Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine - Security Council, 10227th meeting

The 10,227th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is: Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine. The agenda is adopted. I would like to welcome very warmly the distinguished Presidents, Prime Minister and Ministers present in the Security Council Chamber. Your presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. In accordance with Rule 37 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite the representatives of the following countries: Finland, Germany, Italy, Lithuania, Moldova, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, and Ukraine to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I also invite His Excellency Mr. Antonio Costa, President of the European Council, to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item 2 of the agenda. I now give the floor to Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo.

Mr. President, we are entering a dangerous new phase in the war in Ukraine. Every day, the attacks are intensifying. Civilian casualties are mounting. The destruction is spreading. The risk of regional spillover is growing. And the consequences are being felt far beyond the battlefield. Make no mistake, this is not simply an escalation in fighting. It is an escalation in human suffering, in regional risk, and in the damage being done to the principles of the UN Charter and the international order. Nowhere is this more painfully evident than in the mounting toll the conflict is taking on civilians in Ukraine. This year has been particularly devastating. In the first eight months alone, more civilians were killed or injured in Ukraine than during the entirety of 2025. The high number of civilian casualties reported so far in September indicates that this deeply troubling trend is continuing. Long-range missile and drone attacks are striking populated areas with increasing frequency, including cities far from the front lines. For weeks, Kyiv and other major cities have endured almost daily attacks, killing and injuring civilians and damaging homes and essential infrastructure. Closer to the front lines, short-range drones and guided aerial bombs continue to exact a devastating toll. At the same time, Repeated attacks on critical civilian infrastructure are making daily life increasingly precarious for millions of Ukrainians. In recent weeks, railway infrastructure, shopping centres, gas stations, warehouses, as well as food and logistics companies have repeatedly been hit. Since February 2022, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has verified that at least 17,257 civilians, including 835 children, have been killed in Ukraine. A further 53,693 civilians, including 3,247 children, have been injured. The actual figures are likely considerably higher. Mr. President, the civilian impact of the war inside the Russian Federation has also grown significantly over the past year. Russian authorities have reported increasing numbers of civilian casualties from Ukrainian attacks on infrastructure, including commercial warehouses, logistics centers, oil and industrial facilities. Over the weekend, Moscow and other parts of the Russian Federation came under the largest wave of drone attacks to date. From January through August, Russian authorities have reported that 443 civilians were killed and 2,932 injured in the Russian Federation, a sharp increase compared to the same period last year. International humanitarian law is clear. Attacks directed against civilians and civilian infrastructure are prohibited. These attacks in Ukraine and in the Russian Federation are unacceptable and must stop immediately. Mr. President, concerns continue to grow regarding the fallout of the war in countries neighboring Ukraine and the danger of further expansion. Cross-border drone incursions affecting or approaching the airspace of neighboring states have become increasingly frequent, heightening concerns about the danger of further regional spillover. Attacks on border crossings and transport and logistics infrastructure close to international borders compound these risks. In the past few weeks, alarming incidents involving drones have been reported at Ukraine's border areas with Moldova and Poland, as well as in Lithuania and Romania. Reported military activity in and around Ukraine's nuclear sites, as well as nuclear facilities in the Russian Federation, also remains a grave concern. Any incident that jeopardizes the safety and security of any nuclear facility could have catastrophic consequences. Mr. President, as another wartime winter approaches, Intensifying attacks affecting Ukraine's already strained energy infrastructure are particularly concerning. The cumulative impact of these strikes could plunge millions of people into darkness and cold in the coming months. Everything possible must be done to prevent a further deterioration of the humanitarian situation. We call for urgent steps to end attacks on energy infrastructure and an immediate moratorium on all attacks on population centers. Mr. President, these concerns are compounded by the increasingly dangerous conditions facing humanitarian operations. Between January and July, 10 humanitarian workers were killed and almost 40 injured in Ukraine. At least 19 warehouses have been severely damaged or destroyed, erasing millions of dollars in aid. UN humanitarian convoys have been struck, including during efforts to evacuate civilians. These attacks not only harm individuals, they deprive the most vulnerable of the help they depend on. Furthermore, Civilians in the areas of Ukraine under the temporary occupation of the Russian Federation remain largely beyond our reach due to the persistent lack of access and increasingly dangerous conditions. I urge the sides to ensure safe, rapid, and unimpeded humanitarian access to all people in need, wherever they are. Mr. President, the cascading consequences of this war extend far beyond Ukraine, including through growing risks to global food security. Attacks on grain infrastructure, civilian vessels, and ports, together with severe disruption to commercial navigation in the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, have impeded agricultural exports from both Ukraine and the Russian Federation. The Food and Agriculture Organization's food price index rose again in August, reaching its highest level since late 2022. The consequences of prolonged disruption will be felt most acutely in import-dependent developing countries already facing high levels of food insecurity. I therefore reiterate the Secretary-General's call on all concerned to ensure freedom of navigation in accordance with international law and to protect civilian ports and maritime infrastructure. The United Nations supports all efforts that can enable food and fertilizer exports to reach world markets safely and predictably. Mr. President, the position of the United Nations regarding Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity is clear and unchanged. The Russian Federation's attempted illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol in 2014, and the attempted illegal annexation of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia regions of Ukraine in 2022 are invalid and unrecognized by the international community. Under international humanitarian law, the Russian Federation, as an occupying power, is obliged to uphold the laws of Ukraine in force in the territories it occupies. The holding by the Russian Federation of elections to the State Duma this past weekend in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine has no legal grounds. Such actions cannot alter the status of these territories under international law. Mr. President, I reaffirm the United Nations' unwavering commitment to and respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, in line with international law, including the Charter of the United Nations and relevant United Nations resolutions. Nearly five years in, the Russian Federation and Ukraine are facing a stark choice between an even larger conflict and a conscious decision to pursue peace. The choice will impact us all. Ahead of this high-level week, the Secretary-General called on the world leaders to live up to the UN Charter. The full-scale invasion of Ukraine was launched in blatant violation of the Charter and international law. As world leaders gather here in New York, we must reaffirm the principles upon which this organization was founded. We must reaffirm our commitment to the primacy of the peaceful settlement of disputes, and we must reject the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. We have welcomed various diplomatic efforts to bring this war to an end, including recent renewed engagement by the United States. We hope it will provide an opportunity to re-energize diplomacy and pave the way for the resumption of direct talks. Diplomatic engagement must be matched by meaningful de-escalation. Without it, the dangers to civilians, to the wider region, and to international peace and security will only grow. We therefore reiterate our call to redouble diplomatic efforts towards an immediate, full, and unconditional ceasefire as a first step towards a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in Ukraine. The United Nations stands ready to support all meaningful efforts to that end. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France.

Under-Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen, almost five years ago, Vladimir Putin threw his own country and his own citizens behind the pursuit of a macabre and paranoia-driven ambition, that of a brutal and illegal aggression against Ukraine. An illegal war, first and foremost, against a sovereign state recognized since 1991 by the international community and by Russia in particular, a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. A colonial war against a nation whose identity has been called into question, culture denied, history rewritten, and the language defamed by Russia. Let us remember the Mariupol theater and its hundreds of civilian victims. A war that Ukraine did not cause because it was Russia and Russia alone who on the 24th of February 2022 invaded a neighbor that posed no threat to it whatsoever. For Vladimir Putin, this war is a resounding, biting failure. It is the failure of a senseless foray that only one man wanted to see. But who is paying the price for this madness today? It is Ukraine, it is Europe, It is developing countries, the most vulnerable populations throughout the world, and it is the United Nations and its credibility, and it is ultimately Russia itself and its people. Yes, first and foremost, it is Ukraine paying the price. Who can forget the civilian massacres in Bucha in spring of 2022? Since then, the toll has continued to mount. 71,000 civilian victims, including 17,000 deaths since the beginning of the invasion. By targeting strategic infrastructure, electric power stations, nuclear power plants, urban heating grids, drinking water systems, Russia is using winter, the cold, and denial of the most basic needs weapons of mass destruction targeting civilian population. Europe is paying the price. Russia is lashing out at Europe in its entirety through its targeted killings, its acts of sabotage, its cyber attacks, its disinformation, its repeated violation of European airspace. Romania, Poland, Moldova, Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Finland. There is not one state who is not now ill at ease as a result of this Russian aggression, which is playing out far from its borders, as we saw yet again recently in Germany, in Leipzig, Germany. neighbor. We stand in full solidarity with you. Who is paying the price of this madness? It is the most vulnerable states and people throughout the world. It is them that are also paying the price for this aggression. Russian attacks are targeting commercial vessels and ports that transport grains and oilseed products from Ukraine in the Black Sea. These are products headed for developing countries. This war is consequently gravely affecting global food security in its entirety. Through its war of aggression, Russia is striking the very heart of the United Nations. Its charter is trampled upon by a permanent member of the Security Council who, laughing in the face of the primary responsibility it must uphold, weakens the authority of this organization. What legitimacy can remain for a Security Council of which a permanent member, Russia, increases its human rights violations and its violations of human international humanitarian law, is guilty of abuses classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, a permanent member whose leader is the subject of an ICC arrest warrant for the war crime of the deportation and illegal transfer of children. Yes, Vladimir Putin is throwing into disrepute the seat of Russia's seat as a permanent member and is besmirching this council in the eyes of the world. Ladies and gentlemen, who is paying the price for this madness? Madness. It is Russia itself. Annihilated, ruined, isolated by this war that only one man wanted. Annihilated. Russia is annihilated. The stubbornness of a man, one man, has already doomed 500,000 Russians to death that had no say in the matter. They have died as a result of a war that is not theirs in a country that is not theirs. Ruined. The Russia of Vladimir Putin is ruined. It is now the Russia of inflation and stagflation. the this country is rationing the sale of fuel in the majority of its regions. The civilian economy has been monopolized by the war and is collapsing. There is a public deficit that is two and a half times higher than predicted. And all of this is working to the detriment of basic services that the population require. Isolated. Vladimir Putin's Russia is isolated. It was expelled from the G8 following the illegal annexation of Crimea. Now Russia is isolated, from the Human Rights Council and excluded from the Council of Europe. Russia is isolated in the UN General Assembly. On 10 separate occasions, 10 separate occasions, and with a vast majority, the GA has condemned its aggression, called for a ceasefire, and called for the full respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. And yet, another way forward is possible, that of a ceasefire, first and foremost. This war has raged for too long. France, once again, calls calls for an immediate ceasefire on current front lines because words calling for peace are heard louder when the guns fall silent. For more than a year now, Ukraine has been proposing the principle of an immediate ceasefire. We cannot simply settle for the fact and resign ourselves to the fact that Russia continues to respond through shelling. The very President of the Republic said just this at the rostrum of the General Assembly. France supports the establishment of a double moratorium. That is, on the one hand, attacks on energy and critical civil infrastructure on both sides of the front line, and on the other hand, a moratorium on attacks in the Black Sea as a first step in de-escalation. There is, of course, then the path of negotiation. Ukraine is ready for peace. It has expressed the desire for peace and is met only with Moscow's stubbornness. Kyiv has clearly expressed its desire for peace and on several occasions has demonstrated it is ready and willing to engage honestly and candidly in a negotiating process. The Ukrainian president has also said he's ready to meet his Russian counterpart. For as long as Russia fails to commit to negotiations, we will continue to ratchet up our collective pressure on Russia to compel it to negotiate in good faith and to cease its senseless aggression. Ladies and gentlemen, the only solution possible is that of a just, lasting peace in accordance with international law and the United Nations Charter. This solution must respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Vladimir Putin has failed. Ukraine and the international community are paying the price. The Russian people are too. This madness must stop. I thank you. And I now resume my function as Council President.

