Open briefing on Syria.
Deputy Special Envoy for Syria Claudio Cordone, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Tom Fletcher, and a civil society representative are expected to brief.
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Morning to you all. The 10,224th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is non-proliferation. The representative of the Russian Federation has requested the floor. I give him the floor.
Mr. President, once again in the space of a few days, we have been forced to observe attempts by some members of the Security Council and its President to grossly abuse procedure and conduct a meeting on the selfsame non-existent agenda item. Once again, we'd like to remind you of the stark fact. Security Council Resolution 2231 expired on the 18th of October 2025. On that day, the Security Council concluded its consideration of the Iranian nuclear issue. and the item non-proliferation was removed from the list of matters of which the Council is seized. Such wording was clearly stipulated in paragraph 8 of OP of this resolution. The mechanism reinstating the pre-2015 Security Council resolution on Iran provided for in resolution 2231 was not triggered for a whole number of reasons. about which we and other delegations repeatedly talked. Given this, there is no legal or procedural basis for conducting today's Council meeting on the defunct agenda item, non-proliferation. We categorically reject attempts by some members of the Council thus to create the illusion of legitimacy through their assertions about some kind of apparent existing snapback. We would call for the adoption of the agenda to be put to a procedural vote. I thank you.
I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement. Would any other member of the Council like to take the floor? The United States? China. China first.
Thank you, President. China supports the remark made by the Russian Federation.
China has reiterated for many times that Resolution 2231 has expired on October 18, 2025, and the Security Council has ended its consideration of the Iranian.
Nuclear issue.
In disregard of this fact, the United States proposed and promoted the relevant draft resolution. China has expressed our opposition for many times. The current situation in the Middle East and the Iranian nuclear issue is in a deadlock. The Security Council should play a constructive role in promoting dialogue and easing the situation, rather than serving as the platform for individual members to engage in political confrontation and pressurization. China calls on countries to earnestly implement Resolution 2231 and relevant measures related to the expiry date of that resolution to maintain the authority and multilateral democracy credibility and create necessary conditions for political.
Settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue.
The President should also accommodate concern of all parties and to play a constructive role for enhancing these. unity and the cooperation of the Security Council avoid intensification of division.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of China, and I give the floor to the representative of the United States.
Thank you, Mr. President. We strongly reject the assertions made by some members of this Council, and we fully support moving forward with this meeting. Several members of this body want to prevent this discussion to protect Iran. a country that continues to openly defy many of its most basic UN obligations. This committee was tasked by this body to constrain and monitor a nuclear program that Iran sought to operate out of the view of the international community. We will discuss the essential extension of this panel's mandate today. Just one year ago, this council voted decisively to permit the snapback of sanctions and the reestablishment of the 1737 committee. This committee is legitimate. It has a sanctions list, a proposed slate of members for the panel, and it has decided a number of sanctions exemptions. I urge everyone to join us to adopt the agenda and allow the council to proceed with the vote. Thank you.
I thank the representative of the United States for the statement. I give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.
Thank you, Mr. President. As we heard in last week's council meeting, Iran's nuclear program presents a threat to international security and to the global non-proliferation regime. With experts appointed, the panel of experts would play a critical role in supporting the implementation of UN sanctions by identifying, exposing, and countering the progress of Iran's nuclear and missile programmes and other forms of non-compliance. UN Security Council Resolution 1929 sets out a clear mandate for this panel of experts. We thank the US for their work as penholder, and we urge Council members to proceed with today's meeting, to adopt this important mandate, and to defend a key pillar of UN sanctions architecture. The United Kingdom will vote in favour of the adoption of the agenda.
I.
Thank the representative of the United Kingdom for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Colombia.
Thank you, Mr. President. Colombia would like to make it clear here with regard to the legal problems.
A problem as to whether the committee and the panel is legal from the international perspective. Colombia wants to remind members of the Council of the decision of the International Criminal Justice Court of Kosovo 2010 on the good faith principle. Though the principle is situated in Article 31 of the Vienna Convention of 1969 that applies obviously to treaty law, the court has said in this and in a nuclear test decision of 1974 that the good faith principle also applies for any legal instrument that is issued by international bodies in the sense and context that provides to any legal provision the legal force that it requires to have legal effects. This principle of obligatio is iuris vinculum. We do need to understand that once the Council voted for the previous resolution a year ago, It provides the legitimacy to the instrument and the fact that the snapback mechanism didn't reach its goal does not rent on the good faith principle, the instrument that consecrate and the instrument that establish it in existence. We force upon and ask everyone to consider the fact that Not allowing the vote of this panel of experts equals to say that we do not follow the principle of good faith in the commitments and also in the interpretation of the international rules.
Considering especially the regime sanctions of the Security Council.
And though it seems to be a matter of only applicable to the issue of Iran, we are here setting a precedent to any other similar legal issue that is taking the force away from the Security Council regime. As such, the decision is not just conjunctural. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of Colombia for those comments, and I will now make a statement in my capacity as representative of France. The Council resolutions on the Iranian nuclear programme, including resolution 1929, were restored on 27 September 2025. I'd like to recall the note sent on 28 September 2025 by the Secretary-General, taking note of the reinstitution of these resolutions. Paragraph 29 of resolution 1929 provides for the implementation of an initial mandate of one year of a panel of experts to assist the 1737 Sanctions Committee. The restoration of resolution 1929 re-initiated this mandate. It is therefore necessary for this Council to consider a draft resolution considering the renewal of the panel. Therefore, we will vote in favour of this agenda item. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. Given the request made and the comments shared by members of the Security Council, I propose to put the provisional agenda to the vote. I will now put it to a vote. May those in favour of the adoption of the draft agenda on non-proliferation please raise their hand. Those against? Abstentions? The result of the voting is as follows: 11 votes in favour, 2 votes against, 2 abstentions. The agenda is adopted. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item 2 of the agenda. Members of the Council have before them a draft resolution published in document S/2026/740, submitted by the United States of America. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. Will those in favour of the draft resolution contained in document S/2026/740 please raise their hand? Those against? Abstentions? The result of the voting is as follows: 11 votes in favour, 2 votes against, 2 abstentions. The draft resolution is not adopted owing to the negative vote of two permanent members of the Security Council. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements after the vote. I give the floor to the representative of the United States.
Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, we are not surprised by the actions of several Council members and vetoing the extension of the mandate of the panel of experts. That's because this panel would have shined the light on the UNSCR-prohibited bilateral defensive cooperation between Iran and its partners. Given this veto, it is clear that this is part of a broader effort to prevent appointments or renew mandates of expert panels to stifle reporting that implicates their own activities in support of rogue regimes in defiance of their UNSCR obligations. Panels have learned the hard way that calling out members of this body for sanctions violations or evasion can have serious and sometimes tragic consequences. This includes delays or refusals to approve individual experts for Yemen and the Central African Republic panels, In more extreme cases, entire expert panels have been eliminated, including those from Mali and DPRK. Mali's sanctions regime itself was terminated. Without an independent panel of experts, this council loses its principal source of impartial, evidence-based reporting on sanctions violations, creating a monitoring gap that only benefits the Iranian regime and those who profit from evading those measures. In view of this latest act of obstructionism, the United States will not cease efforts within this committee to establish a panel of experts that befits the mandate of this committee, as well as name a committee chair and produce and post an updated sanctions list. The United States looks forward to working with member states on continuing the important work of this committee. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of the United States for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.
Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you to the US for their work on this important mandate. For over 20 years, the international community has sought to address the threat posed by Iran's nuclear and missile programs. The United Kingdom has consistently championed a diplomatic solution. Regrettably, Iran has too often chosen escalation over co-operation, creating the circumstances that continue to demand the Council's attention today, expanding her nuclear programme in ways that lack any credible civilian justification, failing to co-operate with the IAEA and denying access to IAEA inspectors. meaning that the IAEA has been unable to verify the current size, composition or whereabouts of Iran's enriched uranium stockpile. This Council established the 1737 Iran Sanctions Committee in 2006 because of these grave concerns. and established a panel of experts in 2010 to help the committee to monitor the relevant provisions and to provide expert and independent advice to ensure that sanctions were effective and appropriate. Russia and China voted for both those resolutions. Twenty years later, we are again seeing Iran refusing to comply with the basic legal requirements of legitimate civil nuclear activity. The United Kingdom regrets that Russia and China have chosen to exercise their veto today, choosing to shield Iran and to undermine this Council's work to ensure that she doesn't acquire a nuclear weapon. Sadly, we see similar actions beyond Iran. In March 2024, Russia's veto of the 1718 panel of experts ended 14 years of monitoring expertise on the DPRK's sanctions evasion. Russia has facilitated Iran and the DPRK's evasion of sanctions and received Iranian-designed Shahed drones and the DPRK's ballistic missiles to fuel her brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. But while Russia and China vetoes today reduce the Council's understanding of how these sanctions are being implemented, they do not change the fundamentals. Sanctions against Iranian proliferation remain fully in force. binding on each and every UN member state. The United Kingdom stands ready to work with all partners towards a negotiated settlement to uphold and strengthen the global non-proliferation regime and to ensure that Iran never acquires or develops a nuclear weapon.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of the United Kingdom for the statement and I give the floor to the representative of Greece.
Mr. President, we thank the United States for their efforts in this mandate. Greece voted in favor of the resolution before us. Our vote reflects, first and foremost, the need to ensure that the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1737 can effectively discharge the responsibilities entrusted to it by this Council. For this, it must have the necessary institutional and technical tools at its disposal. Central among these is a functioning panel of experts established pursuant to Resolution 1929. Without it, the Committee's capacity to perform its mandate and the Council's ability to oversee the implementation of its own decisions are diminished. More broadly, the effectiveness and credibility of Security Council sanctions regimes depend on ensuring that the Council's subsidiary bodies have the tools necessary to fulfill their mandates. Security Council decisions must be implemented by all Member States. We therefore reiterate that the remaining operational arrangements of the Committee, including the appointment of a Chair, must be completed without further delay. At the same time, Mr. President, implementation and oversight mechanisms are neither an alternative to diplomacy nor an end in themselves. They are only part of a broader effort aimed at achieving a diplomatic resolution of the Iran nuclear issue. Greece reiterates that a comprehensive, verifiable, and durable diplomatic solution remains the only sustainable path to addressing proliferation concerns and restoring regional stability. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Greece for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Colombia.
Thank you, President.
Let's begin by disaggregating the legal issues so we understand what we are saying here. First of all, Article 25 of the Charter provides the decisions of the Security Council a binding effect, either we have it or not. Second of all, we are talking about a panel of experts under international law and international treaty law and international constitutional law, therefore United Nations law, This body is a subsidiary organ. No subsidiary organ in practice or in jurisprudence is considered to be the upholding condition to apply the instrument that created. That instrument is a resolution of the Security Council. Whatever happened with the subsidiary body in this mission, once it's activated, does not determine the validity or the legality of the instrument that created. In other words, the resolution, the regime sanctions never cease to exist. It was all the time there. It can be suspend, and there are many other issues in history since the United Nation was created when the regime's sanctions have been suspended. And it is the practice of the Security Council to periodically review whether or not reestablish the sanctions. But the legality of the instrument was never at issue, and it should not be by virtue of a political interpretation of international law, which has, again, institutional implications for all of us and the body in which we sit today.
As such, Recognizing the validity of these decisions on is not exhausted through formal recognition, it is also worth preserving the instruments that the Security Council established to oversee the activities relating to uranium enrichment in Iran. It is specifically on this point where Colombia expresses its greatest concern. After almost a decade of suspension, the Committee needs this technical, independent information at a critical time at which a regional conflict is escalating to the international level. the practices of evasion and also recommendations with regard to new trends relating to relevant actors are all relevant here. We regret the fact that this mandate has not been able to be renewed. This deprives the regime of one of the mandates established by the Council and once again to obtain information that facilitates not only the taking of decisions but also, specifically, a diplomatic path for the conflict that has already escalated to unsustainable levels. Our decision is not only legal in nature, it is also political, but it will likely have consequences beyond our time on the Council. Colombia, therefore, believes it's essential to preserve these instruments so that the Council itself can comply with and follow its own decisions, which, according to the letter of the law, is not being called into question, and which clearly exists in all provisions of the legal instrument that we have before us. Thank you, President.
I thank the representative of Colombia for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain.
Thank you, Mr. President. The Kingdom of Bahrain regrets that the draft resolution was not adopted. We have actually voted for the draft resolution. It would have allowed the extension of the mandate of the panel of experts established pursuant to resolution 1929 of 2010. It would have empowered it to undertake its work and support the Commission established pursuant to Resolution 1737. However, the failure to adopt the draft resolution does not change the facts that must remain seized by this Council. It must implement its resolutions and measures for most the continued concerns over the Iranian nuclear program and the need to ensure full compliance to relevant international obligations. There is a need to establish an independent technical mechanism that would support the committee to monitor the implementation of different measures and assess non-compliance, including different nuclear activities, procurement networks, transfer of material, equipment, and relevant technology. This is of greater importance in light of the regional repercussions of Iranian activities. The Kingdom of Bahrain and the countries of the region have been, um, continuously attacked. These attacks targeted our territories, infrastructure, and civilian objects. These were condemned by the Council in its resolution 2817. There is also continued danger due to the activities of different groups and proxies to Iran. Disrupting such a technical tool will only avoid the Council from considering this thing. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain for that statement, and I give the floor to the.
Representative of Latvia.
