Sudan and South Sudan - Security Council, 10211th meeting

Good morning. The 10211th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is reports of the Secretary General on the Sudan and South Sudan. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Egypt, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, the Sudan and the United Arab Emirates to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. In accordance with Rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting. Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under Secretary General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, and Dr. Eva Kher, Health Protection and Peacebuilding Adviser. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item two of the agenda, and I will now give the floor to Rosemary DiCarlo.

Mr. President, thank you for the opportunity to brief the Council on the situation in Sudan. During my last briefing in June, I warned once again about the catastrophic consequences of this conflict for the people of Sudan. Since then, the conflict has continued to escalate. The suffering has increased. As we meet today, fighting is raging across multiple fronts in the country. The consequences of this conflict will be long lasting and should shock us all. 13 million people have fled their homes, including around 8.7 million who are displaced internally across all 18 states. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has documented around 1,400 civilian deaths from January to June this year, including 1,100 people killed by drone strikes. The true death toll since the beginning of the conflict remains uncertain as conflict and access challenges have made it impossible to obtain figures, but it is likely to be in the hundreds of thousands. Brutal mass killings and atrocities, abductions of women and girls, and mass rapes are recurring patterns. Since the start of the conflict, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has been able to document 838 victims of sexual violence, almost all women and girls. But these figures may only be the tip of the iceberg. Drones launched by both sides have repeatedly struck markets, schools, fuel stations and water infrastructure. Civilians face the unrelenting consequences of one of the worst humanitarian crises of our time. My colleague, Tom Fletcher, the emergency relief coordinator, will brief you in detail about the unbearable suffering the men, women, and children of Sudan endure. Mr. President, in recent weeks, fighting in Sudan has been characterized by the heavy use of drones and localized ground combat in areas less affected by rainy season conditions. Hostilities have concentrated in North Kordofan, West Darfur, North Darfur, and Blue Nile states. In North Kordofan, drone attacks continue in the city of El Obeid and its surrounding areas, as both parties compete for control of strategically important territory. In late July, Sudanese armed forces advanced along the northern axis of El Obeid, retaking strategic towns, including Bara Am Sayala and Jabrat El Sheikh following two days of fierce fighting. In this regard, we take note of the Human Rights Council resolution adopted on 6 July, expressing deep concern at the imminent risk of large scale atrocities by the rapid support forces in and around El Obeid and requesting the fact finding mission to conduct an urgent inquiry into violations and human rights abuses. Active hostilities have also reignited near Sudan's borders, increasing the risk of a broader regional spillover. Drone strikes near the strategic town of Tina on the border between Sudan and Chad have impacted civilians fleeing the conflict, as well as Chadian communities, where the refugee influx is intensifying pressure on already scarce land. water and basic services, deepening vulnerabilities and fueling intercommunal tensions, leading to violent disputes over natural resources. In this regard, in Blue Nile State, fighting close to the border between Sudan and Ethiopia is also a serious cause for concern. The increasing cross-border insecurity risk further straining relations between neighboring states in the region and may lead to additional displacement and refugee flows. Mr. President, another worrying aspect of the conflict in Sudan is its increasing complexity. The sophisticated weaponry used continues to point to ongoing external support to both parties. And while external actors sustain the conflict, the proliferation of armed actors within Sudan is contributing to its fragmentation. Beyond the Sudanese armed forces and rapid support forces, numerous armed movements and local militias are pursuing their own territorial, political, and security interests. This fragmentation complicates prospects for a succession of hostilities, undermines the path toward a political settlement, and increases risk for civilians. Mr. President, the United Nations continues to support the efforts of the Quad, the United States, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates toward a humanitarian truce. We are also working with our quintet partners, the African Union, Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the League of Arab States, and the European Union to help advance a viable political path. In my previous briefing, I updated the Council on the consultations convened by the Quintet in early June. Since then, the Quintet has engaged with a broader range of political and civilian stakeholders. Our goal is to build confidence in the political path and pave the way for an inclusive Sudanese-led dialogue toward a shared vision for the country's future. Inclusivity is key for a credible process. The Quintet is soliciting views of Sudanese political parties and blocs, civil society, representatives of Sudan's different regions, and other civilian and political actors involved in efforts to end the war to ensure that a full spectrum of perspectives is heard. At every stage, the Quintet is committed to the full and meaningful participation of women and youth in dialogue and decision-making, recognizing their leadership and perspectives as essential to lasting peace and security. The next round of in-person talks is scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa in September. Mr. President, Sudanese authorities have also stepped up their own efforts to support civilian dialogue, and we welcome all efforts to foster meaningful political discussions regarding Sudan's future. However, in a context where political polarization and territorial fragmentation persist, many Sudanese stakeholders seek an internationally supported framework to strive for a common political vision. Youth, women, displaced communities, professional groups, business associations, and local leaders, among others, want to be involved in a meaningful manner at every stage to advance peace. Their desire for an inclusive, endurable peace is clear. The Co-Intents principles will travel to Suban in the coming weeks to ensure synergies between domestic and international efforts. Mr. President, the personal envoys good offices are advancing amidst a notably challenging context. In recent weeks, personal envoy Havisto has redoubled his engagement with the conflict parties on the urgent need to cease hostilities, as well as on measures that could help build trust between them and deescalate the conflict. Earlier in August, he engaged with Sudan's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Salim Ahmed Ibrahim, and General Hidmati, the leader of the Rapid Support Forces. In his engagements, the Personal Envoy has encouraged unilateral releases alongside negotiated exchanges of prisoners, with particular consideration for vulnerable groups such as women and children. Both parties must now make concrete commitments, and the Personal Envoy will travel to Sudan shortly to further advance these conversations. In parallel to these efforts, the Personal Envoy has also continued his consultations with international actors in the region and further afield, including through recent visits to Kenya, Chad, Uganda, and Turkey. They stressed the need for all stakeholders and Member States with influence on the parties to redouble efforts to incentivize the parties to make a positive contribution to peace. Mr. President, despite sustained efforts to advance peace in Sudan, the parties remain locked in a zero-sum military logic. Greater international attention and action are urgently needed for them to change that calculus. This includes strong and unified messages from this Council to encourage the parties to return to meaningful negotiations without further delay. and we call on the Council to use all the tools at its disposal to advance this objective. We will continue to work with you, other key partners, including the Quad, and within the Quintet, to bring this conflict to an end. The Sudanese people cannot wait any longer. Thank you.

Thank you. I thank Under-Secretary-General Di Carlo for her briefing, and now I would like to give the floor to Mr. Tom Fletcher.

Thank you, Mr. President and Prime Minister Rasmussen, and it is also excellent to see the presence of Special Envoy Boulos Wozdziedzera. I pay tribute to his work and, of course, the work of Personal Envoy Harvester and all those working for peace in Sudan. More than two thirds of the people of Sudan are in desperate need of life-saving support. And as USG de Carlo has described, 1400 civilian deaths in the first half of this year, the vast majority, more than 1100, caused by drone strikes. In North Kordofan's El Obeid, drones are striking markets, fuel stations, vital power and water infrastructure. Fighting has driven 15,000 families into the city since mid-July, placing even more pressure on displacement sites and services already pushed to the breaking point. More airstrikes southwest of the city have taken place in the last 72 hours. Humanitarians are seizing every opportunity to reach those in need. But we need protection for civilians. We need de-escalation. In South Kordofan, Dilling and Kadugli have been among our key priorities. Both are now accessible, although road conditions are deteriorating as the rainy season takes hold. Similar challenges are reported in the eastern part of South Kordofan, which also hosts significant numbers of displaced people. I'm also worried about West Kordofan, which has been the epicenter of a recent cholera outbreak, and where our presence remains limited. In the Nuba Mountains, in the southern part of South Kordofan, intensifying violence is severing communities from help, in an area already plagued by chronic food insecurity. Our humanitarian facilities have been breached and looted, and many aid workers detained. Access remains disrupted by the fighting. Further east, renewed fighting in Blue Nile has displaced thousands in the last two weeks, just as heavy rains batter the region. Blue Nile now hosts more than 370,000 displaced people. Some have fled into Ethiopia, a stark reminder of how this war is spilling across Sudan's borders. There have been renewed attacks on the border towns of Gaisan and Kromuk. Our humanitarian coordinator was able to visit the state capital, Ed Damazin, in late July. Meanwhile, ground fighting and drone strikes continue to cripple humanitarian access in the northwestern part of North Darfur State, while the rains make critical routes more difficult, even more difficult, to access. Elsewhere in Darfur, hundreds of thousands who fled the atrocities in El Fasha last year remain in desperate need in places like Tawila, a reality I witnessed firsthand on my recent visit. Mr. President, across Sudan, our teams navigate front lines, drone attacks, insecurity, bureaucratic red tape. Despite these challenges, humanitarians continue to push through, By mid-year, we'd reached nearly 11 million people with at least one form of help, 52% of our prioritized target. We're on track with our effort to reach 11.4 million with food, but off track on education, health, shelter, and water. A key part of the Humanity and Reset has been the prioritization of people experiencing the highest levels of intersectoral need and responding in a more integrated way. So I want to thank the humanitarians involved in the collective coordinated effort who have reached 1.7 million people in the catastrophic intersectoral severity category, what we call category five, exceeding the 1.5 million targeted with particular progress in Tawila and Kadugli. We've expanded humanitarian air services, shifted more capacity from Port Sudan, Khartoum, bringing our operations closer to those we serve, and we've removed duplication and bureaucracy. I'm also pleased to report that we've made real sustained progress since I last briefed you in reducing bureaucratic obstacles to our operations. I thank all those involved. I thank the Sudanese authorities too and the government of Chad for keeping the crucial Adrey crossing open, enabling us to reach millions across Darfur. We will continue to work hard with the authorities to streamline bureaucracy and increase access throughout Sudan. The challenges remain immense, but we are staying and we are delivering. Mr. President, we were heartened by the pledges at the Berlin conference in April, and we are grateful to the donors backing the coordinated response, including through the Sudan Humanitarian Fund. Our top ten donors are the US with almost half of the funding, the EU, African Development Bank, UK, Canada, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, France, and Norway. But two thirds of the way through the year, we've received just over 40% of the $2.87 billion required for the hyper-prioritized plan, focused exclusively on the most urgent lifesaving work. And funding for the regional response plan is even lower. Only 17% of the $1.59 billion needed to support seven neighboring countries has been met. Refugees and displaced inside Sudan are also being squeezed by these shortfalls. Despite immense pressure, Sudan continues to keep its doors open to those seeking safety. Mr. President, I usually end these briefings with three asks, uphold international humanitarian law, fund the response, help end the conflict. But today, I won't because this council has heard those asks again and again. Instead, the ask is that we do not have another meeting where the council simply describes the problem. Sudan does not suffer from a lack of analysis. It suffers from a lack of action. The people of Sudan need food, water, and medicine, yet the world sends drones, weapons, and mercenaries. The people of Sudan need sustained, courageous diplomacy, yet the world is too often indifferent and distracted. The people of Sudan need peace and dignity, yet others use Sudan's land and people as pieces in a regional struggle for power, gold, and pride. This Council is not powerless. The international community is not powerless. The tragedy of Sudan is not that we do not know what to do, it is that we have not yet found the will to do it. Thank you, Mr. President.

Thank you. I thank Mr. Fleischer for his briefing and now give the floor to Dr. Eva Kere.