And I give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Edgars Rinkevics, President of the Republic of Latvia.

Thank you very much, Mr. President. I thank Under-Secretary-General Nikali for her briefing. Some countries like to speak about the root causes of this war. But let us be clear. The root cause of this suffering in Ukraine, and now increasingly beyond Ukraine, is Russia's revisionist ambition to overturn the international order. A permanent member of this Council is seeking to bring a sovereign nation to its knees through brute worse. Instead of seeking peace, Russia only escalates. More missiles, more drones, more deaths. It brings destruction while abusing its permanent seat on this very Council, United Nations Security Council. Permanent membership was never intended as a shield for aggression. It comes with a special responsibility, and that special responsibility is to uphold international peace and security. It's not a privilege to violate it. The task of this Council is to stop this war. Latvia continues to call for an immediate ceasefire. Latvia supports every meaningful effort so it's a just and lasting peace. We welcome active United States engagement, including the first visit of the special envoy to Kyiv. But while others pursue peace, Russia intensifies its attacks. Mr. President, month after month, Russia drives the civilian toll higher. As winter approaches, Latvia calls on every country to help shield Ukraine's people by supporting its air defense and safeguarding the energy system, the system on which millions depend. Unable to conquer Ukraine, Russia seeks to make it unlivable. What military purpose is served by striking apartment buildings where families sleep? What military purpose is served by destroying schools? Or what military purpose is served by striking kindergartens? These are not isolated attacks. They are part of a wider campaign against Ukraine's people, Ukraine's identity, and Ukraine's future. Russia must disclose the whereabouts of thousands of abducted Ukrainian children. And Russia must return them home, because they are children of Ukraine. Russia also must end torture in its detention facilities. Provide the United Nations system and international monitors full and unimpeded access to the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. And finally, Russia must end targeting those trying to help. Attacks on clearly marked UN convoys are indefensible. Russia continues targeting ships and infrastructure that purpose is to feed people around the globe. And Russia must stop this activity as well. Russia must stop trying to break our resolve to support Ukraine. Across Europe, it seeks to do just that through drone incursions, sabotage, arson, and disinformation. Russia will not succeed. And our resolve will not weaken. Mr. President, aggression against a sovereign state cannot be rewarded. The way this war ends will define the world we leave to the next generations. Our collective action is a test of the United Nations and the United Nations Charter itself. Are we ready to sacrifice the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity? Latvia's answer is clear. We stand with Ukraine. We stand for the principles of the United Nations Charter. And we stand for the peace and security. I thank you.

I wish to thank His Excellency, Mr. Rinkievich. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Lars Løkke Rasmussen, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark.

Thank you, Mr. President. Let me also thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her important briefing. Excellencies, just one month ago, I presided over this Council as we marked Ukraine's Independence Day, a solemn yet powerful reminder of the resilience of the Ukrainian people as they marked 35 years of independence from the former Soviet Union, an independence they fight for today. At that time, I once again called for a swift end to Russia's illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified aggression against Ukraine. Ukraine must be free to determine its own future. It has been said many times before, but it bears repeating here today: If Russia stops fighting, the war ends. If Ukraine stops fighting, it will be the very end of Ukraine. And yet, Russia continues its attempt to oppress its independent neighbor. I have personally witnessed the suffering it has caused with my own eyes in Kyiv. I have seen the consequences of attacks on residential buildings, where families should have been safe; attacks on energy infrastructure, leaving civilians without heat and electricity in the harsh winter; and attacks on healthcare facilities, where those already wounded are once again placed in danger. And yet, the human cost has continued to rise. This summer has seen some of the highest levels of civilian casualties since 2022. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion, more than 68,000 civilians have been killed or injured. Denmark pays tribute to all those innocent civilians who have lost their lives in this war. Russia's blatant violation of the UN Charter and of the most fundamental principle of international law must simply stop. Excellencies, we are witnessing a dangerous spiral of escalation. The attacks on Ukrainian cities have intensified with huge casualties. Civilian infrastructure and energy facilities continue to be targeted, and this is all the more cynical as winter looms on the horizon. Denmark strongly condemns all attacks in violation of international humanitarian law. Those responsible for violation of international law, including the UN Charter and international humanitarian law, must be held accountable. Excellencies, the consequences of this war do not stop at Ukraine's borders. They are felt across the globe. The Black Sea remains vital for Ukraine and for the wider world. Attacks on Ukrainian ports and grain infrastructure have consequences far beyond the battlefield. They threaten trade, livelihoods, and global food supplies, especially in developing countries. The consequences of Russia's aggression have also significantly impacted the European continent. Several neighboring European countries have experienced Russian airspace violation, drone and missile incidents. And most recently, our neighboring country, Germany, attributed a failed hybrid attack at the Leipzig-Halle Airport to Russia. These are reckless and dangerous acts. They form part of a broader pattern of Russian provocations and malign activities designed to disrupt, intimidate, and spread instability across Europe. Europe is not and will not be intimidated. We will strengthen our deterrence and hold Russia accountable. Excellencies, we welcome the recent peace efforts undertaken by the United States, including President Trump's engagement and the latest visits of U.S. envoys to Russia and Ukraine. A peaceful settlement concerning Ukraine cannot be decided without Ukraine. And similarly, Europe must be meaningfully involved, as Ukraine's security is also Europe's security. Ukraine has repeatedly, again and again, demonstrated its readiness to agree to a ceasefire. Russia, by contrast, has ignored these proposals and continued to escalate. Excellencies, Ukraine can count on Denmark's support. We will continue to provide financial and security assistance as Ukraine defends itself against Russia's aggression. We will help Ukraine rebuild. We will provide lifesaving humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, including through our contributions to the UN. And we will increase the pressure on Russia through tough EU sanctions. Excellencies, in closing, there is absolutely no alternative to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace based on international law, including the principles of the UN Charter. We once again demand that Russia urgently and immediately accepts an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. That it finally decides to live with its neighbors in peace, respecting their independence, their borders and the right to freely determine their own future. Denmark will continue to stand by Ukraine. We will strive for a Europe and a world in which peace is based not on the power to conquer, are on the power of law. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Rasmussen for that statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Ed Miliband, Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom.

