The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question - Security Council, 10186th meeting

I declare open the session number 10,186.

The 10,186th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is: The Situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian Question. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with Rule 37 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite the representative of Israel to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. I propose that the Council invite the Permanent Observer of the Observer State of Palestine, to the United Nations to participate in the meeting in accordance with the provisional rules of procedure and previous practice in this regard. There being no objection, it is so decided. In accordance with Rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Ramiz Al-Akbarov, Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator; Mr. Itai Epstein, Special Adviser on International Law and Humanitarian Principles from the Norwegian Refugee Council, and Ms. Marianne Barghoftis, independent journalist, writer, and political analyst. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of Item 2 of the agenda. I give the floor to Mr. Ramis Alagbarov. You have the floor.

Thank you very much. Madam President, members of the Security Council. Today's briefing is focused on the Secretary-General's quarterly report on the implementation of Resolution 2334, as circulated to Council members last week. Since the 12th June cutoff date for the written report, the situation across Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, remain volatile. Israeli airstrikes and military operations have continued across Gaza, resulting in further fatalities and bringing the total killed since the ceasefire to over 1,000, according to the Gaza Ministry of Health. Israeli forces continue to expand the scope of their territorial control in Gaza and the extension of areas requiring coordination in humanitarian operations. Israel has said that it currently controls approximately 70% of the Gaza Strip. This encroachment of areas under Israeli control is reducing the space available to civilians. Palestinians in Gaza are concentrated in increasingly limited areas, living amid insecurity and violence. As the Emergency Relief Coordinator briefed this Council on 18 June, Since the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2803, there have been improvements in the humanitarian situation in Gaza. The share of households going to bed hungry dropped from 92% to 36%, and humanitarians were able to expand provision of water, health, and education services. But as Under-Secretary-General Fletcher said, Resolution 2803 and the comprehensive plan are meant to deliver much more than that, while the needs in Gaza remain immense. Sanitation conditions remain alarming. 70% of population lacks dignified shelter, and humanitarians continue to face persistent constraints as they carry out their essential work. I'm deeply concerned by the reports of the intimidation in the context of the protests which were planned in Gaza on the 26th of June. Civilians must be able to exercise their rights peacefully without fear and must be protected at all times. The legitimate needs, concerns, and aspirations of the people of Gaza must be addressed through the full implementation of Resolution 2803. This includes the disarmament of Hamas and all other armed groups in Gaza, the withdrawal of Israeli Defense Forces, and deployment of international stabilization forces. Course, the transfer of governance responsibilities to the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza. In coordination with Palestinian Authority, the UN is ready to support the committee in providing critical public services and in laying the groundwork for reconstruction to restore dignity, improve living conditions, and offer hope for the future. I welcome last week's joint visit to Gaza by Greek Orthodox Patriarch and the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. Amid ongoing deprivation and suffering, their visit sends a timely signal of peace, tolerance, and dignity for all. Meanwhile, the situation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, continued to deteriorate. Israeli military activity continued in and around the refugee camps in Jenin and Tulkaram in the northern West Bank, resulting in the evacuation and displacement of Palestinian households, including refugee families. This activity, including the reported establishment of an Israeli military post in Jenin, remains especially concerning as it's taking place in Area A, which falls under Palestinian Authority civil and security control. On 17 June, Israeli authorities reportedly approved the expansion of a building used as a yeshiva in Hebron H2 area. The approval followed the transfer of planning authority from the Hebron municipality to the Israeli Civil Administration, in line with Israeli Security Cabinet decision of 8 February. Yesterday, 28 June, the indemnity waiver issued by the Israeli Ministry of Finance permitting corresponding banking relations between Israeli and Palestinian banks was extended for another 2 weeks until 12 July. On 14 June, President Abbas issued a decree amending the General Elections Law. Among other changes, the decree increased the number of seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council, lowered the electoral threshold for winning seats, and required the inclusion of at least one woman among every three candidates on a list. The decree also committed to holding presidential elections in 2027. Madam President, Allow me to highlight some of the Secretary-General's observations from the report on the implementation of Security Council Resolution 2334. I reiterate the Secretary-General's strong condemnation of the relentless expansion and acceleration of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. These developments further entrench the unlawful Israeli occupation and threaten the viability of a fully independent, contiguous, and sovereign Palestinian state. All Israeli settlements and related infrastructure have no legal validity, constitute a flagrant violation of international law, and must cease immediately. I'm deeply concerned by the steps taken by Israeli authorities to implement formal land registration in Area C. There is a serious risk that this decision will facilitate further settlement expansion and entrenchment of their unlawful occupation. I'm also concerned by broader measures aimed at deepening Israeli administrative and territorial control of the West Bank. Along with the threat of annexation, which have no legal validity, these actions are steadily transforming geographical and demographic realities across the West Bank and further undermining the prospects for the two-state solution. The escalating violence and tensions in the West Bank are highly concerning. I condemn all violence against civilians, including acts of terror. I echo Secretary-General's deep concern over persistent and intensifying settler attacks. I also remain deeply concerned by ongoing attacks by Palestinians against Israelis. All perpetrators must be held accountable. I also reiterate Secretary-General's alarm over the scale of displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank. Settler violence, access restrictions, demolitions, and prolonged security operations have resulted in the largest displacement crisis in the West Bank since 1967. I am appalled at the numerous instances in which officials glorified violence and engaged in dangerous provocation, incitement, inflammatory language. All incitement to violence must stop immediately. I share the Secretary-General's concern over the growing threats to the status quo at the holy sites in Jerusalem. I reiterate that the status quo must be respected and upheld in line with the special and historic role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. I echo the Secretary-General in condemning in strongest terms the Israeli authorities' decision to establish military facilities at the UNRWA Sheikh Jarrah compound in Jerusalem. I urge the Government of Israel to rescind this decision and immediately return to the United Nations the UNRWA Sheikh Jarrah compound. I also urge member states to continue to politically support and financially sustain UNRWA. Despite the ceasefire announced 8 months ago, Gaza still faces profound uncertainty and immense human suffering. I condemn the continued killing and injury of civilians in Gaza, including women and children. I'm particularly concerned by recent increasing calls for resumption of widespread hostilities in Gaza. This would be disastrous for the Palestinian people of Gaza, for Israelis, and for the entire region. I reiterate the Secretary-General's deep concern over the humanitarian situation in Gaza. I call on all parties to facilitate the full, rapid, and unimpeded passage of humanitarian assistance. Provision of humanitarian aid must never be used as a bargaining chip. I welcome the continued commitment of the international community to supporting the Palestinian Authority and advancing concrete steps— it was realization of the two-state solution. I urge the international community to continue supporting Palestinian Authority to strengthen its government capacity, implement reforms, and address its fiscal challenges as it prepares to reassure its full responsibilities in Gaza, in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2803. I join the Secretary-General in reiterating the strong commitment to supporting Palestinians and Israelis in ending the occupation and resolving the conflict in line with international law, relevant United Nations resolutions, and bilateral agreements in pursuit of the vision of the two states: Israel and a fully independent, democratic, contiguous, viable, and sovereign Palestinian state, of which Gaza is an integral part, living side by side in peace and security with a secure and recognized border on the basis of the pre-1967 line, with Jerusalem as the capital of both states. Madam President, and thank you and the members of the Council for your attention.

I thank Mr. Rami Al-Akbaroff for the information provided. I now give the floor to Mr. Mr. Itay Epstein, you have the floor.