President, Excellencies, Thank you for the opportunity to brief you on protection of civilians in Sudan. My name is Dr. Iva Khair, a physician, health protection and peacebuilding advisor. I come here today not to tell you what you already know, but to implore you to do more and to do right by Sudan's civilians. Nearly three and a half years into this war, Sudan faces the world's largest concurrent crises. humanitarian, hunger, displacement and protection. Violence is unfolding inside and outside Sudan's borders, on the ground and online. The Sudanese armed forces and paramilitary rapid support forces are committing violations against civilians and atrocity crimes rage across the country. When Al-Fashir fell in October 2025, 6,000 people were massacred in just the first three days. The UN fact-finding mission for Sudan found credible evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity and concluded that violence by the RSF bore the hallmarks of genocide. Even now, Al-Obeid in North Kordofan is being bombarded and strangulated of food, fuel and medicine as drone attacks hit. Bombs fall onto markets, wedding and funeral processions, hospitals and daycare centers. Cities and towns across South Kordofan, the East and the capital Khartoum also remain under attack. For women and girls, this war is also being waged on their bodies. From Khartoum to Jazira and across Darfur, horrific sexual violence is being reported in 16 out of 18 states. Rape and gang rape, sexual slavery, forced marriage, forced pregnancy, forced prostitution, sexual torture and trafficking, primarily but not exclusively perpetrated by the RSF. sexual violence is not simply a weapon, but a deliberate strategy to terrorize civilians and control their movements. Where ethnically motivated, it is used to persecute, displace and destroy communities. Many women and girls do not report sexual violence due to lack of adequate services, risks of reprisals and social stigma. Abductions linked to sexual violence and forced reproductive labour have become key to the war economy. We must not neglect intimate partner violence and domestic violence, which conflict, displacement, and economic crisis only intensify. Recruitment of child soldiers, child marriage, and other grave violations against children continue, while nearly eight million of Sudan's next generation is still out of school. Children born of rape remain unregistered, unvaccinated, uncounted. While the women forced to carry them, some of them children themselves, frequently endure deep psychological trauma, including suicidal ideation, and risk being abandoned or rejected by their families. Children are also among those who have reportedly died by suicide after sexual assault. These harms are compounded by the deliberate decimation and near total collapse of healthcare, Systematic attacks on hospitals, health care workers and facilities are among the most audacious violations of international humanitarian law by both belligerents and their allied forces, impacting both the delivery of and access to life saving services. Outbreaks of measles, dengue and cholera have been exacerbated by these access constraints and lack of safe water. Survivors of sexual and gender-based violence have been left without adequate sexual and reproductive healthcare, including safe abortion, maternal health services, and psychosocial support. Healthcare has become a battleground. Emergency, obstetric, surgical, and other life-saving care is being cynically traded for legitimacy by rival authorities. This is how places of sanctuary become places of carnage. It is also why access to basic services such as telecommunications is weaponized. Control of information is also a frontline in this conflict, driving attacks on humanitarian responders, mutual aid volunteers, and human rights defenders and documenters. Those serving their communities risk detention, including torture and sexual violence in detention, disappearance, or even death. Persecution of civilians does not stop at the border. Anti-war, non-partisan Sudanese civil society are targeted online through hate speech, misinformation, incitement, and digital warfare. I, like many of my civil society peers, have experienced this form of transnational repression. Sudanese pro-democracy and pro-peace civil society increasingly find that speaking out, even abroad, is dangerous. Sudanese are neither safe inside nor outside Sudan. Excellencies, this is a war on civilians, a war in which it is infinitely more dangerous to be a civilian than a soldier. It is a counter-revolutionary war waged on Sudan's people for daring to dream of better than autocratic rule, better than kleptocratic pillage, and better than theocratic oppression. Civilians are trapped between two illegitimate de facto authorities, each pursuing total dominion regardless of whom they crush, which part of Sudan they sell, or which foreign power they submit to. Although they have denied such allegations, external actors are enabling this catastrophe. Weapons continue to flow into Darfur in contempt of this Council's resolution 1591, adopted two decades ago to protect Darfur's population from the worst, A nightmare we have nonetheless watched unfold in Jeneina, in Zamzam, and in Al-Fashir. A nightmare at risk of recurring across the Kordofan states, Blue Nile, and beyond if left unchecked. Regional actors have backed the belligerents because they have material interests in the continuation of this war. Sudan's civilians are therefore unable to rely on the region for sufficient protection nor a swift end to the conflict. The international community must not allow regional complicity and competition for Sudan's resources to perpetuate either civilian suffering or impunity for abuses. Excellencies, what is the price of peace? We know the numbers. We've heard the stories. The only story that matters now is one of international paralysis, states avoiding political risk when confronting powerful allies backing belligerents. governments retreating from multilateral commitments and global responsibilities, and unwillingness to expend any political capital on protecting civilians. The FFM warned in September 2024 that given the failure of the parties to protect civilians, there is an urgent need to deploy an independent force with a specific mandate to protect civilians in Sudan. Yet, in October 2024, the Secretary-General's options paper said the conditions did not exist for successful deployment of a UN force. What conditions would make Sudan's civilians finally deserving of protection? War crimes, crimes against humanity, and even genocide have been determined, documented, or invoked. Yet protection options have not returned to this table since the protection of civilians resolution was so brazenly vetoed in November of 24. My recommendations, based on extensive consultation with Sudanese and international civil society, are as follows. First, establish an independent civilian protection and monitoring mechanism. Although the fiscal and political constraints facing UN peace operations today are clear for all to see, Sudan civilians are in too desperate a need and at too great a risk to be ignored. Waiting for the war to end once the belligerents have had enough is deadly for civilians. Control of territory, markets, and resources remains simply too profitable for military networks and the countries fueling this war. The council should act on the FFM's recommendations. Sudan has precedent. for protective missions, including an active mission to improve security, facilitate humanitarian access, and support the return of displaced people. Monitoring must be able to trigger early warning, rapid investigation, and diplomatic action before violence escalates. Community-based protection initiatives, including Sudanese mutual aid networks, faith-based groups, and women-led organizations must be explicitly protected, supported, and engaged. Second, call on all external actors to stop prolonging the suffering of Sudan's civilians and fueling this war, including by arming the warring parties in violation of this council's arms embargo. The role of multiple actors in supplying weapons, mercenaries, other forms of military assistance, and diplomatic cover to the RSF on the one hand, and military, logistical, and financial assistance to the SAF on the other, illustrates the increasingly globalized nature of the war in Sudan. The Council's arms embargo in Darfur must be enforced, and I urge you to expand it to the whole of Sudan. Further, those who violate the arms embargo or international humanitarian or human rights law, including perpetrators of sexual and gender-based violence, must be held accountable, including through targeted sanctions. Third, protect healthcare and humanitarian action. Protection mechanisms are essential to enable safe humanitarian access for international organisations, Sudanese responders and medical mutual aid groups. Sudan remains among the deadliest conflicts for humanitarian workers. The environmental impacts of the conflict are an urgent public health risk, as sewage, toxic chemicals from burnt out factories, gold mining and other industries, even decomposing bodies left in neighborhoods pose a threat to the water and the soil long after armed clashes subside. Health protection, demining and other environmental factors must be considered and optimised and only under an independent protective presence. And fourth, Women's rights and participation must be central, not secondary, to protection, justice and peace. The SAF-led de facto authority and its judiciary are persecuting and prosecuting women for alleged crimes such as adultery, whilst reportedly not a single perpetrator of rape has been prosecuted. Women and girls are being offered as rewards in forced marriages. to RSF-aligned fighters, while in West Kordofan, women are banned from accessing even the internet. Women are the canaries in the coal mine. They experience the first signs of political oppression and bear its brunt. A dedicated Women, Peace and Security framework must underpin all mediation tracks. ensuring survivor-centered justice, accountability, and reparations while enabling Sudanese women's meaningful participation and leadership, both in conflict resolution and transition processes. Excellencies, renewed talk of a ceasefire, while encouraging and necessary, will not protect civilians. Twenty years ago, this Council recognized that Sudan required protection. Today, that evidence is overwhelming. I ask this Council to do what Sudan's civilians cannot do alone. close the protection gap, confront those fuelling the war, and act before another generation is lost. Thank you.

I thank Dr. Keir for her briefing, and I shall now make a statement in my capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark. First of all, I would like to thank Emergency Relief Coordinator Tom Fletcher and Under-Secretary Rosemary DiCairo for their important briefings. And I would also like to thank Dr. Eva Kjer for her forceful recommendations to the Council. Excellencies, some wars immediately seize the world's attention. Others send warning after warning that the world looks away. And sadly, Sudan falls in the second category, despite frequent meetings in this council. Analysts warned of catastrophic consequences from the competition between two generals months before the first shot was fired in April 2023. The signs were unmistakable, yet they were ignored as Violence spread city after city, region after region, leaving a trail of mass atrocities and human suffering on a horrendous scale. A battle for power has laid Sudan to waste. Excellencies, civilians are not on the edges of this war, they are at its very centre. More than six million people are displaced inside Sudan today, another four and a half million have fled across borders. And this is not only a catastrophe, it is the unmaking of a nation. Tomorrow, this Council will discuss conflict-driven hunger. In Sudan, hunger is not simply a consequence of war, it is a tactic of war. Aid is unlawfully obstructed, cities are attacked, and humanitarian lifelines are attacked. Civilians are starved, displaced, and terrorized into submission. The warnings keep going, over and over again. I express my deep appreciation for the humanitarians, doctors and nurses who continue working, often at grave personal risk, to lessen this suffering. But humanitarian courage cannot and should not substitute political action. The last concrete attempt by this Council to strengthen the protection of Sudanese civilians was unsuccessful, unfortunately ending with a veto, and civilians paid the price. Sudanese civil society has carried an impossible burden alone, documenting grave abuses, running emergency response rooms and burying the dead. does so without the support and protection it deserves. Excellencies, let us be clear about what is at stake. The war in Sudan was never contained within its own borders. It is destabilizing neighboring countries and the wider region. It is a magnet for foreign arms and criminal networks at the expense of the Sudanese people and as a threat to international peace and society and security. The Independent Fact-Finding Mission found that the atrocities committed by the RSF and allied forces during the takeover of El Fashir met all the elements of the crime of genocide. The Mission found evidence of killings, mass sexual violence and starvation as a weapon of war, targeting specific groups. We condemn in the strongest possible terms such brutal and horrific acts. One survivor said, "They raped me in front of the bodies of my mother, my father, and my slaughtered brothers." And these are not just words in a report. They are another warning. We must act on them, not merely receive them. Children as young as 11 are being recruited as soldiers. Women and girls are suffering appalling sexual violence. Civilians are being detained, made disappear and denied the basic means to live. And still, there is no end in sight. More than a thousand have been killed by drones in the first five months of this year alone. These attacks reach far beyond frontlines. They strike markets, hospitals, water infrastructure, power stations and homes. Civilians across Sudan now live under a constant threat from above. And there is absolutely no military solution to this conflict. Therefore, we call on the warring parties to come to the negotiation table immediately. Denmark fully support the Quintet's effort and welcomes the improved coordination among mediators. The process must be inclusive, Sudan is led and Sudan is owned, And we also support the work of the Secretary General's personal envoy. Sudan is by far the largest humanitarian crisis in the world. The needs are vast and funding limited. Denmark urges donors to commit further financial assistance to address the great humanitarian situation in Sudan. And I'm pleased to announce today that Denmark will contribute a further 15.6 million US dollar in humanitarian support for Sudan, bringing our funding to almost 105 million US dollars since 2023, where the conflict started. Excellencies, fellow council members, we reaffirm the urgent need for humanitarian truce leading to a permanent sustainable ceasefire, and we very much welcome US-led efforts in this regard. This is the only path to meaningful civilian protection. Denmark calls on the warring parties to cease attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, allow safe passage for those fleeing and protect those who remain, issue clear orders enforcing international humanitarian law down every chain of command, allow access for international investigators, for journalists, for civil society and for humanitarian actors. The external influence in this war is enabling and prolonging this catastrophe. This is clearly unacceptable and must therefore stop. Any influence should be used to bring an end to the war, not fuel it. The existing UN sanctions regime applies only to Darfur. It is not enough. We support efforts to extend the sanctions to the whole of Sudan and to strengthen efforts to identify and enforce measures against those who violate it. Lastly, impunity fuels the cruelty of war. Perpetrators have shamelessly filmed their own crimes and shared them online, confident nothing will follow. But something must follow. Accountability cannot wait. Those responsible must face consequences. They must be brought to justice. We call on full cooperation with the existing Security Council mandate for the ICC and urge for the extension of this mandate to cover the whole of Sudan. In closing, this Council has the power in its realm and the responsibility to prevent further mass atrocities, to stop the war and end the suffering. Let's do it now. I thank you. And I resume my function as President of the Council and will now give the floor to Her Excellency Dace Melbarte, Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia.