Thank you. Let me thank Under-Secretary-General de Carle for her briefing. Let me say clearly to begin with that Foreign Minister Sabiha, Andriy The United Kingdom stands with Ukraine and its people, and we stand with you as long as it takes. And more than four and a half years since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, we must be under no illusion. We are at this point because of Russia's deliberate choices. Russia chose an illegal and unprovoked invasion. Russia chooses to escalate its war. And Russia chooses to reject efforts towards peace. And we should all be under no illusions about what is at stake. Because Russia's attack is not just an attack on Ukraine. It is an attack on the, it is an assault on the core principles of the UN Charter. It is an assault on us all. Sham elections in temporarily occupied Ukrainian territory are just the latest demonstration of this. A blatant violation of Ukraine's sovereignty. For all our sakes, we cannot accept the changing of borders by force, and we cannot accept a world in which sovereignty can be trampled by aggressors. As others have said, no nation in this Chamber is insulated from the consequences of this war. Russia's war hurts our populations at home. Russian strikes on Black Sea ports and merchant shipping threaten global food supplies. Russia as my Danish colleague said, continues to pursue reckless hybrid activity, most recently the outrageous attack at Leipzig airport. Let me be very clear. The United Kingdom, Europe and NATO do not seek conflict with Russia. NATO is and always will be a defensive alliance. But we will continue to call out and act against Russia's hostile activity, whatever form it takes. That applies to Russian aggression against Ukraine just as strongly as it does to Russia's unacceptable and intensifying hybrid threats across Europe. President, Russia could choose a different course today. agree a ceasefire, come to the negotiating table and begin rebuilding a relationship based on sovereignty, international law and the UN Charter. But that is not Russia's chosen path. This summer, Russia launched record numbers of ballistic missiles and drones against Ukrainian cities. Civilian casualties have tragically risen to the highest levels since 2022. We meet as Ukrainian civilians, and I think we should think of them today, braced for another hard, unbearable winter. Another winter of anxiety under attack from missiles and drones. Another winter when Russia will target energy and infrastructure to plunge Ukraine into cold and darkness. Russia's own defense ministry has spoken of making Ukraine, and I quote, "freeze." That tells us all we need to know about its intentions. Here at the UN, of all places, we cannot just shrug and normalize these barbarous and illegal tactics. Ukraine has repeatedly called for peace, offering a ceasefire and engaging constructively with U.S.-led efforts. The principles for a credible negotiation remain clear: a full and unconditional ceasefire, respect for Ukraine's sovereignty, robust security arrangements. President, we will back Ukraine through the coming winter and beyond. We will increase economic pressure on Russia, and we will support serious diplomacy to reach a just and lasting peace. In closing, I want to address the Russian representative directly, because the foreign minister will be speaking later. I know from my family history what it looks like when war ravages Europe. My parents saw it as refugees from Poland and Belgium in the Second World War. We lost countless family members. Today, war has returned to Europe, the worst conflict since that time. Innocent civilians losing their lives. And why? Because Russia chose to launch this unjustified, unprovoked, and illegal conflict. And even if morality doesn't sway the Russian government, reality should. Because we all know that Russia is failing in this war. Four years ago, Putin sought to erase Ukraine's independence, but Ukraine's national resolve has proved to be unwavering. Four years ago, Putin expected Ukraine's supporters to fold, but our backing is rock solid. Four years ago, Putin believed time would favour Russia. Yet Russia's advances have all but stalled, and the number of Russian military personnel killed or wounded has passed one and a half million. And on top of that, Russia's economy is ailing as the consequences of Putin's choices mount and sanctions deprive the Kremlin war machine of revenues. I say to the Russian representative, it is time ministers told President Putin the truth. The world knows that Russia is failing in this war. The Russian people can feel it, and ministers know it too. They should tell President Putin to end the bloodshed. And let me tell this truth. The UK's commitment will not waver. Our allies' commitment will not waver. We stand with Ukraine now, we will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Miliband for that statement. And I now give the floor to His Excellency Rivia Martinez Acha Vasquez, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Panama.

Mr. President, Excellencies, Panama thanks the Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peace Building Affairs, Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, for her invaluable briefing. We also welcome the distinguished authorities that accompany us today in this chamber to once again broach the situation in Ukraine. Once again, we wish to say that the passage of time cannot turn a tragedy into a diplomatic routine. The war continues to rage on, civilians continue to die, cities continue to be attacked, and peace continues to remain elusive, Panama cannot settle for or get used to war, neither can the United Nations. Mr. President, for almost two years, Panama has had the honor and the responsibility of serving as an elected member on this Security Council. From this seat, we have defended a conviction that does not change with circumstances or alliances. The United Nations Charter is not a declaration of good intentions, it is the legal foundation of the international order. It provides for the use of force and states that as a principle, sovereignty, political independence, and the territorial integrity of states are its principles, as are the need to resolve disputes by peaceful means. These are not optional principles. These are the rules that we have set ourselves to avoid force, strength, might from replacing law. And if we allow these rules to be eroded in different contexts, for example, in wars as a result of geopolitical situations or in line with the agendas of the strongest, we will not only be weakening Ukraine, but weakening the very system which protects all states, large and small. Mr. President, the war has taken on a particularly alarming dimension. Missiles and drones are reaching populated areas. Energy and civilian infrastructure continue under pressure. Ports and maritime waterways are under increasing risk. Behind every figure there is a person, a parent, a father, a mother, a child, a family. The civilian population in Ukraine and Russia cannot become the price of war. International humanitarian law is clear and unflinching. Citizens must be protected. Civilian infrastructure cannot become a target. And all parties, without exception, must uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law. There are no political circumstances which mean that one is exempt from these obligations. There is no military target that can justify the abandonment of humankind, and there is no military victory that can erode the suffering of a population or make it justifiable. We also note with grave concern the risk of the conflict expanding. Each new front, each new escalation, each attack that transcends borders increases the risk of a regional conflagration. Escalation does not bring us any closer to peace. It dims the prospect of negotiations. Consequently, we must have the political courage to say what is plain before our eyes. This war will not have a lasting solution found on the battlefield, it will have to finish at a negotiating table. The earlier we arrive at that negotiating table, the fewer lives we will lose. I agree with exactly what the UK Foreign Minister said. We're talking here about avoiding the loss of human life. Panama makes a clear appeal. An immediate, verifiable ceasefire respected by all parties is what we need. We need a ceasefire that must not become, and does not become, a simple pause between offensives. It must be the beginning of a serious political process. We need real negotiations that are direct and conducted in good faith, supported by verification mechanisms and designed to resolve substantive issues that have caused this conflict to drag out. Diplomacy cannot be used as a facade, a veneer, while weapons continue to talk. Negotiating does not mean turning our back on principles. Negotiating means finding a us forward to preserve our principles through peace. Consequently, we support all genuine diplomatic efforts that might bring about a cessation of hostilities and a just, lasting and sustainable peace, which is fully in line with the United Nations Charter and international law. Mr. President, the transnational nature of this war cannot be ignored either. What is happening in the Black Sea does not finish at its coasts. When Commercial navigation is under threat when we attack ports and civilian vessels, and when we disrupt agricultural exports, the consequences reach markets, homes, and communities far beyond Europe. Maritime security and food security are inextricably linked for a country such as Panama, whose prosperity and safety are inextricably linked with freedom of navigation and the respect for international law of the sea. These are not abstract concepts, therefore, for us. They are essential principles for stability and prosperity of the world at large. Excellencies, Panama wishes to voice its concern at the recruitment of Panamanian citizens and citizens of other countries to participate in this conflict, including nationals, particularly from Latin America. Every foreign national recruited to fight on the front lines is one more life exposed to a war which continues to take on international dimensions. We must pay greater attention to this phenomenon and step up efforts to prevent people from third countries joining the ranks in a war that has already produced an unconscionable human cost. Today, I wish to issue a very specific humanitarian appeal to both parties. To the Russian Federation and Ukraine, Panama wishes to ask you respectfully to use mechanisms and competent authorities to facilitate the return to Panama of Panamanian citizens who, by any means, might have come to join and participate in this conflict, but who wish to return to their homeland. I must recognise the timely movements by the Ukrainian Government that have allowed these citizens to be repatriated. We have full respect for the sovereignty of both States for their internal affairs, and the decisions taken their competent authorities. For Panama, each citizen counts. No Panamanian person must be forgotten in a war that is not his or her own. I wish to sincerely thank Ukraine for the consideration they have shown to this request and the fact that they have heeded it. I thank them for our bilateral contacts, which have seen us work for the return of Panamanian citizens. We deeply value that humanitarian gesture, and we hope that very soon indeed we will also be able to thank the Russian Russian Federation, following a similar gesture, one that might allow our compatriots who wish to do so to return to Panama. Distinguished Excellencies present, after almost five years of war, we must ask ourselves what message this Council is sending out to the world. Are we suggesting that might can replace right, that borders can be redrawn through with the use of weapons? Are we saying that the civilian population can indefinitely endure the consequences of military decisions? Or Or are we saying that even in the darkest times, the international community continues to believe in diplomacy, the Charter and peace? Panama knows what our answer must be. We must always choose peace, but a genuine peace. A genuine peace is not simply the absence of gunfire. Peace is the result of respect for law. Peace is the protection of civilians. Peace is the security of states. Peace is the freedom of navigation. Peace is the possibility for future generations to live free of fear. Consequently, Panama today reiterates its appeal for an immediate and verifiable ceasefire, for the full respect of international humanitarian law, and the opening of serious, credible and good-faith negotiations able to bring us to a permanent political solution. President, history will judge our decisions, not simply in light of the resolutions we adopt, but in light of the lives that we're able to protect. We'll not be judged only by the words that we state, but rather by our ability to turn them into diplomatic gestures. And we'll not be judged only by how we defend the Charter when it's convenient to do so, but by our resolve to defend it when it's most difficult to do so. Panama states the following in the most lucid terms: "War cannot become the new normal. Might, strength, force cannot replace law, and peace cannot continue to be a promise delayed. The time for the guns to fall silent has come. The time has come to sit at the negotiating table. The time has come to use diplomacy and allow it to speak more strongly than weapons. Because if the United Nations Charter was born to avoid the world once again falling in the abyss of war, our responsibility today is to guarantee that this abyss does not once again become our destiny. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency, Mr. Achavazquez, for his declaration. And I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Abdullah T. Bin Washeh Al Zayed, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bahrain.