Latvia voted in favour of the resolution submitted by the United States, and we regret that a positive outcome was not reached. The selective interpretation of international law and Council decisions by some members has caused the work of all of the Council's subsidiary organs to come to a standstill. Such politicization of the Council's past decisions undermines the ability of this Council to fully implement its mandate to uphold international peace and security. In this case, opposition to the resolution serves to shield Iran, a state that has been appropriately sanctioned for its longstanding and systematic failure to uphold its international nonproliferation obligations. Despite efforts by some members to rewrite history and ignore binding Council resolutions, the sanctions against Iran remain in force. All UN member states are obliged to respect and implement them. Today's draft is a technical resolution aimed at extending the mandate of the Panel of Experts of the 1737 Sanctions Committee, in line with established practice and in full accordance with the procedures of this Council. Mr. President, panels of experts are vital instruments for the comprehensive implementation and oversight of Council-mandated sanctions. They are particularly important for addressing efforts to circumvent sanctions, as well as for identifying any necessary changes and updates. The 1737 Sanctions Committee is currently operating without a panel of experts due to politicization rather than sound legal arguments. Today's outcome is part of a deliberate pattern of weakening the UN sanctions architecture for the benefit of one member state, similar to Russia's veto on the mandate renewal of the panel of experts of the 1718 Sanctions Committee concerning the DPRK, another partner in its illegal aggression against Ukraine. In conclusion, allow me to reiterate that Latvia will continue to uphold the global non-proliferation regime and binding decisions of this Council to ensure that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of Latvia for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Denmark.
Thank you, Mr. President. Denmark voted in favour of this resolution to extend the panels of experts supporting the 1737 Sanctions Committee. The role of the Panel has become all the more essential in light of Iran's refusal to live up to its safeguard obligations and to cooperate with the IAEA. We deeply regret that the resolution has been rejected. What should have been a simple, technical rollover was prevented by the unwillingness of a few Council members to acknowledge that the snapback mechanism was activated in full accordance with Security Council Resolution 2231. This resolution, it is worth recalling, was adopted unanimously by the very same countries that are now preventing its implementation. Mr. President, the Panel is meant to assist this Committee in carrying out a crucial role in sanctions implementation by providing independent and impartial information, putting all differences from geopolitical tensions aside. Denmark has remained actively and constructively engaged in the work of the 1737 Committee and its panel of experts. We call on all Council members to fulfill their responsibilities and ensure the full implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions. Mr. President, Iran has developed a nuclear program that lacks any credible civilian justification, including enriching uranium up to 60 percent. Just last week, The IAEA Board of Governors referred Iran to this very Council over its safeguards non-compliance. Iran must never develop or otherwise acquire a nuclear weapon. The responsibility before this Council is clear: to act with resolve, speak with one voice, and safeguard the foundational principles of global non-proliferation, upon which our collective security rests. I thank you.
I thank the.
Representative of Denmark for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Pakistan.
Thank you, President. I have taken the floor to explain Pakistan's abstention on the draft resolution just acted upon by the Council. Pakistan remains concerned that the consideration of Iran nuclear issue, including by the Security Council, has become further complicated. over a period of time. We have clearly come a long way from the spirit of cooperation and peaceful settlement of disputes that characterized the adoption of Resolution 2231 more than a decade ago. Ongoing tensions and hostilities in the region and strikes on nuclear facilities as well as continued differences among permanent members on key aspects of this file have added to the challenge in addressing the issue through dialogue and diplomacy. Last September, the Council had two opportunities before it to either continue the termination of sanctions as envisaged under JCPOA or to bring into effect a six-month technical extension. in the mandate of resolution 2231 to provide more time and space for diplomatic efforts to proceed amicably regrettably a non-consensual path was chosen with far-reaching consequences that have since continued to reverberate in this chamber and beyond we had stressed at that time that a non-confrontational and cooperative approach would have better facilitated the quest for a lasting, peaceful solution while preserving consensus within the Council. The President of Pakistan continues to believe that diplomacy and dialogue remain the guiding principle for resolution of outstanding issues concerning Iran nuclear program. Pakistan has consistently advocated the primacy of diplomatic engagement and the imperative of avoiding confrontation and conflict. We reiterate our position that the Iran nuclear issue should be addressed through peaceful means and in accordance with the rights, obligations, and responsibilities of the parties concerned. We also lend our support to the critical role of the International Atomic Energy Agency as the technical body entrusted with implementing the respective safeguards agreements. The IAEA should ensure this important work as per its mandate, independently and without political interference. There is an urgent need to renew and continue diplomatic engagement to seriously and faithfully address outstanding issues in a cooperative manner, in accordance with the rights, obligations, and responsibilities of the parties concerned. We must prioritize this approach and never give up on a peaceful negotiated settlement. On its part, Pakistan continues with its efforts to promote peace and stability in the region, building upon the solid foundation provided by the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding. We call on all parties to implement the commitments agreed in the Islamabad MOU, return to the negotiating table, and allow diplomacy to deliver for the sake of regional and international peace and security. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Pakistan for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Panama.
Thank you, Mr. President. Our vote in favour of the resolution today is in line with the firmly held belief of the Republic of Panama in favour of multilateralism, respect for international law and of the institutional and architectural architecture that underpins the measures imposed by the Security Council. Sanctions committees represent fundamental instruments for the effective implementation of the decisions adopted by the Security Council. Against this backdrop, the panels of experts play a crucial role, particularly in collecting, verifying and carrying out a technical independent analysis of information. Their work provides Member States with objective information that contributes to the adoption of well-founded, consistent decisions in line with the mandates adopted by this Council. For this reason, the Republic of Panama regrets the fact that the differences of opinion between some members have not allowed us to reach the necessary consensus for the renewal of this important panel of experts. This situation transcends the merely procedural. The lack of this mechanism is hampering the committee's ability to fully undertake the responsibilities entrusted to it, and it lays a worrisome precedent, as well as denying the committee the relevant tools to ensure the effective functioning of the Security Council and UN sanctions regime. President, one year ago, this Council decided to reapply the corresponding sanctions in accordance with the snapback mechanism through which the set of resolutions re-entered into force. Consequently, we believe that the validity of the Sanctions Committee The 1737 Sanctions Committee was restored as a body entrusted to oversee the measures taken by this Council, and the Republic of Panama is obliged to recognise its mandate and the binding nature of such measures. Panama regrets the fact that the Committee will be forced to continue to exercise its mandate without the support of a panel of experts that is fully operational. We therefore urge Member States to preserve the ability of mechanisms established by this Council to fulfil their mandates and prevent political differences compromising the effective functioning of this and other subsidiary bodies. Thank you very much.
I thank the representative of Panama for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.
Mr. President, we today have heard about how international law works and how members of the Security Council think. Let's listen to our version now. The Russian Federation voted against the US-authored draft resolution of the Security Council on extending the mandate of the panel of experts of the illegitimate 1737 committee. The position of our country regarding the ponderings of our Western countries on the apparent successful triggering in 2025 of the so-called snapback mechanism is crystal clear to all. For those who are particularly forgetful, I'd like to remind you that UK, France and Germany did not have the right nor the justification to use this instrument. The reasons for this, we've repeatedly explained our reasons and other colleagues have gone into this in great detail. And anybody who so desires can look at our previous statements and also the joint letters by Russia, China, and Iran on this. Thus, the reactivation of the UN Security Council resolution regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran in full force until 2015, including 1737 and 1929, that reactivation did not occur. No attempts to challenge this fact or the false and biased actions of the UN Secretariat's leadership that the Security Council did not mandate are able to change this objective reality. Given this, the draft resolution just under consideration by the Security Council was deeply flawed and did not have any legal basis. It proposed extending the mandate of the Panel of Experts of 1733. However, the Panel and the Committee suspended their activities when the Council adopted 2231 and it expired in October 2025, and that has made this irreversible. Right from the beginning, it was clear that the US-authored document a priori was not acceptable. We, along with our Chinese partners, consistently conveyed that to our American colleagues and other members of the Council. We strongly urged the authors to refrain from promoting such a draft. It was clear that the only thing that such a stubborn imposition of such products could lead to would be an increased growth in tensions within the Security Council, both on political and procedural grounds. Nonetheless, Washington decided to opt for confrontation and put the draft to a vote. Such actions are of no surprise, since they are along the lines of the overall logic of escalatory steps taken by Western countries on the Iranian nuclear program file. This was prompted not by concerns for the global nonproliferation regime. If that were to have been the case, the US would not have withdrawn unilaterally from the JCPOA and would not have conducted, along with Israel, numerous strikes on Iranian peaceful nuclear infrastructure that were under IAEA safeguards. And countries loyal to Washington would not have supported these actions. The destructive path of our Western colleagues determined purely by their economic interests in exerting pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran alone. To these ends, they've been harnessing all possible international fora, including the UN Security Council. The efforts include not only creating the illusion that the Security Council's anti-Iran resolutions have been instated, but also direct attempts to impose non-existent restrictions on member states. A clear example of such an absurd situation is what was disseminated a few days ago in the Security Council by some of its members, including the US, and American colleagues have openly admitted this at the Vienna forum. So the dissemination of the so-called objections regarding the visit to Austria of the Vice President of Iran, the head of the Iranian Atomic Energy Agency, Mohammad Islami, who was going to Vienna to participate in meetings of the IAEA General Conference. The Austrian authorities deemed this as an excuse to revoke Mohammad Eslami's visa that had already been issued, thus violating its obligations as the host country for the agency. In this context, we mustn't forget that just a week ago in this chamber, a whole number of Security Council members, including the US, actively called on Tehran to expand its cooperation with the IAEA Secretariat. The sincerity of such calls by the American side speak for themselves. Washington, along with Western Jerusalem, by starting its aggressive actions, has undermined the verification work of the IAEA in Iran. Then the US has contradicted itself by attempting illegally to pressure other states in order to prevent cooperation between Tehran and the agency secretariat. In addition, Washington has stubbornly refused to provide convincing guarantees on the non-resumption of strikes on the Iranian nuclear energy infrastructure, and it continues to threaten with escalatory measures. Mr. President, the Russian Federation categorically condemns this dangerous path. Thus, we reject the abuse of the procedure of the Security Council for political interests. Our country continues to counter any attempts to legitimize the assertions of the so-called existing snapback. We would call upon the UN Secretary-General and his subordinates to correct their mistakes. We strongly urge Western colleagues to stop their very dangerous actions on the Iran front, which threaten further complication of settling of the crisis. in the Persian Gulf. The only way to resolve disagreements and to alleviate concerns inter alia pertaining to the Iranian nuclear programme is through political and diplomatic efforts, the basis of which should be the consideration of the interests of all sides and the legitimate rights of Tehran. The Security Council bears particular responsibility for creating good conditions for such work. We trust that all colleagues will demonstrate common sense and will stop hampering this objective. I thank you.
I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement. I give the floor to the representative of China.
President, currently, hostilities in the Middle East continue unabated, while the political process on the Iranian nuclear issue remains deadlocked. The more turbulent the situation, the more important it is for the Security Council to demonstrate leadership and act in a responsible manner that avoids double standards. political manipulation, pressure, and confrontation. China voted against the draft resolution guided by the need to uphold justice and fairness, safeguard peace and stability in the Middle East, and proceed from the overall interests of seeking a political and diplomatic settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue. I wish to further elaborate on China's position as follows: First, We must uphold objectivity and impartiality and safeguard the council's authority. The U.S. unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA and its policy of maximum pressure against Iran, as well as its two rounds of military action against Iran during the negotiation process, including military attacks against peaceful nuclear facilities under the safeguards and monitoring of the IAEA, are at the root of the current crisis. The E3 failed to fulfill their obligations under the JCPOA and did not exhaust options for dispute resolution before initiating the so-called snapback. Such action is legally and procedurally flawed. Council Resolution 2231 expired and terminated on 18 October 2025, and the Council has ceased its consideration of the Iranian nuclear issue. Ignoring these facts and seeking to push through the reimposition of sanctions against Iran in the Council, or introducing a draft resolution that is clearly contentious, will only undermine the unity and credibility of the Council and impede diplomatic efforts. China firmly opposes such actions. Second, we must work to end hostilities and promote peace and de-escalation. Hostilities in the Middle East have repeatedly flared up, with the U.S. and Iran engaging in frequent attacks against each other. This has caused serious harm and losses to the people of Iran and other countries, while the spillover effects continue to expand, undermining the common interests of the international community. The pressing priority for the international community, including the Council, is to urge the parties concerned to remain calm and exercise restraint, cease the use of force or the threat of force, and de-escalate tensions. We should actively create the necessary conditions for the parties concerned to restore and implement the ceasefire, return to negotiations, and reach a peaceful agreement, thereby safeguarding peace and stability in the Middle East and beyond. Third, We must take a long-term view and uphold the overall direction of a political settlement of the issue. Military means, sanctions and pressure will not help resolve the issue. They will only exacerbate tensions and escalate the situation, which serves the interests of no party. Equal dialogue and negotiations are the only viable path forward. All parties should fully respect Iran's legitimate right as a non-nuclear weapons state party to the NPT to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. A long-term agreement should be reached through diplomatic efforts with the IAEA providing strict safeguards to ensure the peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear program. Any council action should help facilitate negotiations among the parties on the equal footing, enable them to find the greatest common ground while accommodating each other's legitimate concerns and reach a solution that meets the expectations of the international community. President, as a participant in the JCPOA and a permanent member of the Council, China has always been upholding justice, promoting peace, and facilitating talks. We do not seek geopolitical self-interest or engage in political confrontation. We have played a constructive role in promoting de-escalation in the Middle East and advancing a political settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue. China will continue to work with all parties to advance a political settlement of the issue, uphold the global nonproliferation regime, and promote peace and stability in the Middle East through unremitting efforts. Thank you, President.
