Sudan and South Sudan - Security Council, 10220th meeting

Good morning, everyone. The 10,220th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is: Reports of the Secretary-General on the Sudan and South Sudan. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Sudan to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. I'd like to welcome the representative of Sudan. And the Security Council will now begin its consideration of item 2 of the agenda. Members of the Council have before them document S/2026/721, the text of a draft resolution submitted by the United States of America. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall now put the draft resolution to the vote. Will those in favour of the draft resolution contained in document S/2020/6721 please raise their hand? The result of the voting is as follows: The draft resolution received 15 votes in favour. The draft resolution has been adopted unanimously as resolution 28/28 of 2026. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements after the vote, and I give the floor to the United States.

Thank you, President. Colleagues, the United States welcomes the adoption of this short-term technical rollover. Throughout negotiations on this text, we heard emphatic support from a broad group of members to expand this arms embargo to the entire territory of Sudan. We also heard from some members a desire to maintain the status quo and to take no action whatsoever. As we have made clear, A long-term technical rollover of this mandate is not an option, which is why we proposed this short-term text to provide us the time and space necessary to make substantive changes to the regime. Colleagues, this Council has proven it can make a true difference in Sudan when it uses tools at its disposal, as exemplified when we collectively sanctioned eight individuals earlier this year for their roles in the conflict. However, the current sanctions regime is over 20 years outdated and is insufficient to address the realities of the war today. That is why this Council should expand the arms embargo across the entire territory of Sudan, expand the listing measures to include horrific actions such as conflict-related sexual violence, kidnapping for ransom, and attacks on humanitarian personnel, and strengthen the mandate and effectiveness of the Panel of Experts. Each of these are simple actions this Council can take to protect civilians and help bring an end to this war. Countless experts have briefed us on the use of rape and other forms of sexual violence as a tactic of war. Yet, this Council does not have sufficient tools to hold perpetrators of these actions accountable. Humanitarian agencies have consistently described to us the complexities of their operating environment due to attacks on aid convoys, all of which impact the delivery of humanitarian assistance to civilians in need, further worsening the famine. Just last week, more than 50 metric tons of aid were destroyed in an aerial attack on clearly identified World Food Program trucks in South Kordofan. However, this attack on humanitarian workers took place in a part of the country where this Council has no tools to respond. Why would we limit ourselves and not take steps to strengthen our tool set? Inaction means more suffering and death. That is unacceptable, and we refuse to rubber stamp another year of maintaining the status quo. The United States urges every member to negotiate in good faith an expansion of the embargo that will address the current realities of the conflict. Because we sit here in New York, people in Sudan are suffering, starving, and dying. We continue to call on the warring parties to cease hostilities and to refrain from attacks on civilians and allow unhindered humanitarian access to all parts of the country. The Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces must agree to and comply with a humanitarian truce without conditions. A truce would save lives, and it would also serve as a vital step towards sustained dialogue and lasting peace. We reiterate our call for an end to the constant flow external support to the belligerents. This Council has a critical role to play and should take the first step by expanding the arms embargo. I thank you.

I thank the representative of the United States for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, President. The United Kingdom voted in favour of this resolution, which provides a short technical rollover of the Sudan sanctions measures until 9 October. We welcome this additional time for discussions on how to ensure that the UN sanctions regime responds effectively to the realities on the ground in Sudan. We thank the United States as penholder for its determined efforts to steer negotiations and to update the regime in light of a conflict that has changed significantly since these measures were first established. Today's decision preserves an important Council tool, but it is only a temporary extension. The coming weeks must be used constructively, and all members of this Council have a responsibility to engage seriously on the future of the sanctions regime and on how it can best protect civilians and support peace. The United Kingdom has long supported strengthening the UN sanctions regime so that it remains effective, credible and responsive. The sanctions regime should reflect that fighting has spread across Sudan. It should press the parties to halt violence and to protect civilians, including by constraining the flow of weapons and other support that is fuelling this war. Across Sudan, millions continue to endure violence, displacement, hunger and profound insecurity. More than 1,000 civilians were killed in drone strikes between January and May this year alone. The Council has an opportunity over the coming weeks to ensure that its sanctions regime remains fit for purpose. We remain committed to and urge all members to approach the next phase of negotiations with pragmatism and flexibility and to work towards agreement on a regime that contributes meaningfully to the protection of civilians and pursuit of peace in Sudan. Thank you.

I thank the representative of the United Kingdom for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Latvia.