President, Excellencies, May the peace, mercy and blessings of God be upon you. At the beginning of our statement today, we would like to express our thanks to the Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs for her valuable briefing. We would also like to express our appreciation to the French presidency for holding this important meeting as the war in Ukraine continues and given its humanitarian, security, and economic repercussions. President, this war rages on and is causing losses of human life and humanitarian suffering. Therefore, the international community has an increasing responsibility to prevent the suffering of civilians, the Kingdom of Bahrain reaffirms the need to protect civilians and civilian objects and to refrain from targeting residential areas and civilian facilities and to abide by the provisions of international law and international humanitarian law. The repercussions of this conflict have come to the Black Sea, and therefore our Council is again before a challenge that requires a more effective international response. That is to say, the protection of vital waterways so that they are not transformed into arenas for confrontations or tools to exert pressure or coercion. This challenge is not limited to this region. The international community faced and continues to face similar risks to the security and safety of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab Strait. From this rostrum, the Kingdom of Bahrain reaffirms that the same principle stands everywhere, the respect for the freedom of navigation, the respect for commercial vessels and sailors, and not subjecting international waterways to the risks of conflict. The stability of these waterways is a common international interest, and any disruption in these waterways has a direct impact on trade, energy and food supplies, and global economic security. President. Given these developments, the Kingdom of Bahrain believes that ending this war is possible if there is enough political will and if we give precedence to dialogue over confrontation. Therefore, the Kingdom welcomes the efforts made by the United States of America, led by His Excellency President Donald Trump, to revive negotiations between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. We also welcome endeavours to bring back the parties to the table of negotiation. to contribute to de-escalation and to pave the way towards a permanent political settlement. The Kingdom of Bahrain also values all diplomatic and humanitarian efforts made in this regard, including the exchange of prisoners between both sides. We believe that every step that alleviates suffering and every channel that is opened for dialogue and any amount of trust built between parties will bring us closer to ending this war and to reaching a just, comprehensive, and permanent peace that restores security and stability to Europe. In conclusion, President, the Kingdom of Bahrain reaffirms that the current diplomatic momentum, which resulted in humanitarian steps and trust-building measures, represents a genuine opportunity that our Council must seize. The current period requires turning these efforts into a serious and ongoing track for dialogue and negotiations to reach a ceasefire and to end the suffering of civilians and to open the way for a just and permanent peace based on international law, the UN Charter, and the respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries, and that contributes to strengthening international peace and security. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency, Mr. Al-Zayani, for that statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Tasos Tsiatsis, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece.

Thank you, Mr. President.

- Presidency, for convening this important meeting for European and international security. And of course, I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Di Carlo for his sobering remarks later today. Your Excellencies, now in its ninth decade, this organization continues to be tested by profound violations of international peace and security, crisis and armed conflicts, which threaten to dismantle the very fabric of peace woven by the UN Charter 1945. The war in Ukraine is a flagrant example in this regard. Greece has consistently condemned all violations of international humanitarian law resulting from Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, calling for strict compliance with humanitarian principles. Protection of civilians is non-negotiable, while protection of humanitarian actors is quintessential to ensure the delivery of humanitarian assistance to those in dire need. In that regard, we deplore the recent escalation of attacks against humanitarian premises and objects, as well as medical and educational facilities. We also call on Russia to cease all human rights violations committed against residents of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. And of course, to ensure full, safe and unhindered access to humanitarian actors and international monitoring mechanisms. We further reiterate the call for the full implementation of the General Assembly resolution demanding the immediate and unconditional return of the Ukrainian children. Mr. President, the latest escalation of this war is twofold, threatening to expand the conflict both in its territorial reach and in its destructive severity. For the last several months, Russia has intensified its attacks against vessels and seaport infrastructure in the Black Sea and the Danube, threatening maritime security, energy supplies, global food security, and international trade. Greece reiterates that freedom of navigation must be fully protected in accordance with international law, as reflected in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We remain committed to safeguarding maritime food supply chains through our commercial shipping fleet, as we have done consistently in the past. Energy supply chains must be equally protected. vessels conducting lawful transportation of energy products through the Black Sea should not be considered as potential targets. At the same time, Your Excellencies, we are deeply concerned by the spillover effects of this war, which endanger European security more broadly through an increasing number of incidents affecting EU and NATO Member States. We express our solidarity to them, and we condemn all actions that contribute to further escalation. Mr. President, Greece believes in peace, dialogue, and diplomacy, and has consistently backed all efforts to end the war in Ukraine, including the U.S.-led initiative reinvigorated in recent weeks. In this regard, we support the recent U.S. proposal for a moratorium on strikes against energy infrastructure. We join the overwhelming majority of the U.N. membership and this Council in calling for an immediate ceasefire as a first step towards meaningful negotiations aimed at achieving a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in accordance with international law, the UN Charter, and UN resolutions. We call on Russia to engage with Ukraine in good faith. Mr. President, once more, we reiterate our unwavering commitment to the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We reject any attempt to change borders through the use of force, prohibited by our UN Charter. Lastly, it is clear to us that no decisions on peace in Ukraine can be taken without Ukraine and without Europe, whose security is directly affected by this war. We will continue supporting an independent, democratic and sovereign future for Ukraine, founded on enforceable security guarantees. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Chatsi Vassiliev for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Somalia.

Mr. President, Somalia welcomes the participation of high-level dignitaries in today's meeting, and we thank Under-Secretary-General Di Carlo for her comprehensive briefing. Four and a half years into this war, It's painfully evident that the battlefield offers no victories. Only compounding devastation. Mountain human suffering and profound global fracture. Our delegation is profoundly troubled by the escalation of military actions. Particularly those affecting civilian and critical civilian infrastructure. The protection of civilians. and the critical civilian infrastructure is an absolute, non-negotiable obligation under international humanitarian law. We reiterate our call on all parties to uphold the core principles of distinction, precaution, and proportionality. Mr. President, at this critical juncture, containing the wider repercussions of this crisis is an imperative for all member states. The continued influx of weapons, unilateral punitive measures, and reciprocal recommendations will neither resolve the impasse nor substitute for genuine political engagement. They only deepen international polarization and heighten the danger of regional spillover. Somalia remains steadfast in its conviction that there is no military solution to this protracted conflict. Every escalation, every missile and drone unleashed, and every innocent life cut short only drives the parties further apart and prolongs human suffering. Dialogue and diplomacy remains the only viable instrument to bring an end to this crisis. In this context, our delegation takes note of recent renewed diplomatic engagements by the United States aimed at exploring pathways toward the cessation of all hostilities. We welcome all constructive steps to keep channels of communication open and encourage all initiatives that seek to bring the parties closer to a structured dialogue. While substantial obstacles remain and positions appear entrenched, international efforts to facilitate an immediate and comprehensive ceasefire must not wane. We urge all parties to demonstrate the necessary political will, prioritize de-escalation, and commit to a negotiated settlement to end this protracted and costly war. A durable, just, and a comprehensive resolution must address the underlying causes of the conflict and adhere strictly to the purposes and the principles of the United Nations Charter. In closing, Mr. President, Our delegation reaffirms its steadfast support for all constructive diplomatic endeavors aimed at silencing the guns and restoring peace, security, and stability. The people of Ukraine and all civilians impacted by this conflict deserve nothing less than peace, dignity, and a secure future. I thank you.

I thank the representative of Somalia for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Liberia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Allow my delegation to stand on the existing protocol to welcome the presidents, prime ministers, ministers for foreign affairs, and deputy ministers to the chamber and to thank the under secretary general for her briefing. Excellencies, this council does not suffer from a lack of information. It suffers from a lack of will. We convene today on the war in Ukraine for the fourth time since July. As we do so, the human graveyard of this war expands. In Ukraine, verified civilian deaths in 2026 have already eclipsed all of 2025. as winter approaches, the deliberate dismantling of power grids and water networks is the engineered freezing of civilians. And across the front lines, hundreds of thousands of families in Ukraine and across the Russian Federation are burying their sons and daughters. Humanitarian workers are unprotected. Grief carries no passport. Every new grave dug because of the continuation of this war is an indictment of this Council's paralysis and credibility. Mr. President, Liberia speaks today as a survivor of war. We know what happens when international mechanisms fail. We know that war does not end with a signature. It poisons the minds of children and exacts decades of national toil. But Liberia also stands as living proof that no war ought to remain eternal and no nation is beyond recovery. Sovereignty and peace can and must be restored. if the UN Charter is upheld by all member states. The reality of the war in Ukraine is also that it has long ceased to be regional. It is being exported directly to our doorsteps. As administrator of the world's largest merchant fleet, Liberia flag flies on more than 5,000 commercial vessels across the globe. When merchant hauls are breached and seaports are struck in the Black Sea, it is an attack on the law of the sea and an attack on global food security. A grain carrier is not a warship. A mariner carrying wheat is not an enemy combatant. There are reports, also, that young Africans are being lured into frontline trenches. Africa must not become a recruiting ground for a war it did not start, does not want, and demand that it be ended. Liberia urges, therefore, three practical actions. One, deploy winter infrastructure monitored zones. Expand the Secretary-General's mandate to establish UN-monitored non-targeting protocols around vital heating and electrical distribution hubs. 2. Institute a maritime transit deconfliction desk. Authorize the UN Secretariat, in close coordination with the International Maritime Organization and regional coastal states, to establish a neutral transit verification mechanism in the Black Sea to safeguard commercial navigation and mariners of all flags. 3. Mandate a child repatriation envoy. immediately empower a dedicated UN special envoy to secure the unconditional return of deported children while ensuring full, unhindered ICRC access to all prisoners of war. Mr. President, when the rule of law fractures, smaller nations bleed first. Restraint is not weakness. Dialogue is not surrender. It is time for this council to abandon procedural theater, honor its charter, and work to end this war. I thank you for your kind attention.