Madam President, Excellencies, on behalf of the Norwegian Refugee Council, I wish to thank you for the opportunity to brief the Council at this quarterly consideration of Resolution 2334. Adopted almost 10 years ago, its words are familiar: Israeli settlements in occupied Palestine constitute a flagrant violation of international law. The question before the Council today is not whether those words remain correct. The question is whether the Council is prepared to give them effect. It is the plight of Palestinian communities we serve, living with the consequences of non-implementation—displacement, dispossession, and the steady erosion of protection—that I wish to share today. When states gathered after the Second World War to codify the Fourth Geneva Convention, including its prohibition on population transfer, they did so in the shadow of mass atrocities, colonization, forced displacement, and racial persecution. For Palestinians today, this is not an abstract legal proposition. It is a lived reality. The law saw this danger clearly from the outset. In June 1967, Israel came to occupy the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, in Gaza. Within weeks, Theodore Meron, then-counsel of Israel's Foreign Ministry, set out the legal consequences with notable clarity. He affirmed the applicability of the Hague Regulations and the Fourth Geneva Convention to the newly occupied territories, recalled the prohibition on annexation, and advised that civilian settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory would be in contravention of explicit provisions of international humanitarian law. What has changed since is not the law. What has changed is the scale of the breach, the entrenchment of the occupation, and the cost borne by Palestinians for the failure of enforcement. The Council Excellencies must bring into view the convergence of phenomena too often treated separately: settlement expansion and settler violence, demolitions and displacement, obstruction of humanitarian relief, and denial of essential services, and the fragmentation of Palestinian governance. Together, they create a system of coercion. Since January 2023, 117 Palestinian communities have experienced full or partial displacement linked to settler attacks and related access restrictions. The displacement crisis is not confined to Bedouin or Huttin communities. More than 33,000 Palestinians have been displaced from Jenin to Qarem and Nour Shams refugee camps and surrounding areas. As we have just heard, OCHA has described this as the largest, largest and longest displacement crisis in the West Bank since 1967. The figures matter because they confirm the pattern. The home, the school, the water network, the olive grove, and the refugee camp have all become pressure points in a wider effort to make Palestinian presence harder to sustain. One recent field assessment shows what prolonged displacement means for families. Households displaced report worsening shelter conditions, collapsing livelihoods, and fear of repeated displacement. Another assessment should deeply trouble this Council. More than 70% of displaced households identify threats against women and children, including sexualized threats and gender-based harassment, as decisive in their decision to flee. Madam President, forcible transfer does not always announce itself with a single order. It may occur through accumulation: repeated attacks, social— sexualized threats, demolished homes, lost livelihoods in the absence of credible protection. East Jerusalem and the Jerusalem periphery illustrate how coercion becomes a strategy for acquiring territory. In Silwan, Palestinian families face eviction and takeover by settler organizations. In and around E1, Khan al-Ahmar and nearby Bedouin communities face renewed demolition risk and intense pressure in an area of profound territorial and political significance. Excellencies, the International Court of Justice has clarified the matter before us in decisive terms. In its 2024 advisory opinion, the court did not merely characterize discrete Israeli practices in the occupied Palestinian territory as unlawful. It found that Israel's continued presence in that territory is, as such, unlawful. It reaffirmed that the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and Gaza, are occupied territory over which the Palestinian people hold permanent sovereign rights. It identified legal consequences for Israel, for all states, and for the United Nations. That clarification matters for this council. Resolution 2334 rested on legal rules that were already clear when when it was adopted. The court has now confirmed those rules and the consequences that flow from them. Settlements are not only a flagrant violation of international law and an obstacle to peace, they form part of an unlawful situation whose consequences cannot be ignored. What was framed in 2016 as a call upon states has, after 2024, acquired the character of a judicially endorsed legal obligation. The Security Council cannot, through subsequent resolutions, dilute obligations grounded in peremptory norms or negate the legal consequences identified by the court. From wrong comes no right, and no passage of time cures illegality. This matters, Madam President, because annexation is often described as irreversible. That is a political claim dressed up as certainty. It confuses material entrenchment with legal consolidation. It seeks to turn unlawful facts into lawful rights. Annexation has become more costly to reverse, more complex to dismantle, and more disruptive to vested interests. It has not become irreversible as a matter of law. The same clarity is needed in relation to settler violence. It is often described, including in this chamber, as extremism, as though it were a marginal deviation from state policy. That language is legally inadequate. Where armed settlers operate as integral or auxiliary parts of military forces, or where public officials enable, direct, or exercise control over settler violence, the inquiry cannot stop with individual criminality. The question becomes one of state responsibility. Only last week, Israel's own military advocate warned that violent settlers and the armed forces are no longer readily distinguishable when, without legal authority, they impose restrictions on Palestinian movement. Settler violence may therefore be both individual wrongdoing and part of a coercive environment for which Israel— as the occupying power bears responsibility. Surrender violence forms part of the broader architecture through which territory is unlawfully acquired and controlled. Excellencies, the response of third states has begun to shift, with greater attention to individual perpetrators of surrender violence and extremist groups. That attention matters, but individual accountability cannot substitute for the broader obligation of states Measures aimed solely at direct perpetrators fail to address the roles of ministries, settlement councils, and the legislative and financial infrastructure that sustain the settlement enterprise. States must ensure that their own conduct does not recognize, aid, or assist an unlawful situation. They must also cooperate to bring it to an end. Madam President, that means restitution first. Homes, orchards, and olive groves must be restored to their rightful owners. Settlements and associated infrastructure must be dismantled. Palestinians displaced by coercion or violence must be able to return voluntarily in safety and dignity. Where restitution is materially impossible, compensation must follow. The General Assembly has shown the way. The UN Registrar of Damage, born of the 2004 Wall Advisory Opinion, should now be expanded to receive claims and quantify compensation for the full consequences of Israel's unlawful presence since 1967, including displacement, destruction, resource exploitation, and denial of housing, land, and property rights. Recognition of Palestinian self-determination without restoration of the material basis on which that right depends will be a promise without land being beneath it. Excellencies, restitution addresses harm after the fact. Protection must prevent harm before it occurs. Communities at risk of forcible transfer need protection and humanitarian aid before they are uprooted, not only assistance after injury is felt. Israel has an obligation to facilitate the presence and activities of impartial relief societies such as the Norwegian Refugee Council. The International Court of Justice confirmed this obligation last year. Yet Israel continues to interfere with the presence, registration, staffing, and independence of humanitarian organizations, restricting their ability to reach Palestinian communities in need and carry out the very activities Israel is required to facilitate. The Council should put Israel on notice. As the occupying power, it must allow and facilitate principal humanitarian action and comply with its obligations under international humanitarian law. Madam President, the obstacle is not lack of law. The obstacle is political reluctance. Annexation persists because its costs remain tolerable to those who sustain it. Settler violence persists because it is too often dismissed as deviation. Forced displacement persists because the international response remains fragmented. The task before the Council is at once simple and demanding: to ensure without delay the end of an unlawful Israeli presence that continues to drive displacement, dispossession, and civilian harm across occupied Palestinian territory. We are not asking this Council to invent new law. We are asking it to apply the law it has already affirmed. Excellencies, the late Benjamin Ferencz, the last surviving prosecutor of Nuremberg, reminded us that there could be no peace without justice, no justice without law, and no meaningful law without a forum to decide what is just and lawful. The law is clear. The facts are before this Council. What remains now is consequence.

Thank you. Doyla. I thank Mr. Epstein for his briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Myriam Bagouti. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. I am speaking to you all today not as a diplomat or a representative. I am speaking to you as a journalist that has spent years documenting the reality of occupied Palestine, focusing specifically on the West Bank. So I come here before you with testimonies and firsthand witnessing of voices and lives that are rarely allowed to enter these chambers except as statistics. For Palestinians, the reality is not a political dispute. It is experienced every morning, every day, and every evening when going to school, to work, or carrying out the most basic activities like family gatherings, weddings, and funerals that are consistently and relentlessly interrupted by armed Israeli violence, more often by the military, but also by armed Israeli militia groups. It is a reality of navigating military checkpoints where we are seeing an increase not just in military violence, but violence from armed Israeli militias that are not even bound to the chain of command of the army. This does not only mean delay. This does not only mean the theft of time of Palestinians, but it is a rewiring of the entire nervous system of Palestinians in constant anticipation of violence and through what we see as a systemic weaponization of fear. But it also means at a practical level, the denial of access to life-saving spaces like accessing the hospitals. I myself have witnessed Israeli soldiers in places like Jenin and Tulkarem denying Palestinian women who are pregnant and in labor access to hospitals that are just a few meters away, and they will hold them at gunpoint. I have seen in Silwad in the West Bank, the center of the West Bank, an Israeli soldier caught on camera by a medic after shooting a young Palestinian teenager and leaving him to bleed, and I quote, saying, "Thank God he is dead now." These are the lives of Palestinians day in and day out. It includes Palestinian farmers being denied access to their lands, as well as more recently where we are witnessing intentional and systemic Israeli violence that targets life-sustaining infrastructure. And this is like water pipes where Israeli settlers are carrying out very targeted attacks at pumping stations that provide water access to thousands of Palestinians in the West Bank that already suffer from a disproportionate access to water in comparison to their Israeli counterpart. We are seeing intentional targeting of agricultural resources, again, by armed Israeli groups in the West Bank, as well as the military that has constantly and consistently targeted lands through burning them, through denying access to them, or through destroying matters as basic as farmers' markets from Palestinians. And that means that even the economic cost of survival has been increasing. Now, it has been more than a decade since the UN Resolution 2334, and it's been more than a year since the decision made in July of 2024 demanding that Israel ceases its settlement activities, and I quote, as rapidly as possible. But instead, what we are seeing is a rapid expansion of settlements that are being absorbed into state land. Now, there is a tendency that we have seen, and I continue to see repeated, for Israeli representatives to illustrate this expansion as extremist violence or as an exceptional case. But the facts on the ground inform us that there are coordinated and joint activities by the Israeli army, Israeli settler groups, and the Israeli judicial system in ensuring a systemic and relentless ethnic cleansing in the West Bank. So these are not accidental, they are intentional, they are premeditated, and they are coming from a policy of ethnic cleansing. And as Israeli settlers are creating hostile environments for Palestinians who are now too afraid to even walk from their homes to their schools or their workplaces, places due to armed violence, the military at the same time continues to ensure that there is no capacity for Palestinians to confront or protect themselves. This is an intentional denial of capacity by the Israeli regime. To add to that comes the third layer, which is the Israeli court system, which continues to engage in the legitimization and legalization of these practices through a legal framework that is designed to dispossess and displace Palestinians, and it is designed to also continue providing immunity to Israelis. When we saw Yinon Levi, an Israeli settler in Hebron, shoot a Palestinian point blank while his child was next to him and kill him. He was released the next day and he carried out terrorizing activities against the community in which he killed the Palestinian. So this type of immunity is by design. And what we have seen consistently and continuously is rather than cease settlement activities, Israel has been using strategic ambiguity and diplomatic spheres to perpetuate its crimes while engineering a state of debate around the issue, consistently claiming pretexts of defense, while again, the facts on the ground have shown us that in the last decades, not a single Israeli security measure has actually achieved effectively or efficiently what it claimed to want to achieve in its goals. So instead of accountability, we are seeing impunity being entrenched. The Israeli regime is not only sustaining Israeli violence, but as we see, it is encouraging it through Hebrew media, which has also been complicit in inciting against Palestinian communities and individuals and individuals. And through law, the Israeli government has adopted a series of laws in the last 5 years alone pushing for things like the death penalty, the absorption of the West Bank into Israeli state land, and through the arming of Israeli citizens with military-grade weapons, including automatic and semi-automatic guns, and more recently drones. And these are not just through the Israeli government, but it includes international complicity where US-based charities are actually fundraising and providing these military-grade weapons to Israeli citizens in the West Bank specifically. Again, as it has been emphasized in these chambers, and I will emphasize it again, these Israeli acts are not random, but they are organized state-sponsored crime. And Palestinians in the West Bank are no longer wondering whether a crime will be enacted. Now it is a matter of when, rather than if. And often these crimes are reported and seen as separate, but they do come together. And together, the different crimes have drained Palestinians physically, psychologically, economically, and politically. And what this means is that there is no capacity to organize or even imagine a reality outside of just survival. There is a clear and evident campaign by the Israeli government to not only fracture Palestinian society, but to also punish the different segments. Here we are seeing that even for myself as a journalist, it is becoming increasingly dangerous to continue our profession. It has become so devastating and so dangerous that Wearing our press insignia has placed us in the line of danger rather than protect us. I have seen in the West Bank my peers, Palestinian journalists specifically, as well as international correspondents, not just attacked by Israeli settlers and the army, but we are being detained arbitrarily, often under no charge, no trial. And we are placed into what is more akin to torture chambers. I have seen several of our peers recently released from Israeli detention from areas like Jenin, north of the West Bank, and Ramallah in the center come out with skin diseases and are more bone than flesh due to a systemic starvation operation being carried out by the Israeli government. Against Palestinians, and they are sustaining injuries that have impacted the quality of their lives long term. At the same time, we are seeing targeted attacks on Palestinian medical personnel where doctors are being intentionally detained and medics are being held up from reaching injured persons. But in the last 2 years specifically, we're seeing less injuries from the Israeli army and more of kill shots. So if you observe the medical records, and this has been well documented, a lot of the shots Palestinians are sustaining at the hands of armed Israelis and the Israeli army are to the head and to the chest. These are not intended to, quote unquote, neutralize, as we have seen in Israeli English-based media, but they are intended to kill. And we need to stop sanitizing this violence because that is what that language has done. And we have seen it repeated in these chambers which are meant to emphasize justice. Now, what all of this means is that on the ground there is a war being waged on a community that is depleted of socioeconomic and medical capacity to, at a very bare minimum, just stay alive. We are seeing territorial continuity being dismembered, and that is not only a threat to a potential viable solution for Palestinian self-determination, but at the practical and intimate level, it is denying Palestinians access to each other. And this is dangerous because if we approach it holistically, we see that Israel is taking measures to ensure that Palestinians do not exist as a collective population but exist in certain controlled pockets. This is why what we see in the West Bank should not only be seen as an issue of settlements or settler violence, but as ethnic cleansing and a strategy of obliterating an entire people while replacing them real time. For decades, We Palestinians and international scholars, as well as humanitarian missions, have documented and reiterated the reality. And while I cannot brief you exhaustively in these few minutes, the Council has access to plenty of evidence to recognize and realize the reality on the ground. If the purpose here is to learn, then I believe ignorance cannot be claimed at this point. But if the purpose is to move in enforcing justice and international law, then it must begin with a conversation on accountability. Because to continue forcing Palestinians to risk their lives to document the violence enacted against them for an activity of pretend justice, then this is also exploitative and it is criminal. Today we are at a moment of not only examining the reality of occupied Palestine, but investigating the dynamics of this very chamber that you sit in and what it means for the future. Thank you.