I thank the representative of China for the statement. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of France.
The draft text that was submitted to the Council today had a simple aim: to renew the mandate of the independent panel of experts tasked with assisting the 1737 Sanctions Committee on Iran and monitoring the implementation of resolutions on the Iranian nuclear programme. France voted in favour of this text because it supports the full implementation of these resolutions. They were re-established a year ago in line with the procedures stipulated in resolution 2231 because of the grave repeated violations by Iran of its commitments under the JCPOA. This decision was taken not just like that, but after months of sterile negotiations between the E3 and Iran in Geneva, in particular, that demonstrated Iran's obstinate refusal to cooperate. We deplore the fact that The veto of two members has hampered the renewal of the mandate of this panel. We also deplore the fact that the very same members of the Council a few days ago blocked the recruitment of experts proposed by the Secretariat for this panel. This veto deprives the 1737 Committee and the Council of an indispensable tool to ensure the implementation of their decisions. It deprives the whole of the international community deprives them of a reliable, impartial source of information on a key issue of international peace and security. And just like the veto that was opposed two years ago regarding the renewal of the panel on North Korea, this veto harms the international non-proliferation regime that is one of the foundations of our collective security. The role of this panel of experts is particularly important because of the violations by Iran of its international obligations and, in particular, the Council's resolutions. These violations pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The status of the Iranian nuclear programme remains a major subject of concern while Iran continues to block all resumption of cooperation with the IAEA. To this end, we take note of the recent decision of the IAEA Board of Governors to refer to this Council the question of the non-respect by Iran of its safeguards agreement under the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Iran's ballistic programme continues also to threaten regional stability, as we are reminded by the indiscriminate strikes conducted over recent months against the Gulf States. We would recall that 1929 prohibits Iran from conducting activities linked, ballistic missile activities rather, that are capable of carrying nuclear weapons. France will continue to strive for the full implementation of the Council's resolutions on Iran, including by studying means to document violations, the implementation of international sanctions remain a crucial instrument to encourage Iran to come back to respecting its non-proliferation obligations and to engage in negotiations in good faith regarding a scaffold for its nuclear program. France remains committed to the quest for a diplomatic solution. It is ready to contribute to efforts to find a lasting, verifiable agreement guaranteeing that Iran can never have a nuclear weapon.
I resume.
My function as President of the Council. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. The meeting is adjourned.
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The 10,225th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is the situation in the Middle East. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with Rule 37 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite the representatives of Israel, Oman, the Syrian Arab Republic and Turkiye to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. In accordance with Rule 39 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Claudio Cordone, Deputy Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria; Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator; and Mr. Yasser Tabbara, co-founder of the Syrian Forum. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item 2 of the agenda. I now give the floor to Mr. Claudio Cordone, and I wish him a warm welcome. You have the floor.
Thank you, Mr. President.
Mr. President, in my latest stay in Syria, I have seen further progress in institutional development, while Syrians continue to grapple with dire economic conditions and the country confronts internal and external security challenges. Above all, I had the opportunity to hear from local officials and civil society in different parts of the country. A strong commitment to build a Syria where everyone feels they belong, with representative institutions, a culture of accountability for both past and present, and tangible improvements in people's lives with sustained international support. Mr. President, on 27 August, the People's Assembly announced the composition of the 26 standing committees established following last month's adoption of a comprehensive set of rules of procedure. Five of the 26 committees are chaired by women, and Syrian women interlocutors continue to seek further leadership roles in the Assembly, and a commitment by all its members to meet the diverse expectations of Syrian women and those of Syrians as a whole. Throughout this week, the People's Assembly has been holding an extraordinary session to adopt its budget and start consideration of a number of laws. Notable is the abrogation yesterday of the court on terrorism. MPs have also been hearing from the Minister of Education on challenges related to access to schools. These are notable initial steps in the Assembly's developing oversight role. Last week, I met with Speaker Al-Awaq to discuss how my office can best support the Assembly, including as it establishes its administrative structure and considers multiple offers of international assistance. And I agreed with the speaker that these offers should be well-coordinated and tailored to the needs of the Assembly. Mr. President, early this month, I also discussed with the Syrian authorities preparations for the holding of future parliamentary and presidential elections. and possibly other elections in line with the new constitution. We consider legal, political, and operational challenges for future polls, drawing on lessons from the experience of establishing the People's Assembly. The heavy lifting needed for the implementation of these electoral plans within the remaining three and a half years of the transition must not be underestimated. But I am pleased with the developing cooperation with the Syrian authorities also in this field, including in exploring potential opportunities for UN electoral assistance. As for the drawing up of a new constitution, the inclusive, transparent and participatory nature of any process is essential if a genuine social contract and shared vision of a future state is to be forged, and we will be ready to support a Syrian-led process in this regard. Mr. President, two days after the United States removed Syria from its list of state sponsors of terrorism last month, the first international Visa and MasterCard transactions were successfully conducted in Syria. This comes alongside deeper engagement by international financial institutions and growing interest from international business. Syria is also seeking to position itself as a regional corridor for energy and trade. These moves towards economic integration are notable, and I urge donor countries to facilitate investment and economic cooperation on the understanding that these should be equitable and accompanied by strong safeguards. Ultimately, ordinary Syrians will judge economic recovery through their daily lives, jobs, affordable food and housing, functioning electricity and other basic services, and the ability to return and rebuild their lives. Yet these opportunities stand in stark contrast to the economic pressures confronting ordinary Syrians. The sharp increases in fuel prices announced last weekend triggered demonstrations and roadblocks across several parts of the country. These protests reflect the immediate impact of higher energy costs, but also wider concerns over whether economic recovery is translating into tangible improvements in people's lives, especially the poorest. Mr. President, in the past weeks, I visited Aleppo, Tartus, Latakia, and Idlib, where I met the governors and a wide range of civil society actors. Local officials illustrated encouraging developments in several areas, including steps to strengthen local governance and efforts to expand participation of different components of Syrian society in state institutions. They welcomed close cooperation with the United Nations and urged more coordination in humanitarian and recovery programming. Civil society interlocutors stressed the need for further progress on transitional justice, for women's economic and political participation, and for greater clarity on the vision for the transition. The messages from many was clear. Progress at the national level must translate into greater inclusion, security services, and economic opportunity at the local level. And I look forward to further engagement across the country with officials, as well as with women and civil society. In this context, we are currently working with the government, civil society, and other entities on initiatives to address the proliferation of hate speech. Mr. President, on the northeast, we see important progress. Three days after Mazloum Abdi announced the dissolution of the Syrian Democratic Forces and integration into the Syrian military, he was appointed as a presidential advisor. There have also been further steps on military, police, and civilian administration integration in Hasake. I am, however, concerned that a former SDF fighter was recently abducted and killed, triggering demonstrations in several Kurdish majority towns and a standoff between general security and some other security forces around the detention center, which some detainees then set on fire. I note that several suspects have reportedly been arrested and that investigations are continuing. And it is important that the abduction and killing are fully investigated and that those responsible are held accountable. And I welcome efforts of senior government officials and Presidential Advisor Maslum Abdi on restoring calm. Returns also continue to take place. On 1 September, approximately 50 families displaced for more than a decade returned voluntarily from Ras Al-Ain to Al-Hassaqeh city in the first organized return convoy of this kind. a pilot initiative facilitated by the authorities to support and inform future returns movements in northeastern Syria. And discussions are continuing on the use of the Kurdish language. Attention continues on the future role of women who served in the women's protection units. It will be important that women who played prominent roles in the political social life of northeastern Syria can continue to participate meaningfully in the institutions of the new Syria. Mr. President, the situation in Sweida remains deeply concerning. On 1 September, renewed clashes between internal security forces and the National Guard, affiliated with Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, left several casualties. I also deplore the abduction and expulsion from Sweida on 4 September of Druze notable Atef Nadi by armed men reportedly affiliated with the National Guard. He had publicly rejected statements associating the Druze community's future with Israel and expressed his support for Syria's unity. These and other forms of repression of freedom of expression cannot provide a path forward. Following the presidential decree last month granting students from Sweida governorate an exceptional examination, only around 150 of approximately 14,000 eligible students participated. The examination centers were in areas under government control, specifically in some of the villages devastated during the events of July 2025. And students from within Sweida were prevented from reaching examination centers and faced other restrictions of movement. At this point, unless these children can sit for examinations in a safe, secure, and supportive environment without pressure or disruption of movement, Other solutions should be considered to ensure that the right to education is upheld, and my office and UN agencies stand ready to help. I wish to take this opportunity to stress that the issue of Sweida and the future of its Druze community must ultimately be resolved by Syrians themselves, within a united Syria and without disruptive foreign interference. I look forward to renewed efforts to reinvigorate the September 2025 roadmap, promoting the restoration of state authority while addressing the real trust deficits that followed the events of July 2025 and continued grievances within the community in Sueda. A phase by determined process could be initiated to address detainees and missing persons and support gradual sustainable returns among confidence-building measures to build trust between the states and the Druze community and promote reconciliation between the Druze and Bedouin communities. And my office and the rest of the UN in Syria are ready to cooperate in exploring these dimensions and provide operational support while supporting mediation efforts aimed at reaching broader political and security agreements. Mr. President, Israeli presence and military activity in southern Syria has continued in violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement, with near-daily incursions, temporary checkpoints, searches of homes, and artillery fire, particularly in Quneitra and western Daraa. Two Syrians who were taken to Israel and held there were returned home, but others remain in Israeli custody. On 9 September, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu visited Israeli forces on Jabal al-Shaykh, Mount Hermon, reiterating that Israel would not permit hostile forces to establish themselves along its border. I have taken very clear note of the statement by the Syrian Permanent Representative and 43 Member States last week in response to this other violation of Syrian sovereignty. The Secretary-General has been very clear. Violations of Syrian sovereignty and territorial integrity must cease, and the 1974 agreement must be respected. Security concerns cannot be addressed in any sustainable way through unilateral military action or an open-ended military presence. Diplomacy must prevail, and I welcome in this regard the mediation efforts led by the United States aimed at reaching an understanding among Syria and its neighbors that reduces tensions and promotes sustainable security arrangements. And these must respect Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity and comply fully with international law. Mr. President, I welcome the General Assembly's unanimous adoption on 1 September of a Syrian-sponsored resolution establishing 19 December as the International Day for the Recognition of Women Searchers for Missing Persons. It is an important recognition of Syrian women who have spent years seeking truth and accountability. Their experience is also a reminder that Syrian women have been among key political, civic, and social actors in this transition and must be able to participate fully in shaping its future. I also welcome Syria's cooperation with the OPCW, which has verified the destruction of material related to chemical weapons in Syria. and with the IAEA, whose Board of Governors declared on 9 September that Syria is no longer in non-compliance with its nuclear non-proliferation obligations. Mr. President, as attention turns to this General Assembly period, we can reinforce a simple message. Syria has made important advances, and these should be recognized and supported. At the same time, progress should create momentum for the next steps, addressing the significant challenges that persist. For the Syrian authorities, this requires strengthening accountable institutions, widening participation, protecting civil space, and advancing transitional justice. For international partners, it entails sustained political and practical support for recovery, reconstruction, and safe, dignified, and voluntary returns. And for our part, This requires my office consolidating in Damascus to fit the growing cooperation with the Government and engagement with Syrian society, to better implement our mandate of support to the Syrian-led political transition. And the UN as a whole remains committed to develop its partnership with Syria. Thank you.
I thank Mr. Cordoni for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Tom Fletcher.