Mr. President, to begin, I'd like to thank Denmark for convening today's meeting. I also thank the Under Secretary General Rosemary De Carlo and the Under Secretary General Tom Fletcher, as well as Ms. Eva Haer for the insightful briefings. The war in Sudan continues to expand, but its consequences are most evident in the lives of civilians and in the devastation around them. Today at this meeting, I wish to emphasize three key points. First, the military path must give way to diplomacy. The Sudanese armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces must immediately cease hostilities and strictly adhere to international humanitarian law. Those with influence over the warring parties must exercise it to bring them to the negotiating table, not to sustain or prolong the conflict. The flow of weapons, financing and other external support fueling this war must end. Latvia strongly supports the efforts of the Secretary-General's personal envoy, Mr. Pekka Haavisto. All parties must engage seriously and constructively with his good offices. We also welcome the efforts of the Quad and the Quintet towards securing a humanitarian truce, a permanent ceasefire, and a genuine political process. We encourage the Quintet to further broaden participation and advance a credible, inclusive, and Sudanese-owned transition. A civilian-led political process must ensure the meaningful participation of women, youth, and civil society, not as an afterthought, but as essential participants in shaping Sudan's future. Furthermore, those sustaining local communities through this war must be protected and heard. This includes emergency response room volunteers, local aid workers, human rights defenders, documenters, journalists, and others. At the same time, we firmly reject any attempts to establish parallel governments, educational, or administrative structures. Such actions only deepen divisions, institutionalize fragmentation, and risk further undermining Sudan's unity. Second, Latvia's approach is guided by a commitment to the protection and future of the Sudanese people. When schools, hospitals, and markets are repeatedly struck and power and water infrastructure destroyed, this can no longer be dismissed as mere byproduct of war. As the use of drones expands across Sudan, the deliberate destruction of basic conditions necessary for civilian survival is becoming a defining feature of this conflict. Consider the reality for a woman and girl in El Obeid today. Even collecting water means choosing between the risk of drone strikes by day or sexual violence by night. No civilian should ever be forced to make such a choice. For thousands of others, the violence simply drives them from their homes. Nearly 10,000 people were newly displaced across North Kordofan and Blue Nile in recent days alone, following the displacement of another 18,000 people in West Darfur just a week prior. The protection of civilians cannot remain subordinate to military objectives, yet both parties continue to act with total disregard for this fundamental obligation. We must also be clear about responsibility. Holding all parties accountable does not mean equating their actions. Accountability is not a competition. Differences in the scale and gravity of violation must be recognized, but each party remains strictly answerable for its own conduct. Third, international humanitarian law remains the indispensable framework for protecting civilians in armed conflict. It binds all parties in Sudan without exception. Reaffirming these obligations is meaningless unless matched by decisive action when violations persist. The Security Council must make full use of its available instruments. This includes expanding the geographical scope of the 1591 sanctions regime, including the arms embargo and listing criteria. to reflect a conflict that has long expanded beyond Darfur. We must also send an unmistakable signal planning, directing or committing acts of sexual and gender-based violence will carry direct consequences. What is needed now is a renewed commitment from this Council to a simple principle violations must not meet with impunity. Mr. President, let me conclude with one principle on which this Council must agree. There is no military solution to the war in Sudan. And let us act on that premise together, demand a ceasefire, support a credible political process, protect civilians, and hold perpetrators accountable for violations. Thank you.

Thank you. I thank her Excellency Vice Minister Melbarta for the statement and now give the floor to the representative of United Kingdom.

Thank you, Mr. President. I welcome you, her Excellency, the Vice Minister and Senior Advisor of ULOS, and thank Under Secretaries General Di Carlo and Fletcher and Dr. Herr. The war in Sudan has created the world's worst humanitarian crisis. Fighting has spread throughout Sudan, fuelled by armed supplies from within and beyond the region, funded at least in part by abduction for ransom and abuse of Sudan's natural resources, including gold, and exacerbated by the mass use of drones. With 33 million people needing humanitarian assistance, gross violations of human rights, civilians targeted with attacks, torture and arbitrary detention, horrifying sexual violence and deprivation of essential services. An end to this suffering will only come through a humanitarian truce, a permanent ceasefire and an inclusive civilian-led political process to a sustainable peace. Three issues need our support. First, the choices of peace. United Kingdom welcomes and supports work to broker a humanitarian truce led by the US, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and UAE, work towards confidence building measures by Envoy Heavisto, and work to build an inclusive inter-Sudanese dialogue as a foundation for peaceful political transition led by the quintet of international organisations. But the choices needed to make peace in Sudan lie with the leaders, fighters, funders and fuelers of the war. So we urge Sudan's warring parties to choose to engage with the peace processes. Those supplying, funding and fueling the war to choose to stop. The leaders and fighting forces to meet their obligations to act in accordance with the laws of war, to enable humanitarian access and to protect civilians, not attack, torture, maim and deprive them. And we urge all those with influence to choose to use it to press for peace. Second, until the parties choose peace, we can help to protect civilians, to limit the flows of arms that fuel conflict, and to raise the cost to perpetrators of their actions. By extending the sanctions regime to respond to the war as it is being fought, covering the areas where fighting is, drones, sexual violence, and mercenaries. and by reminding the leaders of fighting forces and militias that new technology and new tactics do not change their fundamental obligations to comply with international humanitarian law. Sudan has become a battlefield where restrictions are too often ignored and protections too often fail. Our action to change that can mitigate the human suffering of the people trapped in these wars. And these measures should form part of a broader strategy to use the tools we have to protect civilians, constrain conflict, and support mediation efforts towards peace. Third, by supporting the humanitarian agencies working with the people trapped in this war, and led by OCHA, thank you. Humanitarian access continues to be obstructed by all parties to the conflict, with costs measured in lives, families starving, communities cut from the support they need to survive, and humanitarian workers under fire. And we call on the parties to facilitate rapid and unimpeded humanitarian access to those in need. The United Kingdom is supporting the people of Sudan with humanitarian assistance, $200 million this year to reach over 1.8 million people with food, nutrition, healthcare, clean water and protection services. and increasing our support to Sudanese-led responders who can reach communities that others cannot. Pushing for protection, using our diplomacy to press for humanitarian access and immediate truce and a permanent ceasefire. Backing peace, supporting mediation efforts and inclusive Sudanese-led political process. raising the cost of failing to protect civilians with UK sanctions on those committing atrocities, recruiting mercenaries and conflict financing networks, and pursuing accountability, targeting those responsible for atrocities and those who sustain this war. Through work to document, verify and preserve evidence of attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, through the Coalition on Atrocity Prevention and Justice, and by supporting the UN's fact-finding mission, panel of experts, and International Criminal Court. Mr. President, the things that Sudanese civilians want, an end to war, safety for their families, access to food, healthcare, and education, the chance to live free from violence, and to see their children grow up into safety and prosperity, these are the things that almost every human being wants. They and the people of Sudan need to remain in international attention and with international support to achieve them. And the leaders, fighters, funders, and fuelers of this conflict need to choose peace.

I thank the representative of United Kingdom for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Somalia.

Mr. President, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the A3, namely the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, and my own country, Somalia. I extend the welcome to the Foreign Minister of Denmark, who's presiding over this meeting, and to the Vice Minister of Latvia. We thank USG DiCarlo and USG Fletcher for their comprehensive briefings, and we acknowledge the contribution of Dr. Khair to this briefing. We also welcome the participation of the permanent representative of Sudan in today's meeting. Mr. President, more than three years into this devastating conflict, the humanitarian situation in Sudan continues to deteriorate. Civilians who have borne the consequences of a war they did not choose must remain at the center of our collective attention. Their protection and well-being must guide our efforts toward ending this conflict. The A3 is deeply concerned by the continued escalation of violence across Sudan, including the alarming situation in Al-Obeid, the siege of the civilian populations, and the deteriorating security situation across Darfur. The atrocities in Al-Fashir, must not be repeated in Al-Ubayd. We are particularly troubled by attacks affecting civilians and essential infrastructure, including hospitals, schools, water and electricity facilities. The growing use of drones and other advanced means of warfare in this conflict is compounding civilian suffering and disrupting services essential to millions of Sudanese. The A3 condemns in the strongest terms grave violations of international humanitarian law and human rights committed against civilians, including conflict-related sexual violence, attacks on humanitarian personnel and infrastructure, and ethnic targeting. Those responsible for such violations must uphold their obligations under international law and be held accountable, including through full cooperation with relevant international and regional judicial mechanisms. While we note the efforts of the Sudanese Government to facilitate humanitarian relief, we stress that safe, rapid, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access to all populations in need is an urgent obligation under international law. We call on all parties to the conflict to immediately eliminate all restrictions and impediments to relief operations. Humanitarian assistance must remain impartial, unhindered, and free from politicization or instrumentalization. The scale of humanitarian need requires sustained and coordinated efforts by the Sudanese authorities, humanitarian organizations, regional actors, and the broader international community. Mr. President, the ACE-3 stresses that there can be no military solution to this conflict. An immediate, unconditional cessation of hostilities remain a crucial first step to lift siege, protect civilians, facilitate humanitarian access, and create conditions for a credible political process. We urge the parties to seize every opportunity for de-escalation and engage constructively in efforts aimed at ending the violence. The A3 welcomes efforts toward an inclusive, Sudanese-led and Sudanese-owned political process, that brings together Sudanese civilians, political actors, and respond to the legitimate aspirations of the Sudanese people. We also welcome the recent visit of the African Union's Peace and Security Council to Khartoum and reaffirm our support for the AU's central role in facilitating a coherent African-led political process. In this regard, we attach importance to the AU-led quintet and in close coordination among regional and international initiatives to avoid duplication and reinforce a common path towards peace. We support all efforts to restore Sudan's constitutional and institutional order through an inclusive, civilian-centered political process with a view to establishing the conditions for a legitimate and credible democratic governance and ultimately elections. National ownership must remain at the heart of this process while ensuring meaningful participation by women, youth, and Sudanese civil society. Sudan's unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity and the state institutions must be preserved. while the political process must remain responsive to the legitimate aspirations of the Sudanese people. Mr. President, the continued flow of arms, foreign fighters, mercenaries, and increasingly sophisticated military capabilities is prolonging and compounding the conflict with devastating consequences for civilians. The A3 is deeply concerned by the growing involvement of external actors, which risk further internationalizing the conflict and undermining the prospect for peace. We therefore call upon all external actors to comply fully with relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolution 2791 of 2025, and to respect Sudan's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity by refraining from any interference or arms supply that fuels hostilities. Those who contribute to the prolongation of the conflict or violate the UN arms embargo directly or indirectly must be held accountable in accordance with international law and relevant Security Council resolutions. Mr. President, as Sudan marks 70 years of independence, this moment of pride should remind us not only of the importance of national unity and sovereignty, but also of the responsibility to build a peaceful and inclusive future for all Sudanese. The A3 reaffirms its unwavering support for Sudan's unity, sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. The Sudanese people must remain at the center of our collective efforts. They have endured immense suffering, displacement, and loss, yet they continue to demonstrate remarkable resilience and a strong determination to preserve their communities and country. Their aspirations for peace, dignity, security, and a better future deserve our unwavering support. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Somalia. And now I will give the floor to the representative of Bahrain.

Sayed Al-Ruwaisi, President, At the outset, we welcome Mr. Rasmussen, Foreign Minister of Denmark, to this meeting, and we thank him for presiding over it. We welcome the Deputy Foreign Minister of Latvia and Mr. Bolos, Special Advisor to the U.S. President. And we thank Madam Rosemary DeCarlo, USG for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, as well as USG Tom Fletcher for their briefings. We have taken note of the briefing of Dr. Eva Khair. We welcome the participation of the representatives of the Republic of the Sudan, the KSA, the Arab Republic of Egypt, and the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, and the UAE. The briefings we heard today reaffirmed the complexity of the situation faced by civilians in the Sudan. This requires a stronger humanitarian response to the situation amid destruction faced by civilian infrastructure and facilities. This jeopardizes the future of the Sudan as well as reconciliation, recovery, and reconstruction efforts. The Kingdom of Bahrain reiterates that the parties must respect the principles of international humanitarian law and commit to the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure. They must work on de-escalation and the immediate cessation of hostilities so that humanitarian and relief workers can fulfill their duties without restriction and insecurity. President, we have taken note of the FAO report on the risks attributed to the disruption of fertilizer exports from the Arabian Gulf states. We call for urgent action to address the repercussions of ongoing Iranian threats and attacks in the Strait of Hormuz as they disrupt global supply chains and worsen humanitarian challenges faced by the Republic of the Sudan, which imports 54% of its fertilizer needs from Arabian Gulf states. while the most vulnerable are struggling to meet their most basic needs. Women, children, and girls are the most affected by the repercussions of the conflict. Their future is in jeopardy. According to UNICEF, more than 330 children have been killed or injured in the first six months of the year. Many others have been subject to recruitment and their suffering has worsened amid the sharp increase in humanitarian needs. The protection of children must remain an utmost priority. All necessary measures must be undertaken to alleviate their suffering and ensure their access to protection services and basic assistance. President, we urge the intensification of efforts to support the humanitarian response to enable local and international actors to deliver relief assistance. We welcome current efforts made, including to keep the Adra crossing open. to ensure the flow of humanitarian assistance and relief. In addition, we welcome the initiative of Mr. Haavisto, SG Envoy to the Sudan, in coordination with the ICRC, to establish a humanitarian mechanism for prisoner exchange and for confidence building measures. These are steps that are of utmost importance to build an environment conducive to an inclusive Sudanese-led political process. In conclusion, President, we reiterate our support to the SG's envoy and we welcome the efforts made by the Senior Advisor to the President of the US on Arab and African Affairs. And we commend the initiatives by the Quintet and the Quad, as well as all international and regional efforts to make headway with peace. It is high time to enable the Sudanese people to shape their own future with effective and coordinated response from the international community to safeguard the sovereignty, unity, independence, and territorial integrity of the Sudan. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Bahrain for the statement, and now I will give the floor to the representative of the United States.