Gracias. I thank Ms. Miriam Bagouti for her briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. I give the floor to the representative of China. You have the floor.

Madam President, I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Alec Barrow, Mr. Mr. Epstein and Ms. Barghouti for their briefings. The question of Palestine is at the core of the Middle East issue. It is a matter of fairness and justice at the international level, pivotal to regional dynamics. Today, violence and death persist in Gaza. Tensions grip the West Bank. The foundation of the two-state solution continues to be eroded and greater challenges are confronting the effort to settle the question of Palestine. The international community must reverse this negative trajectory with robust actions to end the suffering of the Palestinian people without delay and give Palestine the justice it deserves. China would like to highlight three imperatives. First, peace and stability must return to Gaza. The ceasefire agreement has not yet brought true peace, as bombings and strikes by Israel continue and its military occupation is being expanded, which have caused over 1,000 deaths among Gazans since. On average, one child is killed per day. The humanitarian crisis in Gaza is dire. Essentials for survival are in short supply and sanitary conditions appalling, with over 2 million people struggling to survive amid the ruins. History has repeatedly shown that security is mutual, as no country can build its own security upon the insecurity of others. Military occupation and pressurization would do nothing for lasting peace. We call on the parties, Israel in particular, to fully comply with the ceasefire agreement and bring about a genuine, lasting ceasefire in Gaza. Israel must fulfill its obligations under international humanitarian law as the occupying power, lift restrictions on humanitarian access, and support and secure aid deliveries by humanitarian agencies such as UNRWA. Second, tensions in the West Bank must be de-escalated and brought to an end. Despite strong appeals from the international community, Tensions in the West Bank continue to grow. The occupying power has accelerated settlement expansion, remained permissive towards settler violence, and encroached on Palestinian territory. The economy of the West Bank is on the brink of collapse under the crippling restrictions and stranglehold, and the Palestinian Authority is facing a serious fiscal crisis. It was explicitly spelled out in Council Resolution 2334 and ICJ advisory opinion that illegal occupation and settlements imperil the viability of the two-state solution and must be ended immediately. Violating the legitimate rights of Palestinians and undermining the security and stability of the West Bank will only fuel hatred and eventually backfire. We urge Israel to immediately cease settlement activities, curb settler violence, and ensure accountability for attacks in all seriousness. Israel should lift the unjustified restrictions on the West Bank economy, return the withheld tax revenues the soonest, and stop undermining the foundation of the PA's governance. Third, The two-state solution must be fully implemented. The two-state solution is the only viable path to resolving the question of Palestine. It cannot be denied, nor can it be replaced. Gaza and the West Bank are inseparable parts of the state of Palestine. Any arrangements or the establishment of new mechanisms must be in line with the principle of Palestinians governing Palestine, respect the will of the Palestinian people, and advance rather than undermine the two-state solution. The international community should forge greater consensus, breathe new life into the prospect of the two-state solution, say no to any attempt to alter Palestine's demographic composition and redraw its map, oppose any unilateral actions that undermine the foundation of the two-state solution, and support the early establishment of an independent State of Palestine based on the 1967 borders. 1967, borders with East Jerusalem as its capital and enjoying full sovereignty. President, the question of Palestine has persisted for decades. And though the fundamental framework for a solution was put in place long ago, the path to peace lies right beneath our feet. What is needed is political resolve and courage. War cannot go on forever and must give way to mutual understanding and mutual trust sooner rather than later. We call on the parties to prioritize the well-being of the Palestinian people and the peace and stability in the Middle East, working together to achieve a comprehensive, just, and lasting solution to the question of Palestine without further delay. China remains committed to keeping up her tireless efforts to this end. I thank you, President.

I thank the representative of China for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Greece.

Deputy Special Coordinator Ramiz Al Akbar for his briefing, as well as Mr. Itai Epstein and Ms. Mariam Barghoutis for their remarks. Madam President, Greece was an early supporter of the comprehensive plan for Gaza, subsequently enshrined in Security Council Resolution 2860. 2003. The first phase of the plan marked a welcome step forward with early positive results. What is needed now is collective determination to translate progress into lasting impact. As ASG Tom Fletcher reminded us only days ago, the humanitarian reality on the ground remains catastrophic. We note, alongside Mr. Al Akbar, The visit of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch and Latin Patriarch to the Strip, a small ray of hope amidst an unimaginable difficult reality. While some progress has been achieved, the gap between needs and delivery remains wide and deeply concerning. Aid entering Gaza, including food of high nutritional value, is insufficient. Restrictions on critical dual-use equipment continue to impede relief efforts. Housing, medical evacuations, and healthcare services have yet to reach the levels required to address the immense needs of the civilian population. We call for the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid at scale, as well as for the opening of additional crossings across the Strip. Hamas and all armed groups must urgently and fully disarm, and we support Mr. Mladenov's sustained efforts towards this goal. At the same time, it is critical to implement early recovery projects in the entire Gaza Strip. Greece is ready to take part in discussions regarding the Horizon Fund so as to ensure a coordinated, transparent, and impact recovery effort in close coordination with the Palestinian Authority. We look forward to the Palestine, Palestine donor group meeting in Brussels in a few weeks. We anticipate the NCAG's timely instatement, as well as the deployment of the vetted Palestinian police forces and of the International Stabilization Force in Gaza. Despite operating in extraordinary dangerous conditions, humanitarian workers continue to deliver life-saving assistance. Their work deserves the fullest protection and unwavering support in accordance with the international humanitarian law. They must never be targeted and accountability must be ensured in all circumstances. Madam President, as our Foreign Minister has stressed, Gaza and the West Bank form a single indivisible territorial unit of a future Palestine state. We categorically oppose any plans to expand control over or annex parts of the West Bank. The evacuation orders in al-Ahmar, the Land Registry and Settlement of Rights Initiative, The antiquities bill, construction plans in the E1 area, as well as demolitions and evictions in East Jerusalem, particularly in Silwan, are all indicative of an explicit vision of annexation. Equally, the protection of historical, archaeological, or religious heritage cannot become a pretext for large-scale land appropriation. We call for an immediate reversal of these trends. They run counter to international law, contrary to Resolution 2334, and steadily erode the foundations upon which a negotiated settlement toward the two-state solution must be built. Of equal concern is the sharp and unprecedented rise in settler violence targeting Palestinians, including Christian communities. Responding to the severity of such violence, the EU recently sanctioned extremists responsible for human rights abuses in the West Bank. While we take note of Israel's recent statements aimed at curbing settler violence, words must be matched with accountability, consistent investigations, and follow-up on the implementation of those decisions. Furthermore, we reiterate our call for unhindered access, the preservation of and respect of the status quo of the holy sites in Jerusalem, an issue of profound importance for interfaith coexistence. Madam President, the stabilization of the West Bank also requires the release of withheld Palestinian tax revenues. This is a prerequisite for reform, institutional resilience, and the preservation of the Palestinian Authority's fiscal capacity. We acknowledge and encourage the Palestinian Authority's ongoing reform efforts under very difficult circumstances, including the recent announcement of presidential elections in 2027 and amendments concerning parliamentary elections in the occupied Palestinian territories. An empowered and reformed Palestinian Authority will be credible partner for peace. In closing, as we are approaching the first commemoration of the New York Declaration, the moment calls for renewed political courage and a reinvigorated diplomatic effort. We must restore a credible political horizon for the Palestinian people and advance a meaningful political process leading to a two-state solution in line with the relevant Security Council resolutions. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Greece for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Denmark. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. We thank Deputy Special Coordinator Al Akbarrow Mr. Epstein and Ms. Bagouti for their briefings. For years, the situation in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, has been steadily deteriorating. The developments on the ground are not new, but the speed with which conditions are worsening has been accelerated. The developments have been documented repeatedly before this Council, including through the SG's quarterly reports on the implementation of Resolution 2334. The Council also had the opportunity to discuss these developments during the ARIA meeting held on the West Bank last month. Allow me to highlight a few of the most concerning developments. We are currently witnessing all-time high levels of settler violence against Palestinians. The stories we hear from the ground are brutal,, as we have also heard from our briefers today. And civilians are being displaced from their communities as a consequence. Reports of Israeli authorities failing to prevent or hold perpetrators to account are deeply alarming. And recently, a 7-month-old Palestinian infant was killed in Hebron by Israeli Defense Forces. This incident is not only deeply tragic,, but also a clear reminder of the devastating human costs that the civilians in the West Bank are paying. At the same time, settlement expansion is advancing at an alarming pace. Particularly concerning is the advancement of plans to establish settlements in the E1 area east of Jerusalem, where evacuation orders for the Bedouin community of Khan al-Ahmar have now been issued. If implemented, the E1 plan would cut the West Bank in two and compromise the territorial contiguity of a future Palestinian state, as well as hamper the prospects of a two-state solution. Denmark is equally concerned by the reports of expected establishment of the first permanent Israeli military presence in Area A, an area that under the Oslo Accords fall under Palestinian civil and security control. We are also deeply concerned by demolition and eviction orders in East Jerusalem, including the Silwan neighborhood, that continue to threaten Palestinian communities and alter the demographic character of the city. Meanwhile, the Palestinian Authority faces a severe financial crisis, not least due to the withholding of Palestinian tax revenues that Israel collects on behalf of the Palestinian Authority. The consequences are not least being felt in the Palestinian health sector that is struggling to provide the basic assistance due to lack of resources. An effective and reformed Palestinian Authority remains essential for stability, governance, and the prospect for peace. Israel's restrictions on international NGOs operating in the occupied Palestinian territory and the unlawful demolition of UNRWA's headquarters further undermines stability and access to basic services for Palestinians. Taken together, these developments are not isolated incidents. They amount to a systematic consolidation of Israeli control across the occupied West Bank. They change realities on the ground. Alter the map and heighten the risk of annexation. This trajectory must be reversed. All settlement expansions must be halted immediately and any attempt at de facto annexation prevented. We reiterate that Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal under international law. Accountability for settler violence must be ensured, and we call on Israeli authorities to hold perpetrators to account. With strong Danish support, the European Union has introduced sanctions against extremist Israeli settlers and organizations responsible for serious and systematic human rights abuses against Palestinians. Security Council Resolution 2334 must be fully implemented. Palestinian tax revenues must be transferred without delay. And the Palestinian Authority must continue its reform efforts. In this regard, Denmark welcomes the announcement to hold presidential elections. Madam President, Denmark's position is clear. Israel's legitimate security concerns must be ensured, but crushing all possibilities for a Palestinian state through illegal settlements, settler violence, and financial suffocation is not an acceptable way forward. Lasting security cannot be separated from the two-state solution as charted in the New York Declaration. It remains the only viable option for long-term peace and security. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Denmark for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. You have the floor.