Mr. President, thank you for this opportunity to brief the Council on the humanitarian situation in Syria. And thank you, as ever, to my colleague for his work. Mr. President, my briefings tend to feature many numbers, but here is the most important one. Since December 2024, more than 2 million internally displaced Syrians 1.8 million refugees have gone home voluntarily. This historic wave of return, the highest in Syria in decades, is a profound sign of hope. Improved security, eased sanctions, resilient communities are driving this recovery. Through 300 partners, we've reached over 2.5 million people monthly this year with humanitarian support. reopening key routes into Al-Hasakah and flights to Deir ez-Zor in August. However, four obstacles threaten this progress: continued displacement, localised insecurity, regional escalation, and landmines. First, 5.5 million people inside Syria have not yet gone home, nearly 800,000 of them still in camps. over 75% of them women and children. And currently only 18% of Syrians outside the country say that they plan to return home in the coming year. Without homes, schools, or clean water, today's returnees risk becoming tomorrow's displaced. So we must continue to support the government's No Tents and No Camps initiative to achieve safe return for all those who choose to go home. A second challenge, localized insecurity risks choking recovery. ISIL attacks in the east and northeast, sporadic violence, rebuilding challenges, and bureaucratic hurdles threaten lasting peace. True stability is not possible until every community, most crucially Syria's women, are fully integrated in the nation's political and economic fabric. Third, and as you've just heard, the mounting risks beyond Syria's borders. The escalation of tension across the region means maritime choke points, disrupted supply chains, reduced humanitarian access, and even greater economic pressure on Syrian families. Alongside the weeks of disruption to the Strait of Hormuz, we now face blockages in Bab al-Mandab. And for Syrians, I fear that that means increased fuel prices, freight charges, insurance premiums, procurement lead times, as well as disruptions to imports from Asia and the Gulf and to shipping through Tartus and Latakia. Higher diesel costs, up 40% only this week, will hit agricultural production, water pumping, electricity generation, bakeries, and heating as winter approaches. with disproportionate consequences for displaced people and other vulnerable households. For families already struggling, high fuel and transport costs will increase the prices of food, medicine, and other essential goods. The cost of what we call a minimum expenditure basket has increased 33% since June 2025, while electricity tariffs have increased in some places by several hundred percent. And those price increases, of course, drive up the cost of our humanitarian response. A fourth challenge, mines are making recovery efforts a lethal gamble. Since December 2024, explosive ordnance has killed 880 people, including 269 children, and maimed 1,616 more, nearly 40% of them children. Mines block the fields, orchards, grazing lands that families need to feed themselves. You cannot build an economy over a minefield. So it is right that the Syrian government has made the No Mines Initiative a centerpiece of its planning, backed by the humanitarian community. Mr. President, I close with three asks of this Council. all in pursuit of the effort to help Syrians return, rebuild, and move beyond crisis, and beyond the need for Security Council discussion. First, we must invest in the transition out of humanitarian need and towards reconstruction and growth. We should be making a collective push alongside the Syrian authorities to move through this transition in the coming year. But while humanitarian organizations continue to deliver, Resources fall dramatically short of what is needed. Agencies are being forced to reduce, delay, stop activities just when families with the most severe needs need help to make the journey from displacement to recovery. Food assistance for the most vulnerable is being halved. Our hyper-prioritized appeal may be 57% funded now, but key sectors lag behind. Our food and education plans are only 26% funded. So I thank all donors who are stepping up to fund the appeal. All of this tracked in our publicly available system, including the US with $297 million, the European Commission, $221 million, the UK, $46 million, Japan, $42 million, and Germany, $40 million. All those figures publicly available and many more. And I thank donors for doing so in line with the humanitarian reset. As of the end of August, the Syria Humanitarian Fund has received $325 million, over twice last year's figure. As winter approaches and the regional situation remains unstable, funding will be vital as a bulwark against losing the advances that Syria has fought so hard to achieve. If we fail to invest today, the costs will be higher tomorrow in renewed displacement, deteriorating services, and lost opportunities to consolidate stability and transition towards reconstruction and development in Syria. My second ask, remove the obstacles standing between recovery and development. We must work with the Syrian authorities to clear the mines, remove the rubble, and continue progress in unblocking administrative delays, and to fund livelihoods. Third, we must invest the political capital needed to keep Syria out of regional conflict. We must redouble diplomatic efforts in support of Syria's territorial integrity. We must take every measure so that the Syrian people are not subjected to further conflict, displacement, and chaos. Mr. President, Syrians have endured enough. They are making progress that has defied many who predicted or wished it impossible. Let us also meet this moment.
Thank you.
I thank Mr. Fletcher for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Yasser Tabara.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Distinguished members of the Security Council.
Thank you for the opportunity to address the council on behalf of Syrian civil society. Syria today stands simultaneously at a moment of extraordinary possibility and of difficulty. After years of conflict, repression, displacement, and institutional erosion, Syrians are attempting not simply to rebuild a country, but to redefine the relationship between the state and its citizens. Today, I would like to focus on three dualities that will significantly shape the success of Syria's transition. The first is the perceived duality between sovereignty and international cooperation. Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity must be respected without qualification. Syrians have paid an enormous price for external interference, fragmentation, and the erosion of national sovereignty, but sovereignty should not be confused with isolation. A Syrian-led and Syrian-owned transition cannot mean that Syria must undertake every aspect of that transition alone. Our country urgently requires knowledge, expertise, investment, technology, and technical assistance. This applies particularly to transitional justice and the search for missing persons. But but also to judicial reform, public administration, security sector governance, economic reform, and institution building. National ownership should therefore answer the question, who decides, not who provides. Effective sovereignty requires capable institutions, where decades of authoritarianism and years of conflict have weakened those institutions. International technical assistance can strengthen rather than diminish sovereignty. At the same time, international cooperation cannot reproduce externally designed programs detached from Syrian realities. This principle is particularly important for transitional justice. Justice must be Syrian-led, responsive to victims and families, and meaningfully include Syrian women. But Syria should also make full use of the considerable experience, evidence, and institutional knowledge accumulated internationally during the past 15 years, including by Syrian civil society. The second duality is between loyalty and trust on one hand and qualification on the other. Every government emerging from conflict naturally seeks officials whom it trusts. Syria's recent history makes this understandable. But trust cannot become the principal qualification for public service. If Syria is to rebuild functioning institutions, competence, integrity, and merit must increasingly determine who serves in positions of leadership in public office. Allow me one very human example. For many Syrians, it's genuinely heartening to see a distinguished Syrian human rights lawyer occupying the seat of the permanent representative of the Syrian Arab Republic, Ambassador Ibrahim Alabi. But the example should lead us to a broader question. How many highly qualified Syrian experts could contribute to rebuilding the country if the correct recruitment mechanisms existed? And what institutions are we creating to ensure that the most capable Syrians can compete fairly for the positions in which that they can serve their nations? This is not merely an administrative question, it is fundamentally a political one. Merit-based institutions require transparency, an inclusive political environment, and empowered civil society, freedom of expression, and access to information. Citizens must have confidence that professional competence and public integrity rather than political, familial, or personal proximity offer a genuine path into public service. Civil society should therefore not be treated merely as a beneficiary of the transition, nor consulted merely after major decisions are taken. It should be recognized as a partner in governance, oversight, and institution building. The third duality is between economic recovery and conditions necessary to make the recovery sustainable and credible. There is no serious path towards stability in Syria without economic recovery. Millions of Syrians require employment. Infrastructure requires rehabilitation and investment. Syrian businesses need access to international financial markets and normalized banking relationships. The international community has an important responsibility here, and commitment to formal sanction relief alone is not enough. Overcompliance by private institutions continues to create economic barriers, even for lawful transactions. Governments lifting sanctions should therefore provide clear guidance to financial private institutions to facilitate legitimate economic engagement with Syria. But responsibility runs in both directions. Syria cannot ask international investors to accept risks and uncertainty that Syrians themselves would not accept. As economic reintegration progresses, the responsibility of Syrian authorities to provide clarity, predictability, and transparency also increases. Syria needs a clearer economic vision. What role will the private sector play? How will public assets be managed? What rules will govern foreign investments? And how will economic justice be upheld? Public procurement deserves particular attention. Government contracts and infrastructure projects should increasingly be governed by transparent procedures, competitive tenders, and meaningful mechanisms of oversight and appeal. These are not conditions imposed from abroad. These are safeguards for Syrian public funds and protections for Syrian citizens. Mr. President, across these three dualities, there is one common principle. The answer is not choosing one side and rejecting the other. Syria should not choose between sovereignty and cooperation. It should pursue sovereign cooperation. It should not choose between trust and qualification. It should build institutions in which credible qualifications earns trust. And it should not choose between rapid economic recovery and transparency. Transparency is precisely what will make economic recovery just and durable. I therefore conclude with the following concrete appeals. To the Syrian authorities, protect national ownership while facilitating access to international expertise, establish merit-based and transparent pathways into public service, guarantee meaningful space for civil society and fundamental freedoms, articulate a clear economic strategy, and strengthen transparent procurement and accountability mechanisms. To the international community, consider convening a dedicated international donors conference for the rebuilding of Syria. Provide technical assistance centered on knowledge transfer and national capacity building, support Syrian-led justice and institutional reform, address banking overcompliance, and mobilize responsible investment and development support. And to both sides, I would suggest one final principle: do not measure success by how much authority is retained by the state, nor by how much assistance is delivered by the international community. Measure it by how much capability, accountability, and opportunity are ultimately transferred to the Syrian people. This is where sovereignty requires meeting. This is where national ownership becomes concrete. And this is where Syria's transition becomes one not merely diverging from the nation's past, but leading towards a functioning, inclusive, and prosperous state. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank Mr. Tabbara for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. I give the floor to the representative of Denmark.
I also thank Deputy Special Envoy Cordone, Under-Secretary-General Fletcher and Mr. Tabbara for their briefings. Mr. President, with High-Level Week approaching, we recall President al-Shara's address to the General Assembly last year, in which he spoke of a new chapter of peace, prosperity, and development for Syria. One year later, Syria has made remarkable progress in rebuilding institutions and laying the foundations for economic recovery and a peaceful, prosperous future. Foreign Minister Luege Rasmussen saw this firsthand when he two weeks ago visited Syria and reopened the Danish embassy in Damascus. However, emerging from the devastation of civil war, widespread atrocity crimes, and decades of oppression is not without challenges, and much remains to be done. At the outset, we reiterate Denmark's full support for Syria's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. We call on Israel to withdraw from Syrian territory and to comply fully with its obligations under the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement. The continued Israeli presence in southern Syria poses an increased risk of regional destabilization. We reaffirm our support for a diplomatic solution to address the security of southern Syria and express our concern about reports that the Syrian-Israeli talks have stalled. At this fragile time for the region, we call for their swift resumption. Mr. President, despite these serious security challenges, the political transition continues to take shape. To ensure a lasting peace, the political transition must follow international standards, a clear and transparent roadmap, and sound institutional checks and balances. The full participation of women, minorities, youth, and civil society in general remains essential. We welcome initiatives such as the Women's Police Academy and encourage continued security sector reform to build public trust. We also welcome the IAEA's historic and unanimous decision after 15 years to close the file on the previous regime's nuclear noncompliance, now that Syria's nuclear material and facilities are under safeguards. We commend Syria for this achievement and encourage Syria to continue its cooperation with the IAEA, including through bringing into force an Additional Protocol. This complements the progress Syria has made in addressing outstanding issues related to the former regime's chemical weapons programme and the Syrian collaboration with the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. Mr. President, we have also followed the important trials of senior former regime figures. Accountability of crimes committed against the Syrian people is essential, and all proceedings must be transparent, allow for appeal, and meet international fair trial standards. Transitional justice has to be impartial and respect the rights of all victims and survivors. Finally, Mr. President, the humanitarian situation remains alarming, with more than 15 million Syrians in need of assistance. Access remains limited to health care, food, clean water, education, and livelihoods. And as we've heard, rising fuel prices only exacerbates these problems. As we also have heard, there's a need to scale up funding, not just for the humanitarian response, but also for recovery and reconstruction in order to ensure investments in recovery and in giving the Syrian people the future they aspire to and deserve. This is also why the Danish Foreign Minister, during his visit to Damascus last month, in addition to a large-scale humanitarian support, pledged 76 US dollars in ODA to Syria, millions US dollars in ODA to Syria, and stressed that Denmark plans to increase our support to reconstruction from 2027. In closing, Denmark will continue to support Syria, including through this Council, as it writes this new, brighter chapter of its history. I thank.
You.
I thank the representative of Denmark for her statement, and I give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.
Mr. President, we are grateful to the Deputy Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Claudio Cordone, and to Mr. Tom Fletcher for their briefings, and we carefully listened to the representative of civil society. Our country has a keen interest in the swift stabilisation of the military, political and humanitarian situation in the Syrian Arab Republic. We note that there are both positive signs and also some serious challenges in terms of normalising the situation in Syria. We support Damascus's consistent steps to unify the country and also we welcome the new authorities resolve to ensure the rights of all citizens irrespective of their ethnic or religious background. As the state is being built, the all representatives of Syrian society's interests need to be taken into consideration. Otherwise, any models for the future political structure will not be either sustainable nor viable. In this context, we are pleased to note the progress in achieving the January agreements on reintegrating the area beyond the Euphrates into the legal sphere of Syrian statehood. We hope that the comprehensive implementation of these understandings will help to achieve long-term normalisation of the situation in the northeast of the country. We view the launch of the work of the Syrian People's Assembly as an important step in the context of the Syrian authorities' work to shore up internal stability and national unity. We wish every success to parliamentarians who bear the important and also complex responsibility of hammering out a new constitution and other fundamental legislative acts. Regarding the socio-economic situation in Syria, there are worrisome reports of large-scale protests breaking out because of the worsening fuel crisis. Syrians' needs remain enormous. Two-thirds of the population of the country require humanitarian assistance. Nonetheless, we note the positive changes in the Syrian economy, primarily in agriculture. This year, wheat production may reach 2.7 million tons. This is particularly important because of volatility on the global food markets. in particular because of the reckless actions of Ukraine in the Black Sea waters and also the situation in the Strait of Hormuz. This month, more than 5 million Syrian children went to school. However, Syria's education system continues to encounter serious problems. An additional burden is being placed on the weakened infrastructure by the mass return of the population. In this regard, There is a real need to rebuild schools, the water supply and sanitation. And mines continue to be a serious threat. Explosive ordinances can be found in residential areas, including schools and playgrounds. Children account for about 30% of those killed and 40% of those injured as a result of explosions. There's a need to systematically inform the population of the dangers of mines. In 2025, Syria started to integrate relevant models into school curricula. We believe this work to be priority along with mine clearance and providing assistance to victims. All of these factors need to be taken into consideration when considering the current situation. However, solving these challenges really depends on having resources. The humanitarian response plan is only 30%. We call for predictable financing of humanitarian operations in Syria in order to prevent a backsliding of these positive trends and in order to create conditions for a shift to sustainable development. So we're convinced that consolidating Syrian society and resolving its economic problems, curbing the risk of dividing the country and also combating terrorists, including FTFs, all these must remain top priorities. However, any discussions on stabilization in Syria lose all their meaning when, at the same time, steps are being taken from the outside which undermine the sovereignty of the country and its territorial integrity. We have consistently stood against the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic being used as an arena for geopolitical competition and settling of scores. We believe that the overarching responsibility of all constructive-minded states in the Middle East region and beyond to avoid steps that could cause another wave of escalation in the country. We would like to focus on the unacceptable nature of the aggressive actions by Israel against Syria, be this the occupation of a significant part of the country or ongoing IDF attacks and armed raids deep into its territory. We cannot fail to draw attention to the recent provocative visit of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Defense Minister Katz to the arbitrary IDF positions on Mount Hermon and also the statement of absolute control by Western Jerusalem of the area from Hermon to the Yarmouk River and also its ongoing expansionist ambitions in the region. Such actions and rhetoric not only run counter to international law, but also create the additional risk of region-wide instability, which is still experiencing the serious consequences of the American-Israeli military misadventures against Iran. We would urge Western Jerusalem to swiftly stop its arbitrary actions in the Syrian Golan and comply with the disengagement agreement and withdraw all Israeli troops from their positions. The legitimate concerns in the area of security cannot serve as justification for a violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria. The Israeli leadership needs to recognize that it is a dead end in nature to use military methods to eradicate problems, and it needs to listen to the common sense voices coming from Damascus that they're ready to negotiate. We're convinced that it is the political diplomatic path with a strict compliance with the norms of international law that can ensure long-term security for all Middle East region states. Russia, from its side, will continue to assist stabilization of friendly by having inclusive political process, strengthening statehood, unity, and territorial integrity as part of Security Council Resolution 2254. I thank.