Thank you, Mr. President and Foreign Minister Rasmussen, for presiding over this important meeting. And we acknowledge the presence of the Vice Minister of Latvia. And thank you, Ms. Di Carlo, Mr. Fletcher, and Dr. Khair for your briefings. Mr. President, I would like to thank you for ensuring Sudan remains at the forefront of this Council's agenda this month. Unfortunately, the pain, suffering, and instability caused by Sudan's ongoing war is not at the forefront of the world's collective attention and conscience. nor that of the Sudanese belligerents who continue to choose conflict over peace. Colleagues, I continue to work on behalf of President Trump to bring peace to Sudan, to alleviate the heinous human suffering that plagues the Sudanese people. Civilians across Sudan are living a nightmare. The brutality of the war waged by the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, and Sudanese Armed Forces, SAF, has discredited their claims to be legitimate governors of the Sudanese people. Civilians have been run out of their homes that were then looted. They have faced terrible atrocities and abuses, even as they have fled to safety. They have been forced to hide from planes and drones targeting civilian sites. And now, as the warring parties try and turn the divisive politics and non-inclusive efforts at dialogue, civilians face the risk of being deprived a voice in their own future. As the conflict has spread throughout the country and exacerbated existent religious, racial, and tribal tensions, more of Sudan's vulnerable populations, including its Christian communities, are put at increasing risk, especially in light of attacks on places of worship and arbitrary detentions of religious minorities, which have contributed to creating a pervasive climate of fear for religious and other minority communities. Instead of preparing for more fighting and violence, all actors should be working to advance an independent, inclusive, and transparent civilian-led dialogue and transition process to lay the foundation for durable peace and the restoration of civilian rule, as affirmed in the Berlin Principles for Sudan and as the Quintet has been already working diligently to advance. We commend and support the work of the Quintet on this front. as a genuine and inclusive civilian track is critical to ensuring stability, promoting humanitarian access, and securing a durable peace. To underscore the importance of progressing both the peace and political fronts, I want to particularly emphasize how devastating the human toll of the increased use of armed drones has been. It is horrifying to know that armed drones have taken the lives of more than 1,120 Sudanese civilians already in the first half of this year. That is approximately 80% of all recorded civilian deaths this year. Beyond the lives that they cut short, Armed drones are inflicting damage on markets, health facilities, humanitarian convoys, and other infrastructure essential to everyday life. The impact is deepening of hardship and humanitarian needs. For aid workers, these drones are yet another deadly threat as they work tirelessly to save lives. Since we last met in this chamber to discuss Sudan, dozens of civilians have been killed in ground attacks, airstrikes, and drone attacks. In North Kordofan, the RSF killed at least 14 civilians in Omdurman, and the related insecurity led to the displacement of more than 4,000 people. The RSF also continues to block humanitarian access and attack critical infrastructure like water stations and electricity grids. The SAF this month has conducted over a dozen drone attacks and raids in North and South Kordofan, including one on Jabrat al-Sheikh that killed five civilians. Meanwhile, In Blue Nile State, more than 7,000 people have been displaced due to the recent fighting between the SAF and the RSF. In West Darfur, nearly 18,000 people have been displaced this month alone. The fresh waves of displacement brought about by violence and insecurity in recent weeks is heartbreaking. These are families forced from their homes, often for the second or third time, with assets lost and livelihoods disrupted. They face heightened food insecurity as well as disease and protection risks, adding to the already staggering humanitarian caseload. Another concerning development worsening the humanitarian situation is a new cholera outbreak in Darfur and Kordofan. This intersection of cholera, population displacement, and limited aid access is alarming and requires full, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access to address this deadly disease. But instead of pursuing a humanitarian truce, and path to peace that the United States and the international community are ready to support and that would facilitate such access. The actions of the SAF and the RSF show that they would rather focus on their efforts on escalating violence, trying to take new territory, and pursuing unattainable military victory that is motivated by revenge and hunger for power. In places like Al-Obaid, where there have been massive military buildups and confrontations, as well as siege tactics and drone attacks, the threats to humanitarians and to civilians seem to be ever mounting. Unfortunately, We know that humanitarians do not have the access they need and face very real threats to their safety and well-being. Last year alone, 71 aid workers were killed in Sudan, and more lives have and will be lost this year. Even as we speak, a number of aid workers in Sudan, in Darfur and the Kordofans, remain unjustly detained. We must do better for those doing good. As the world recognized World Humanitarian Day last week, brave humanitarians continue to deliver food and assistance to the Sudanese people, all while armed drones buzzing overhead continue to deliver death, destruction, and fear. This council must do more to prevent atrocities, ease civilian suffering, and hold perpetrators accountable. Mr. President, we must ask ourselves, what else can this council do? External financial and military support, and even political support, to the parties remain a driver of the conflict. We, as a Council, have unique tools that can address these very issues. As numerous external actors are providing a tremendous and increasing amount of military support to both warring parties, This council should take steps to curtail such fueling of the conflict, especially as external support also risks drawing more regional actors and neighbors deeper into Sudan's conflict. Specifically, we can expand the council's capabilities and ensure both the 1591 arms embargo, and the sanctions regime reflect the realities of the conflict today. That is why the United States has put forward a strong resolution that provides for four key things. One, expanding the arms embargo across the entire territory of Sudan. Two, reaffirming that Unnamed aerial vehicles, unmanned aerial vehicles, UAVs, systems and related technologies are under the scope of the arms embargo. Three, requesting the Secretary-General to increase the number of experts on the 1591 panel. And four, directing the 1591 panel of experts to collaborate with other panels covering the region to better inform the Council of violations of the assets freeze, travel ban, and arms embargo. These expanded and enhanced capabilities are intended to reflect the harsh realities of the current conflict and to build pressure on all parties to seek an end to the fighting. These measures do not seek to create any advantages or disadvantages among the parties or alter battlefield dynamics beyond pushing for a swift end to fighting. Nor do these measures seek to create or imply equivalence among the conflict parties beyond the fact that all must pursue peace and bear the burdens of accountability. Let me be clear. If this council refuses to act, those who will suffer most are the Sudanese people. The United States condemns in the strongest terms the human rights violations and abuses committed by the RSF the SAF and affiliated armed groups. And we call on all parties to the conflict to immediately halt the violence, uphold their obligations for civilian protection, and commit to a peaceful resolution. All parties must respect and adhere to international humanitarian law And we call on them to protect civilian infrastructure and facilitate the rapid, safe, and unhindered access of food, medicine, and other essential supplies to civilians in need. Civilians, including humanitarian personnel, must be protected at all times. Mr. President, this Council must work on behalf of the Sudanese people. It should expand its toolset to hold bad actors who are perpetuating the conflict and obstructing peace accountable. This council can truly make a difference. I implore us to move past statements of concern and take concrete action to help the Sudanese people. the United States has made protecting the people of Sudan a priority since the very first day of this war. That is why we pushed to achieve the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to protect the civilians of Sudan more than three years ago, and why we have sought to achieve further humanitarian truces, ceasefires, and arrangements for peace and civilian protection every day since, including pushing to achieve the Quad roadmap of September 2025, putting forward a comprehensive proposal for a nationwide humanitarian truce, working with the UN to develop a mechanism for limited withdrawals, supporting the creation of the Berlin Principles, putting out the Quintet political track support statement, and working with our partners to develop the five-pillar peace plan. The United States remains fully committed to working with all of you. to end this devastating conflict and support a peaceful civilian-led future for Sudan. Thank you.

I thank the representative of United States for the statement. And now I'll give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.

Distinguished President, distinguished Minister, we thank Rosemary DiCarlo and Tom Fletcher for their briefings. We heard the briefing of representative of civil society, Eva Har. Russia agrees with the briefer's assessment about the dire humanitarian situation in Sudan and the armed conflict that's gone on for more than three years now has led to significant civilian casualties. According to UNICEF, in the first half of this year alone, at least 330 children were killed or wounded. We're especially concerned with the situation in North Kordofan. Its capital city, El Obeid, continues to be one of the primary targets of the rebels, which continue their strikes on residential areas, schools, markets, medical facilities, and infrastructure in this town. At the same time, El Obeid, controlled by government forces, continues to see inflows of people seeking safety and protection. Temporary shelters are overflowing, and many of them there is only just over one liter of water per person per day available. Given this dire situation, further pressure is created by the turbulence in the Persian Gulf. Sudan, to a large extent, is dependent on the import of fertilizer from countries of this subregion, and their shortage, as well as growing prices for diesel fuel, is affecting Sudanese farmers at the height of the planting season and could jeopardize future harvests. We're concerned this conflict is taking an increasing toll on neighboring countries, Egypt, Chad, and South Sudan in particular. Their limited capacity to support Sudanese refugees clearly risk exacerbating the instability of the region. The conflict has severely strained the food security situation, with millions of Sudanese facing an acute food shortage. The scale of need exceeds the capacity of humanitarian agencies. A lack of funding, the OCHA humanitarian plan is only funded at 40 percent, is already forcing humanitarian agencies to cut their food rations and cash assistance to the population. In this context, it's important to expand support to humanitarian agencies and also bolster bilateral assistance. However, to ensure that ordinary Sudanese can feel a real impact from this kind of aid, it's important to provide this aid in close coordination with the government of Sudan. It is the government that bears responsibility for protecting the civilian population. And it is the government that knows the most pressing needs and has broad capacity to distribute humanitarian supplies. Attempts to circumvent or act without the consent of Khartoum are unacceptable. In this difficult and complicated internal conflict, the UN system entities ought to work with the Sudanese authorities to find mutually acceptable solutions to emerging problems using all of the tools of humanitarian diplomacy. In this regard, we note OCHA's testimony about the positive developments in dialogue with Khartoum with regard to humanitarian access. We hope that this engagement will continue. On the political front, we note that ambitious mediation efforts have stalled. We are not seeing tangible progress in the work of the Quintet, which includes the UN, EU, African Union, League of Arab States, and IGAD. The actions of the Sudanese Quartet are also stagnating. We believe that this outcome is unsurprising given that the attempts to find common ground between the adversaries, the activities of the four, the Quartet, boiled down to tactics of pressure, blackmail, and arm twisting in an attempt to force the government of Sudan to make unacceptable compromises. We continue to believe that these mediation efforts ought to be led under UN auspices and send a constructive clear message to the government of Sudan. Recently, in the context of the Sudanese conflict, we have been hearing increasingly alarming assessments about expanding use of military drones. We are hearing calls for a complete ban on the delivery of these drones and associated technologies to Sudan. We agree that drone strikes are a serious threat. However, we would like to point out that one of the parties to the conflict, the RSF, is using drones not only indiscriminately and chaotically, but also with the goal of maximum possible damage on civilian infrastructure and civilians. In contrast, the Sudanese armed forces are striving to carefully choose their targets. In fact, we believe it's overall unacceptable to speak of an equal responsibility of parties to the conflict for the consequences of weapons use, given that one of these parties is wreaking chaos and violence while the other party is conducting operations to neutralize destructive, rebellious forces that are destroying the country. We'd like to note as well the continued and growing sanctions pressure on Sudan. In July, the EU imposed a ban on the import of Sudanese gold. At virtually the same time, Washington expanded its own restrictions to include, in particular, bans on providing Sudan with credit, financial, or technical assistance from international financial institutions. We believe this kind of measure is unacceptable and hostile toward the government of Sudan. Given that Sudan's economy is suffering from many years of conflict and that the needs of the state for resources to restore its healthcare system, water supply, agriculture, and other essential infrastructure is higher than ever, this kind of policy of economically stifling the country raises serious questions. Ultimately, the consequences of these new restrictions lay a heavy burden on the shoulders of ordinary Sudanese. This informs how we view any attempt to expand existing sanctions on Sudan through the Security Council. We are convinced that the path toward alleviating the suffering of the population lies not in further bleeding the Sudanese economy dry, but rather through ending hostilities, expanding humanitarian assistance, and supporting the country's recovery. Thank you.