Madame la Présidente, Madame Presidente, the Democratic Republic of the Congo thanks you for convening this meeting and expresses its gratitude to the Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Mr. Ramiz Al Akbarov. We also thank the civil society representatives for their briefings today. The Democratic Republic of the Congo remains deeply concerned by the persistent deterioration of the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory, particularly in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, as well as by the fragility of the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip. We condemn all violence directed against civilian populations. The protection of civilians must remain an absolute priority in accordance with international humanitarian law and international human rights law. My delegation is particularly concerned by the upsurge in violence, the forced displacement of communities, as well as the demolition of whole homes. In this regard, we recall the importance of the full implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, in particular Resolution 2334 of 2016, as well as the importance of compliance with the obligations arising under international law. Regarding Gaza, the Democratic Republic of the Congo takes note of the efforts made to preserve the ceasefire and encourages all parties to exercise restraint in order to prevent any large-scale— resumption of large-scale hostilities. We call for compliance with the commitments undertaken under existing agreements, as well as for the continuation of diplomatic efforts aimed at establishing a lasting peace. We also remain concerned by the humanitarian situation, which continues to take a severe toll on civilian populations. As we have underscored in our statement of June 18th, 2026, The Democratic Republic of the Congo calls for safe, rapid, sustained, and unimpeded humanitarian access so that assistance may reach all those in need. We commend the efforts of the United Nations and humanitarian organizations which continue to operate under particularly challenging conditions. The Democratic Republic of the Congo also underscores the importance of increased international support to address the humanitarian needs of affected civilian populations. This support will help create the conditions conducive to a lasting peace, regional stability, and the accommodation of the legitimate security concerns of all parties. Madame President, the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains convinced that there can be no military solution to this conflict. Only a credible political process grounded in international law and relevant United Nations resolutions will make it possible to achieve a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace. In this regard, we reaffirm our support for the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General, as well as for all regional and international initiatives that would foster the resumption of a genuine political process in an environment of peace and security. Thank you.

Yes, I thank the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the United States. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. Colleagues, I thank you I thank our briefers for their comments, and I'd like to begin my remarks today in talking about a young girl in, in Deir al-Balah. UNICEF calls her Masa. After 2 years of war, she recently walked into a temporary school In that school, she received a bag with a notebook, a pen, an eraser, a ruler, pencils, coloring pens. And that one bag of school supplies, seemingly small and without import, but I think it's a very loud reminder that life is starting again in Gaza. And colleagues, we continue to have a choice on this council, um, and in the international community if we want children like Masa, uh, to inherit a new generation of classrooms, uh, if we want her to have a brighter future, uh, or will she inherit more tunnels, more rockets, more bombs, more war. Will she and her brothers be made to carry arms for Hamas to hate their neighbors? Is that what they're going to be taught in school with those new school supplies? Or will they learn, be allowed to learn basic reading, writing, and arithmetic and have a dream of a better future. We must turn this ceasefire, as imperfect as it is, um, uh, many nights into a lasting peace, or Hamas can continue to drag the region back into a cycle of violence. But as we've said here month after month, Hamas cannot remain armed. That's the end of story, period. Hamas's demilitarization is at the heart of President Trump's peace plan, which was endorsed by this council in Resolution 2803. I want to thank the mediators, particularly Turkey, Egypt, and Qatar, for their ongoing efforts. Negotiations are happening as we speak. To convince Hamas that there is no armed future in its terroristic ruling of Gaza, uh, and that the only way the peace plan will move forward is if they disarm. And I have to admit, as an aside, domestically here in the United States, I did not I think I would see former Secretary Hillary Clinton's endorsement of this peace plan, which she recently endorsed in an op-ed, as the only viable option forward for any kind of peaceful future for Gaza. She called President Trump's Gaza plan the, quote, only game in town. And she agreed that it all starts with Hamas disarming. As we all know, they started this war with the October 7th massacre. They've hidden behind civilians. They've abused schools and hospitals. They've stolen and blocked aid. They've turned literally years' worth and hundreds of kilometers' worth of concrete fuel generators, international aid that could have been, should have been used to rebuild Gaza into the most sophisticated military tunnel network the world has seen in recent memory and kept the people of Gaza and Hamas as hostages shackled from below. So demilitarization must include the irreversible destruction of all military terror and offensive infrastructure. Including tunnels and weapon production facilities. Demilitarization should be carried out through a phased, internationally verified process, which the High Commissioner has laid out before this council. Um, but let's not kid ourselves. They do not get to negotiate. Hamas does not get to negotiate its way into keeping a terrorist army. Uh, and I think it's worth highlighting, um, some of the recent UN reporting which frankly has not often been objective, but in this case, surprisingly, the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry examined the killings and acts of bodily and mental harm and documented Hamas-affiliated forces committing serious abuses against Palestinians in Gaza, framing some as war crimes. The commission identified hundreds of individual cases of executions, severe physical violence by Palestinian armed groups, again, primarily Hamas-affiliated, in Gaza between 2024 and this year, 2026. The acts included summary extrajudicial executions, kneecapping, which is bone breaking with metal pipes or cement bricks, beatings, maimings, rape, torture. Some involved public executions. They specifically highlighted two incidents killing 11 men and publicly torturing Palestinians in places like the Nasser Medical Complex. Many of these punishments were made public. In an effort to terrorize the population of Hamas, and crowds were made to watch the executions, including children. According to the report, these acts amount to war crimes, murder, and torture. Unfortunately, aside from this report, I've been monitoring the comments today. I haven't heard any mention of it today. I haven't heard any mention of it in mainstream media in the United States and barely a mention abroad. Separately, just this past week, as Gazans and Palestinians protested Hamas's, according to the UN, war crimes, public executions, torture, um, they were subject to an intimidation campaign by Hamas Hundreds still turned out to protest this rule. Easily would have been thousands. But this industrial-scale campaign of terror, intimidation, interrogation, and blackmail against thousands of Gazans that we just saw unfold over the, over the last few weeks, again, as they were planning to demonstrate against Hamas's rule, its violent authoritarian rule, Families were threatened. People were placed under house arrest. The Al-Qassam Brigades, again, the same ones responsible for October 7th, were fully mobilized using hospitals, using schools as police stations.

Barely a mention.

And as for the UN and many major NGOs, silence. I barely saw coverage. Of the people of Gaza finally having— not finally, once again having the courage to rise up against this abuse. Colleagues, just a few more things by way of update. We now have for the International Stabilization Force, again authorized by 2803, Morocco, Kosovo, Albania, boots are on the ground. Some are being deployed, and we have now Egypt and Jordan training the first recruits for a new Palestinian police force. The UAE— thank you— has committed $100 million for continued training. So the progress is never as quickly or more robust as any of us would like to see. Again, I did not think I would be quoting former Secretary of State Clinton here, but I haven't heard of a better plan coming from the UN or many other member states. I appreciate the support we've received in this council for this effort. We have a long way to go. The ongoing meetings with the NCAG, the new governance authority, Those are happening as we speak. Those plans, those governing plans from education to housing to the restoration of government— of services are being fleshed out as we speak. I thank the donor countries and the partners on the Board of Peace, including the Office of the High Representative, for their efforts to build on the progress and to increase the delivery of services that the people deserve. So colleagues, I'll just conclude by saying we as an international community must continue to stand against this type of terror. We must use this platform of this council to call it out when it's happening. But I have to ask, how much longer are we going to accept terrorists murdering Palestinians in Gaza, stealing their aid, hiding behind their children, and refusing to give up the weapons in an agreement that they agreed to that keep Gaza trapped in misery. From the perspective of the United States, absolutely not, and no more. I thank you, colleagues.

I thank the representative of the United States for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Panama. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. Panama is grateful for the briefings delivered by the Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Mr. Ramis Al Akbaroff. We take note of the most recent report of the Secretary General on Resolution 2330, March 24th, 2016. That resolution remains as applicable and relevant as it currently is lacking implementation. We are also grateful for the briefings issued by Mr. Epstein, Special Adviser and Senior Humanitarian Law and Policy Consultant at the Norwegian Refugee Council, and Ms. Miriam Bagoutis, independent journalist, writer, and political analyst. Far from the preservation of the conditions necessary for a negotiated political solution, we continue to see gradual changes being made to the territorial, administrative, and demographic reality in the Palestinian territory. Panama notes with particular concern the approval of new settlements in the West Bank. As well as the measures designed to consolidate administrative control over Area C and E1, and the demolitions and displacement of Palestinian communities, with the consequences that is having on social fabric. We unstintingly repudiate the persistent use of— excessive use of force, violence against civilians, including acts of terrorism, and any and all conduct that is incompatible with international law law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law. The protection of the civilian population is and must remain an obligation binding upon all parties without exception. The persistence of these dynamics is also affecting the Palestinian Authority's ability to effectively govern. The PA's delicate financial situation continues to inhibit the provision of essential services and erodes a crucial pillar for the preservation of a credible political horizon, and one that is also viable. We reiterate the appeal to avoid all measures and unilateral actions liable to fan the flames of tension on the ground and hamper efforts designed to achieve a just, lasting, and sustainable sustainable peace, Madam President. It should also be recalled that the situation in Gaza cannot be considered in isolation from the events that are playing out in the West Bank. 8 months after the establishment of the ceasefire, the population continues to face Herculean challenges in order to rebuild the most basic conditions for a life of dignity. Significant restrictions remain on the restoration of essential services, At the same time, thousands of families continue to suffer from the consequences of layer upon layer of devastation. The impact that this reality continues to have on children and young people whose access to education, health, and adequate conditions for development remains severely affected. We encourage the preservation of the ceasefire and we encourage progress in the full implementation of Resolution 2803 of 2025. That resolution is an appropriate roadmap to avoid a situation whereby the situation on the ground continues to worsen. We reiterate our support for the work that continues to be carried out by the United Nations system and its agencies alongside international humanitarian organizations and local humanitarian organizations. This work both assists the civilian population and supports efforts aimed to preserve stability and lay the foundations for recovery and peace. These organizations must be able to carry out this work with safety, independence, and in stringent respect for international law, including IHL. Consequently, we insist on the appeal to guarantee the protection of humanitarian personnel as well as their facilities and property. We appeal for the facilitation of full, safe, rapid, and unfettered provision of vital humanitarian assistance to those that need it. President, Gaza and the West Bank are part of one and the same political and territorial entity. The stability of one depends inevitably on the other. As such, any effort to bring about a lasting peace must address both territories in a comprehensive fashion. Their territorial contiguity must be preserved, and a reformed Palestinian Authority must be strengthened, and all must avoid unilateral measures that continue to further erode prospects of a negotiated political solution, one that will allow Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace, security, and dignity. The full implementation of Resolution 2334 of 2016 continues vital if we are to preserve the conditions that will facilitate the achievement of this common goal. Thank you.