I thank the representative of Liberia for that statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.

Thank you, Mr. President. I would like to start with an expression of gratitude to my Western colleagues, first and foremost, to my European colleagues, and I'll explain why. If it were not for them, then the Ukrainian situation would have been as is, and the inhabitants of Crimea, Donbas, and Novorossiysk would not have been deprived of their, would have been deprived of their rights to choose. Back in 2004, the imposition by Ukraine of the illegal third round of presidential elections Brussels decided to bring things to complete clarity and ask the Ukrainians to make a choice, either with Russia or with Europe. In 2013, there were disturbances organized in Kyiv with a call to swiftly conclude an agreement on association with the Ukraine and the EU, blatantly ignoring its commitment under the CIS. Heading up in February 2014 the negotiation process between the legitimate president and the opposition, the Europeans achieved a conclusion of an agreement on settling the crisis where President Yanukovych adopted all conditions proposed to him, including setting up a government of national unity and holding urgent presidential elections with a swift rejection of the authorities and the opposition of using any kind of force. The document was signed on the 21st of February with the official guarantees by Germany, Steinmeier, Poland, Sikorski, and France, Laurent Fabius. However, in the night of the 22nd of February, the opposition, just spurning these guarantees and their signatures, seized the governmental building and said that they were not going to establish a government of national unity, but a government of the victors. Can you feel the difference? Now, as regards the guarantors of the agreements that was trampled upon by their pushes, well, on the 23rd of February in Paris, in starry-eyed, they declared that it was the start of the democratic transfer, meeting the expectations of the Ukrainian people. The authorities have been overthrown. And then, of course, the Brits had to get involved. Mr. Haig, Well, Mr. Zelensky wasn't even the president then, but Angela Merkel said, we need to provide the Ukrainians with all necessary support in their desire and resolve for freedom and democracy. But the authorities of Kyiv, covered by the West's carte blanche, quickly trumpeted the aim of canceling the status of the Russian language. in response to the protests in Crimea and Donbas against the bloody coup, termed them terrorists and threw armed rebel units and aviation and artillery at them. As a result, there was the referendum in Crimea for independence from the Nazi Kyiv regime and joining Russia. If the Europeans had not engaged in these shenanigans and cheating and had indeed forced the opposition to carry out their agreements, This would have kept the territorial integrity of Ukraine in the 1991 borders that Zelensky and his Western backers keep banging on about. But the Europeans just could not resist the innate lies that they have and they wanted to achieve their own aims through criminal methods. Then there were the Minsk agreements, and this is what Berlin and Paris had been calling for. They were signed on the 12th of February, 2015, but on the 17th of February, on the initiative of Russia, it was approved unanimously by the UN Security Council. Article 25 of the UN Charter, incidentally, says that the decisions need to be accepted and carried out by its members. However, the Ukrainian President Poroshenko categorically rejected doing this. and rather decided, and Berlin and Paris decided to continue to control their subordinate. Then there was the customary burst of activity from the French side. On the 19th of December, 2019, there was the Normandy 4 summit there. The Kyiv regime introduced Zelensky with blaring slogans that he would establish peace and good relations with Russia and would stop attacks on the Russian language. In Paris, they adopted a declaration on the need to fully comply with the Minsk agreements, including enshrining in the Ukrainian constitution a specific status for the individual regions of Donbas. There was nothing supernatural about this status whatsoever, just the right to use the Russian language and to enjoy local self-governance. If the Minsk agreements of 2015 that were approved in Paris in 2019 with Zelensky had been complied with, as Security Council called for, then Ukraine now would be in those 1991 borders, of course, apart from Crimea. And that issue is long closed and everybody completely understands that. However, Europe did not allow this. as Merkel, Hollande and Poroshenko, who are out of office, said, they did not intend to comply with the Minsk agreements and they needed to buy time in order to pump Ukraine with weapons. All of the Paris-type meetings were there just to conjure up the image of diplomatic activity, but actually it was just to whip up an anti-Russian campaign. The Russian proposals to agree based on mutual respect for the interests of the security interests of Russia, Europe and North America in December 2021 were haughtily rejected by NATO and Joe Biden. Practically, they were preparing for a seizure by force by Kyiv of the territories in Donbas not under their control. In order to achieve this Western scenario in February, in order to prevent this rather, in February 2022, we had to start our special military operation, SMO. A week later, the Ukrainians were already asking for negotiations and we agreed after several in Brussels and Istanbul. The Ukraine has proposed key principles for settlement that were adopted by our negotiators. The main thing was the neutral status of Ukraine, the recognition of the realities on the ground, and collective security guarantees that would prevent a repeat of provocations by force or any attempts of aggression. The document was initialed by the delegations of Ukraine and Russia. But the fate of that document is something we're all aware of. The then UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson banned the Ukrainians from concluding a legally binding document, but on the proposal of Kiev, and this was already initialed, this text, but that's what happened and Europe agreed with London. If that initialed agreement had been enshrined into a relevant treaty and implemented, then Ukraine, once again, would have maintained the 1991 borders, but now without Crimea and a part of Donbas. Yet another contribution of Europe into peace efforts was the Putin-Trump summit in Alaska in August 2025. There, the president of Russia, as he had repeatedly said, adopted some compromises on the proposals put forward by Washington about achieving agreement in principle. There was the joint press conference between Russia and the US in Ankara. in Anchorage, rather, in Alaska. And there were, over the next days, statements were made by Trump. But once again, that was rejected by Europe. And in fact, that was supposed to be withdrawn in Istanbul. So the Europeans went to Washington and everything was done in order to prevent the anchorage agreements from being implemented. As a result, in June 2026, there was the G7 in Evian and the NATO summit, and Macron and other Western leaders proudly stated that they had buried Anchorage. So, then there were the meetings of Steve Witkoff and Jared Kouchner. They said that Washington wanted to achieve a settlement in Ukraine. As Donald Trump said in August 2025, After the Anchorage agreement, everybody agreed that there was no agreement on a ceasefire, but a long-term peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine was needed that would once and for all bring an end to the war. Russia, and this has been repeatedly confirmed by Putin, is prepared to negotiate in order to achieve this lasting, just peace. The challenges that need to be resolved to achieve this were laid out in the statement made by President Putin in June 2024. However, I'd like to reiterate that we are not going to have a pause in our special military operation. Europe, whatever it thinks, just wants to get a pause, and it wants to use it to pump the Kyiv regime with weapons that is clearly and blatantly using terrorist methods. However, the special military operations aim is to ensure the security interests of Russia and to fully take into consideration the rights of the Russians and Russian speaking population, not only in Crimea, Donbass and Novorossiysk, but also in the territory of Ukraine, where there's a total ban on the Russian language in all spheres, in education, in the media, in culture, in daily life, and also in the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church. These laws were adopted way before the special military operation. They came into force in 2017 in Europe and NATO said absolutely nothing. At the same time, the legislation enshrines a Nazi ideology in practice. There is the glorification of Nazism in Ukraine. Zelensky and others have borne witness to Hitler's henchmen. and they are these they're horrible Satan graves but they have become holy in some way to the Kyiv Pechersky Church. It is just such a shame that this is all being completely ignored and this is Europe that's always banging on about human rights. However, the Kyiv regime is not saying it sorry whatsoever for this. Russia wants article one of the UN Charter which requires and calls for the respect of human rights and the fundamental rights of all to be upheld. Now, of course, gender, I do understand that the Kyiv regime is opting for what's going on in Europe here, but this ban on the Russian language and on the Russian language in the canonical Orthodox Church is what we're talking about. And the UN Charter is clear it cannot be something that can be bargained about it needs to be implemented fully and the Kiev regime is not doing this so others Ursula von der Leyen others in Brussels are trying to ensure that Ukraine is moving closer to the EU by giving it money and weapons and I quote because Ukraine is insisting upon European values. Does this mean, therefore, that racism, persecution of churches and priests, the glorification of Nazism, and all these horrific, atrocious forms of Ukrainian nationalism. Is that all those values that the EU really embraces? The president of Finland, Stoob, recently said, now we are studying Ukraine and Ukraine is studying us. Nowhere in the world, apart from Ukraine, is a whole language banned. And we're not talking about the official languages of the UN. You can talk in Arab or Farsi in Israel, go to any Arab country you want or Islamic Republic of Iran, and there are Jewish communities with their own synagogues. Even in Ireland, you can speak English, but in Ukraine, Russia is banned. And that's the truth for the EU and NATO as well, and that fully suits them. And of course, I can't fail to mention the Secretary General's of our organization's position. Right from the start of the Ukrainian crisis, he has been saying one and the same thing. The conflict needs to be settled based on international law, the UN Charter and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. And I end quote. we have regular comments, including personally with Mr. Guterres, we say that other principles, including the right to self-determination, the respect for the right to speak one's own language and religion, we mention that. but we're told that the situation is not going to change in what he says. When President Trump said that Greenland might become a part of the US, the official representative of the US at the press conference, and I quote, said, "The question must be resolved based on international law, the UN Charter, the principles of territorial integrity of Denmark, and the right of the population of Greenland to self-determination," end quote. In this regard, at the 29th of January press conference with Mr. Guterres. He was asked a question, is the right to self-determination applicable to Crimea and Donbass? The Secretary General said, and I would like to quote him in full, "We've had some very interesting discussions on that topic. There are two principles. One is the territorial integrity of a state. The second is the self-determination of peoples. But the self-determination of peoples presupposes a whole number of requisites, given that that principle was established. And after careful studying by office of the legal questions, our position is such that the principle of self-determination is not applicable to the situations in Crimea and the Donbass. Thus, in this situation, the principle of territorial integrity prevails. And I do hope that all of you have understood what I mean. Greenland is not Crimea or neither Donbass, apparently. But I want to see how this TV show continues. It will be interesting to hear from the Secretariat and to hear from the journalists as to what they are going to ask about plans for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. We do hope that the new SG will return to using the official language of the Secretariat and international law. So we want them to return to reality and recognize the consequences and ramifications of all of this crazy move forward. Now, in conclusion, I would like to refer to the consensus declaration of the UN of 1970 on the principles of international law pertaining to relations between states in conjunction with the UN Charter. It clearly states that the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity are applicable only to those states that are in compliance with the principles of equality and self-determination of peoples and that are governments that represent all different types of races, faith and colour of skin and all peoples, it's clear that the Kyiv regime cannot consider itself a government that represents the inhabitants of Crimea, Donbas and Novorossiya. They are terrorists instead.

Thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Lavrov, for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Colombia.

Thank you, Mr. President. For Colombia, there is no doubt when it comes to how we should classify the situation we're discussing today. This is not a war. It is not a conflict. It is an invasion. It is an illegal invasion, but it is also, given the number of victims as things stand, it is a senseless attack on Ukraine's people, on its culture, on the right to language, one's own language. For us, the crucial concern today is also the threat that Russia poses in terms of freezing the Ukrainian people this winter. This winter is around the corner, and what Russia is threatening to do comes close to being a crime against humanity. Mr. President, we must recall jurisprudence where crimes against humanity are concerned. Under international law, crimes against humanity are inhumane acts which target civilians. in a widespread attack and that is exactly what we're seeing today we're seeing a widespread attack on Ukraine's people Colombia is therefore asking the following are we seeing a crime against humanity being announced before it actually takes place?

Colombia welcomes the efforts, the peace efforts of the United States. It also ask both parties to listen to these efforts is the only way around. It is the only way to make sense of something that already is prohibited by international law. When we do have children on both sides, Naturally, Colombia condemned the attack on the sovereignty of Ukraine, as well as the killing of more than or nearly 1,000 children. Colombia wants to remain the Russia Federation that has just seated international law, the conventions that talk about sovereignty, that Even before the charter of this international body, no sovereignty of any state under international law is above the human rights and especially international humanitarian law. Sovereignty does not preclude the application of the principle of distinction, proportionality, necessity and humanity. This is a case where all these principles have been systematically, consistently violated. It corresponds to our country to remind both parties, but especially the Russian Federation, that the principle of distinction according to the Geneva Conventions, Article 51, 151, 2, that has been adapted to the protocol number one of 1977, article 49, establishes that there are three things that are prohibited in international law.

Targeting civilian population, targeting civilian objectives, or indiscriminate targets.

All three have taken place on Ukrainian ground. This is a systematic violation of international law. When it comes to the principle of proportionality, which has been part not only of the legal system, but of our jurisprudence, the principle states that any attack has the ineluctable need to take into account the objective, the military objective. and the basic idea is not to commit any excess. The threat of freezing an entire population of a country not only violates this principle, but again, it places the attack and the position of Russia close to a crime against humanity. The accountability here will be part of the record. Colombia wants to make clear and wants to remind that History will judge severely those who claim to be fighting for freedom or sovereignty while killing humanity.

Mr. President, for the Republic of Colombia, We are also seeing the violation of a primary, long-held principle. That is the principle of humanity. Not only is this part of jus cogens, but it is also part of international humanitarian law. It is part of the law that all states have undersigned and agreed upon as the basis for reciprocal relations. And that has been the case since the very inception of this organization. These rights are not subject to interpretation, the interpretation of a state's sovereignty. They are not subject to interpretation as a result of cultural or linguistic situations.

Ask after one has invaded another sovereign nation.

And given that these rights are not subject to this violation of sovereignty, Colombia, a state with a republican and democratic tradition, condemns this type of attacks. We call parties to strive for peace. We ask them to heed the efforts for peace being made by the United States, and we are joining these peace efforts. And we echo the appeal here being made by the Republic of Panama in saying that Colombian citizens and the foreign nationals that have been recruited to this conflict must be allowed to return to their countries of origin. That is our appeal. Their path home must be facilitated so that they can return to their countries of origin. Colombia also expresses its solidarity with Africa. This conflict has been particularly dire for the food security of the African continent. It has transnational consequences, not only because citizens of many nationalities are fighting in the conflict following their recruitment, but it's also affecting food security of the world as a whole. And as the conflict grows more bitter, that food insecurity worsens. And these are our concerns. And issues of sovereignty are being invoked. But what we need to be talking about are the most basic needs and rights of human beings that are being violated. And these are rights that they should enjoy regardless of their territory, language, or culture. I call upon both parties, particularly upon the Russian Federation. Our message to you is clear. History is watching us. The world is watching you. And we expect nothing other than the peaceful resolution of this war. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the representative of Colombia for that statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. President, the Democratic Republic of Congo would like to thank the French presidency for having kindly convened this high-level meeting that provides the Council a new opportunity to consider possible ways of fostering de-escalation, of protecting civilians, and of making progress in a quest for a lasting political solution to the war. We welcome, firstly, to the chamber the heads of state and government, and also ministers and deputy ministers. We would also like to thank the Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, for her briefing. Mr. President, since our last meeting on the 24th of August, The way the conflict has evolved in Ukraine highlights a worrisome trend. Prospects provided for by diplomatic efforts remain fragile, whilst ongoing and intensifying military operations continue to increase the risk of escalation and the persistence of human suffering. The Democratic Republic of Congo reaffirms its commitment to the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, in particular the respect for the sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity of states, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes. As the confrontation continues, prospects for a peaceful resolution of this crisis are ebbing, whilst the risks of an escalation are increasing. and its impact no one can truly grasp. This reality but serves to shore up a belief that we have unfailingly. Weapons can continue confrontation, but they cannot craft the outcome. The path towards a lasting peace involves dialogue, diplomacy and the patient quest for convergences that can bring the parties to a political solution in respect of international law and the principles of the Charter. Mr. President, the piling up of crises and ongoing wars generally leads to the same observations, to the same thoughts. The same observations, lasting devastation that primarily affects civilians who pay the heaviest price. The Democratic Republic of Congo, to this end, reiterates that in all circumstances, the protection of civilians remains more than just a principle. It is something that each and every one of us needs to uphold. To this end, the DRC would call upon all parties to comply strictly with their commitments under international humanitarian law, in particular the principles of distinction, of proportionality, and of precaution. Schools and hospitals, health care facilities, and crucial civilian infrastructure All of this must be protected. The same is true for energy facilities. When they are damaged or destroyed as winter approaches, that could have a particularly serious impact on the most vulnerable people. Furthermore, particular vigilance must prevail regarding nuclear facilities. Everything must be done to prevent a situation that might compromise the their security or safety or the security of populations. The DRC also remains concerned by the risks of hostilities extending into the Black Sea and the impact that that is having on commercial navigation and on grain and fertilizer supply change chains rather. For several African countries that are highly dependent on imports, any lasting disruption of these exchanges translates directly on an increased pressure on prices, agricultural production, and food security. So they must be preserved and continued. Given the ongoing confrontation, there is an urgent need for de-escalation. The Democratic Republic of Congo thus would reiterate its call for an immediate ceasefire to create the necessary conditions for a resumption and consolidation of a credible peace process. A ceasefire is not or would not be an end in and of itself. It would provide the necessary space for dialogue and for the search for a political settlement to the questions that continue to fuel the conflict. This is why we encourage ongoing diplomatic efforts and all channels that enable the parties to have dialogue should be maintained. To this end, we welcome humanitarian measures that have recently been taken to exchange prisoners of war. These initiatives, despite being limited, show that areas of cooperation do remain possible, even though there is ongoing confrontation. We would encourage the parties to step up these types of confidence-building measures, in particular in the area of prisoner exchanges, the search for disappeared persons, and the protection of civilians and humanitarian access. Mr. President, the Democratic Republic of Congo knows for itself the human, economic and social price that conflicts cause and that go on. Our experience teaches us that with time, the wounds of war become even deeper, whilst the conditions for peace become more difficult to achieve. We would like this Council to be in a position to protect and preserve spaces of agreement To prevent a new escalation and to foster the return of diplomacy, the Democratic Republic of Congo is ready to support any credible initiative that is in line with the aims and principles of the UN Charter that may contribute to a cessation of hostilities, to the protection of civilians, and to paving the way for real prospects for a political settlement. No lasting peace can be born from populations being exhausted. It should stem from dialogue, diplomacy, and the resolve of parties to find a mutually acceptable solution. I thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of the Democratic Republic of Congo for his statement. And I give the floor to the Permanent Representative of China.

