the rebel militias that stoked this conflict are condemned to failure. Any solutions must include provisions that hold the militias accountable for the atrocities it has committed against Sudanese people. As part of a transitional justice path through purely Sudanese national institutions. In conclusion, Madam President, the stability of the Sudan is a vital element in regional security and stability architecture. Preserving the independent— an independent and united Sudan requires a supportive regional environment that acts responsibly and with wisdom, that recognizes that the security of the region is interconnected and indivisible. In this regard, it is important to stop the illicit flow of mercenaries and weaponry and foreign fighters into Sudan. We reiterate, in this regard, our warning of the repercussions of the continuation of the Sudanese conflict on the region and neighboring countries of the Sudan. This crisis will affect the security of neighboring countries, the Horn of Africa, and the region of the Red Sea. Some bet on parallel structures, or Kays. This bet will fail. It will never be successful, no matter how long the crisis goes on for. We cannot limit Sudan's right in self-defense, the right to take measures to defend its people, defend its territories, from the delusion of some that they might be able to usurp Sudan's territories and resources. I thank you, Madam President.

I thank the delegate of Egypt for that statement. I now give the floor to Saudi Arabia. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. We are meeting at a sensitive time. Sudanese defenseless Sudanese citizens are facing immense challenges, a tragedy that continues, insecurity and instability, a lack of commodities and basic goods. We are witnessing a lack of compassion and humanity of extreme proportions. There are heads of militias that are hungry for power and ignore innocent victims— women, young people, children. We wish to reiterate that the The priorities of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are the stability of Sudan, a ceasefire, the preservation of Sudanese state institutions, the preservation of Sudan's unity, its territorial integrity, and its resources. The solution must be an inter-Sudanese political one which fully respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan and that is rooted in state institutions. Madam President, there is no doubt whatsoever that the grave repercussions we're seeing play out are the direct result of the conflict rumbling on, as well as of insecurity, non-compliance with Jeddah commitments, and the non-implementation of relevant Security Council resolutions, including Resolution 2730, Resolution 2286, and Resolution 2791. That non-compliance has led the situation— the security situation and the humanitarian situation to worsen greatly. As such, in light of the Jeddah Declaration on the commitments to protect Sudanese civilians of the 11th of May, 2023, and in light of the short-term ceasefire agreement and humanitarian arrangements signed on the 20th of May, 2023, between the two parties to the conflict, in light of these documents, we wish to say now that we have demonstrated our full desire through those documents to see an end to the conflict and rapprochement between the parties to the conflict. We also wish to see a return to political dialogue. The Kingdom is firmly convinced that there can be no military solution to the Sudanese crisis. We're convinced that the continuation of military operations will only lead to escalation and the worsening of humanitarian suffering. Consequently, a political comprehensive solution led by by the Sudanese people themselves remains the only pathway that will make it possible to end the conflict and restore stability and security. Against that backdrop, the Kingdom reaffirms its unwavering position in support of unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity in Sudan. We reaffirm our support for the brotherly Sudanese people in all their choices. Ladies and gentlemen. Facilitating the delivery of humanitarian aid is an absolute priority for the Kingdom. The Council must consequently take the necessary measures to guarantee the delivery of that aid without obstacles to all affected areas, including Darfur and Kordofan. That must be done with full respect for the principles of IHL and in accordance with the Jeddah Declaration dated May 11, 2023, pertaining pointing to the commitment to protecting Sudanese civilians. Against that backdrop, the Kingdom expresses its grave concern at the loss of human life as a result of the conflict. This conflict has claimed the lives of thousands of civilians and prompted the displacement of more than 11 million people. The Kingdom also condemns the targeting by the Rapid Support Forces of aid convoys— under the WFP flag in North Kordofan, and this through drones. That— those actions hinder the delivery of humanitarian aid into conflict zones, and they constitute a flagrant violation of humanitarian principles and IHL. Moreover, we condemn all crimes perpetrated in al-Fashir targeting innocent civilians. In the absence the absence of clear international mechanisms for action to be taken on a humanitarian level. Here, we underscore the importance of putting an immediate unconditional end to the flow and smuggling of weapons into Sudan. President, regarding the work of the Quad, we welcome the statement of the 12th of September, 2025. It is an important step towards strengthening international and regional coordination. This statement underscored the importance of stepping up political and humanitarian efforts and pointed to the need to establish a technical committee responsible for overseeing results through— the results of concrete measures on the ground and through them. Coordination through the Quad mechanism is vital to support a the Sudanese political process, one that is purely Sudanese and vital to create an enabling environment for a lasting solution. The role of regional organizations, namely the AU, the LAS, and the Personal Envoy of— of Isdo, remains essential to tackle this crisis. The Kingdom also reaffirms that the continuation of external military support, and the provision of it to the parties serves to prolong this crisis, and that complicates the possibilities for a resolution, and that imperils regional security and stability. Putting an end to the conflict is a necessary step towards creating an enabling environment for dialogue and lasting peace. The Kingdom also rejects all measures undertaken outside of official institutional frameworks that exist within the Republic of Sudan. If that is done, we run the risk of seeing the unity of this country fragment, and we run the risk of not heeding the will of the Sudanese people. We also risk seeing the formation of a parallel administration, and we reject that. It is important to protect the unity of state institutions and to support their stability. President, since the onset of this crisis, and in accordance with our humanitarian responsibilities, We took the initiative to undertake evacuation operations, and that has seen— those saw the evacuation of Sudanese— Saudi citizens, Sudanese citizens, and nationals from brotherly friendly countries towards their countries. The number of people evacuated has reached some 8,445 people from 110 countries. We also have increased cooperation with the ICRC by allowing it to use the Jeddah Port Sudan route. That has served to facilitate humanitarian access to people affected and allowed us to bolster the humanitarian response. The Kingdom also announced that it would grant humanitarian aid to the tune of $100 million through the King Salman Center for Humanitarian Work and rescue. We've also launched a wide campaign, the SAHEM campaign, and the total aid provided by the Kingdom until— up till June 2025 exceeded $100 million. That help has covered several sectors: medical, food, shelter, water and sanitation, humanitarian operations, and the list goes on. Moreover, the total cost of aid given to Sudan through Saudi platforms has exceeded $3.2 billion American dollars. That's the total. His Excellency the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saudi Arabia participated in the Berlin Conference on Sudan. There, the Kingdom announced that it would grant a additional support to Sudan to the tune of $145 million as part of the humanitarian response plan for Sudan for 2026. To conclude, we reaffirm the fact that we welcome all regional and international efforts aiming to bring about a permanent ceasefire and aiming to see the launch of a comprehensive political process preserving the state institutions, increasing security and stability, and allowing Sudan to overcome this difficult phase. This is all part of looking towards a peaceful future and one of stability and prosperity. We call upon the international community to honor its previous commitments in terms of humanitarian aid in order to foster a return to stability, the return of displaced persons, refugees, and the restoration of crucial for its essential services. Thank you.