I thank the representative of Panama for that statement. I now give the floor to the United Kingdom.

You have the floor.

Thank you, President. I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Alakbarov, Mr. Epstein, and Ms. Barghouti for their powerful briefings today. Mr. President, the United Kingdom is clear that a two-state solution remains the best way to bring lasting peace to the region and end the cycle of violence that has scarred generations of Palestinians and Israelis. As we've said numerous times in this council, the implementation of President Trump's comprehensive peace plan, endorsed by Resolution 2803, is an important step forward towards ending that violence. Both sides must meet their commitments, with Israel removing restrictions on humanitarian aid and Hamas decommissioning its weapons. Today we focus on the West Bank, where Israel's policies are eroding the prospects for peaceful coexistence. And I will highlight 3 areas. First, settlement expansion continues in violation, violation of Resolution 2334, including the E1 project that aims to cut the West Bank in half and separate East Jerusalem. This is accompanied by demolitions, evictions, and the displacement of Palestinian communities. In early June, we saw the approval of over 2,000 settlement housing units across the West Bank, bringing the total approved this year to over 6,000. On June 24th, Israel declared another 465 dunams of private Palestinian, Palestinian land as state land to make way for a settlement outpost. My Prime Minister has been clear that we categorically oppose expansion of settlements which are a violation of international law. We join this council in rejecting any attempts at annexation. Second, as we've heard today from the briefers, violence and lawlessness on the ground remain alarming. According to the UN, there have been an average of 6 attacks every day against Palestinians in the West Bank, since the start of 2026. The Secretary-General's recent report highlighted the staggering rise in attacks by settlers on Palestinian children, reportedly often supported by Israeli security forces. On 17 June, extremist settlers launched arson attacks on two mosques. These are not isolated incidents, but coordinated attacks on civilians. Livelihoods, and religious sites, facilitated by a culture of impunity. The Government of Israel must uphold its obligations under international law and take urgent steps to halt this violence and hold those responsible accountable. The UK, alongside partners, has imposed sanctions on individuals and entities that finance and enable settler violence.. And as my Foreign Secretary has made clear, we stand ready to take further action if the government of Israel does not take urgent steps to address the situation on the ground. Third, economic conditions in the West Bank are deteriorating sharply. Israel has withheld over $5 billion of Palestinian revenues placing severe strain on the Palestinian Authority and its ability to sustain essential services, particularly healthcare and medical supplies. The government of Israel also continues to attack and undermine Palestinian financial institutions, which risks undermining economic stability more broadly, with consequences for livelihoods and regional stability. So, President, to return to where I started, this Council has given its support to the comprehensive peace plan for Gaza. We cannot allow progress towards peace to be undermined by this deeply concerning trajectory in the West Bank. We must redouble efforts to stabilize the West Bank and inject renewed momentum into implementation of Resolution 2803 in Gaza. Both Israel and Hamas must meet their commitments. These are essential steps towards a just and lasting peace in which Israelis and Palestinians can live in security and dignity. I thank you.

I thank the representative of the United Kingdom for that statement. I now give the floor To the representative of Liberia, you have the floor.

Thank you. Thank you, Madam President. We join in thanking the briefers. For 10 years, Resolution 2334 has stood as the legal foundation of our collective commitment to a two-state solution. Yet The data before us shows accountability too often being replaced by the passive recording of facts that increasingly resemble de facto annexation. True stability is not the freezing of conflict. It is the presence of justice, security, and viable governance. Madam President, the expansion of the E1 project is not a simple zoning dispute. It is a structural amputation. By severing territorial contiguity between the Northern and Southern West Bank, it risks constructing a physical veto over the two state solution. Borders cannot be rewritten by concrete while this Council deliberates in abstractions. As settlements expand and Palestinian communities face displacement, the territorial foundations of a viable Palestinian state are steadily eroded. International humanitarian law is clear: occupation cannot confer sovereignty or validate irreversible changes to occupied territory. One of the briefers highlighted this point even more clearly. If the geographic integrity envisioned by Resolution 2334 disappears incrementally The prospect of a negotiated two-state solution will recede with it, to the detriment of both Palestinians' and Israelis' security. Liberia is equally clear, Madam President, that these developments cannot be viewed apart from the broader security environment. We unequivocally condemn terrorist attacks, hostage-taking, indiscriminate rocket fire, settler violence, and all attacks against civilians. Israelis have the right to live in security, just as Palestinians have the right to live in dignity. Freedom and hope. These objectives, to us, are not mutually exclusive. They are mutually dependent. Madam President, Liberia speaks from the treasure of our own painful national experience. We know what happens when a nation is fractured from within, and when lines on a map cease to reflect lived reality. A ceasefire may pause suffering, but only legitimate institutions, territorial integrity, and public confidence can preserve peace. Members of this Council may differ on sequence, Some emphasize Israel's security. Others stress ending the occupation and preserving Palestinian statehood. These priorities need not compete. Security without a credible political horizon will remain fragile. A political horizon without security will remain unattainable. Liberia therefore stands on the side of international humanitarian law. We support the Palestinian Authority reassuming its legitimate unhindered responsibilities across Gaza and the West Bank, backed by urgent revitalization rooted in legitimacy accountability, service delivery, administrative and security capacity, which also must include freedom of movement and sustained international support. Madam President, to bridge divisions in this chamber and preserve the framework for peace, Liberia calls on this Council to unite behind 3 practical imperatives. First, future reporting on Resolution 2334 should assess whether developments preserve or undermine the territorial integrity necessary for a viable two-state solution. Second, we encourage greater transparency in investigations prosecution, and accountability measures for attacks against civilians, including settler violence, terrorism, hostage-taking, and violations by any actor. Accountability reinforces confidence that international law applies equally to all. Third, The international community should strengthen a revitalized Palestinian Authority capable of exercising legitimate responsibilities across Gaza and the West Bank, while supporting renewed political engagement between the parties. Madam President, the progressive erosion of a contiguous Palestinian State does not merely prolong suffering. It jeopardizes the broader framework for regional peace. Sustainable regional integration cannot rest upon unresolved occupation, territorial fragmentation, and recurring violence. Lasting security depends upon a just political settlement, that gives both peoples confidence that peace is durable, lawful, and mutually beneficial. We conclude, Madam President, with one uncomfortable truth: every road toward regional peace passes through a viable political horizon for both Israelis and Palestinians. A divided map can never yield a united peace. Resolution 2334 was adopted to preserve the conditions for a negotiated two-state solution. Therefore, history will judge this Council by whether it acted before the conditions envisaged in 2334 became impossible to restore, let alone implement. I thank you for your kind attention.

I thank the representative of Liberia for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Somalia. You have the floor.

Madam President, I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Al Akbarov and Mr. Epstein and Ms. Barghouti for their sobering briefing. Nearly 10 years after the adoption of Resolution 2334, The findings contained in the Secretary-General's report are deeply alarming. Instead of a halt to settlement activity, we continue to witness its acceleration. Instead of preserving the viability of the two-state solution, we are witnessing systematic measures to undermine it. Instead of de-escalation, we are witnessing increasing violence disposition, displacement, humanitarian restriction, and above all, the entrenchment of an unlawful occupation. These actions are not isolated developments. They form part of the broader pattern that seeks to alter the demographic and geographic character of the occupied Palestinian territory and to create irreversible facts on the ground. Somalia reiterates that all Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem, are illegal under international law and constitute a flagrant violation of Security Council Resolution 2334. We reject all measures aimed at annexation, settlement expansion, demographic re-engineering, and any attempt to alter the legal and historical status of the occupied Palestinian territory. Madam President, as we heard, there is an unprecedented level of violence in the occupied West Bank. We are especially concerned by the sharp increase in settler violence and the expansion of military operations against Palestinian civilians. A few weeks ago, Israeli troops opened fire on a car near Hebron in the occupied West Bank, killing 7-month-old Sam Fahed Abu-Haykal with a bullet to the face and leaving his mother in critical condition with shrapnel near her heart. Baby Sam's grandmother, Feryal Abu Haikal, who was also in the car, later described, and I quote, "The scene was horrific to see a 7-month-old baby with a smashed face. What kind of army in the world does this?" End of quote. These violations must be investigated and hold perpetrators accountable. We reiterate our rejection of collective punishment against Palestinian civilians, in particular children and women. Somali recalls that occupying power bears clear responsibilities under international humanitarian law, including the obligation to protect civilians under occupation. Madam President, the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and the deterioration in the West Bank are not separate crises. We call for an immediate, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access. And we further call for the lifting of the economic restrictions imposed by Israel, as well as the release of the billions of Palestinians' tax revenues withheld. The culture of impunity surrounding these violations continues to fuel instability and further erode prospects for peace. There can be no sustainable peace without ending the occupation. There can be no lasting stability while settlement expansions continue unchecked. And above all, there can be no credible political horizon while the viability of the two-state solution is systematically undermined, including the unification of Gaza and West Bank under single Palestinian Authority. The continued failure to implement Resolution 2334 cannot become the status quo. We recall the findings of the International Court of Justice that Israel's continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory is unlawful and that all states have an obligation to refrain from recognizing any situation created from this unlawful presence. To conclude, Madam President, Somalia reiterates its support for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to an independent and sovereign state of Palestine based on the pre-1967 borders with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. The Authority and the credibility of this Council depend on the consistent implementation of its resolutions, including the recently adopted Resolution 2803. Resolutions adopted by this Council cannot be treated as optional, nor can violations of international law be allowed to continue without consequences. The Palestinian people deserve freedom, dignity, and self-determination. The region deserves peace. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Somalia for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of France, you have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. I wish to thank the Deputy Special Coordinator, Mr. Rami Saleh Gharouf, and the Representative of Civil Society, Dr. Itay Epstein, and Ms. Mariëme Bagouty for their briefings. All were clear, precise, and very enlightening indeed. A few days ago, the Council met to consider the humanitarian situation in Gaza. And that was an opportunity for my delegation to recall into aliyah our demand for a ceasefire, the disarmament of Hamas that should have no place in the government of Gaza. And we called upon Israel to comply with its own obligations pursuant to 2803. But today we meet to examine the implementation of Resolution 2334 adopted 10 years ago. This Resolution 2334 is clear: the creation by Israel of settlements in the Palestinian Territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem, has no legal basis. It constitutes a flagrant violation of international law and a major obstacle to the two-state solution. Israel must immediately and completely cease all settlement activity. However, 10 years after its adoption, the trends that that resolution was intended to stamp out have continued and even increased at an unprecedented pace. Israel's agenda is one of de facto annexation of occupied Palestinian territory and the forcible displacement of the people there. We staunchly oppose those actions. Madam President, four trends are of concern. The first, the acceleration of settlement activity and the advancement of the— of Project E1. Its implementation would cut the West Bank in two and would deal an irremediable blow to, to the territorial contiguity of the Palestinian state and its integrity. Businesses must be aware of the legal the economic and reputational risks posed by participating in the construction of those projects, including the risk of being found in breach of international law. Second, the intensification of settler violence in a climate of impunity. These attacks aim to displace Palestinians, destroy their property, and expedite settlement activity. Israel, as occupying power, has the obligation to protect the Palestinian civilian population and to bring perpetrators to justice. Third, incitement towards these acts by the rhetoric and conduct of Israeli leaders. These include Minister Smotrich, who promotes the annexation of the West Bank as well as the expansion of settlements, the recolonization of Gaza, and the collapse of the Palestinian Authority. This conduct is irresponsible and incompatible with the prospects of a lasting peace. Fourth and finally, Israel's deliberate weakening of the Palestinian Authority, the retention of $5 billion in tax revenue, is rendering these institutions fragile. On the contrary, these are resolutions that should be strengthened and legitimized. A viable, reformed Palestinian Authority able to fully discharge its responsibilities remains essential for any credible political prospect. Madame President, Resolution 2334 calls for measures to be taken to reverse negative trends on the ground and to preserve the possibility of a two-state solution. France is taking tangible steps to do just that. Alongside its European partners, France has adopted new sanctions against those responsible for violent settlement activity. France is ready to consider all new proposals if this violence continues. We have mobilized within the European Union to strengthen the differentiation policy and bolster the restrictions applicable to products coming from settlements in accordance with Resolution 2334 and the advisory opinion of the ICJ of July 2024. Nationally, we have prohibited Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, and several violent settlers from accessing French territory. We are ready to take new measures if necessary, Madam President. Finally, the situation in the West Bank cannot be decoupled from that in Gaza. Both are integral parts of Palestine. The dynamic whereby we're seeing annexation and the blockade of humanitarian aid compromises the progress fostered by the ceasefire agreement, the peace plan Resolution 2803, and the New York Declaration. These dynamics fuel human— humanitarian catastrophes, regional instability, and threaten Israel's very security. We call for the full implementation of Resolution 2803. We also call in so doing for the disarmament of Hamas and Israel's withdrawal from Gaza. The developments on the ground must not prompt the council to abandon the political objective. On the contrary, these developments make it more urgent for us to collectively rally behind that objective to preserve a two-state solution and guarantee both the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and Israel's security in accordance with the New York Declaration. France will continue to work to that end. Thank you.