You.
I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for his statement, and I give the floor to the representative of the United States.
Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you to today's briefers. The United States welcomes the ongoing progress that the Syrian authorities continue to make on political, humanitarian, and security priorities. As we noted last month, the United States, under President Trump, is committed to supporting a stable, unified Syria, and to building a more prosperous and interconnected region. We welcome the IAEA Board's decision on September 9th to end its longstanding noncompliance finding for Syria. It reflects the government's commitment to cooperate, to cooperative engagement with the IAEA and to transparency about the former regime's clandestine nuclear program and to the peaceful use of nuclear technology going forward. We encourage Syria to continue working with the IAEA to strengthen its domestic safeguards of nuclear material, including by adopting an additional protocol and implementing its provisions in full. The conclusion of an additional protocol would be an important demonstration of the Syrian government's commitment to transparency and to fostering international trust. We also take this opportunity to remind Security Council members that 15 years ago, on June 2011, the Council first received notice from the IAEA that the Assad regime had violated its safeguards agreement. As we said at the time, it was obvious that Assad had tried to build a nuclear reactor in order to produce weapons-grade plutonium. And yet, some members of this Council shamelessly parroted the Assad regime's lies and tried to deflect blame onto Israel. Colleagues, we now know that all along, the IAEA was right. Israel was right. The United States was right. We point this out not to boast, but to remind fellow council members and proliferator states like Iran that with enough time and effort, the truth will always prevail. As we did last month, the United States commends the Syrian Democratic Forces' integration into Syrian state institutions. marking further progress towards Syria's path to one army, one government, and one unified state. We remain concerned, however, by the escalation in Soueida, and reaffirm our support for the trilateral roadmap announced nearly a year ago by the United States, Syria, and Jordan, a path toward the dignified reintegration of the province and full rights and obligations of citizenship for its Druze community. We urge all parties to exercise restraint and pursue dialogue in earnest. And we look for continued progress toward accountability, security, and the safe return of the displaced. We also call on both Israel and Syria to exercise restraint and seek de-escalation in regard to territorial issues. The United States will continue to engage closely with both countries and with all regional stakeholders to promote dialogue and peaceful solutions. As we look ahead to UNGA High-Level Week next week, We encourage members of this Council and all Member States to use this opportunity for meaningful engagement with the Syrian Government in support of a stable, secure, and prosperous Syria, which, of course, is in the interest of the entire globe. We reiterate our call for UN institutions and Member States to support the Syrian Government's efforts to advance these goals. We urge the Syrian Government to work with the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism, the IIIM, and the Independent Institution on Missing Persons in Syria, the IIMP, to finalize MOUs that will enable them to provide resources to support the ongoing transitional justice project in Syria. We also take note of the Special Envoys and of the Under-Secretary-General, of their remarks regarding the role of women in Syria. Their ideas, their work, and insight of women is key to the stability and legitimacy of the new Syria. Their role in every sector is important and is clear in the search for the missing. Their vital role must be fostered in every dynamic. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of the United States for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.
Thank you, President, and I thank Deputy Special Envoy Cordoni, Under-Secretary-General Fletcher, and Mr. Tabbara for their briefings. President, last week marked a significant step forward in Syria's compliance with its international obligations, with the IAEA closure of Syria's longstanding safeguards file by consensus. After 15 years of obstruction by the Assad regime, this decision is an important symbol of Syria's commitment to meeting its international obligations. And we also commend Syria's constructive engagement with the OPCW. The United Kingdom stands ready to support the complete and verified destruction of Assad-era chemical weapons and the full implementation of Syria's obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. Lasting stability will not be delivered, though, by security arrangements alone. It must be underpinned by reconciliation, accountability and protection for all communities. We remain concerned by reports of ongoing violence in north-east Syria, and we continue to support a unified and inclusive Syria and encourage all parties to exercise restraint avoid inflammatory rhetoric, and work together to resolve outstanding issues related to the implementation of the integration agreement. Ultimately, ensuring that all Syrians feel secure, represented, and protected are an essential part of Syria's journey towards long-term stability and recovery. To support the recovery plans of the Syrian government and the needs of the displaced and vulnerable populations, The United Kingdom will contribute $90 million this year. President, Syria's recovery remains fragile. Israel's actions risk increasing tensions at an already sensitive moment, including Prime Minister Netanyahu's recent visit to the summit of Mount Hermon in the UN area of separation. We continue to urge all parties to exercise restraint and avoid actions that could lead to further escalation. and call on Israel to set out a timeline for withdrawal from recently occupied Syrian territory. Dialogue remains the only sustainable path forwards. We encourage continued engagement between Syria and Israel and welcome efforts to resolve differences through negotiation rather than confrontation. Respect for Syria's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence remains essential to securing long-term stability. The United Kingdom remains committed to supporting efforts to ensure that Syria emerges from decades of conflict as a stable, sovereign and inclusive state.
I thank the.
Representative of the United Kingdom for the statement, and I get the floor of the representative of China.
Thank you, President. I thank Deputy Special Envoy Cordone and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher for their briefings. I have also listened attentively to the statement made by civil society representative Mr. Tabbara. While the situation in Syria is generally stabilizing, the country faces multiple daunting challenges, including intertwined internal and external security risks and the uphill struggle. uphill struggle to improve people's lives, the Syrian transitional government should work in concert with the international community and adopt more practical measures in order to consolidate the hard-won positive momentum, effectively enhance the well-being of its people, and promote long-term stability and security across the country. I would like to make five points. First, Syria has largely completed the integration in its northeastern region and achieved significant additional progress in the political transition process. The transitional government has made positive efforts in this regard, which deserve recognition. China supports Syria as it continues to be guided by the spirit of Resolution 2254 and the principle of a Syrian-led and owned process, advances its domestic political process, and actively explores develop and pass that accords with its national conditions. Second, recent clashes and protests in certain Druze and Kurdish communities warrant the attention of all parties. The ability to effectively handle communal relations represents a test of the governance capacity of the transitional government. We hope that the Syrian transitional government will proceed from the interests of the entire Syrian population, heed the demands of various groups, protect the rights of all communities on an equal basis, resolve internal differences through inclusive dialogue, and promote national reconciliation and consensus-building. Third, a large number of foreign terrorist fighters remain active in Syria, posing a persistent threat and a grave risk to the country's peaceful reconstruction. Syria must never become a safe haven for terrorism. This is the consensus of the international community. China urges the Syrian transitional government to remain steadfast in its determination to counter terrorism and take all possible measures to effectively and resolutely combat all international terrorist organizations designated by the Council, including the ETIM. Fourth, conflict and upheaval are not Syria's destiny. The Syrian people deserve a new life in an environment of peace and stability. At present, Syria faces acute challenges regarding unemployment, inflation, and infrastructure. China supports the Syrian transitional government in making development and reconstruction its central task, and encourages Syria to foster a safe and welcoming business environment and create favorable conditions for economic recovery. We also call on the international community to sustain its humanitarian assistance to Syria and address the most pressing humanitarian needs. Fifth, the Golan Heights is occupied Syrian territory. The Security Council has adopted multiple resolutions demanding the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Syrian Golan. China respects Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity. We oppose the changing of the status quo through unilateral actions. China calls on Israel to cease all military operations in Syrian territory and withdraw its forces without delay. The 1974 Separation of Forces Agreement should be effectively observed. China supports the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force in carrying out its duty as mandated by the Council and without obstruction. President, next Monday marks the International Day of Peace. This day embodies the international community's aspiration to end all conflicts, as well as the shared vision of people across the globe for lasting peace. Restoring peace and stability to Syria and the wider Middle East region is an integral part of the global cause of peace and development. As a sincere friend to Syria and the countries of the Middle East, China will continue to play a constructive role in helping the country and the region achieve security, stability, and development at an early date. Thank you, President.
I thank the representative of China for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Colombia.
Thank you very much, Mr. President. I'd like to thank the Deputy Special Envoy Cordone, the Under-Secretary-General, Mr. Fletcher, and particularly Mr. Tabbara for his briefing. They've all shared much information with us and given us new avenues for discussion on this. I also welcome here the delegations joining us today. Mr. President, the political and humanitarian dimensions of the decisions taken in this body on Syria are based on a framework of concrete obligations. on the one hand, an inclusive political process, and on the other, safe, sustained and unhindered access across the country's territory, as well as addressing the humanitarian crisis. This framework was designed to manage an open conflict and today to supporting a transition. And it is during the transition where it will be possible to verify compliance with these obligations. Colombia welcomes the achievements of the transitional government, the integration of the northeast, the inauguration of the People's Assembly on 12 July, the designation of the Constitutional Court and the recognition of the civic and cultural rights of Syrian Kurds. These are all steps towards the inclusive processes that this Council requested. On the humanitarian pillar, the return of more than 3 million persons is the most eloquent indicator, perhaps, of the restored trust, depending as it does on sustained assistance. In the humanitarian sphere, the funding gap isn't an abstract figure. It has direct verifiable consequences. The fall in emergency food assistance mentioned by USG Fletcher of 1.3 million from 1.3 million people to 650,000 shows that resource shortfalls immediately translate into deprivation. Colombia calls on donors to boost the funding of the response plan. Finally, but no less importantly, the explosive remains of war are today one of the main obstacles to sustainable return. They have claimed more than 2,000 victims since December 2024, one every six hours. More than 60% of the incidents happen in agricultural and agricultural land or grazing land, meaning that contamination threatens life, food and return all at the same time. Colombia calls for increased funding and humanitarian demining capacities, as well as risk education. We also call for comprehensive assistance to victims to be incorporated in the recovery agenda from the outset. The progress achieved shows that the framework created by this Council can produce verifiable results. Completing it now demands more than political support. It means ensuring that the recovery is funded. The World Bank estimates the recovery needs at $216 billion. The UNDP has calculated that at the current rate, it will take Syria 55 years to recover its pre-conflict level of output, and 15 years at a growth rate of 5%. Although the lifting of sanctions designations has, however, opened space for investment that didn't exist two years ago. President, living up to these standards is what will turn the efforts of the transition into lasting results. Colombia will continue to support an inclusive, Syrian-led, UN-facilitated process. Thank you very much.
I thank the representative of Colombia for that statement. I give the floor to the representative of Bahrain.
Thank you, Madam President. We would like to express our thanks to Mr. Claudio Cordoni, Deputy Special Envoy of the Secretary General of the United Nations for Syria, and Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator in the Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the OCHA, for their comprehensive briefings on the latest developments in Syria. We have taken note of the intervention by the civil society representative, Mr. Yasser Tabbara. I would also like to welcome the participation of the Permanent Representatives in today's session. Mr. President, the Syrian Arab Republic today stands at a pivotal stage in its efforts to restore security and stability and to build national and constitutional institutions capable of meeting the aspirations of the Syrian people for peace, security, and development. The Kingdom of Bahrain believes that the success of this stage requires continued support for the efforts of the Syrian government aimed at strengthening the rule of law, promoting social peace and national reconciliation, and fostering the values of tolerance and peaceful coexistence in a manner that strengthens the unity of the social fabric and ensures the participation of all segments of the Syrian people in the building of their future. In the context of supporting Syria's return to the paths of cooperation and active engagement with international institutions, we welcome the adoption by the IAEA Board of Governors of the resolution concerning the Syrian Arab Republic and the resulting conclusion of consideration of the agenda item on the implementation of the Safeguards Agreement in Syria. We hope that this will constitute a further step towards strengthening confidence and cooperation between Syria and international institutions, opening broader avenues to support its stability and recovery. Bahrain commends the efforts of the Arab Group of the IAEA Board of Governors, chaired by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with the participation of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Kingdom of Morocco, and its role in submitting the draft resolution. The achievement of sustainable stability in Syria remains linked, first and foremost, to the full respect of its sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity. Thus, the Kingdom of Bahrain expresses its rejection of the continued Israeli attacks and incursions into Syrian territory, including the recent developments in southern Syria and the Golan Heights, and stresses the need to refrain from any measures or practices that would seek to create a new reality on the ground or undermine the sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic. In a related context, the Kingdom of Bahrain encourages diplomatic effort aimed at de-escalation and strengthening security and stability, as well as the continued dialogue in a manner that contributes to reaching understandings that safeguard the security and stability of the region, based on a full respect for the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic. This is in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the need to comply with the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement and relevant Security Council resolutions, including Resolution 497, and to halt escalation and refrain from anything that could undermine security and stability in Syria and the region. The Kingdom also reaffirms the importance of the role played by the UN Disengagement Observer Force, UNDOF, and the need to ensure the safety of its personnel, their freedom of movement, and their ability to fully implement its mandate. Mr. President, on the humanitarian front, the return of increasing number of Syrians to their country constitute an encouraging development. However, the sustainability of such returns requires providing them with the conditions of a dignified life, restoring basic services, creating livelihood opportunities, and rehabilitating damaged infrastructure. Against this backdrop, the Kingdom of Bahrain calls upon the international community and donor community to continue supporting the humanitarian response and to ensure unhindered access to assistance for all those in need, while simultaneously expanding early recovery and reconstruction programs, thereby creating the conditions conducive to the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of refugees and IDPs. In conclusion, we renew our solidarity with the brotherly Syrian Arab Republic and support for all efforts aimed at strengthening its security, stability, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Kingdom of Bahrain looks forward to the international community's continuing to work alongside the Syrian people to build a future characterized by security, peace, development, and prosperity. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of Bahrain for that statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Somalia.