Mr. President, we thank the penholder, the United States, for taking up this important initiative and for putting before the Council concrete proposals to strengthen the 1591 sanctions regime. Latvia has supported this process from the outset. Almost four years into this war, the immense civilian toll, the scale of violations, and the continuing lack of accountability demand a credible response. The conflict has spread far beyond the four. While the sanctions regime remains geographically limited, we believe that the time has come for the Council's response to reflect the reality on the ground. We remain convinced that the geographical scope of the 1591 regime should be expanded together with stronger implementation. The sanctions regime should also make unmistakably clear that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes grounds for designation and must carry consequences. At the same time, we recognize that these are consequential decisions and deserve serious engagement. For that reason, Latvia supports this technical rollover, giving the Council additional time to continue negotiations and work towards a substantive outcome. We expect this will bring the Council closer to a stronger, more relevant, and more credible sanctions regime. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Latvia for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of China.

President, Given the sharp divergence of views among Council members, the penholder proposed a one-month technical rollover of the sanctions mandate against Sudan to allow for more time for discussion. China has no objection to this and just voted in favour of the draft resolution. We have consistently advocated for ensuring the objectivity, fairness and inclusiveness of draft resolutions, and for avoiding the forced adoption of texts that are clearly contentious. China is deeply distressed with the grave humanitarian situation in Sudan and has consistently called upon all parties to the conflict to immediately stop the fighting, comply with their obligations under the international humanitarian law, and put an end to external military interference. At the same time, however, we have repeatedly emphasized that sanctions are not a means in themselves and must not serve as a substitute for diplomatic efforts. The immediate task before us is to focus on how to better implement existing mechanisms. Arbitrarily expanding the scope of coercive measures will further worsen the humanitarian situation on the ground and may even fuel the prospect of Sudan's fragmentation, hence threatening regional stability and undermining the Council's authority. China has engaged constructively in consultations with many members, including regional countries, and has called on the penholder to bridge the differences among all parties and make genuine efforts to uphold the Council's unity and forge the broadest possible consensus. We hope that in the upcoming consultations, all parties will further strengthen communication and coordination. address the legitimate concerns of the countries involved, reach a consensus as soon as possible, so as to play a constructive role in promoting an end to the conflict in Sudan and maintaining its unity and integrity. Thank you, President.

I thank the representative of China for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.

Mr. President, We welcome the adoption today of the draft resolution on the technical rollover of the Security Council sanctions regimes on Sudan and Darfur. delegation from the very beginning of the negotiating process on this document has stipulated very clearly what the red lines are. No going outside of the technical rollover of Resolution 2791. And year in, year out, we have been stating that we will not allow even a hint of broadening the restrictions by the Council against Sudan. And this is fully in line with the position of the legitimate government of the country, which many of those present here are not ready to hear. It is not clear why the Council is asked to broaden the scope for listing at precisely this moment. Why is it that no one mentioned this in 2023, for example, when the RSF were threatening Khartoum and other major cities? Currently, the government and their armed forces do have a definite advantage on the ground, and it is the government who are the guarantee of maintaining the government institution of the country, its unity, and also the protection of its civilians. For that purpose, they need to have all of the possible resources. We expect that during the period we have before we have a fully-fledged resolution, the sponsors will take into account the position of those who were in favor of technical rollover of last year's document for one year. I thank you for your attention.

I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for their statement. And I now give the floor to the representative of the Sudan.