Thank you. I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement and now give the floor to the representative of China.

President, I welcome Foreign Minister Rasmussen who chairs today's meeting and thank USD DiCarlo and USD Fletcher for their briefings. I also listened carefully to Ms. Herr's statement. The protracted conflict in Sudan has not only resulted in massive civilian casualties and displacement, but also severely demonstrated its development, jeopardized its development and affected the stability of neighboring countries. This tragedy must not continue. As the Sudanese people's yearning for peace grows ever more urgent, the Security Council and international community responsibility become increasingly significant. I will make four points. First, no efforts should be spared to push for an ending of the fighting. At present, situation in Darfur continues to deteriorate and conflicts flare up in Kordofan and Blue Nile states. China calls upon all parties to immediately cease hostilities, abandon the belief in winning through force, and pursue dialogue and negotiation as the fundamental way to resolve differences. We urge the relevant parties to fulfill their obligations under international humanitarian law, cease attacks on civilian and civilian infrastructure, and uphold the bottom line of human conscience. The international community must strictly enforce existing sanctions, including arms embargo, and oppose external military interventions that could exacerbate humanitarian disaster. Second, efforts must be sustained to promote peace and dialogue. China welcomes the announcement by Sudanese government to launch an inclusive political dialogue and welcomes the recent visit of an AU PSC delegation to Sudan and the AU's efforts to reopen its liaison office in Khartoum. We support UN in playing a central role in mediation and support personal envoy, Hailemariam Desalegn. in coordinating regional efforts of the AU and IGAD among others, and strengthening engagement with all factions to find a lasting and effective political solution. The international community should earnestly safeguard Sudan's sovereign unity and territorial integrity, ensure ownership by the Sudanese people, respect to the country's history, culture, and present conditions, take more actions conducive to its long-term stability. avoid imposing external solutions, and above all, refrain from condoning or even fueling the prospect of division. Third, both the symptoms and root causes must be addressed to ease the humanitarian crisis. We welcome the measures taken by the Sudanese government to facilitate humanitarian access. We commend international humanitarian institutions for working on the ground in extremely dangerous conditions. and support both sides in strengthening coordination cooperation to ensure adequate and smooth supply of humanitarian aid, thus mitigating risks such as food insecurity and epidemic outbreaks before and after the rainy season. In addition to more humanitarian assistance, the international community should also help the Sudanese government with reconstruction, restoring promptly public service such as education, healthcare and communications. and build economic resilience and sustainable development capacity to essentially alleviate humanitarian pressures. Fourth, countries must work together to maintain regional stability. Sudan is one of the countries in Africa with the largest number of neighbors. Conflicts cause large cross-border flows of refugees, weapons, and armed personnel, increasing security risks and economic burdens of neighboring countries. close neighbors are better than distant relatives. Countries should uphold the principle of indivisible security, respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, resolve differences through friendly consultation, further mutual trust, guard against the mutually compounding interplay of tensions, and work together for the stability and development of the region. China has put forward the outlook on peace and development in the Horn of Africa and is willing to actively support regional countries in engaging in close communication and friendly cooperation and seeking strength through unity to jointly address security development and governance challenges and work together to achieve lasting peace, stability, development and prosperity. President, the Council is now discussing the renewal of the sanctions on Sudan. China has always stressed that sanctions are a means, not an end in and of itself. It must not be a substitute for diplomatic efforts. The Council should use this special tool prudently, fully respect Sudan's sovereignty, take seriously the legitimate concerns of the country concerned, and ensure that sanction measures are objective, fair and effective. The pressing task is to focus on better implementing the existing sanction measures and avoid arbitrary expansion of the severity and scope of the coercive measures, which might harm Sudan's long-term peace, stability and unity, and disrupt the normal economic and social activities of its people and other countries. Together with the international community, China stands ready to work with firm conviction and accelerated action to help Sudan emerge from the shadow of war and usher in a dawn of peace and development at an early date. Thank you, President.

I thank the representative of China for the statement. And now I give the floor to the representative of Colombia.

Mr. President, Colombia welcomes the convening of this meeting and we'd like to highlight your presence as Foreign Affairs Minister of Denmark showing the importance that you attach to this issue. And I'd also like to welcome Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Tom Fletcher for the information he has shared and thank OCHA for the valuable work that they do on the ground. I'd also like to thank Under Secretary General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing, as well as Dr. Eva Kair, advisor on health protection and peacebuilding. And I also welcome the delegations joining us today. Colombia views with profound concern the continuing worsening of the humanitarian situation and the impact of violence on the civilian population in Sudan. The attacks occurring on a daily basis constitute serious violations of international humanitarian law. As we have seen in what's been said today and in the situation, the lack of protection of civilians, they're being targeted in these attacks, this is alarming. And there are growing warnings being issued by various United Nations agencies with regard to the risk of a new escalation of violence in El Obeid, where hundreds of thousands of civilians could be exposed to large-scale atrocities if hostilities continue. Equally alarming are reports of killings, enforced disappearances, abductions and other serious abuses committed against civilians. Conflict-related sexual violence remains one of the most horrific manifestations of this war. Colombia categorically condemns these acts and reiterates the need to ensure protection, assistance and access to justice for all victims and survivors. Numerous international mechanisms have underscored the seriousness of the situation and the urgent need to ensure accountability. This Council must, through its actions, support those calls. Furthermore, my delegation expresses its concern at the devastating impact of the conflict on civilian infrastructure. Schools and hospitals have been destroyed. damaged or used for military purposes, depriving millions of civilians of access to education, medical care and basic protection mechanisms. This Council, and we've seen this today, has seen how thousands of schools are no longer operational, forcing children to interrupt their education. The military use of educational facilities further exacerbates their vulnerability. We would remind all of the parties to this conflict that the protection of civilian infrastructure is not merely a legal obligation. It is an indispensable condition for preserving the dignity of the population, facilitating humanitarian assistance delivery, and laying the foundations for recovery and sustainable peace in Sudan and for future generations. The situation is further aggravated by the use of drones and their expansion beyond Darfur, which has become an increasingly significant factor in the military evolution of the Sudanese conflict. Indiscriminate impacts on the civilian population and civilian infrastructure, compounded by restrictions on humanitarian access, are deepening an unprecedented crisis in a context in which civilians are increasingly exposed, unprotected, and deprived of the minimum conditions necessary for their safety and survival. Madam President, this Council cannot remain indifferent to the magnitude of this crisis. Colombia reiterates its call on the parties to fully respect international humanitarian law, protect the civilian population, ensure safe, rapid and unhindered humanitarian access, and move urgently towards a sustainable and verifiable ceasefire. We likewise reiterate the importance of strengthening diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving an inclusive political solution and of supporting current mediation mechanisms in order to bring the conflict to an end and enable lasting peace for the Sudanese people. Thank you very much.

I thank the representative of Colombia for the statement, and I now give the floor to the representative of France.

Madam President, I'd like to thank the Danish Presidency of the Security Council for convening this important meeting. I also thank the USG Rosemary DeCarlo and as well as USG Tom Fletcher for their presentations, as well as Dr. Eva Heyer for those briefings. Madam President, For several years now, it's been clear that we are witnessing a serious and multifaceted crisis. As rightly mentioned by Tom Fletcher, we regularly meet to discuss this topic and are forced each time to note the scale of the disaster caused by this conflict. This council's priority must be to act. First of all, we ought to support mediation efforts to put an end to this conflict. Only a ceasefire as part of a political process can end the conflict. There is no doubt that none of the parties to the conflict can win through force. The Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces must urgently engage in discussion with a view toward a ceasefire. France supports all diplomatic efforts to this end, whether regional or international. We also support the work of the Quintet for Sudan, which aims to foster a political dialogue that includes all segments of Sudanese society. Secondly, we must ensure that the Council is using all means in its power to put an end to the conflict. It is crucial to curb the flow of arms into Sudan. France therefore calls on all States to cease all military, financial, or logistical support to the parties. We call for the extension of the arms embargo currently in effect in Darfur to the rest of Sudan. We also lament the use of drones, which far too often does not respect the fundamental principles of international humanitarian law, that is to say distinction, proportionality, and precaution. The warring parties do not hesitate to indiscriminately strike civilian infrastructure, including schools and hospitals, causing a spike in civilian casualties. The Council must also have the means to more effectively combat impunity when it comes to violations of IHL. In Darfur, this entails continuing to call out those whose crimes have been documented like commanders of the RSF that have been sanctioned this year by the Council. This also involves extending the sanctions regime to all of Sudan to sanction perpetrators wherever they are found. Thirdly, we must strengthen our humanitarian support for the population of Sudan. France commends the holding of the Berlin Conference on April 15th of this year, which raised 1.5 billion euros in pledges. Our national contribution exceeded 44 million euros this year. Unfortunately, need remains immense, and the OCHA response plan remains underfunded due to an insufficient number of donors. Madam President, to ensure that this aid benefits those that are most in need, The parties must ensure safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all of Sudan. International law requires it. Political or financial obstacles are unacceptable. No party can gain international legitimacy by hampering humanitarian workers. Madam President, in closing, there is no path other than negotiations between the two main parties to the conflict. France will continue to act in favor of a diplomatic outcome to allow the return and restoration of peace and transition toward a government, a civilian governance in Sudan in accordance with the aspirations of the Sudanese people. Thank you.

I thank the representative of France for the statement, and I now give the floor to the representative of Panama.

Thank you, Madam President. We would like to welcome His Excellency Lars Loker Rasmussen, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark, who honours us by presiding over today's meeting. I would also like to thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo, Emergency Relief Coordinator Tom Fletcher, and Dr. Eva Kaya representing civil society, and we thank them for their important briefings that today have explained to us in dramatic terms the frustration and legitimate lack of hope that people are feeling. We also welcome the representative of Sudan to this meeting, as well as the representatives of the other delegations honoring us with their participation today. Madam President, the Sudanese people continue to face dire humanitarian and security conditions as the conflict drags on and expands in both scope and severity, and also made worse by the interference of mercenaries, exogenous forces, and the illicit traffic in arms that continues to fuel the conflict despite the embargo. We note with concern that military operations are extending into new areas. Drone attacks are reaching locations increasingly distant from the traditional front lines. And the destruction of essential infrastructure is deepening the vulnerability of entire communities. The use of drones to carry out attacks in populated areas and against critical infrastructure raises serious concerns regarding compliance with obligations under international humanitarian law and the unfortunate, lamentable use of technology as an instrument of war. Panama reiterates its condemnation of the ongoing offensive by the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, in El Obeid and of recent attacks in Khartoum. These developments replicate patterns observed in other parts of the country, such as sieges, the presence of paramilitary forces, restrictions on movement, disruptions to essential supplies, and sexual violence and attacks against civilian infrastructure. Compounding this is the impact of the rainy season, which is causing flooding and damage to homes. This in turn interacts with the conflict, as well as displacement and food insecurity, exacerbating pre-existing vulnerabilities. This situation has particularly profound implications for women and girls. The United Nations Population Fund estimates that 12.4 million people require services in response to sexual and gender-based violence, while one million pregnant women are in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. Madam President, the humanitarian consequences of the conflict cannot be understood in isolation from its military, economic and political dynamics. We welcome the recent visit to Sudan by the African Union Peace and Security Council, including its engagement with political actors and civil society organizations. We also welcome its emphasis on the need for an inclusive Sudanese-led process as well as the initial steps taken towards establishing a national dialogue. We believe it's essential to link these efforts with the good offices of the Secretary-General's personal envoy Pekka Haavisto and with the consultations being pursued by the Quintet. We also recognize the praiseworthy mediation efforts to bring about a humanitarian truce led by the United States and the Quad. The protection of civilians requires sustained efforts in the areas of prevention, compliance with international law, accountability, financing, and political will. It is particularly of importance to have heard what Tom Fletcher said with the alert that he issued with regard to the humanitarian crisis in Sudan. We don't need more analysis, he said. What we need is action. The people of Sudan cannot wait any longer. Their protection is an ongoing obligation and requires concrete, firm and immediate decisions. Thank you very much.

I thank the representative of Panama for the statement and I now give the floor to the representative of Greece.