Madam President, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the A3, namely the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, and my own country, Somalia. We thank Deputy Special Envoy Cordone and Under-Secretary-General Fletcher for their comprehensive briefings. We thank Mr. Tabbara for his contribution and welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of the Syrian Arab Republic in this meeting. The A3 welcomes the positive momentum in Syria. Despite persistent challenges, the Syrian government has shown resolve in restoring national institutions, consolidating stability, promoting national unity, and responding to the aspirations of its people. In this regard, we wish to make the following points: First, we acknowledge the Syrian government's steps toward national integration and institutional consolidation, including the decision of August 25 concerning the dissolution and the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces into the national defense architecture. This is a significant step toward unified security structures and a stronger state authority. We encourage continued progress on inclusive governance, the participation of women and youth, representation of all communities, and human rights. We reaffirm that the Security Council Resolution 2254 remains the central framework for a Syrian-led and a Syrian-owned political process. Second, we recognize the government's cooperation with the United Nations and humanitarian partners to facilitate assistance, restore services, and support the return of Syrians. The return of more than 3.5 million displaced persons and refugees signal renewed confidence. Yet millions still require life-saving aid, while funding shortfalls threaten essential operations. Sustainable returns require security, housing, schools, health care, and public services. We call for predictable funding for humanitarian assistance as well as early recovery activities. Third, Economic recovery is essential to sustainable peace. We welcome Syria's removal from the United States State Sponsors of Terrorism list on August 24th. This important step can support financial reintegration, trade, investment, and public service delivery. Syrian government is working under challenging conditions to stabilize the economy and rehabilitate infrastructure. Rising fuel and commodity prices continue to strain households. We call for constructive economic engagement and unhindered investment to restore utilities, protect vulnerable communities, and create sustainable livelihoods. Fourth, we deplore continued military strikes and ground incursions inside Syria, which threaten civilians undermine stabilization and risk regional escalation. We take serious note of the International Independent Commission of Inquiry's finding of 8 September concerning the unlawful incursions, arbitrary raids, and expanding buffer zones in southern Syria. We call for the release of detained Syrian nationals and an end to unilateral cross-border operations. The occupied Syrian Golan remains an integral part of Syria under Resolution 497 of 1981. The 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement must be fully respected. Fifth, the clashes in Al-Suwayda underscore the need for de-escalation, local dialogue, reconciliation, and national cohesion. We support the government's efforts to restore calm and address local grievances through inclusive engagement. We also commend the Syrian authorities for confronting ISIL, Daesh, and other violent groups, extremist groups. Unified national security mechanisms and coordinated international partnership consistent with international law remain vital to preventing their resurgence. To conclude, Madam President, The A3 reaffirms its unwavering commitment to Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity. We recognize the government's positive steps to consolidate institutions, advance integration, and improve security, as well as establishing the foundation for economic recovery. We urge the Security Council and the wider international community to work constructively with the Syrian Government and support the Syrian people in their pursuit of national reconciliation, recovery, stability and lasting peace. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Somalia and I give the floor to the representative of Greece.
Thank you, Madam President. And I thank Deputy Special Envoy Cordone, USG Fletcher, as well as Mr. Tabbara. for their valuable contributions. Madam President, Syria is at the moment of profound transition. There is now a real opportunity to move from a country emerging from conflict to a country rebuilding its institutions and fully reclaiming its place in the international community. I would like to make three points. First, institutions must now deliver on the promise of an inclusive transition. The establishment and convening of the People's Assembly, as well as the announcement of the composition of its committees, are important milestones. But representation must be more than a formal exercise. Women and all components of Syrian society, regardless of their ethnic or religious background, must have a meaningful voice in shaping the country's future. The next major test will be the constitutional project. One that protects rights and guarantees equality before the law for all Syrian citizens. The same principle applies to transitional justice. There can be no lasting reconciliation without accountability, and no accountability without equal protection for all victims. The adoption of the General Assembly resolution on women searchers of missing persons last week, which Chris was proud to co-sponsor, is a reminder that the fate of those who remain missing continues to be one of the deepest wounds of the conflict. We welcome the steps taken to address the trauma of the conflict and the increasing engagement of the Syrian authorities with international mechanisms. We encourage further engagement with the IIIM and all relevant institutions. Second, Syria's opening to the international community must now translate into recovery and opportunity. The real test will be whether a new economic horizon translates into a better life for ordinary Syrians. Recovery must reach communities across the country and give young Syrians a reason to build their future at home. At the same time, humanitarian assistance remains necessary. Greece will be at Syria's side during this transition. It stands ready to contribute to Syria's recovery and to efforts that strengthen its links with the wider international community. Third, Syria's political opening must be matched by a genuine security settlement. We welcome the completion of the process leading to the dissolution of the Syrian democratic forces and their integration into the Syrian state institutions. This is a significant step towards restoring the unity of the Syrian state and consolidating its sovereignty. At the same time, integration must be coupled with guarantees for the rights and meaningful participation of the Kurdish community in Syrian institutions. The situation in Suweida also requires sustained attention. It cannot be allowed to falter or disintegrate. The September 2025 roadmap must be fully implemented, while the restoration of trust between communities and state institutions must remain at the core of all efforts, with the aim of a truly inclusive Syria. The same is true for Syria's relations with its neighbors. We encourage direct contacts between Syria and Israel, facilitated by the United States. De-escalation must remain the immediate priority, while negotiations should contribute to durable security arrangements. Greece reiterates its firm respect for Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity. All violations must therefore cease, and the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement must be respected. In conclusion, Madam President, Syria's transition must belong to Syrians, all Syrians. The international community now has a responsibility to help make that transition work. Syria has come a long way in a short period of time. The task now is to make this progress irreversible. Greece will continue to support a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned transition. an inclusive political process, accountability and reconciliation, economic recovery, and a Syria that is sovereign, united, stable, and at peace with itself and its neighbours. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Greece, and I give the floor to the representative of Latvia.
Thank you, Madam President.
I thank the Deputy Special Envoy for Syria, Claudio Cordone, and Under-Secretary-General Tom Fletcher for their informative briefings, as well as Mr. Yasser Tabbara for his contribution. Madam President, following decades of devastating civil war and dictatorship, and amidst the ongoing turbulence in the wider Middle East, Syria strives for stability, both internally and at its borders. Stability is essential for advancing Syria's political transition and reconstruction. Over the past year and a half, Syria's new government has achieved substantial progress. The resilience of the Syrian people and their desire for a dignified life are at the heart of this process. We recognize the principles of transparency, cooperation, and responsibility demonstrated by the Syrian government. as it restores the country's place in the international political and economic arena. We encourage for the same principles to be prioritized in further strengthening Syria's social cohesion. Transparency regarding decisions taken, continuous engagement with a free and open Syrian civil society, meaningful participation of women in political decision making, and inclusive representation of all ethnic and religious communities and political processes are essential to ensuring broad and genuine Syrian ownership of the transition. We look forward to the significant legislative work to be undertaken by the People's Assembly, including the drafting of the permanent constitution. The Syrian people rightfully await the restoration of the rights and freedoms of which they were deprived for the last six decades.
People's expectation of being represented and heard particularly underscores the deeply symbolic role embodied by the new Parliament.
We also underscore the importance of conditions conducive for continuation of dignified return of refugees and internally displaced persons, including through mine action and reducing risks and ensuring safety of affected communities. And we echo USG Fletcher's assessment that there is a genuine potential for Syria to move towards recovery while acknowledging that humanitarian needs remain significant. And Syrian population continues to face economic hardship exacerbated by growing fuel prices. So it is clear that full social economic recovery will require continued efforts, time, investments, and sustained international solidarity. Madam President, rebuilding the rule of law and restoring confidence in public institutions, recognizing the suffering of victims and providing answers to families of missing persons are essential steps towards healing the painful scars of the past
and contributing to lasting peace in Syria.
Beyond ensuring accountability for the crimes of the former regime and preventing their occurrence, the Syrian people look forward to a genuinely comprehensive and transparent transitional justice process. And we commend the results achieved through the IIIM and call for the Syrian government and the relevant national bodies to continue their constructive engagement with international mechanisms and organizations and further facilitate their work on the ground. We welcome and encourage further contributions from countries to support Syrian law enforcement agencies, investigative authorities, prosecutorial authorities, and judges. We also acknowledge the commitment by the new Syrian government to resolve questions inherited from the ousted Assad regime that is well reflected by the ongoing work on the elimination of chemical weapons program and recently on the declared nuclear materials. and we commend the cooperation between the Syrian authorities and the IAEA that has led to a decision taken by Board of Governors to close the outstanding issues related to Syria's nuclear file. Turning to the external dimension, Syria's demonstrated commitment to fostering regional stability has opened up new opportunities for the normalization of relations with its neighbors, as well as for integration into regional economic corridors and attraction of international investment. And we welcome this trajectory and encourage Syria to build on these positive developments, further strengthening its role as a constructive and responsible regional partner. Even though this Council, in its resolution 2824, has unanimously underscored that there should be no military activity of any kind in the area of separation, military actions in the Syrian Golan continue. They violate relevant UN resolutions and the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement and are by no means a sustainable solution to Israel's security concerns either. We encourage Israel and Syria to resume negotiations towards mutually acceptable security arrangements in full compliance with international law and respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic and ensuring the protection of civilians on both sides of the border. In conclusion, We call on the international community to remain steadfast in its support for Syria as it advances along the path of political transition, recovery and reconstruction. And the United Nations is uniquely placed to support Syria-led priorities by bringing together its political, humanitarian, development and institution-building capacities.
Latvia continues to support the people of Syria in their efforts towards a stable, peaceful and prosperous future.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of Latvia, and I give the floor to the representative of Pakistan.
Thank you, Madam President. We thank Deputy Special Envoy Cordone, USG Fletcher, and Mr. Tabbara for their briefings. President, Syria has traveled a considerable distance in a remarkably short period. What began as a moment of profound transition is increasingly becoming a process of national consolidation, rebuilding state institutions, restoring Syria's unity, reconnecting with the region and the wider international community, and laying the foundations for recovery after years of devastating conflict. We appreciate the determined efforts of the Syrian Government in steering the country through this consequential period. We welcome the continued efforts towards the unification and consolidation of the Syrian state, progress in the implementation of arrangements concerning the northeast, Including the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces and other institutions into the structures of the state represent an important step towards restoring Syria's unity. We encourage all concerned to continue addressing outstanding matters through dialogue, accommodation, and mutual understanding. A process that brings all Syrians together and strengthens national institutions will provide the strongest foundation for Syria's future. We equally recognize the considerable efforts being undertaken to restore governance, security, and normalcy across the country, despite immense challenges. The fight against terrorism remains critical. The terrorist groups, including foreign terrorist fighters, continue to pose a threat. Syria should receive the international cooperation and capacity-building support necessary to confront terrorism effectively in accordance with international law. President, Syria continues to bear the enormous economic, humanitarian, and infrastructural consequences of years of conflict. In this context, the lifting of sanctions by the United States and the European Union represents an important step forward. The growing investment and economic engagement of partners and brotherly countries, including from the Gulf region and the European Union, will contribute meaningfully to restoring livelihoods and creating the foundations for development. At this critical juncture, Syria's transition must not be undermined by external actions. Israel's continued military activities and presence on Syrian territory constitute violations of Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity must be fully respected. along with strict observance of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement and relevant Security Council resolutions. We strongly condemn the recent incursions into Syrian territory by senior Israeli officials, including at Mount Hermon, which constitute a flagrant violation of Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Israel must vacate Syrian Golan and other occupied territory in Syria. Mr. President, the Syrian people have endured extraordinary suffering. Today, however, there is also a genuine opportunity before them. The task now is to consolidate these gains. Pakistan will continue to stand with the Syrian people and support a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned process that leads towards a peaceful, united, sovereign, and prosperous Syria. I thank you very much.
I thank the representative of Pakistan for that statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Panama.