Thank you. I thank the representative of France for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Latvia. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Ramiz Alakbarov for his briefing and the CSO representatives, Zita Epstein and Mariam Bragoutis, for their informative contributions. The Secretary-General's quarterly report on the implementation of Security Council Resolution 2334— vividly depicts a bleak picture. The human rights, humanitarian, and security situation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, continues to severely deteriorate. Israel's accelerating settlement expansion, including the— in the E1 area, coupled with entrenchment of its civil authority administrative control, deliberately fragments the West Bank and undermines the viability of the two-state solution. Increasingly, Palestinian families are forcefully and lawfully evicted from their homes, properties being demolished to make way for new settlements, which are illegal under international law, and for settlement outposts, which are also illegal under Israeli law. The annexation narrative, as well as the glorification of violence expressed by some leaders and government officials are unacceptable. They additionally create breeding ground for extremism and greater polarization. At today's briefing, we heard once again the devastating toll of Palestinian civilians. These are not just numbers, and every life lost, whether Palestinian or Israeli, represents a human tragedy, leaving behind families and communities burdened by immense suffering, grief,— and loss. Across the West Bank, expanded checkpoints and roadblocks continue to make it increasingly difficult for the Palestinians to access their workplaces and basic services, including schools and hospitals. And it is unacceptable that humanitarian aid workers and life-saving services on multiple occasions have been hindered from reaching those in need. And we have witnessed deeply alarming access restrictions to the holy sites in Jerusalem during Ramadan, Passover, and Easter, the expropriation of land containing places of worship, and the recent arson attacks targeting mosques north of Ramallah. Israel has to respect historic status quo arrangements governing the holy sites in Jerusalem, and protection of safety and of all religious communities must be ensured. We strongly condemn violent settler attacks unforceable displacement and annexation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. And we call on Israel to ensure accountability for the committed assaults and killings, stop the settlement policy, fully respect all of its legal obligations and prior commitments underbied by international law and Security Council resolutions, including Resolution 2334. Madam President, A just and lasting peace requires that Gaza and West Bank be treated as one unified entity, governed in the future by a single legitimate and reformed Palestinian Authority. The measures applied to prolong Palestinian Authority's fiscal crisis and destabilize the Palestinian economy are deeply concerning. We call on Israel to ensure that the Palestinian banking sector can operate unobstructed and to release withheld tax revenues for the Palestinian Authority to be able to meet its budgetary obligations, pay public sector salaries, and provide essential services. At the same time, the Palestinian Authority must take responsibility for fulfilling its commitments it has undertaken and continue comprehensive institutional and societal reform agenda, addressing radicalization while ensuring safe and dignified living conditions for Palestinians. We commend the Board of Peace and the mediators for their efforts in advancing the implementation of the comprehensive peace plan put forward by President Trump and endorsed by the Security Council in Resolution 2803. All parties must abide by the commitments they have made in order to end the harm to the people of Gaza and any further security threats to Israel. Hamas and other non-state armed groups must accept the roadmap for monitored, verified disarmament and relinquish power. There can be no sustainable peace or stability while armed groups continue to operate outside legitimate governance structures and pursue violence as a political tool. The Gaza ceasefire must be fully respected and the so-called yellow line demarcation must be pulled back to to where it was upon reaching the ceasefire agreements. And deployment of the ISF and Palestinian police and the early recovery of Gaza through the work of NCAAG are much awaited. Unimpeded humanitarian access at scale must be ensured to the civilian population in Gaza urgently and unconditionally in accordance with international humanitarian law. And finally, Madam President, a political solution encompassing Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is the only way to sustain peace based on the two-state solution as defined by the Security Council resolutions and the New York Declaration. Addressing the security and the legitimate aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians requires renewed momentum in the implementation of the comprehensive plan and genuine engagement by all parties. NATO reaffirms its commitment to the shared objective. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Latvia for that statement. I now wish to give the floor to the Russian Federation.

You have the floor.

Madam President, we thank Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Rameez Al-Akbarov for his detailed assessment of the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory in the complex context of the implementation of Security Council Resolution 2334. We have carefully reviewed the Secretary-General's written report on the matter. We have also listened carefully to the civil society representatives. Regrettably, what we've heard today gives us no cause for optimism. The Israeli authorities have been consistently pursuing a policy of strengthening their administrative and legal control. The pace and scale of settlement construction and expansion have long broken all records. Unprecedented decisions have been taken to develop the E1 area and to revise the legal status of Areas B and C in violation of the Oslo Accords. This is creating irreversible facts on the ground and shrinking the territory under Palestinian control. Russia's position is unequivocal. Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal, and all settlement activity in the occupied Palestinian territory must be immediately halted by Israel. We have already grown accustomed to reports confirming a grim reality. Resolution 2334, adopted in this chamber 9.5 years ago, is not merely being ignored, it is being openly violated. But one cannot grow accustomed to the manifestations of violence in the West Bank, which at times take on the most appalling forms. It is impossible to look without tears at the photographs of happy parents holding a smiling 7-month-old baby, Sam ibn Haykal, knowing that he was killed by bullets fired by Israeli soldiers who decided that an approaching car carrying his family posed a threat to them. As Under-Secretary-General Tom Fletcher has said, children die in large numbers when they come to be seen as collateral damage. Under no circumstances must the killing of children become an everyday reality. Otherwise, humanity is doomed. We note the statement by the Israeli Defense Forces— that an investigation into this incident has been launched. We call for those responsible to be held accountable to the fullest extent of the law. This approach must extend to all other cases of violence in the West Bank, regardless of whether they involve settlers, Israeli security forces, or Palestinians. No one should be above the law. Regrettably, as noted in the Secretary-General's report, The daily number of attacks by settlers has risen to an unprecedented level, with many of those attacks carried out in the presence of Israeli security personnel. On the basis of the Secretariat's data, one can only conclude that settler violence is systemic and that the judicial and law enforcement system is failing to take meaningful steps to address it. We also share the concern expressed by Antonio Guterres regarding the legislative measures expanding the grounds for the application of the death penalty in the West Bank. We call on the Israeli authorities to reconsider that decision. Madam President, the situation in Gaza is no better. The process of implementing the ceasefire agreement reached last October between Israel and Hamas continues to stall. Security Council Resolution 2803, which endorsed the Donald Trump plan for a settlement in the Palestinian enclave, has unfortunately remained on paper only. There is currently no basis for speaking of a lasting peace. Reports continue to emerge of new Israeli Defense Forces operations in Gaza, resulting in ongoing civilian casualties. Reports of the arbitrary expansion of the territory under Israeli control are a cause of serious— for serious concern. Significant restrictions persist on the entry and delivery of humanitarian aid. The international stabilization force has yet to be established. A mechanism for the disarmament of Hamas has not been agreed upon. No prospect is in sight for for the full withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza. No concrete timeline has been set for the transfer of administrative authority to the Palestinian technocratic body, namely the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, which is still unable to make its way from Cairo to the Gaza Strip. It is equally clear that there is currently no practical progress whatsoever towards the reconstruction of the enclave. Essentially, the US administration's peace efforts on the Palestinian track have been put on pause. Against this backdrop, the achievement of a US-Iran understanding and the easing of tensions across the broader Middle East region offer hope that the deadlock on the Palestinian-Israeli track may yet be overcome. A negotiated solution is the only viable formula, as security concerns cannot be fully and legitimately addressed through military means alone. For all the difficulty in advancing the agreements brokered with the mediation of the US, Qatar, Egypt, and Turkey, without a diplomatic solution, the conflict would have claimed far more lives, and Israeli hostages would still be languishing in the tunnels of Gaza. That said, one cannot simply settle for what has been achieved to date. Energetic efforts must continue to bring the parties closer together, building on the universally recognized international legal framework. We remain convinced that achieving a two-state solution to the Palestinian question is still A comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict would guarantee lasting peace for all the peoples of the region, in which the State of Palestine within the 1967 borders, with its capital in East Jerusalem, would coexist in peace and security alongside Israel. Russia stands ready to fully contribute to international efforts aimed at achieving such an outcome. I thank you for your attention.

Gracias. I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Bahrain. You have the floor.