Thank you, Madam President. Allow me to thank Denmark for convening this important meeting. with the participation of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark. I would also like to welcome the participation of the Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia in this meeting. And I would also like to thank USG DiCarlo and USG Fletcher for their sobering briefings, as well as Dr. Hirf for her remarks. Madam President, Sudan remains the world's gravest humanitarian crisis, and an end to this devastating conflict is long overdue. We remain deeply concerned by the continuing deterioration of the situation in Sudan and the devastating impact of the conflict on the civilian population, particularly on children. Allow me to highlight three points. First, the protection of civilians must remain our immediate priority. We strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure by all parties to the conflict and urge them to fully comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Those responsible for violations must be brought to justice and held accountable. We are also concerned by the increasing use of drones, which continues to endanger civilians, disrupt humanitarian operations, and damage essential infrastructure, particularly in Darfur, the Kordofans, and Blue Nile. Continued insecurity around El Obeid has further aggravated shortages of food and medical supplies and contributed to further displacement. We strongly condemn attacks by the RSF in the area against civilians and critical infrastructure and reiterate our firm opposition to any potential ground offensive against the city that could result in further mass atrocities such as those witnessed in El-Fasher. Second, the humanitarian situation requires urgent and sustained action. Over 30 million people now need assistance, while internal displacement from the conflict has surpassed 8.6 million people, many of whom are facing acute food insecurity and famine conditions. Meanwhile, as we will also discuss tomorrow, international aid efforts face severe disruptions due to delays affecting supply chains through the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz. All parties must facilitate humanitarian operations, remove bureaucratic and administrative obstacles, and ensure the safety and security of humanitarian personnel. The starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is prohibited under international humanitarian law and must never be tolerated. We are particularly alarmed by the devastating impact of the conflict on children, as highlighted also by Dr. Hare. Ongoing violence, displacement, malnutrition, and the destruction of schools and health facilities are depriving children of their most basic rights and of a safe future. We call on all parties to immediately end and prevent grave violations against children and to fully respect their obligations under international law. Women and girls also continue to face alarming levels of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence. Such violations must end, perpetrators must be held accountable, and survivors must have access to appropriate services. Third, There can be no military solution to this conflict. Greece calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities and urges the parties to engage constructively towards a sustainable ceasefire. We encourage all regional and international actors to use their influence to promote de-escalation and support a credible political process. Any lasting solution must be Sudanese-led and Sudanese-owned, with full respect for the sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity of Sudan. In this regard, we support the continued efforts of Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Pekka Haavisto, as well as those of the Quad, the Quintet, and regional actors. An inclusive political process with a meaningful participation of women and civil society remains essential to restoring peace and addressing the legitimate aspirations of the Sudanese people. Madam President, this Council and the wider international community must remain united in protecting civilians, ensuring unhindered humanitarian access, and advancing a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Greece will continue to support all credible efforts toward lasting peace and stability in Sudan. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Greece for the statement, and I now give the floor to the representative of Pakistan.

Thank you, Madam President. We would like to thank Denmark for convening this meeting. And Pakistan appreciates the personal participation and sharing of this session by His Excellency the Foreign Minister of Denmark. And we also welcome the participation of Her Excellency Vice Minister Melbard and Mr. Boulos in this meeting. I would like to thank Under Secretary General Rosemary DeCarlo and USG Tom Fletcher for the briefings and we also take note of the views expressed by Ms. Khair. Madam President, we have this map before us and evidently Sudan is a major country of strategic importance in Africa. A peaceful, stable, and united Sudan is indispensable to peace, security, and prosperity of Africa and the wider region. Unfortunately, over the years, Sudan has been gripped by recurring conflicts, the most recent episode of which is now entering its fourth year with tragic consequences. Civilians continue to bear the heaviest cost. The situation in Darfur, the Kordofans, Blue Nile is deeply alarming with continued fierce fighting, massive displacement, attacks on civilian infrastructure, and challenges to humanitarian operations. Pakistan is particularly concerned by the situation around Al-Ubeid. Reports of RSF's aggressive military posture and the risk of further escalation must be viewed against the pattern of mass atrocities committed by the RSF in Darfur, including in El Genena and El Fasher. The Council and the international community cannot stand by as another city and more civilians are subjected to such atrocities. We strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian objects, including hospitals, markets, schools, places of worship, humanitarian facilities, and aid convoys. All parties must comply with international humanitarian law. Civilians must be protected, and humanitarian workers must be able to carry out their lifesaving work safely and without interference. The commitments made under the Jeddah Declaration, which was referred to by Mr. Bulos, the commitments under the Jeddah Declaration in this regard remain valid, and the Council must call for their full implementation. President, The humanitarian situation requires urgent and sustained attention. Pakistan appreciates the efforts of OCHA, WFP and other UN agencies, as well as local and international humanitarian workers who continue to provide life-saving assistance under extremely difficult conditions. Pakistan calls for safe, rapid, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access to all those in need including in Darfur, the Kordofans, the Blue Nile regions. We appreciate the government of Sudan for keeping the Adrey crossing available and for facilitating humanitarian operations. We encourage continued cooperation between the UN humanitarian agencies and the Sudanese government to address access challenges and to ensure that assistance reaches those most in need. Funding gaps, as highlighted by USG Fletcher, must also be urgently addressed. President, the humanitarian action alone cannot resolve this crisis. Pakistan reiterates its firm support for Sudan's sovereignty, unity, independence, and territorial integrity. Sudan's national institutions must be preserved and strengthened. It would not be advisable in our view for the council to consider or support any steps that could weaken them. We reject any parallel political structures that risk fragmenting the country. Let me recall that the primary responsibility for maintaining stability and protecting civilians lies with the Sudanese government. And normally, in the context of the tools available to the Council, one could have envisaged a UN peace operation with a robust protection of civilians mandate or any other arrangement to stabilize the situation. But we are not there. That is not under consideration. So, in the areas facing RSF threats, including in El Obeid and other parts of Kordofan, the Sudanese armed forces remain the principal military capacity available to prevent further RSF advances and protect civilians from their atrocities. The return of civilians in areas retaken by the Sudan government also reflects the trust of the people in the government. The council must preserve the distinction between the national armed forces of a sovereign state and the militia accused of mass atrocities and genocidal violence. Pakistan underscores the primacy of the African Union in efforts to resolve this crisis, this conflict, The only solution to which is a political one. We welcome the recent visit and engagement of the AU Peace and Security Council with the Sudanese government. The efforts of the UN, AU, QUANTET, regional and other partners must be coordinated to discourage external interference. and to enhance cooperation and synergy in support of a Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led political process corresponding to the aspirations of the Sudanese people. The people of Sudan deserve peace, security, and dignity. The Council must act with unity and responsibility to protect civilians, preserve Sudan's unity and national institutions, and help the Sudanese people move towards a peaceful political settlement. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Pakistan for the statement, and I will give the floor to the representative of Sudan.

Mr. President.