I thank the delegate of Saudi Arabia for that statement, and I now give the floor to the United Arab Emirates.

Madam President, I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Deputy Executive Director Suleiman for their briefings on the catastrophic situation in Sudan. As we meet today, more than 3 years of conflict have exacted— a devastating toll on Sudan's civilians. What is urgently needed is an immediate, unconditional humanitarian truce between the warring parties. That is what the Quad, bringing together Egypt, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States, has called for: an immediate and unconditional truce that ensures safe, rapid, and unhindered humanitarian access across across Sudan and which can lead to a permanent ceasefire, paving the way for a civilian-led transition. In this regard, I would like to commend the leadership of the United States and recognize the tireless efforts of President Trump's senior advisor, Mr. Mesut Bolus, who I am pleased to see at this meeting. We urge the Security Council to use all the tools at its disposal to compel the warring parties to accept such a truce. Should they continue to reject it, the Council should consider measures to constrain their actions. But a truce alone is not enough. A clear, time-bound roadmap leading to an independent, civilian-led transition is also urgently needed. The UAE welcomes the important steps taken to convene Sudanese civilians in Addis Ababa, Berlin, and Oslo. We commend the work of the Quintet, particularly the African Union's leadership, in supporting the development of an inclusive and independent civilian platform that offers a credible alternative to the warring parties. We also welcome the important work of the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy, Mr. Pekka Havisto. Madam President, the priority now is to build on this momentum and amplify the voices of Sudanese civilians as they define the future they want for their country, one that must not be dictated by the warring parties or shaped by extremist groups. We urge the international community to be guided by those civilians, including women, youth, civil society, displaced communities, and local leaders from across the country. Their views must be integrated into the political track. This is the moment to empower Sudan's civilians. They alone can build the peaceful, inclusive future that has long been overdue for the Sudanese people. Madam President, the political and humanitarian responsibility for this conflict and its tragic consequences lies with the warring parties, who have chosen war and the pursuit of a military solution at the expense of the Sudanese people. Lebanese people. It's therefore regrettable that a delegate who clearly represents the views of one of the warring parties continues to misuse the Security Council's platform to advance false allegations aimed at deflecting attention from the warring parties' responsibility in prolonging this conflict. The United Arab Emirates categorically rejects these baseless allegations. Such distractions do not alter the facts, nor do they merit this Council's time. Thank you, Madam President.

Doi la gracia.

I thank the representative of United Arab Emirates for that statement. I now wish to give the floor to the delegation of the United States, who have asked for the floor to make a further statement. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. Two points: one on the peace initiative and one on the chemical weapons. I was extremely pleased to hear the Sudanese representative confirm that the President of the Sovereign Council, General Burhan, has apparently accepted rather than rejected the latest peace proposal. This initiative was just recently developed through close consultations with the Sudanese Foreign Minister and other members of the Sovereign Council, in coordination with our Egyptian partners, and it was welcomed by our Saudi partners. We warmly welcome this encouraging development and reaffirm our readiness to travel to Khartoum immediately, together with our partners, to announce and advance this peace initiative. The United States' only interest is to help bring an end to this world's largest humanitarian crisis.. To that end, the United States has provided more than $2 billion in humanitarian assistance since the outbreak of the conflict, making us the largest humanitarian donor to the Sudan response. We remain committed to working with all partners to achieve a durable peace that preserves Sudan's unity sovereignty and territorial integrity. On the chemical weapons, over the past year, the United States has engaged consistently with Sudanese officials following our determination that chemical weapons were used in 2024. We have urged and supported Sudan's return to compliance with its international obligations. The United States has not maintained personnel on the ground to investigate these allegations. Under the Chemical Weapons Convention, it's Sudan's responsibility to cooperate fully with investigations conducted by the OPCW. We hope to see Sudan's genuine cooperation at OPCW, including making necessary declarations and coming into compliance with their obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. Thank you, Madam President.

Gracias. I thank the representative of the United States for that statement. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on this matter. The meeting is adjourned.