Thank you, President. I thank Under-Secretary-General de Carle for her briefing. In an increasingly turbulent international landscape, with incessant regional conflicts and local wars, the international community's call for peace and development is growing ever stronger. More than four years into the Ukraine crisis, the hostilities continue unabated, resulting in mounting civilian casualties and ever-widening spillover effects. The parties concerned and the broader international community should join hands to strive for a dawn of peace the soonest and promote a political settlement of the crisis. First, the parties to the conflict must exercise restraint and end the hostilities as soon as possible. Since the beginning of this year, the parties have engaged in successive rounds of intense confrontation. As more advanced weaponry continues to be deployed to the battlefield, fighting on the ground risks escalating and expanding, resulting in heavy civilian casualties and serious damage to civilian infrastructure, including energy, agriculture, and logistics facilities. The humanitarian situation is concerning. China calls on the parties to remain calm and exercise restraint, strictly abide by international humanitarian law, refrain from attacking civilians, civilian infrastructure, and humanitarian workers, and make every effort to de-escalate the situation and foster hope for peace. Second, the parties must work toward the same goal and persist in advancing the peace process. Dialogue and negotiation offer the only viable path to resolving the Ukraine crisis. Recently, there has been a series of engagements and interactions among key stakeholders. China welcomes these developments. The negotiating table is the starting point for peace. Despite the current gaps in positions, as long as the dialogues continue, it will be possible to find a solution and open the door to peace. China supports the parties in seeking common ground while shelving their differences and building consensus through negotiation with a view to reaching a comprehensive, lasting and binding peace agreement. Third, it is vital to adopt a long-term perspective and strive to build common security. The current state of the Ukraine situation is due to a complex historical context and contemporary factors. This crisis shows us that no country in the world can enjoy so-called "absolute security." Taking seriously each other's security concerns and building relations of harmony and friendship is the only realistic choice. China calls on all parties concerned to abandon Cold War mentalities and bloc confrontation. embrace a vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security, finding the greatest common denominator that addresses the concerns of all sides, and build a balanced, effective, and sustainable regional security architecture. China's position on the Ukraine issue has been consistent and crystal clear. We remain guided by the four shoulds proposed by President Xi Jinping, namely: The sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected, the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be observed, the legitimate security concerns of all countries should be taken seriously, and all efforts conducive to a peaceful solution should be supported. China did not create the Ukraine crisis, and nor is it a party to the conflict. We act only in ways that contribute to peace, and have worked relentlessly to promote peace talks. For over four years, China has maintained close communications with Russia, Ukraine and other relevant parties. China's special envoy has been conducting shuttle diplomacy. Together with Brazil and other countries of the Global South, China has launched the Friends of Peace Group, continuously garnering consensus and advancing peace efforts. We remain committed to working with the international community and playing a constructive role in the political settlement of the crisis. Thank you, President.

I thank the Permanent Representative of China for his statement. I give the floor to the Permanent Representative of Pakistan.

Thank you, Mr. President. Pakistan welcomes the high-level participation in this meeting. And let me also join colleagues in thanking Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing. President, regrettably, this conflict has raged on for over four years now. It has deeply impacted the regional as well as international security paradigm. Equally concerning have been its repercussions on the global food and energy security, felt far beyond the confines of its geographic scope, disproportionately impacting the developing countries in particular. Of late, the sharp escalation in attacks from both sides involving modern weaponry is deplorable and disturbing. Pakistan delegation has consistently expressed concerns on the humanitarian consequences of this conflict. We once again call upon both parties to desist from further expanding the conflict, to take measures to de-escalate, scrupulously abide by international law and international humanitarian law obligations, and recommit to dialogue. to bring an early end to this conflict. President, it is more than evident that there is no military solution to this conflict. And every minute, hour and day spent in fighting is taking the further apart, making the path to peace more arduous. While accomplishing a just and lasting peace and bringing this conflict to an end has proved quite onerous, this effort must not be abandoned merely because there are challenges to be confronted. A year and a half ago, this Council adopted the U.S.-sponsored Resolution 2774, imploring a swift end to this conflict. Pakistan supported that resolution. Since that time, the United States has led the efforts to give effect to the call for peace made in that resolution. And we also heard President Trump yesterday about the continuing push for peace. We commend these efforts and hope that they will succeed. This will be possible if the parties concerned earnestly commit to dialogue, demonstrate necessary political will, and continue to meaningfully engage in this process to secure lasting peace in the region and, more importantly, for those directly affected by this conflict. Let me restate, even at the risk of repetition, our collective priority must be to silence the guns and create conditions for a negotiated settlement. An immediate and comprehensive ceasefire can help the parties bridge differences and move in the direction of peace, which remains the only viable and responsible choice. Pakistan supports all efforts that can help deliver a peaceful resolution of this conflict, which addresses the legitimate security concerns of all sides, which is anchored in the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and international law and relevant multilateral agreements. I thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Pakistan. I now give the floor to the Permanent Representative of the U.S.

Mr. President, for convening this meeting, and thank you, Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo, for your briefing. Colleagues, yesterday, just a few rooms from here, President Trump stood before the world, stood before the General Assembly, and said again what he has said for the last four years. The killing has to stop. It's important what you did not hear him say. He did not say one side has to win, another side has to win. It's not about winning. All sides are losing. All sides are losing, colleagues. The world is losing. 25,000 lost souls per month. at this point. Obviously, 25,000 too many, but every month that goes on, another 25,000, another 25,000. And while so many in this room and so many forums around the world, in Europe and other places, colleagues, we could fill these rooms with speeches about peace. The president is doing everything he can to actually broker that peace. In this conflict and some of the other forgotten, complicated, or far-flung conflicts. And as he said yesterday, he is fully committed to facilitating peace in this war. Over the last four and a half years, Young men have been fed into trenches and killing fields by the tens of thousands. Families have buried sons, fathers, wives, sisters, children. Apartment buildings, hospitals, schools, ports, power have been destroyed and are being destroyed right now as we speak. And this war is spreading beyond the battlefield. Missiles and drone attacks threaten commercial shipping, Black Sea food grain exports, and are now threatening the world's poorest families with famine. Strikes on energy infrastructure are raising costs far beyond Russia and Ukraine and into Africa, into Asia, and into the rest of the world. The president has been clear since day one that the war has to stop. We should note that the rhetoric in this Council and elsewhere have shifted to ending the war, which is a positive thing. But now we have violations of neighboring airspace, including NATO airspace, that create risks that no one in this room takes lightly. And I want to be clear that we condemn in the strongest terms any attempts to broaden the war. And we also condemn any attacks that threatens the free flow of food into global markets. We join my colleague from Colombia, my colleagues from Panama and others. We should talk about more. We should continue to talk about the recruiting of our nationals around the world as mercenaries, as fighters, whatever label you want to put on it, we should include in that. the recruiting of a Cuban mercenaries that are now being pulled into this war with full knowledge of the Cuban regime. So again, the spreading of this conflict is unacceptable. It is dangerous. And I appreciate many of the remarks and speeches today in supporting our efforts. Hasn't always been that way, frankly, but in supporting our efforts to try to end this war before it spreads out of control. Colleagues, roughly a third of the world's wheat supply stands in the balance now, as does the risk of famine for millions of the world's most vulnerable should these disruptions continue. So again, the message from President Trump is this, don't widen the war. recognize that there is no military solution to this war, and return to the negotiating table. And there are areas of common ground, and particularly in energy security and food security, where we do think there could be some reasonable incremental steps towards peace. But, colleagues, we have to make the way for peace. Special Envoys Witkoff and Kushner have been carrying that message directly to Kyiv, directly to Moscow, They have worked tirelessly at great personal cost and out of love for country and love for peace. And the United States is prepared to mediate, to facilitate trilateral talks, to use every diplomatic opening available to bring the parties together. And we welcome other efforts. We welcome efforts from India, from Turkey, and from others to bring peace. And we And our inexhaustible special envoys will keep showing up. We will keep talking. We will keep giving diplomacy a chance. And we will keep working until there is a path to a cease-fire and into the war and a negotiated settlement. We know this is where this war has to land and how it has to end. And just let me say this. As the president charges forward to bring peace between these countries, let's take a moment and admire the example of First Lady Melania Trump, who has worked with both Russia and Ukraine to secure the return of children separated from their families by this war. And I know you will agree with me that it is children who painfully suffer in any of these conflicts, and particularly this one, and her work is a reminder That even in the middle of a brutal war, when everything seems intractable, the two sides can do something which, again, not too long ago was thought unthinkable. If she can set that example, I think there is hope and there is a path. Both sides can still talk and these children can come home. And if Russia and Ukraine can work to reunite children with their families, then they can sit across the table and begin the much harder work of ending this conflict. Peace will require difficult choices from all sides. It will require compromise. It will require leaders to recognize that another 25,000 lives just by the time we talk about this again, it's completely, it's just completely unacceptable. President Trump and the United States government are doing our part We hope and pray Russia and Ukraine will do theirs. Please, colleagues, let's stop the killing and let's make way for peace. And I thank you.