In the name of God, most compassionate, most merciful, Mr. President, distinguished members of the Council, at the outset, we reiterate our congratulations to the Kingdom of Denmark on assuming the presidency of the Council this month, and we thank Denmark for convening this important meeting. We would also like to thank USG Rosemary DiCarlo for her valuable briefing. and balanced briefing and would also like to thank Mr. Tom Fletcher, the USG, for his also comprehensive briefing and his commitment to alleviating the humanitarian crisis in Sudan. And we also applaud the positive cooperation with the government of Sudan. I would also like to thank Dr. Eva Awad Khair. for her briefing. I would also like to thank the Deputy Foreign Minister of Latvia for her statement as well. Mr. President, this meeting has included multiple topics and has merged the method of work at the Security Council and the US initiative. Therefore, I hope I will be afforded enough time to clarify my government's position on all matters. The national government for the protection of the national plan for the protection of civilians is a commitment of the government of Sudan based on its constitutional responsibility to protect civilians. The government has developed the national plan for the protection of civilians during both the war and peacebuilding phases and has established a national mechanism for the implementation chaired by the Minister of Interior and comprising all relevant institutions. In this regard, voluntary returns of internally displaced persons has reached 5.8 million by the end of June, and the number is expected to reach 7.9 million by the end of December 2026. The protection of civilians plan reflects the commitment of the Sudanese government. The government of Sudan is committed to its obligations during the war to protect its citizens as much as possible, guided by international humanitarian law and international human rights law and as per international treaties in this regard. especially as the numbers of affected persons by the war have risen, as the continued attacks by rebel militia increase on the SPLM led by Abdulaziz Al-Hilu faction and the allied militias, the support of regional actors. We are working in order to further protect civilians and promote sustainable peace within the framework of national ownership, in particular, resolution 2736. Our plan is based on reference frameworks, notably the constitutional document, the Juba Peace Agreement, and national legislation, as well as international frameworks, including the UN Charter, international humanitarian law, and international human rights law, and is divided into two principal phases, protection from direct violence and creating a protective environment aimed at safeguarding civilians' rights and ensuring the provision of essential services and creating the conditions for the voluntary return. The protection of civilians is led by the armed forces who are targeted at this time. The Sudanese armed forces have commenced an organized deployment in cities and villages following the retreat of the militia in several states. And we have presented this to the Secretary-General and to this Council, and we -- the SAF is being deployed to address the threats and specialized officers in the area of protection are participating in the tactic development. We are issuing threats, rather warnings, through the media in order to urge the civilians to evacuate potentially target areas. And the armed forces do not recruit children and have secured crossings to and from the Khartoum state. There is no obstruction as some have mentioned. The police forces have resumed their internal security and law enforcement functions in urban areas, focusing on securing the perimeters of cities and villages and entry points and main roads and strategic sites outside the residential areas. This deployment has contributed to enhancing security and creating conditions conducive to the return of civilians and the resumption of normal life. Specialized units have also begun clearing explosive remnants of war and mitigating conflict-related hazards. And they are working hard, despite the limited resources, in monitoring the borders with neighboring countries in order to prevent the flow of supplies to militias and military supplies. The police continues to strengthen civilian protection through law enforcement measures, through daytime and nighttime patrols, mobile and foot patrols, information gathering to identify security vulnerable areas, providing emergency services and providing psychosocial support and supporting families with the coordination with civil society. And the police has not yet been able to deploy in some parts of the Darfur states due to the continued participation of elements of the 21st Infantry Division in the military operations in Kordofan and the desert areas. With regards to the conflict-related sexual violence, these are grave violations deliberately perpetrated by the militia and have been broadcast live through the media. This is a violation of international humanitarian law and we support accountability of the perpetrators regardless whether they belong to the government or not. They must be held responsible. The government of Sudan reiterates its commitment to implementing the comprehensive national plan for the protection of women and girls by strengthening prevention measures and protection mechanisms, ensuring that survivors receive services that respect their dignity and enhance access to justice, persecute perpetrators and end impunity, and strengthen the security sector in the area of civilian protection. The government of hope emphasizes that there can be no sustainable peace without the protection of women and children. We condemn the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war, which the militia supported by the United Arab Emirates has employed systematically within a culture of racial superiority among the perpetrators. A total of 2,250 incidents of sexual violence have been documented to date during this war of aggression. The comprehensive national plan is a strategic framework for advancing the women, peace and security agenda and strengthening prevention and early warning mechanisms. We call upon the international community to increase funding for these programs to support the survivors and child protection services, build national capacities and invest further in community protection recovery and reintegration initiatives. The Sudan has signed the framework of cooperation with the United Nations on the prevention of conflict related sexual violence on the 10th of April, 2025, in order to address the use of such violence as an abhorrent method of warfare by the rapid support forces. As for the humanitarian dimension, the government of Hope has adopted a group of measures to, to facilitate humanitarian access, including exempting humanitarian imports from customs and duties. and taxes bearing the transportation costs of humanitarian assistance provided by friendly countries and certain humanitarian organizations to all states of the Sudan, completing more than 35,000 administrative and technical procedures to facilitate humanitarian assistance delivery, conducting field missions to assess humanitarian needs in 10 states, streamlining visa issuance movement permits, interstate movement of humanitarian convoys, cross-border operations through the Tina and Adray crossings, registration and renewal of organizations, and the review and approval of technical project agreements. These measures have achieved an implementation rate of no less than 95%. We have also approved 14 land, air and river border crossings, representing an increase of 12 crossings for the entry of humanitarian assistance during the period from January to June 2026. In addition, approximately 6,000 internal humanitarian supply routes remain operational across 773 administrative units in all 18 states. On the level of the national response, more than 2.5 million metric tons of multi-sectoral assistance has been provided to approximately 7 million people in areas of high vulnerability, with a focus on the displaced populations from the Greater Darfur and Greater Kordofan regions. During the period from January to June 2026, funding of the humanitarian response plan did not exceed 38.9 percent, leaving a funding gap of 61 percent. Accordingly, around 15 million people were left outside the scope of humanitarian assistance coverage. In building on the state's efforts, the UN agencies and partners and friendly countries were, however, able to provide humanitarian access to approximately 11 million affected persons. During the same period, most ministries and government institutions in Khartoum were rehabilitated. Five million persons, IDPs returned to their areas of origin. Sudanese secondary school examinations were also carried out for 576,000 students in 12 secure safe states. the state has secured the provision of humanitarian aid to populations under siege. Among the challenges facing humanitarian operations are the lack of objective diagnosis of the crisis, the failure of some organizations to adhere to the principles of neutrality, transparency, and impartiality, the militias' failure to comply with the principles of the Jeddah Declaration on the protection of civilians, Also, the exploitation of humanitarian access routes by militias to enter -- to receive weapons. Mr. President, the government -- on the 22nd of December 2025, the Prime Minister has presented the Sudan Peace Initiative. And there have been confidence building measures and this has been accompanied by the renewal of passports for significant figures. We are excluding the rebels and parties that carry weapons from dialogue. The national dialogue is based on the constitutional document and that has provided for the establishment of a transitional legislative council representing the parties of the peace process and national political actors with significant participation from women and youth. And the dialogue is a main channel for ending the war. It is the means to end the evil and it's a means to restore trust and adopting parallel measures to protect civilians and create consensus between civilian and military and social segments of society. The state has approved to provide temporary immunity for participants and this will assist the processes taking place to bridge the differences, and this, however, will not relieve from accountability. We must admit that the war of aggression has fueled hate speech and torn the social fabric. The Security Council should support the Sudanese national dialogue in implementation of resolution 2736 through reinforcing national ownership of peacebuilding and safeguarding national responsibility to end the war without allowing some parties to obstruct the process. The prolongation of the war is a result of the continued supply of weapons and to the militia resulting in accumulated stockpiles in Darfur and North Kordofan outside any UN oversight. This is a threat to regional peace and facilitates the spread of arms across the borders into the Sahel and the Horn of Africa. The absence of accountability for neighboring states including Chad, Ethiopians and Central African Republic as well as Haftar in Libya is a major factor contributing to the continued war of aggression. As for the initiative by President Donald Trump and the efforts of Mr. Bonos, who we appreciate, I was hoping he would mention the role of the Sudanese armed forces in cooperating with him instead of equating between them and the militia and and not recognize the difference in legitimacy. There is a civilian government that has resigned and therefore the armed forces had to fill the gap. The Sudanese armed forces were not able to cut and run. They have rather stayed and filled the gap and And now we have a civilian government. We must know that the civilian government that has resigned after the revolution was not elected. It was rather composed through a political agreement, Mr. President. With regards to the U.S. proposal, The Sudanese government's acceptance of the US proposal was through a response in June, and it has enumerated the measures. And the main principles and the response from the General al-Burhan to Mr. Masad Bolos on the 27th of July has included a commitment to peace through negotiations owned and led by the Sudanese and the announcement of a humanitarian truce for 90 days to allow for humanitarian access, support civilians and protect civilians. civilians and the withdrawal of the militia from the areas they occupied, including areas in Al-Murfa, in order to create a conducive environment for a ceasefire and establishing a coordination committee to oversee the implementation and with these participation of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, as well as the establishment of a committee by the US, Egypt and Saudi Arabia through and by the approval of the Sudan to support the differences and to also support the delivery of humanitarian aid and the return of IDPs. It also included the guarantee for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sudan and ending the military support for the militia and the foreign fighters and using the truce for indirect negotiations in order for the rebel militias to withdraw and to guarantee the distribution of humanitarian aid. without interruption, including through the cross lines and the border crossings through the approval of the government of Sudan, and also fulfilling all agreements on the protection of civilians and the return of IDPs, protecting and repairing infrastructure and these essential services. And then indirect negotiation would take place for security arrangements for the withdrawal of the militia and disarming them and preserving the SAF as a national army and also merging all units into the national army, deploying monitors from international and regional organizations to support the ceasefire and protect the civilians through the approval of the government of Sudan. This is based on a written and signed agreement that will be implemented by the government of Sudan. Sudan will cooperate with the UN to form a transitional government and we must guarantee that the dialogue must be free of any violent and extremist factions, that Sudan be free of foreign mercenaries. Confidence building measures must be undertaken and the civilian government must be established and we must oversee elections and accordingly develop an economic recovery plan. I would have hoped that the senior advisor would have mentioned all of this before the council. Mr. President, some have also mentioned here today including Mr. Masad Bolos, have demanded expanding the scope of Resolution 1591 to include all territory of the Sudan, and that this will lead to a system -- this will lead to destruction of the national army, which is defending the people. that the five million returned refugees are great evidence of the role of the National Army. Mr. President, it is concerning that the situation currently in the council is concerning. What was Required now is a technical extension of the sanctions regime, not to change it or expand its scope. However, in the modified version of the US initiative, there are some additional elements that expand the regime and that expand the committee's mandate and the panel of experts. In OP-1, there is a provision on the arms embargo. This is not a technical modification or just an adaptation to the developments. It is an essential change. The proposed expansion is significant and OP2 adds a number of measures that add to the criteria for listing. A new, an expanded list of means that this is an expansion of the sanctions regime and not just a renewal as is custom. Sudan finds a significant difference in this draft. It ignores the continued flow of weapons and the launch of drones from third countries. OP3 requests an end of support from member states and that measures must be taken to end the launch and operation of drones from territories. The flow of arms and external support is essential to the continuation of the war, and therefore the council must answer the question, why would a response to these violations be an expansion of restriction against the entire Sudan? instead of questioning and holding accountable the parties that violate the law and you all know but however no one will dare and address the situation your your exes the issue was not the limited geographical scope Expanding the embargo will not end the support of external networks if they continue with impunity. We cannot address the violation of a current sanctions regime through expanding the regime. This issue is how the Council views the conflict in Sudan. The SAF is the national institution of the state of Sudan, which has celebrated the 70 years of independence just now. The proposed sanctions regime practically leads to equating between the state institutions and the rebel militia and subjects them to the same restrictions. This is a essential targeting of our national sovereignty and it ignores the legal differences between the parties. This must not be overlooked by the council. The panel of experts mandate would be expanded to include the use of drones and the use of dual-use items and the illegal use of natural resources. These elements together confirm once again that the draft is not only renewing the regime but is seeking to establish a new regime. If the Council believes that the current situation requires considering new issues related to the conflict, they must be transparently addressed and in the correct legal framework and not through expanding a sanctions regime and presenting it as though it were a renewal. We call for is simple and reasonable, preserving the scope of 1591 and renewing technically the current measures and improving their implementation and addressing the violations of the embargo and addressing the external sources of the violation. We must address the implementation and the respect of Member States for the implementation of the Security Council resolutions and holding violators accountable. The expansion of the regime will not contribute to improving confidence while the illegal supply networks continue their illegal support. A technical renewal is required and a strict implementation of the current regime. While the Council addresses the future of the sanctions, we can... The sanctions committee must address the violations and the lack of strict implementation and the conclusions by the panel has reached conclusions about the role of the UAE that is attempting to hide. Mr. President, since the expulsion of the militia from Khartoum in March 2025 and its loss of its strategic influence. Its means of attacks have changed fundamentally based on, and now it now uses long range drones. The weapons received by the militia from external supporters is flowing without any oversight and it's establishing a parallel regional structure for threatening peace and security in the region. Those are attacking the stability of Sudan, the influence by them. These networks are funding their activities through illegal crime networks. They are enslaving persons and exploiting young people and Therefore, the artillery equipment being provided to the militia is a threat against civil aviation and UN missions and counterterrorism operations. The question that the Security Council must answer, how Why would the response to these violations be through expanding the sanctions regime? The Sudanese Armed Forces are cooperating with all mechanisms, regional and international and UN-based, including national mechanisms of states. Any measure that attacks or weakens the army, as this draft does, returns the strategic vacuum that is detrimental. And this is not neutrality. This is, in fact, an act of aggression against the people of Sudan. The use of drones by both parties does not equate the parties. We cannot equate between who uses drones to attack civilians and destroy infrastructure and a party who uses drones to defend the civilians. This is the difference. Sudan does not oppose, Sudan suffers the most from weapons and their illegal flow. However, expanding such a sanctions regime will weaken the protection of civilians. Thank you, Mr. President.

Thank you. I thank the representative of Sudan for the statement. And I now give the floor to the representative of Ethiopia.

Thank you, Mr. President. My delegation expresses its gratitude to you for taking the initiative to convene this important meeting. I would also like to thank the Undersecretary General Rosemary DiCarlo and Tom Fletcher, as well as Dr. Ivian Kair for their briefings. Mr. President, Allow me to start by paying tribute to the fallen Ethiopian peacekeepers deployed with UNMISS earlier today. I strongly condemn the attack on Ethiopian Blue Helmets whose service and sacrifice in the cause of peace and collective security will endure. I extend my deepest condolences to their families and colleagues and I wish full recovery to all peacekeepers who were injured during the incident. Mr. President, as a close neighbor, Ethiopia deeply -- is deeply concerned about the ongoing conflict in Sudan and the immense suffering it continues to inflict on civilians. The loss of lives, displacement of communities, and destruction of livelihoods underscore the urgent need for immediate de-escalation of violence and for prioritizing access to those in need. The well-being and protection of the Sudanese people must remain at the center of all efforts to address the crisis. Ethiopia reaffirms its respect for Sudan's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence. We believe a sustainable and lasting solution to the conflict can only emerge through a Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led political process that reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people. The stability of Sudan is essential not only for its own citizens but also for the stability of the wider Horn of Africa region. Peace and security in Sudan is closely interconnected with regional security and cross-border peace and cooperation. Continued instability in Sudan risks undermining collective regional progress and exacerbating humanitarian and security challenge. Ethiopia stands in solidarity with the people of Sudan during this difficult period. As a close neighbor with deep historical, cultural, and economic ties, and as a constructive partner for peace in the region, Ethiopia remains committed to supporting efforts that promote peace and stability in Sudan and rejects any insinuation and allegations that are unhelpful to peace in Sudan and the wider Horn of Africa region. At the same time, Ethiopia continues to be concerned about the impact of the escalating violence in Sudan on Ethiopia's cross-border security. Increased insecurity along shared border areas risks exacerbating humanitarian pressures, disrupting local livelihoods, and creating conditions that could further destabilize the border regions. Countries in the sub-region must ensure their territories are not used to carry out cross-border attacks that undermine the security of other neighbors. Mr. President, Ethiopia will continue to work closely with the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, the United Nations, and other relevant partners in support of dialogue and regional stability. Ethiopia believes a sustainable and lasting peace can best be achieved through a Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led political process that reflects the aspirations and interests of the Sudanese people. At the same time, efforts by the international community should support and facilitate such a process while reflecting the Sudan sovereignty and ownership of Sudanese people. As always, Ethiopia remains ready to contribute constructively to regional and international efforts aimed at supporting dialogue and stability in the Sudan. I thank you, Madam President.

I thank the representative of Ethiopia for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Saudi Arabia.