In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate, Mr. President, the members of the Security Council. At the outset, we renew our congratulations to France on assuming the presidency of the Security Council during this month. I would also like to thank the friendly countries that have supported and continue to support the legitimate demand of Sudan not to expand the arms embargo to cover the entire territory of Sudan and to limit the renewal of Resolution 1591 to a purely technical rollover. 25 years after the attacks of September 11, we recall the size of the tragedy that terrorism can cause when it targets civilians without discrimination. And we recall as well the suffering of the Sudanese people, of the atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces. the world stood in solidarity with the victims of 9/11. And the Sudanese today are looking forward to see the same solidarity with them as they face mass atrocities, sexual violence, starvation, and systematic embargo. Mr. President, just like the Council accepted this technical rollover, which is a demand of Sudan, and it was supported by all members of the Council, we will make sure that this rollover will be for a well-defined timeline. The Sudanese are suffering from the scourge of aggressions, as the U.S. representative mentioned. However, the arms embargo as suggested, goes against Article 51 of the UN Charter, which guarantees member states the inherent right of individual and collective self-defense. This includes the Sudanese armed forces and all integrated forces, which are fighting to repel aggression against Sudan. They have the right to produce, acquire, and retain conventional and necessary weapons and other means required to protect sovereignty. The conditions of war and the fragility resulting from this war do not enable the state to control or assess the distribution of weapons within its borders because of the large number of armed organizations and mercenary forces. Mr. President, the international community has failed to support the integration and disarmament of armed groups following the October 2020 agreement. Furthermore, the rapid support forces rejected the integration into the national army. However, the proposed resolution strengthens the structures of armed organization operating outside the authority of the state, while undermining the role of the army, which was established precisely to fulfill that function. This contributes to the flourishing of illicit arms trafficking across Sudan's border and the borders of neighboring countries that face no accountability from whose territories drones are launched to launch these attacks and to destroy Sudan's infrastructure. This would increase the role of external actors aligned with the Rapid Support Forces militia, and the regional sponsors are well known by you. Experts an arms embargo, have clarified that an arms embargo impedes the state's ability to reestablish control. It constitutes an infringement on the lawful and guaranteed right of the state to self-defense. For 20 years, the adopted resolution has hindered the implementation of law and prevented us from preserving security in Darfur. It allowed armed groups to loot our resources. The state remains bound by its international legal obligations, while armed groups operating outside state authority enjoy considerable freedom to acquire weapons. As a result, an arms embargo is creating an asymmetrical situation, enabling such groups to acquire arsenals of weapons supplied to them. Applying the same perspective equally to all parties of the conflict is not just, it creates an unfair equivalence between militias, mercenaries, foreign fighters, and the national armed forces. Likewise, adopting a unilateral policy by one state regarding the war of aggression against Sudan and transforming it into a UN sanctions regime without a transparent and comprehensive discussion is also a denial of justice. The UN has its own distinct mechanisms, and Sudan has been cooperating with the UN. However, it cannot be acceptable to replace multilateral diplomacy with unilateral diplomacy pursued by one state based on its national interests. What measures has the penholder taken to deter the genocide committed by a militia supported by one of its closest partners in the region? Among the options available for civilian protection, why is there a move towards disarming the national army, which is effectively the intent behind expanding the Darfur arms embargo to the entire territory of Sudan? Was the civilian protection plan submitted by Sudan two years ago supported? Were local and community-based protection mechanisms activated and supported? Were technological monitoring and surveillance mechanisms established to document violations? Was the role of traditional community leaders, tribal chiefs, administrators, and women strengthened in order to enhance protection? Was any technical support provided to the Sudanese police to improve their capabilities? Why are mechanisms associated with what is called liberal peacebuilding being adopted despite their failure due to the reliance on foreign or UN military interventions? Have the penholder and states sponsoring the resolution supported conflict resolution approaches rooted in Sudanese traditions and culture of peace? including the support of the Community Peace Conference and the Sudanese-Sudanese dialogue announced by the government? Have those states taken into account Sudan signing an action plan with the SG to combat conflict-related sexual violence? Did you support plans launched to enhance humanitarian assistance, recovery, transitional justice, legal accountability, and democratic governance during and after the conflict? Did the penholder or sponsors of the resolution assess the use of weapons of Western origin supplied to the militia or which was used by the militia in Sudan? Did you investigate how these weapons of Western origin have been acquired and used in Sudan? Mr. President, the technical renewal achieved a broad consensus within the Council today, following the introduction of the clause in 2023. Sudan and the government of Sudan look forward to reinforcing the positive interaction with the penholder in order to reach a ceasefire. The main factor here led to the adoption of the resolution, but Sudan will continue to object any initiative to expand the arms embargo. The national army is a constitutional tool that protects our sovereignty, and attacking it amounts to a camp or goes in parallel to a campaign by major American newspapers and through unfounded accusations, recalling several falsehoods that history has preserved with the memory of this chamber. The Sudanese armed forces have demonstrated remarkable examples of resisting aggressions and cooperating with the UN and the international community. The Sudanese army has fulfilled what Carl von Clausewitz described as the remarkable trinity related to the conduct and mobilization of war, popular support, leadership, genius, and military maneuver. It has done so in defense of the country against which nations converged in a fierce and relentless attack aimed at placing it under the yoke of neocolonialism. They forgot that the Sudanese national anthem declares, "We are the soldiers of God and the homeland. This land is ours. Long live our Sudan, a banner among nations." To conclude, Mr. President, I thank the countries that have supported the Sudan today and throughout the negotiation process. We thank the Russian Federation for their bold support to defend the sovereignty of Sudan. We also thank China for also standing in solidarity with Sudan in defending our sovereignty and resisting the imposition of foreign solutions. We also thank the African Triangle, which has played a leadership role during the negotiation process. And we look forward to the coming negotiations during the ceasefire. We also extend our thanks to all those who have cooperated with us.

Thank you.

I thank the representative of Sudan for that statement.

There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers.

The meeting is adjourned. I thank you.