Madam President, we thank the briefers— and we take note of the quarterly SG report on the latest developments related to the settlement policy in the occupied territories. We would like to address the following 3 points. First, latest developments in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, reflect an unprecedented escalation of settlement activities that are are not legal and constitute a violation of international law and relevant Security Council resolution, most notably Resolution 2334, which confirmed that the establishment of settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory, occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem, is inconsistent with international law. These practices are flagrant violations of the rights of the Palestinian people. And the main obstacle to achieving the two-state solution and to achieving comprehensive, just, and lasting peace. Against this background, the Kingdom of Bahrain reiterates its call to stick to the track of peace. We must reach joint understandings rather than imposing unilateral measures. We call for halting all settlement activities immediately and fully throughout the Palestinian territory. All legal commitments must be abided by. Second, congestion factors in the West Bank undermine the gains at the humanitarian and security level. Settler violence is increasing in an unprecedented way without deterrent. Civilians are being targeted. Mosques are being stormed and closed. Muslim and Christian holy sites are being attacked. These factors increase the seriousness of the situation and lead to more escalation and reverse any gains that have been achieved. The Kingdom of Bahrain calls for abiding by the peace narrative that unites peoples. We have to avoid anything that creates an environment of tension and reverses the gains. As we celebrate the International Day to Combat Hate Speech, we recall the Bahraini Declaration on Freedom of Religion. This declaration renounces anything that calls for hatred. Third and finally, what is transpiring in the West Bank prompts us to talk about developments in Gaza. We recall in this context the holding of the emergency session in the Security Council on the 18th of June. We've heard during that session that we are concerned over lack of humanitarian access in Gaza. More than 2 million Palestinians are facing extremely difficult humanitarian conditions as restrictions upon the delivery of humanitarian aid persists, as living conditions are deteriorating, as vital services are deteriorating. In this context, the Kingdom calls for supporting the Palestinian government. It is important to ensure complementarity between international and UN efforts on Palestine. In this regard, we reiterate our support to efforts made by the Board of Peace and Implementation of Resolution 283. We look forward to the full implementation of the comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict. We look forward to moving to the second phase of the plan, especially as ensuring the success of the efforts of the Board of Peace in Gaza will have a positive effect on developments in the West Bank. In conclusion, the Kingdom of Bahrain reiterates that the success of peace tracks starts with establishing an independent sovereign state of Palestine along the lines of the 4th of June, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Living side by side with Israel on the basis of the two-state resolution— solution according to the Arab Peace Initiative, international resolution, international law. The Palestinian people should be granted its legitimate rights to create a stable regional environment that enjoys regional integration in the service of all peoples of the region. I thank you, Madam President.

Gracias. I thank the representative of Bahrain for that statement. I now give the floor to Pakistan. You have the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. We would like to thank Mr. Rameez Al Akbarov, Deputy Special Coordinator, for his briefing, and we also appreciate the statements by Mr. Epstein and Ms. Barghouti. Madam President, one thing is striking from the briefings this morning and the statements by Council members. You would not see more expressions of concern regarding the flagrant violations of international law and more calls for accountability in the context that is there, with the grave consequences emanating from an ever-expanding and entrenching occupation, is before this Council. That is because the situation across the occupied Palestinian Territory remains dire and is showing no signs of abating. As we have heard, the West Bank is witnessing its largest and deadliest wave of settlement expansion and highest sustained levels recorded of settler violence. The Secretary-General's report documents that 4,750 housing units were advanced or approved during the reporting period, including 34 settlements approved in a single cabinet decision, the highest to date. Israel's newly launched online land registration platform in Area C systematically facilitates the dispossession of Palestinian property under the guise of bureaucratic procedure. The controversial and illegal E1 project is the strategic linchpin that would carve the West Bank into isolated enclaves. Targeting the viability of a contiguous Palestinian state. Alongside this, legitimate institutions of governance are being choked and suffocated by withholding the revenues of the Palestinian Authority by Israel. So what we are witnessing is not a series of isolated incidents.— but a deliberate and systemic pattern. This is an ecosystem of occupation in which settlement expansion, annexation, demolitions, forced evictions, displacement, and revenue withholding are mutually reinforcing, enabled by both brute military force and a legal juggernaut. Designed to legitimize the illegitimate. This is not chaos. It is a calculated framework to entrench illegal Israeli occupation. In this context, on June 18th, the foreign ministers of the Group of Eight Arab Islamic countries—of Pakistan as a part—condemned in the strongest terms the continued and escalating settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, including recent attacks on various mosques. The ministers affirmed their total rejection of these deplorable attacks, as well as the continued illegal Israeli mayors in the occupied Palestinian territory. Madam President, in Gaza, while the Board of Peace has overseen improvements, in humanitarian conditions, the situation remains dire. Widespread hunger, severe shortages of clean water and medical care, inadequate sanitation, and the unchecked spread of disease have left more than 90% of the population living in catastrophic conditions. Despite the ceasefire, close to 1,000 Palestinians including women and children, have been killed. The recent report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry is a scathing indictment of the deliberate targeting and killing of Palestinian children by the Israeli occupation forces. There must be accountability for this. President, all these grave developments need to be seen in the context of continuing statements by Israel rejecting the idea of a Palestinian state and hence the two-state solution. It is absolutely clear as to where lies the problem. In our view, piecemeal approach will not work. It is time for this council to undertake a holistic assessment of the situation across all of the occupied Palestine. Palestinian territory and firmly tackle the obstacles to peace. In this regard, the Council must first compel Israel to immediately and completely cease all settlement activities, which constitute a flagrant violation of international law. Second, all attempts at annexation of land, demolitions, forced evictions And displacements of Palestinians must be halted and reversed. The Palestinian population must be protected from settler violence and all perpetrators must be fully held to account. The Council must reiterate its firm rejection of forced displacement. Third, the Council must bring pressure to bear on Israel, the occupying power, to release without further delay the revenues of the Palestinian Authority to address the mounting fiscal crisis. And fourth, the comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict and Resolution 2803 must be fully implemented. President, the General Assembly's endorsement of the New York Declaration last year charted a pathway toward Palestinian statehood. And in parallel, efforts led by the United States, supported by the Arab and Islamic countries, have advanced the comprehensive peace plan. These initiatives, including the Board of Peace under Resolution 2803, must translate into action: a permanent ceasefire across the OPT, surge in humanitarian aid, rebuilding of Gaza, and a definitive end to all illegal settlement activities. Our ultimate goal is the end of occupation. The establishment of an independent, sovereign, and contiguous State of Palestine on pre-1967 borders, with Al-Quds, Al-Sharif as its capital, remains the only guarantee for lasting peace in the region. I thank you.

Gracias, Representante Pakistán.

I thank the Representative of Pakistan for that statement. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Representative of Colombia. I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Ramiz Alkbarov for his briefing. I also wish to thank Dr. Itay Epstein and the journalist Mariam Barghouti for sharing with this Council their invaluable briefings. I welcome the delegations who are with us in the chamber today. It is highly likely that this is the most critical juncture at which the occupied Palestinian territory has stood in decades. The speed, extent, scope, and nature of the measures adopted by the government of Israel leave ever-shrinking margins for ambiguity. They are measures which seek to consolidate both the de facto and de jure annexation. They permanently and irreversibly alter the demographic and territorial nature of both Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. What we're looking at is not a collection of isolated incidents. Rather, an architecture of occupation designed to break up the Palestinian territory as well as to render inviable territorial contiguity and to erase the very possibility of a sovereign, contiguous, and viable Palestinian state. Resolution 2334 is not only not being implemented rather it is being flagrantly defied. It is patently clear that any excuse is fodder for the Israeli regime: the time-old, overly reductive premise of its security, the supposed preservation of the environment and archaeological sites, bureaucratic and administrative pretext There is no need to speculate about the intention behind the policies adopted because the representatives of the Israeli government themselves openly state their desire to continue expanding their campaign of occupation, genocide, and ethnic cleansing. In Gaza, continued violations of the ceasefire and the advancement of the Israeli Defense Forces that control around 60% of the Strip continue to push the people onto an increasingly slim and fragmented strip of territory. Moreover, the humanitarian situation remains catastrophic and reconstruction remains —a promise unfulfilled. For its part, the West Bank is now beleaguered by its worst displacement crisis since 1967. Authorities and settlers are attacking places of worship of Muslim and Christian communities. Moreover, the decision to build a military museum in the UNRWA compound that was seized illegally. That is a challenging, defiant, and symbolic measure. It is a direct attack on the mandate of the United Nations, on refugee law, and on the very memory of the Nakba. We're seeing the destruction of the Palestinian economy, a rising tide of settler violence, daily evictions and the seizure and destruction of property and dwellings of Palestinians. And all of these phenomena are imposing conditions which international law recognizes as constituting genocide. Heart-rending accounts from communities and entire neighborhoods in East Jerusalem that are being displaced from their homes where they have lived for generations demonstrate that we stand before an apartheid system. The sustained advancement of the very measures that this Council has rejected, measures that the International Court of Justice has declared incompatible with international law, and measures that the international community has repeatedly condemned, has been possible thanks to the impunity in which Israel has been cloaked. The lack of accountability and silence of this Council in the face of the dire situation in the occupied Palestinian Territory undermine in an increasingly alarming way the credibility of this organ, as well as the effectiveness of international law and the trust in the very multilateral system itself. Colombia continues to harbor the hope that this council will, before it is too late, to find the legal, political, and moral clarity necessary to act in accordance with the principles that it claims to defend. We continue to hope that the Council will muster the ability to send out an unequivocal message to those that expect protection, justice, and dignity from the United Nations. That message is that international law is not selectively applied, that the protection of human life is not something done on a hierarchical basis, and that for this council some lives are not worth more than others. I thank you for your attention. I once again resume the functions of the President of the Security Council. I now give the floor to the Permanent Observer of the observer state of Palestine. You have the floor.