Thank you, Madam President. At the outset, allow me to extend my thanks to the Kingdom of Denmark for convening this very important session to discuss the humanitarian situation in the Sudan. This session is convened in a delicate and sensitive juncture. We welcome the Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Bahrain, as well as Madam De Carlo, USG for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, and Mr. Tom Fletcher, USG for Humanitarian Affairs for their briefings highlighting the compounding humanitarian and political threats in the Sudan. We've taken note of the briefing by Dr. Eva Khair, Health Protection and Peacebuilding Advisor. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the situation in the Sudan requires us to show cooperation and concert our efforts to resolve the crisis. The Sudanese people is faced with mounting challenges exceeding its capacity to grapple with them, including insecurity, food shortages, and lack of basic needs. Humanitarian repercussions are a direct outcome of the targeting of the unity and sovereignty of the Sudan. and the integrity of its institutions, which worsened the conflict and led to further insecurity across the Sudan, despite pledges made through the Jeddah Declaration, as well as relevant Security Council resolutions, including 2830, 2286, and 2791, which are binding and unequivocal documents which cannot be called into question nor misinterpreted. President, according to United Nations and CSO reports, the RSF continue to pursue gross humanitarian violations against unarmed Sudanese civilians in areas under their control. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia strongly condemns criminal attacks waged by the RSF recently against unarmed Sudanese civilians, killing dozens of innocent civilians, including women and children, and destroying relief convoys and facilities in North and South Kordofan. These heinous acts cannot be justified under any circumstance. We call upon all parties to honor their moral and humanitarian duties by ensuring access to humanitarian assistance to those in need according to international and humanitarian laws. Since the onset of the crisis, we've made relentless efforts to consolidate peace and end the war in the Sudan through the Jeddah negotiations and our work with friendly states, including the United States of America. In this regard, we thank the US administration and its envoy, Massad Boulos, for the efforts to end the conflict. We commend the efforts made by the United States to ensure a humanitarian truce and a durable solution to the crisis in the Sudan. There is no doubt that access to humanitarian assistance remains one of our utmost priorities. In this regard, we commend the stance by the Sudanese government to keep Adrey crossing open. to ensure delivery of humanitarian assistance without restrictions to all states in line with the principles of IHL and the Jeddah Declaration of the 11th of May 2023 and relevant Security Council resolutions. We welcome the role undertaken by regional organizations, including the African Union and the League of Arab States. and we commend the efforts made of Special Envoy Havisto. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, since the onset of the crisis, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has honored its humanitarian obligations by conducting evacuation operations for Saudi nationals and nationals of friendly countries. The number of those evacuated reached 8,455 from 110 countries and a clear commitment to humanitarian principles and international solidarity. The KSA has provided humanitarian assistance valued at $100 million through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center. Total humanitarian assistance provided by the Kingdom as of the 6th of April 2025 reached 140 million USD. Total assistance provided to the Sudan and registered through the Saudi aid platform from various donors reached 3.1 billion dollars, which reflects the Kingdom's steadfast commitment to supporting the Sudan and our brotherly people. In conclusion, we reiterate our full support to all efforts to reach a permanent ceasefire and kickstart an inclusive political process that is Sudanese-led, without dictations from foreign parties, one that protects state institutions, fosters security and stability, and enables the Sudan to overcome the hardship and pave the way for a future of peace, stability, and prosperity. I thank you, President.

I thank the representative of Saudi Arabia for the statement. And I now give the floor.

To the representative of.

Egypt.

President, we thank Denmark for convening this meeting. And we thank the foreign minister of Denmark for joining us in this meeting. We thank the briefers for their valuable insights. President, amid complex landscapes where political, humanitarian and security considerations are multiple, we stress that the terms of references through which And the principles through which the Council considers the situation of the Sudan must remain steadfast, ensuring that we preserve the unity of the Sudan and that of its people, including its territorial integrity, to ensure that its state's institutions are not dismantled. The crisis has continued, and the Sudanese people have paid the greatest price. The international community has not undertaken decisive measures to address threats faced by the Sudanese people due to the actions undertaken by the RSF. Protecting civilians cannot be selective. This protection is a responsibility that cannot be disregarded. It cannot be subject to double standards. Calls must be made for an end of the war as well as an end of all that feeds and stokes it. In this regard, we stress that utmost priority must be given to the end of bloodshed and the war, not the management of the war or coexistence with the war. The Council must undertake an effective and credible framework to hold perpetrators of gross violations accountable. Many reports of reporters, media, humanitarian actors have documented such violations against civilians. We reject any attempt to undermine the unity of the Sudan and we reject the establishment of parallel governing structures that will entrench division or impose a fait accompli that jeopardizes the unity of the Sudanese people. Egypt rejects any approach that ignores the difference between the parties or the difference in liabilities and responsibilities between the rebelling militias and the SAF. State institutions are a priority for stability in the Sudan. Seeking a path to return to stability therefore requires us to support state institutions and establish an implementable vision that ends the war and at the same time preserves the state. President, to end the suffering of Sudanese civilians, we must end the flow of illicit weapons provided to rebel militias as well as the mercenaries who joined them in targeting civilians systematically, be it in Darfur or Kordofan or the Blue Nile. Seriousness in seeking peace requires to dry up all forms of support that prolong the conflict and multiply its cost to civilians calls for a comprehensive arms embargo on Sudan must heed several warnings, namely the repercussions on state institutions and their capacity to protect civilians and shoulder their responsibility, as well as the credibility of the Council in fulfilling its responsibilities. The blockade imposed upon Darfur in this regard for more than 20 years points to the incapacity of the arms embargo to dry up flows of weapon supplies amid lack of implementation. International efforts must be geared towards ending illicit supply of weapons and mercenaries that directly contribute to the malicious capacities to put civilian lives at risks. Excellencies, Egypt is making every effort to help end the suffering of the Sudanese people through our engagement with the Sovereign Council and our work with international partners through the Quad. In this regard, we welcome the efforts made by the US administration and his advisor, Masad Boulos, as well as the continuous coordination thereof with Cairo. Our engagement here is based on our steadfast conviction that peace cannot be made by a single party. and that ending the war requires regional and international concerted efforts. These must be reoriented towards a unified purpose, namely ending the war and building an environment conducive to a political dialogue that is led by the Sudanese people and owned by them. In this regard, we welcome efforts made by the SG's special envoy, Mr. Havisto. We reaffirm that any arrangements to end the war must pave the way for comprehensive peace and not a curtain that rather covers the situation or the current regional landscape. No fait accompli for the partition of the Sudan can be imposed. We stress the need to continue to provide humanitarian assistance safely and without restrictions to conflict-affected areas. Funding for the humanitarian response plan must increase. We welcome the announcement by the foreign minister of Denmark of additional contributions to provide humanitarian assistance to the Sudan at the beginning of this meeting. Neighboring countries should not shoulder more burden. They have opened their doors to those who have fled the conflict. In this regard, we are hopeful to see the return of displaced persons to SAF-controlled areas, namely in Wadi Madani and Al Jazeera. This return is proof that the Sudanese people are confident in the state's capacity to provide them with necessary protection. This also highlights the responsibility borne by the international community to support stabilization and the provision of basic needs to enable displaced persons to return to liberated areas. In conclusion, President We should not surrender to a reality that does not safeguard the right of the Sudanese people to protection and security. We should not yield to attempts to partition and divide the Sudan. Therefore, the Council must show precaution in adopting resolutions or undertaking measures that undermine the right of the Sudanese people in a united and stable state. I thank you, President.

I thank the representative of Egypt for the statement. And I now give the floor to the representative of the United Arab Emirates.

President, I thank you for convening today's meeting. I wish to thank Tom Fletcher USG for Humanitarian Affairs and USG Rosemary DeCarlo, as well as Dr. Eva Khair for the briefings provided. The latest report of the Secretary-General on the protection of civilians and briefings we heard today reiterate the current devastating situation in the Sudan. which came as a result of the disregard of the belligerents to the rights of civilians and their commitments to international law, as they have preferred to continue hostilities rather than protect the lives of civilians and the future of their country. In this regard, I wish to stress three points. First, the protection of civilians must remain a priority, in addition to accountability for gross violations. The UAE rejects the targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure by any party and anywhere at any time, namely attacks using drones against civilians. We stress the need to ensure that the principle of distinction is guaranteed. as one of the more important international obligations to be honored. Violations of the rights of children in the Sudan must cease, namely after the UN documented more than 1,900 gross violations perpetrated against children since 2025. These have included the killing and maiming of more than 1,300 children, in addition to physical violence and attacks against hospitals, schools, and child recruitment. At the same time, we stress the need to ensure accountability for victims of conflict-related sexual violence and forced starvation, including the disruption of delivery of humanitarian assistance. The use of chemical weapons in the Sudan is an issue of great risk, as this jeopardizes the lives and safety of civilians. The use of such weapons is prohibited in accordance with international law. The Convention on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons prohibits their use under any circumstance. Such use is a blatant violation of international law which requires investigations which encompass those who have used them and those who have abetted their use to ensure accountability under international law. Second, the end of the flow of foreign support and supply of weapons is an important demand. We renew our call to end all forms of foreign support to the belligerent parties without any exception. Every weapon that enters the Sudan keeps it away from peace and from the protection of civilians. We reject false claims and accusations to distract attention from the violations perpetrated by the Sudanese forces. The SAF have conducted an attack that has killed dozens of civilians In February, 26 civilians have been killed in an attack against a center for refugees. In August, more than 35 people have been killed in an attack against a court in Darfur. This cannot be justified nor disregarded. My country calls upon this Council to renew the sanctions regime and include all territories under arms embargo, while increasing listing criteria to ensure the end of violations perpetrated against civilians, including sexual violence, the killing and maiming of children. We welcome efforts made by the United States as a pen holder for the sanctions regime in the Sudan and we extend our full support to the United States in this regard the ultimate priority must be given to an urgent and unconditional humanitarian truce and the delivery of humanitarian assistance safely and without hindrance to all Sudanese territories to pave the way for a durable ceasefire as we've mentioned in the quad third and lastly Durable protection for civilians requires a political track that brings the future of Sudan back into the hands of the people, a process that is credible, civilian-led, and that is independent from the belligerent parties and extremist forces to pave the way for an independent civilian authority that safeguards the aspirations of the Sudanese people. military victories will not give parties any legitimacy or bring back stability to the country. We welcome the efforts of the Quartet in this regard, or the Quintet, in order to ensure a peaceful political transition. I thank you, President.

I thank the representative of United Arab Emirates for the statement. And the representative of Sudan has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I give them the floor.

Thank you, Madam President. The representative of the UAE mentioned accusations related to the use of chemical weapons, but she was not audacious to say that those -- to identify those who used the chemical weapons. And she means that the Sudanese Army used it on 17 June 2026 the US mentioned the um enforcement of a new uh package of sanctions on Sudan in 2024 a journalist in a US paper called me and talked about the allegations of the use of chemical weapons in the war and received information from media outlets that a call was made to the US administration stating that the accusations were based on information from an intelligence in the region, a third country. And we have two enemy countries to the Sudanese army who are working hard to dismantle the army and support the Rapid Support Forces. They provided with weapons and weapons of interception. New York Times stated that the Sudanese army used these weapons twice and I would like to mention the statement of the executive director of Yale School of Health questioning if the US has taken the right decision and he mentioned that it is alarming that no field reports are available to confirm the use of chlorine gas. Madam President, on February 1st, 2024, the technical committee of Sudan on the implementation of Security Council resolutions 1372 and 1267 and subsequent resolutions, it made a report referred by its chair to the CTAD naming terrorist organizations and entities according to a decree from the cabinet in relation to the implementation of Sudan to resolution 1373. It stated that one of the serious violations of RSF is the innovation to the use of chemical nuclear weapons. RSF possessed chemical and nuclear material and they have been transferred to schools and hospitals. The RSF used the warehouses of the facility that used this material for peaceful uses for their purposes. There is alarm that this material could leak due to the method used by these forces to steal and loot these warehouses. These concerns have been expressed by the IAEA in its communication with the national body of nuclear oversight. The concern was about the use of this material in military actions, which is a threat to international peace and security. Therefore, the technical committee believes that this violation should be an enough foundation to name these forces as a terrorist entity. A year ago before, we highlighted the importance of basing any action with Sudan on solid foundations. substantiate these allegations. There are chlorine material used for humanitarian and industrial uses and we question the open source evidence and the information referred by intelligence bodies from countries that are enemies to the Sudan army. They claimed that samples have been collected by third party without the supervision of the OPCW. These are not foundations strong enough to have allegations against a country which will undermine the professionalism of the army. The report of the technical committee has been handed to the CTAD and Sudan remains committed to peacefully handle the material the Ministry of Health of Sudan has not confirmed any aspiratory conditions 300 plants have been set ablaze by the RSF. And if there is a presence of chlorine in any area, it is a result of the attack by RSF on the fuel stations. The armed forces has not used any chemical weapons during the war. Sudan uses ammonia and chlorine to water desalination and if there are yellow clouds they are merely leaks of toxic chemical material as a result of the actions of the RSF the fabricated evidence cannot be used to justify the sanctions because the main motivation is to undermine Sudan and the army of Sudan. Sudan stresses its full commitment to the full prohibition of chemical weapons. The chlorine in Sudan are used exclusively for industry and water desalination and if There is leak discovered. It is the result of the deliberate targeting by RSF because firing causes holes in the tanks and this causes the leak that is being used as a fabricated evidence against Sudan. Thank you, Madam President.

Representative of Sudan for the statement. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. The meeting is adjourned.