Thank you, President. We are grateful for the briefings of the Deputy Special Envoy for Syria, Mr. Claudio Cordone, the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Mr. Tom Fletcher, and of Yasser Tabbara, the co-founder of Syrian Forum. In addition, we recognize here the presence of the representatives of the Syrian Arab Republic, Israel, Turkey, and Oman, who honor us with their participation today. Panama is diligently following the development of the situation in Syria and the positive ongoing efforts made by Syria to consolidate an inclusive political transition, to address the population's humanitarian needs, and to move forward towards economic recovery. We believe that these three elements are closely interlinked and stand as complementary dimensions of one same objective, laying the foundations for a stable, sovereign, peaceful Syria. Consolidating this new phase also demands having a regional environment that allows Syria to focus its efforts on national reconstruction. In this context, we reiterate our steadfast commitment to Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity, and to the respect for its internationally recognized borders. We believe that it is essential for regional disputes to be addressed through diplomatic means. and for all actors to refrain from action that might give rise to further trends of instability. President, millions of Syrians continue to be in need of humanitarian assistance, while the funding gap is increasingly hampering the response capacity. The fall in food aid observed by the World Food Programme and the shortages faced by multiple health facilities reveal how the lack of resources is having direct effects on people's lives. For this reason, we recognize the considerable efforts made by the United Nations, by humanitarian agencies and by their partners to continue providing assistance to millions of people. Against this backdrop, we reiterate our staunch support for the relocation of the Special Envoy's office to Damascus. Once there, we believe that it can continue to work to support the transition process more effectively. At the same time, we are encouraged by the progress made in terms of returns. More than 2 million IDPs and around 1.8 million refugees have returned to their place of origin. However, these returns in turn give rise to new needs, making it necessary to guarantee adequate, sustainable conditions so that people can rebuild their lives. We value the coordinated efforts being made to address the explosive remains of war to ensure that they do not continue to claim the lives of victims and restrict access to homes, farmlands, basic services and livelihoods. Furthermore, we are pleased to note the signs pointing to greater opening of the Syrian economy and a gradual reintegration into the international financial system. Sanctions relief and the timely decision by the United States to withdraw Syria from the list of states co-sponsors of terrorism warrant our recognition, since they have contributed to creating an environment conducive to investment and trade. Furthermore, we note with interest the increasing commitment from the private sector and countries in the region to Syria's recovery. These initiatives can contribute to restoring the country's productive capacity, creating jobs and strengthening livelihoods. However, these new opportunities must go hand in hand with a response that is in line with the scale of the persistent challenges. In this context, the recent difficulties related to the rise in global fuel prices highlight the need for this progress to translate into concrete improvements in people's daily lives. President, the resilience shown by the Syrian people and their hope for a better future deserve to be honored through an economic recovery rebuilding not only the country but also the lives of those living there. Panama will continue supporting the efforts of the United Nations, the international community and Syrian authorities to build a sovereign, prosperous and peaceful Syria that offers a better future to its entire population. Thank you very much.
I thank the representative of Panama for that statement, and I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of France.
First and foremost, I'd like to thank the Director's Special Envoy, Mr. Claudio Codona, and Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Tom Fletcher, and Mr. Yasser Tabbara, representative of civil society. And I welcome the representatives of the Syrian Arab Republic, Turkey, Israel, and Oman. Since our last meeting, the Syrian transition has remained on a positive trajectory, even if it remains fragile. I'd like to focus on recent developments in my comments. I'd like to underscore the importance of the commitments upheld by Damascus before highlighting the challenges still facing it. Firstly, Syria continues to show its determination to reintegrate into the international community fully. The Board of Governors of the IAEA adopted a consensus resolution triggering the formal closure of the Syrian nuclear dossier 15 years after it noted systemic violations by the Bashar al-Assad regime of its obligations. We have the proof, thanks to the in-depth investigations of the IAEA that the regime was conducting an illegal military program and undermined the non-proliferation architecture. In a spirit of transparency and responsibility, the new Syrian authorities have reported on secret sites, thus demonstrating their desire to eliminate this program once and for all. This decision by the Board of Governors of the IAEA rewards the speeding up of cooperation between Damascus and the IAEA. It reflects the work conducted by the OPCW on the elimination of chemical weapons, also inherited from the Assad regime. This is a rare advance in a landscape that has been degraded by non-proliferation issues. In the area of transitional justice, the technical cooperation framework between the Syrian authorities and the IIIM on Syria will facilitate the accomplishment of this mission to build a just and lasting peace. The work underway on a transitional justice law is part of this same goal. Furthermore, the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces into the state is a historic step forward towards a sovereign, pluralistic Syria. The rights of all components of Syrian society, in particular the cultural and linguistic rights of the Kurds, need to come to fruition. Secondly, the efforts to make progress in the political transition need to be highlighted, such as the establishment of the People's Assembly and the return of millions of IDPs and refugees. But these efforts have been undermined by internal and external threats. The respect for Syrian sovereignty is not negotiable. The repeated incursions by Israel decided upon at the highest level, undermine stability in the region. France calls for an immediate cessation of Israeli incursions and the resumption of security discussions between Israel and Syria. The situation in the south of Syria remains unstable. France calls for the immediate implementation of the Syrian-Jordan-American roadmap on Sweida in the interests of the local population, in particular the Druze community that wants to live in peace. Thirdly, it is up to us, the international community, to assist efforts underway. The gradual lifting of sanctions and the implementation of a reliable banking framework will help to rebuild trust to attract investments. It is absolutely crucial that humanitarian assistance continue and a development program be launched whilst thousands and thousands of refugees are seeking to return home. We commemorated last week, the 25th anniversary of the tragedy of the 11th of September 2001 terrorist attacks, and so we would encourage Syria to continue its unfailing fight against Daesh. Let us reiterate our support to building a stable, sovereign and unified Syria. I work again as the President of the Council, and I'd like now to give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic.
I thank you, Mr. President. At the outset, I'd like to thank the briefers. Mr. Claudio, I thank him for his statement on his support for Syria and welcome back from Syria. And as you've seen for yourself there, we also watched you from here over there. And we did that as we miss Damascus and Syria and all of its governorates. I thank Mr. Fletcher for the clarity in which he spoke on the challenges as well as the achievements that the Syrian Government has made and the international community's support. I also thank Mr. Yasser Tabbara for all that he's offered us before the liberation from the society and after liberation, and we are working extensively with civil society in the new Syria. I also thank you, all members of the Security Council, once again and repeatedly and always for your support to Syria collectively. Mr. President. As some members of the Council said this time last year, Syria was preparing for its first historic participation in the High-Level Week of the General Assembly back then. And as you may recall, Syria came to New York carrying its vision for engaging with the international family after decades, long decades, of absence. We came to tell the world on what we intended to do. But this year, Syria comes having seized this opportunity and matched its words with actions. Syria has become an indispensable and inevitable partner in ensuring security and stability in the region. Mr. President, today I had hoped to tell you how we completed the building of state institutions. I had wanted to explain how we completed the process of military and administrative integration. I wanted to brief you on the major steps that we have taken in combating Daesh and terrorist organizations, to inform you of our efforts in dismantling drug trafficking networks. I had wanted to show you how we succeeded in building excellent relations with neighboring countries, and to share the details of the visit of a large American trade delegation, the first of its kind, that came to Damascus to visit us two days ago and to shed light on the results of the Syrian government's efforts that have led, as you have mentioned, to the return of millions of refugees and internally displaced persons and the return of the world to Syria. Unfortunately, Mr. President, I find myself compelled, particularly as Netanyahu's government has sent its representative to participate in today's Syria session, I am compelled to devote this statement to discussing the greatest threat facing the stability of the entire region, not just Syria. How could I not do that when the Security Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security? How could I not when all of you witnessed two weeks ago the unlawful entry of Israeli occupation officials into Syria in a blatant violation that was not just rejected by Syria but was rejected by 45 four countries that have chosen in less than 24 hours to stand by Syria here outside this Council's chamber to affirm the necessity to respect international law and national sovereignty. Mr. President, we, and from the very first moment, have demonstrated the sincerity of our intentions and our actions, and so did Israel. Therefore, today I will present to you what they said and what we said, and what they did and what we did since then. They said and we said that establishing security is an indispensable necessity. Israel penetrated our villages, displaced our people, bombed our facilities. While we chose to spare the region further suffering, we chose to open the door to mediation. They said and we said that differences should be addressed through dialogue. However, they evaded their diplomatic obligations, and they responded to dialogue with airstrikes, incursions, and violations and attacks, while we engaged in good faith with the American initiative that we appreciate. They said, and we said, that the era of development and prosperity for the region has come. But they ignited tensions and unrest. They killed Syrians. They openly boasted about occupying Syria and the unlawful entry of their officials for narrow electoral reasons. While Syria, in the meantime, became a bridge for development, prosperity, and energy transit among the countries of the region. Syria became a pillar of regional stability. They said, and we said, that acting responsibly and engaging with the international community is imperative. But they restricted the international organizations' work in Syria. They obstructed our efforts to address the legacy of the former regime on the chemical weapons and the nuclear materials and other issues, whereas Syria engaged with the United Nations, with the OPCW, with the International Atomic Energy Agency, and facilitated their work, as you have all commended. Colleagues, I mention all of this not for rhetorical effect and not for out of a desire for making comparisons, but I do this to state things clearly. Yes, we want to move towards diplomatic solutions and a security agreement under American sponsorship and with your support. We have demonstrated this by action and not by deed and not just by word, by opening the door to dialogue from the very first moment. But this under no circumstances means that we accept occupation or relinquish the rights of our people. In closing, Mr. President, let us together write a different chapter in our history, a chapter whose title is stability and development, not war and aggression. We would be fortunate if we were to seize this opportunity so that history would remember that we chose to build, not to destroy, to cooperate, not to fight, to establish prosperity and not suffering. Mr. President, our region has always been mentioned in the divine texts and in the texts of history. And today, we find ourselves before a golden opportunity so that history would write about us. So how do we wish history to remember us? I thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic for the statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Israel.
Thank you, Mr. President. It has been nearly two years since the fall of the Assad regime. Since then, Syria has changed. There is a new government. The international community has engaged with it. And we hear new voices from Damascus. We welcome these developments. We believe in a promising future for Syria, and we believe in a promising future between Israel and Syria. That is why Israel has engaged directly with the new Syrian government to reach a security agreement. Syria must control its own territory. If Syria wants to be a trusted member of the international community, it cannot allow its territory to become a platform for terrorists, foreign militaries, and regional instability. Mr. President, Assad's fall created a power vacuum in Syria, and that vacuum is being exploited. ISIS terrorists are escaping prisons and rebuilding their cells. Hezbollah is using Syrian territory as a smuggling route for Iranian weapons, and Iran's Quds Force threatens Israel directly from Syrian territory. Even the Syrian government understands these threats. In July, Syria announced that it caught a Hezbollah weapons shipment near the Syria-Iraq border. It was hidden inside an oil tanker truck. What was inside the oil tanker? Long-range weapons, guided anti-tank missiles, and drones. These were not defensive munitions. They were advanced weapons. These weapons were moving through Syrian territory toward the Mediterranean coast, and ultimately to the hands of Hezbollah in Lebanon to target us, to target Israelis. Unfortunately, the Syrian government is limited in its ability to block the wave of smuggling coming from Iran through its territory. Additionally, Syria continues to face serious internal instability. Just this week, we saw the largest protest in Syria since the fall of the Assad regime. Rising costs and worsening economic conditions are driving unrest throughout the country. These developments should concern all of us, because instability creates opportunities. Opportunities for ISIS, opportunities for Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas. and opportunities for foreign powers seeking to expand their influence. Mr. President, we should be aware of the radical Islamist threat in the Middle East. We remember what happened when radical Islam dominated Syria. We remember the ISIS beheadings of American journalists and British aid workers on Syrian soil. We in Israel, we saw even more horrifying quality on October 7th in Israel. Ambassador Olabi, to refresh your memory, you can turn on Netflix and watch Fauda and see the visuals of what happened on October 7th. Israel does not leave its security to chance. That is why Israel maintains a small security buffer in the Golan Heights as a defensive measure. It is designed to prevent an October 7th-style cross-border attack from Syrian territory. We are not speaking only about the threats from inside Syria. There are also external threats. This brings me to the real question before this Council today. If Israel's tiny defensive buffer is considered a threat to Syrian stability, Then what about a foreign power that control a much larger portion of Syrian territory and is building its military presence there? I am talking about Turkey. Mr. President, for years, Turkey has presented itself as a stabilizing force in our region, a NATO member state, a country that can speak to adversaries a self-proclaimed regional power that can maintain order. Today, Turkey claims to be a partner in Syria's reconstruction. They claim to rebuild Syria's airports, provide energy, help Syria address its housing shortage. Instead, look at what is really happening in Syria. Turkey intends to expand its own military capabilities inside Syria and take over the country. Today, they have 20,000 troops and over 100 bases in Syria. Perhaps this behavior rings a bell. Turkey is following the Iranian proxy playbook. Look at what happened in Lebanon. We speak about it every month, which became a hotbed for Iranian-backed Hezbollah for decades. Look how hard it is for Lebanon to regain its independence after years of being controlled by Iranian terrorist proxies. Is this stabilization or is this expansion? Because there is a pattern here. Turkey has repeatedly expanded its military presence beyond its borders, including in Cyprus, Iraq, and Libya. This is not simply about helping a neighbor to rebuild. It is about deepening influence. It is about advancing military ambitions. And it is about taking over a neighboring country. Even President Erdogan's own words should make us pay attention. He said, in a quote, "Turkey is a country whose horizons cannot be confined." He meant what he said. Take a look at this map. Look at the tiny, tiny sliver of territory. This is the Israeli security buffer consisting 0.1% of Syria. Now, look north. As of now, Turkey controls 5% of Syria. That is 50 times the size of Israel's security buffer. Yet somehow, Israel's tiny defensive buffer is presented as a threat to Syrian sovereignty. If we are serious about sovereignty, then we must apply the same standard and condemnations to everyone. Mr. President, This is where Turkey's presence becomes directly relevant to Israel. Turkey is not merely expanding its military footprint. Its leadership has adopted increasingly hostile rhetoric toward Israel. The Turkish foreign minister has called Israel, and I quote, "burden that humanity can no longer bear." We have also heard blatant antisemitism from President Erdogan. He will come here on Tuesday. We will listen to him in the General Assembly. I think he's the third or fourth speaker on the list. We know what he will say, because we heard him in the past. President Erdogan accused Israel of, and I quote, "feeding on the blood of innocents," and has repeatedly called for Israel's destruction, including to, quote, "destroy and devastate Zionist Israel." equated Israeli leaders to the Nazis from the podium of the General Assembly. Erdogan's actions support his words. Erdogan proudly supports Hamas terrorists. Erdogan hosts Hamas and Hezbollah leaders and facilitates their banking infrastructure. Erdogan has turned Turkey into a Hamas base of operations. So when Turkey moves its military presence deeper into Syria, We have to ask a simple question: What are Turkey's real intentions? Mr. President, we know what genuine stabilization looks like. It means building a secure and prosperous future for the Syrian people. It does not mean building military footholds. It does not mean expanding foreign military influence. and certainly does not mean allowing Syrian territory to become a platform for Turkish aggression against Israel. So I ask this Council, what would any nation do in this scenario? We learned on October 7th that when someone threatens Israel, we better believe them. Mr. President, The blame for this instability does not rest on Turkey alone. We heard the Syrian ambassador claim last week that sovereignty is not selective and territorial integrity is non-negotiable. Then apply those words to Turkey. He sits right next to you. When Israel is involved, you gather a press conference to condemn us, but when Turkey occupies Syrian territory, You remain silent. Your outrage is selective. Your silence is revealing. Ambassador Walabi, let's be honest. We both know the facts. We asked Syria to prevent Turkiye from taking over the Al-Dawal base within your territory. That was our red line. When Syria ignored the message, We sent it another way. If Syria is serious about re-entering the international community, it cannot allow itself to become a breeding ground for instability. We will not accept this, and the international community should not either. Let me be clear and conclude. We want to see a stable Syria. We want to see a sovereign Syria. And we want to see a Syria that controls its territory. But we will never accept a Syria whose territory is used to threaten Israel, not by Hezbollah or Hamas, not by ISIS, and not by Turkey. Thank you, Mr. President.