Madam President, allow me at the outset to thank the three briefers, Mr. Al-Akbaroff, Mr. Epstein, and Ms. Barghouti, for their briefing, and to thank you for convening this meeting and to thank all of my colleagues, the members of the Security Council, who spoke very clearly and loudly demanding the implementation of a resolution that you've adopted in the year 2016, Resolution 2334. It is one of your resolutions It is mandatory to be implemented and for member states to abide with their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations to honor and respect and implement a resolution adopted by the Security Council. And that is also applicable to all resolutions adopted by the Security Council. Resolution 233 3, 3, 4 could be summarized in two words: no annexation. I repeat, no annexation. It is an expression of the prohibition of acquisition of land by force, a preemptory norm of international law, and a principle enshrined in the UN Charter, a principle reaffirmed by the International Court of Justice in its 2024 advisory opinion, in which the court concluded, and I quote, the sustained abuse by Israel of its position as an occupying power through annexation and an assertion —of permanent control over the occupied Palestinian territory and continued frustration of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination—violates fundamental principles of international law and renders Israel's presence in the occupied Palestinian territory unlawful. End of quotation. Madam President, Israel has decided to entrench its occupation rather than bring it to an end. Whether in the Gaza Strip, where it has unlawfully seized control over 70% of the Gaza Strip, or in the West Bank, where it has effectively annexed over 60% of the West Bank and all of East Jerusalem. This is not only illegal, it is also contrary to President Trump's plan and Resolution 2803, which explicitly states there should be no occupation and no annexation, and it aims at blocking the promised pathway for Palestinian self-determination and independent statehood. Prime Minister Netanyahu declared once again in recent days, and I quote, between the sea and the Jordan River "there is no room for two states," end of quotation. So what is Netanyahu proposing exactly? A one-state solution with equal rights for all those living between the river and the sea? Or genocide, ethnic cleansing, and apartheid? The answer is clearly obvious. Madam President, the Israeli government has multiplied the measures to steal Palestinian land. Israeli colonial plans in the E1 area amount to a death penalty for the Palestinian state and the prospect for peace in our region. Israel is extending its unlawful control over Palestinian land and Palestinian lives through military, legislative, and administrative measures. Removing communities by armed force or by manipulating registration of land and seizing land under environmental, religious, or military pretext. The so-called Sovereignty Road, known worldwide as the Apartheid Road and now rebranded by the Israeli government as the Fabric of Life Road, is designed to normalize colonization and annexation.— and the confinement of Palestinians into more and more narrow areas surrounded by settlers and occupation forces. Israel is deliberately fragmenting Palestinian land and isolating communities, including through the deployment of 1,000 Israeli checkpoints and roadblocks while ensuring free movement for Israeli settlers in Palestinian land. Israel is dismantling the historic status quo through repeated assaults against the sanctity of the holy sites and by asserting control over them. Madam President, These policies come at a heavy price for Palestinian communities and Palestinian families who are being terrorized by Israeli occupation forces and settlers with constant attacks, the demolitions of their homes, their forcible removal from their ancestral land. From Batna al-Hawa to Khan al-Ahmar, from al-Khalil to Nablus. In the extensively destroyed refugee camps of Tulkarem, Nur Shams, and Jenin, Palestinian communities are targeted everywhere and safe nowhere. Palestinian civilians are denied their most fundamental and their most basic rights and are deprived of the protection they so desperately need. Madam President, it should be clear that all those taking part in this illegal occupation and unlawful annexation are liable, whether the Israeli government and its officials, or foreign governments, financial institutions, businesses, entities, or individuals, and they should be held accountable. The ICJ has clearly identified not only Israel's obligations, but as importantly, the obligations of third states and other parties under international law. Including the obligations of non-recognition, non-assistance, distinction, respecting and ensuring respect for international law, promoting the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, and ensuring that any implementing result from Israel's illegal occupation to the exercise of this right is brought to an end. In this regard, we warn countries, businesses, entities, financial institutions, and individuals that undertake any action that amounts to recognition or assistance to Israel's illegal occupation and annexation of Palestinian land, including East Jerusalem, and call on all states to uphold their obligations. Madam President, Israel's attack against the Palestinian Authority is an integral part of its attack against Palestinian presence in our ancestral land and against the independence of the Palestinian state. The withholding of Palestinian tax revenues is not only illegal and part and parcel of stealing our resources, whether financial or natural. It aims at the collapse of the PA and constitutes as such a threat to peace and security, given the political, social, and human ramifications and the impact on regional stability. It must end. Madam President, in conclusion, The international community as a whole rejects annexation of Palestinian land. This was evident in the expressions of this Council, including the closed meeting recently in which the 15th of you stated clearly that you are against annexation. Whether in national statements today, rejecting annexation, or in the resolutions of this Council, in the European Council conclusions, or the joint statement by the United States and the Gulf Cooperation Council adopted a few days ago, and also as the Ambassador— distinguished Ambassador of Pakistan reminded us of the latest declaration of the Committee of Eight of Foreign Ministers of the Arab countries and the Muslim countries. And yet annexation is underway at a faster pace than ever, more publicly than ever. Israel is defying the international community and denying international Annexation is an act of war. It kills all peace efforts. It cannot be bargained with. It must be stopped. The time for condemning and rejecting annexation is over. Now is the time to end it once and for all. And to choose resolutely the path of Palestinian self-determination and independent statehood, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the states of the region, including Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria, towards shared peace, security, and prosperity in our region. I thank you, Madam President.

I thank the Permanent Observer of the Observer State of Palestine for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Israel. You have the floor.

Madam President, this Council meets today under Resolution 2334, and every 3 months The Secretary-General's report follows the same pattern. Israel is condemned again and again and again. Members from the Hamas-run Gaza Ministry of Health are quoted as fact. The numbers from their accusations against Israel are accepted first and examined later, if at all. I would like to thank Mr. Ramiz Al-Bugarov for his briefing. But just look at the other briefers invited here today. This time the presidency made an extra effort. It found some of the most radical anti-Israel voices it could find. These are not neutral experts. Definitely not. Mr. Itai Epstein, if you look at the social media, He even compared President Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu to Hitler a few months ago. So those are the briefers you choose to bring and supposed to be objective, neutral briefers. That's unfortunate. Madam President, since October 7th, this council has heard the same accusations against us again and again. Accusations Israel— that we are intentionally killing civilians, that Israel intentionally targets doctors, aid workers, and journalists. Time and again, I have come here and said clearly: Israel does not target civilians. Israel does not target journalists. Israel targets terrorists. But many of you today chose to repeat the same accusations. That is the UN on anti-Israel autopilot. And how it works? A claim is made against Israel, the UN repeats it, and then the world condemns it. Then when the truth comes out— it takes time, sometimes weeks, months— Years, no apology, no correction, no retraction. They move on. We will not move on. We will put the truth on the record. Let me show you a few examples. This is a Muhammad Nasser Abu Awadi. He was eliminated in Gaza on the 23rd of December, 2023. After that, UNESCO condemned Israel. Audrey Azoulay, UNESCO's Director-General, told the world he was a journalist for the Al-Istikhlal newspaper. But earlier this year, not us, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad themselves They exposed the truth. They confirmed that Abu Wadi was serving in their military wing. Journalist or terrorist? UNESCO's condemnation was public. Its correction? Still missing. And this is not one name or one example. This is a machine. Even the Committee to Protect Journalists has removed 8 Palestinian journalists from its database. And now it's reviewing the rest because Hamas and Islamic Jihad exposed the truth. Those so-called journalists were their own fighters, terrorists. Just last week, here in New York, the same propaganda campaign was repeated here by New York City's mayor. Mr. Mamdani stood before a crowd. First, he compared AIPAC to monsters that move dark money. That's the language he used. Then he moved to talk about Gaza. He accused Israel of killing thousands of civilians. He said Israel killed an Al Jazeera journalist, Ahmad Wisha. Mr. Mamdani, we have the video. We have the evidence. This is Ahmad Wisha. The one that you condemned us for eliminating, a Hamas terrorist, a sniper in Hamas's military wing. We have the video. You can see him armed in the streets of Gaza. Journalist or a terrorist? You tell us. This is the machine. Hamas makes a claim, the NGO ecosystem, rapporteurs, briefers, they all repeat the lies. And then a UN report rubber stamps it, the world media broadcast it, and Israel is condemned before the facts are even checked. We see the same pattern with UNRWA. In October 2024, the Secretary-General himself condemned in a statement an Israeli strike that eliminated Muhammad Abu Itawi, an UNRWA employee. I think it was over the weekend, late at night, the SG put that statement. He called him another one of our UNRWA colleagues. But who was that colleague that the Secretary-General put such an emotional statement. He was a Hamas Nukba commander, a terrorist involved in the October 7th massacre near Re'im. Unrah worker or a terrorist? Again, you should tell us. This is not one-off. For years, Israel warned this Council that Hamas has infiltrated UNRWA. For years, you ignored it. Now UNRWA itself has fired 70 employees over security concerns. Security concerns about what? About Hamas. And still, this report condemns Israel. That is the problem. The obstacle to peace is not Israel. It is the radicals. It is Hamas. If you will not listen to Israel, then listen to the Gazans risking their lives to say it. On Friday, Palestinians in Gaza called for a day of rage against Hamas. But the protests could barely take off. Why? Because Hamas sent armed men into the streets It threatened protesters as collaborators and it warned them they could be executed. That is Hamas rule. And they are not only terrorizing Gazans. Hamas is directing terrorism across the region, also in Judea and Samaria. Days ago, we exposed a Hamas network in Turkey planning attacks against Israelis. In Judea and Samaria and other parts in Israel. In the past year alone, we have stopped dozens of Hamas-planned terror attacks. This Council should be focused on pressuring Hamas to stop rebuilding its terror machine and disarm. The same is true in Lebanon. Over the weekend, Israel and Lebanon reached a historic framework agreement after direct negotiations by the United States. We want to thank the US for mediating the talks. This is bad news for Hezbollah, bad news for Iran, and good news for the people of Lebanon and the people of Israel. How do we know that? Because Hezbollah condemned it, Iran condemned it. They called it a disgrace. They're even threatening now the Lebanese ambassador who signed the agreement in D.C. last Friday because they are afraid, and they should be afraid because this agreement points to a future, hopefully, God's will, inshallah, where Lebanon is not controlled by terrorists, a future where Iran does not decide Lebanon's fate, but the framework alone is not enough. The implementation— that's what counts. The Lebanese Armed Forces must deploy, Hezbollah must be removed, and Iran must be pushed out from Lebanon. Israel does not want to remain in Lebanon. We are there for one reason: to protect our people from Hezbollah. So I ask you today, Put your pressure where it belongs: on Hezbollah to disarm, on Hamas, not on us. Madam President, the irony is impossible to ignore. Today, as we speak, the UN opens its high-level conference on counter-terrorism. The Secretary-General will speak, ministers will speak, and counter-terrorism chiefs will gather. Everyone will talk about fighting terror, but when Israel actually fights terror, we are being condemned for that. That is hypocrisy. We have lived the consequences of terror. Today in that conference, Rachel Goldberg Pollin will address the conference. She will speak as a mother whose son, Hersh, was taken hostage by Hamas and murdered in a terror tunnel in Gaza. This Council should listen to Rachel Goldberg Pollin. Should listen to the victims of terror. Listen to the country fighting terror day and night. Madam President, Before I conclude, I was here in this room 10 years ago. I was actually sitting on the same chair 10 years ago when that resolution passed. I warned my colleagues that the resolution would not bring peace. I said it would be a victory for terror. I wish I had been wrong, but I was not. It became exactly what we warned. It's another weapon against Israel, a distraction from the terrorists blocking peace. This report makes the same mistake, trying to pressure Israel, excusing rejectionism, ignoring the Palestinian terrorist organizations blocking peace. So today, do not repeat the mistake. Put the pressure where it belongs. On Hamas, on Hezbollah, on Iran. Thank you.

I thank the representative of Israel for that statement. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on this subject. The meeting is adjourned.