Thank you, Representative of Israel, for the statement. I give the floor to the Representative of Turkey.
Thank you, Mr. President. At the outset, I would like to thank USG Fletcher, Deputy Special Envoy Cordon, and Mr. Tabbara for their comprehensive briefings. Mr. President, Syria continues to advance towards stabilization despite challenges. Through its constructive engagement with the international community, including this Council, the Syrian Government continues to make meaningful progress in addressing the grave legacy of the former regime. In this regard, we commend Syria for its commitment to fulfilling its obligations under the Treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, its close cooperation with the IAEA, and the transparency it has demonstrated. Reflecting this constructive approach, the IAEA Board of Governors adopted a resolution by consensus on 9 September, closing Syria's nuclear non-compliance file and permanently removing the matter from its agenda. We welcome this resolution and congratulate the Syrian people and government. Mr. President, sustained international support for Syria remains essential to security and stability in the region and beyond. The announcement of the dissolution of the so-called SDF and the progress made in the integration process are particularly important developments. We will continue to follow the next steps. with the Syrian Government and international community. This process needs to be concluded in a manner that reinforces Syria's sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and social cohesion. Mr. President, it remains essential to sustain reconstruction efforts and create the conditions necessary for the return of all Syrians who fled the atrocities of the former regime and Daesh. In this regard, we welcome the growing international economic engagement with the Syrian authorities. The international community should build on this positive momentum. Mr. President, regrettably, Israel continues to undermine this positive trajectory through its reckless attacks and statements against Syria. The illegal entry of high-level Israeli officials in the occupied Syrian territory is yet another example of Israel's provocative and destabilizing actions against Syria. We condemn Israel's relentless attacks, which target Syria's infrastructure and capabilities, and violate its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We reiterate our call on Israel to comply fully with the 1974 Disengagement of Force Agreement, refrain from further escalation, and reverse its encroachments on Syrian territory. The international community, and this Council in particular, must use all means at its disposal to bring an end to Israel's aggression against Syria and its occupation of Syrian territory. It is also concerning that illegal Druze armed groups, relying on Israeli support, continue their destabilizing activities in Syria, including by preventing students from sitting their examinations. and obstructing delivery of essential supplies to the governorate. Mr. President, at last month's Council meeting, I outlined the nature of Turkey's relations and cooperation with the countries of the region, including Syria. In light of the remarks made by the representative of Israel during his takeout today and this meeting, I believe it will be useful to reiterate those points. First and foremost, strengthening its national capacities is a sovereign right of Syria. It does not constitute a threat to any country, and it is not any business of Israel. Turkey's relations with the countries of the region, including Syria, are guided by our firm commitment to their stability, security, and prosperity. We regard these three elements as indispensable, not only for our own national security, but also for regional and international security. A shared commitment to these objectives by all countries would make a significant contribution to lasting peace and stability in the region. Conversely, attempts to obstruct Syria's efforts to build and strengthen its security capacity would only risk creating conditions conducive to the resurgence of terrorist organizations such as Daesh. Against this background, we categorically reject Israel's attempts to smear Turkey's legitimate cooperation with Syria and portray it as a threat in an effort to justify its own violations of international law. Turkey's military cooperation with Syria is conducted with the consent of the Syrian Government. None of our activities in Syria are directed against or pose a threat to any third country. In this regard, Israeli attempts to draw parallels between its decades-long occupation of Syrian territory and Turkey's legitimate security cooperation with the Syrian government are entirely groundless. Mr. President, unfortunately, Israeli representative went beyond all red lines against my country and President. Indeed, answers to his questions are clear. What is the difference between Israel and Turkey? because Turkey is a friend of Syria, contrary to Israel. Turkey is a deep-rooted, responsible state, contrary to Israel, which is an aggressive state in the Middle East to many countries. Turkey's friendship to Israel, Turkey's care about Syria, and Turkey's care about Syrian people and Syrian stability was well-proven during decade of conflict and in the post-conflict. by protecting Syrian people within Turkey and within Syria, and by helping to rebuild modern Syria after revolution, after post-conflict. So, Mr. President, such distortions in this Council had been made before by the regime of -- by the representative of former regime against my country's presence and my country's role in Syria. It is a pity that Israeli representative took over that role, volunteered to that role. So I reject all his baseless claims. Turkish role in any part of the region, Turkish role has always been positive, constructive, and it deserves just a thank you from everybody, but I don't expect it from Israel. Thank you.
I thank the representative of Turkey for his statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Oman.
Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, I have the honor to deliver the statement on behalf of the Arab Group in New York during this monthly meeting of the Council on the agenda item, the situation in the Middle East. The Arab Group expresses its thanks and appreciation to all briefers. The Arab Group also reiterates once again its firm support of the unity, sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic. We remain committed to Syria's security and stability. The Arab Group underscores the importance of supporting efforts aimed at stability and preserving the Syrian state institutions and creating the conducive conditions for recovery and reconstruction. We reaffirm that the unity and stability of Syria constitute a cornerstone of security and stability in the region. Mr. President, the Arab Group strongly condemns the Israeli attacks and incursions into Syrian territory, including the attack against the Al-Buhair airport. these actions constitute a violation of Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity and they are a blatant attempt to fuel strife and to threat efforts aimed at de-escalation and stability we also condemn the unlawful entry of Israeli officials into Syrian territory we call for enforcing Israel to respect the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement and to refrain from any measure that could increase tensions or impose new facts on the ground. The Arab Group further reaffirms that the Syrian Golan is occupied Arab Syrian territory and stresses the need to respect the relevant resolutions, most important among which is Security Council Resolution 497 of 1981. The resolution has determined that Israel's imposition of its laws with jurisdiction and administration in the Golan is null and void and without legal effect. Mr. President, the Arab group condemns the measures taken by -- commends, rather -- commends the Syrian efforts to counter terrorist groups and maintain security and stability. And we affirm the importance of supporting these efforts The Arab Group stresses the importance of continuing counterterrorism efforts and to prevent the return of terrorists in any form. We reiterate the need to respect international law and all Security Council resolutions on counterterrorism. The Arab Group also welcomes the continued cooperation between the Syrian Government and the United Nations and its specialized agencies. This cooperation is an important avenue for supporting stability and meeting humanitarian and development needs. Mr. President, the Arab Group calls for providing international support and investment and strengthening economic cooperation. to serve the economic recovery and reconstruction efforts and create the appropriate conditions for the safe, voluntary, and dignified return of refugees and IDPs, including through providing services, infrastructure, livelihoods, and mine clearance. In the same context, the Arab Group commends the great role of host countries in hosting Syrian refugees, and we call on the international community to increase support directed to host countries who cannot bear this burden alone on behalf of the international community until the return of refugees to their homeland. The group also encourages the continued work on the issues related to missing persons, accountability, and national reconciliation in order to enhance confidence and long-term stability. In conclusion, we call on the Security Council to adopt a balanced and constructive approach based on respect for Syria's sovereignty and to reject any steps that will undermine stability, and also to support economic and humanitarian recovery in order to serve the interests of the Syrian people and contribute to the stability and security of the region. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of Oman for that statement on behalf of the Arab Group. The representative of the Syrian Arab Republic has asked for the floor for another statement, and I give him the floor for another statement. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. President. I will not address my remarks directly permanent representative of Israel because I assume it must be outrageous for him to come here, being asked to come here again to try and mend losses internationally when for one person's dreams domestically after every time he breaches Syrian sovereignty. But perhaps let me address several of the points made. On the questions of buffers and on the point of refreshing memories, you may recall that when Israel occupied the Golan Heights illegally, which as colleagues mentioned in Resolution 497, said was not on void. It was said that it was a buffer that Israel wanted to protect itself. And so what is happening now is not for military or security reasons. The map shown by the permanent representative does not include the buffer they previously occupied, allegedly to protect themselves. But assuming there might be security concerns, on day one, after the massive change that he talked about, We immediately engaged with the United States and opened bold talks that never happened before in Syria's history in that way. And we said we're ready for mediation to reach a security agreement. There was no proper answer. But we're not talking about breaches of sovereignty and territorial integrity only. I can quote from the ONDOP report, the breaches to the 1974 agreement. I can quote from the oral update of the UN Commission of Inquiry that went into the south of Syria and reported several times in its statements, and I have quotations here, about the war crimes being committed by Israel against Syrians. Ongoing violations, and I quote, of Syrian sovereignty, along with reported violations of international humanitarian law, including those that may amount to war crimes, have severe implications on the rights of the affected civilian populations. With the fall of the Assad regime, Mr. President, we thought the era for commissions of inquiry and war crimes and crimes against humanity was over. It seems we were wrong. On the points of communities and resilience, some of their officials tried to reach out to Syrian Kurds. They rejected them, integrated within the Syrian government. Responsible Syrian Druze did the same. They're in parliament. They accepted security positions. They rejected foreign support. And those of them who, Druze figures who, as you've heard today from Mr. Kordoni, dare to speak against one faction backed by Israel, get expelled out of Suwayda. Even Syrian Jews, Mr. President, run for parliament in Syria. They're back renovating their synagogues. So this is the Syria we are building. And when it comes to the military presence in Syria, again, I'm assuming these questions were asked upon him to deliver them, because I know of his legal credentials, and he understands the difference between consent of one state or the other, and our ability to decide to choose who we're working with. We didn't hear complaints when we chose to join the U.S.-led coalition against ISIS. That was a military cooperation that happened with so many of you in Syria. The same happened with other countries here around the council, where we're constantly engaging in military deals, opening doors, and so on. And so if it is about one specific situation, please do not bring it to this council. Syria's meeting should not be talking about proxy issues anymore. That was the case during the regime era. It should no longer be the case. It's frankly traumatizing. But even Israeli figures, opposition figures, think tanks, are telling that this Israeli government is missing out an opportunity to show the world that when there is no credible threat and there is mediation efforts ongoing, that Israel will behave differently than in other parts of the region. I think the whole world has seen what has happened. Time is running out, Mr. President, but just not yet. And we will continue to engage with the bold actions of President Trump in mediation efforts in a way that does not jeopardize the rights of Syrian civilians nor legitimize occupation. And until then, colleagues, we will continue to build and build and move ahead with the things that all of you have praised to build the Syria that is worthy of its history for its future. Thank you.
I thank the Syrian.
Arab Republic for the statement. And the representative of Israel has asked for the floor for a further statement, and I give the floor for the last statement.
First of all, Ambassador Olabi, nobody asked me to come and speak here today. Actually, it's because of your actions that I'm here, because I watched your stakeout the other day, and I saw how much attention you pay towards Israel in all of those discussions that you have here in this council, and I decided that I have to come and ask the questions. And I think that I'm still waiting for answers about what I raised regarding Turkey and about what we learned from Lebanon. Because today, we are paying a heavy price fighting the radicals in Lebanon. And we want to see an independent Lebanon. And one thing we all want to avoid is to see that Lebanon was not the last country that has been taken by other countries in the region. So I believe me when I tell you we do want to see independent Syria, like we want to see independent Lebanon. But we look at what's happening in Syria, we look at the actions, not the declarations. And unfortunately, you don't take the right actions yet. When it comes to the minorities, to the Druze minority, we have seen the roadmap and we have read the reports that you're not fulfilling the roadmap. When it comes to fighting terrorists, you're not fulfilling your expectations. So I would suggest to you, you to focus on your actions. And believe me, I come to this council too many times. I'm not looking for more reasons to come here. And many, many countries in history like to blame Israel for their own problems. Focus on gaining control of your country, and you will find Israel to be a reliable partner in the region.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of Israel for his final statement. There are no more speakers on the list. The meeting stands adjourned.