I thank the representative of the United States of America for his statement. And I give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Andriy Sybiya, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

Mr. President, members of the Council, distinguished heads of state, colleagues, This is the fifth General Assembly session since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the 13th since Putin began this war. This is the longest, most devastating, most dangerous war in Europe since the Second World War. So many speeches have been made in this Council, so many right words, but the war drags on. I don't want to make another speech that will not stop the war. Enough speeches, enough broken promises, enough imitation of diplomacy, enough. This war has to stop. Ukraine wants to end it now, not later. And we are ready for a full, unconditional ceasefire, ready for ceasefires on energy and food, ready to stop right now, right here. And we were not the ones who started it. We were invaded. We keep on fighting, defending our home. I'll tell you more. There are 15 members of this Council. 14 support in one way or another an immediate ceasefire, including four permanent members, including the United States and China. Only one state blocks an end to hostilities, and it is the aggressor itself. Russia vetoes not just a ceasefire. Russia vetoes peace. Putin could have ended this war long ago. But he chooses daily escalation. And I want to make it clear, if we don't force Russia to accept ceasefire now, ahead of us will be even more escalation caused by Russia. The Council was built on the ashes of the most devastating war in human history. Its foundation stands on 80 million graves. Have we forgotten? It was created to make the Second World War also the last world war. But today we are closer than ever to another global catastrophe, because Putin does not abandon his plan to destroy Ukraine at any cost. This is not a Ukrainian war, not even a European one. It is a global threat. Preventing the worst scenario depends on everyone in this room and beyond it. Colleagues, No one needs another speech that does not stop the war. Instead, let's ask questions that lead to action. First, why this war matters to everyone. Second, why it cannot be normalized. And third, why it cannot be stopped by appeasement. First, anyone who says this is not our war is wrong. This is everyone's war because its consequences reach everywhere. When Russia first blocked Ukrainian ports four years ago, food prices jumped 25% worldwide. Africa, Asia, and the Middle East were hit hardest. Right now, because Putin refuses to end this war, the Black Sea is blocked again. 400 million people who depend on Ukrainian grain are not getting it. 11 million tons risk spoiling. The damage will last many years if we don't restore freedom of navigation now. Across Africa, Russia recruits young men into its army by promising fake job and scholarship offers. We have identified at least 3,000 mercenaries from 37 African countries in the Russian army. And those are only the documented cases. Encouraged by his staged elections, Putin now plans a new draft at home and even more aggressive recruitment across Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and Latin America. In the Middle East, Iran and its friends, Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, grow bolder by the day. Moscow backs Tehran with weapons, technology, and intelligence. Chaos and high oil prices in the region are favorable for Russia and its war budget. In Asia, Russia is dragging North Korea directly into this war, destabilizing the Korean Peninsula. 20,000 troops already deployed, many more thousands this year if Putin does not stop. In return, Kim gets technology, training, resources, such as Russian-trained drone operators. There are no guarantees that he will not use them to destabilize the Korean Peninsula and the entire Indo-Pacific. In Central Asia and South Caucasus, Russia uses economic pressure and energy blackmail to destabilize its neighbors, recruiting their citizens and exposing their economies to secondary sanctions. In Latin America, this war means Russia's intensified predatory recruitment and state propaganda dividing societies. Even in Europe, some politicians still say, "This is not our war." They must be blind. Russia already wages war on Europe. Arson, assassination, cyber attacks, disinformation, election meddling, the weaponization of energy, food, and migration, drones, and missiles crossing into NATO airspace. This is not hybrid. Drop this word. Russia's war against Europe is no longer hybrid. Instead of safeguarding peace, Russia is spreading war. That is everyone's problem. Second, this war cannot be normalized. Getting used to horrifying headlines does not make them less tragic. The world must not get used to this war. Take one town, Oleshky, and its wider community on the occupied left bank of Dnipro. Under siege, food, meds, electricity, gas, all cut off. As winter approaches, Russia is deliberately making life there impossible. They are starving them to death. No country, no international organization can reach those people. Every day, they run out of food, out of water, and all resources to live. The world rightly condemned the siege of Leningrad by Nazis. Today, Russia applies the same method against Ukrainians. The Kremlin reproduces the crimes of the past. And this policy echoes an older wound, the Holodomor genocide, when millions of Ukrainians were deliberately starved by the Kremlin regime. Hunger was Moscow's weapon then, and it's Moscow's weapon now. One Oleshky resident named Alla survives only on tea with honey. The last food delivery reached her town before summer. This is not neglect. OVC monitors call it an engineered blockade. Russia does not let people live because it uses them as human shields. If you remember one thing from this meeting, remember Oleshky. Hear their cry for help. Demand Russia open humanitarian corridors. Moscow is the only cause of this disaster and the only obstacle to ending it. Aleshki is only one horror among many. In the first half of this year, more Ukrainian civilians were killed than in any same period in four years. And each month has broken this sad record. Russian forces have committed nearly 900 documented acts of sexual violence against Ukrainian civilians and prisoners. 16 of these victims were children, some as young as four. This cannot be normalized. Third, this war cannot be stopped by appeasement. This is not the United Nations Impunity Council. even though Russia wishes it to be. And let me remind, Russia occupies the seat of the Soviet Union illegally. The aggressor must be removed from this table. The mission of this Council is to safeguard peace and security. If Russia vetoes peace, we must veto Russia's war. That means concrete steps. Intensify diplomacy to end this war. Demand Russia accept a ceasefire. Cut off the resources fueling its terror. Strengthen sanctions. End Russia's access to technology. Expose its recruitment, disinformation, and destabilization. Provide Ukraine with what we need to defend our people in winter. Help us bring home our abducted children. Join our fight for accountability. Every country that refuses to support Russia's war can contribute to peace. Act now. Russia is never as strong as it wants us to believe, and never as weak as we want it to be. Russia is no longer a global power. It is a global problem, and it requires a global solution. Mr. President, the Russian representative, the Russian minister spoke, sits at this table. I made an effort, I made an effort to listen to his boring fairy tales and manipulations to make sure they haven't changed. One phrase said it all. We are, I'm citing him, we are not going to stop our special military operation. He offered many reasons why Russia continues this war. He blamed Ukraine, the United States, the West, NATO, anyone but Putin. He tried to present, even he even tried to present Russia as the victim. But instead, listen carefully to what he did not say. I know at least three question he cannot answer. First, why won't your president sit down with our president to end this war? Second, in August, you lost tens of thousands of soldiers to seize a few square kilometers. What did they die for? And third, you wanted Kyiv in three days. How did you end up with Moscow burning four years later? Silence will be his only honest answer. We must stop this war now, before Putin enters your home. He is already at the entrance. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Cibil for his statement. And I give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Aleksander Stubb, President of the Republic of Finland.

Thank you very much, Mr. President.

Ministers, ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen, I think I sit here today pretty much with three hats. The first one is a Nordic hat. I'm speaking here on behalf of my four Nordic neighbors. The second one is the hat of the President of Finland, who shares a 1,340 kilometer border with Russia. And the third hat I have is as a friend of the United Nations and an admirer of the UN Security Council as a problem solver. And today I have three very simple messages. One is a call to the Security Council to act. The second one is reasons to end this war. And the third one is a few solutions on how one could do that. I tried to be as pragmatic as a Finn can be and as constructive as a friend of Ukraine can be in a very difficult situation. So the first one is a call for the Security Council to act. I've had the chance to listen to many of your interventions here in between. And I think we all share the basic tenets that Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine is a blatant violation of the UN Charter. We also agree that the use of force or the destruction of sovereign equality or the destruction of territorial integrity is a fundamental break of the rules that underpin our whole international system. We see Russia violating these rules every day. We see methods as illegal as the war itself. And, you know, I was struck by Ambassador Walls highlighting some of the key elements of how Russia is systematically targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure. And having visited Ukraine six times in the past three years, I've been there, seen and witnessed what it looks like on the ground. And as a child of the post-Cold War era, I never thought I would see anything like it. But it is a reality and a reality that I think this Council and the United Nations need to fail. We also see a lot of the humanitarian operations under attack, including aid workers being killed. Of course, the aim then is to instill fear and wear down Ukraine. But I would really like to see the Security Council taking more firm action to try to end it. And here's where I come to my second point, the reasons for ending the war. The first one is the most self-evident, and that's what President Trump said yesterday in his speech, and that is, quote, the killing has to stop. And I think that's a cinico non for anyone who works for the United Nations or is a member of this assembly. Now, the war is very much a stalemate. This year, Russia has acquired roughly 900 square kilometers of Ukrainian territory, but Ukraine has acquired roughly 800 square kilometers back. So the line of contact is basically not moving. If the aim is to acquire Donbass, at this rate, it will take years. And at this rate, as Ambassador Walsh said, in the meanwhile, were killing roughly 25,000 soldiers per month. Put that into perspective, the Soviet war in Afghanistan, 10 years and 18,000 casualties and dead. So we're talking, you know, a number of people dying, which is now going over 1 million. And that, in my mind, is a waste of life. So the continuation of this war is a lose-lose. Someone said in their intervention that there's not a military solution to this. I agree. There's no way in which one side or the other is going to exhaust each other. The very simple reason is that we're now seeing a type of a modern warfare conducted that is so effective that it cannot end. We haven't seen anything like this previously because we're seeing unmanned vehicles, we're seeing death zones of roughly 20 kilometers to which you cannot enter because with a 95% certainty you're going to be wiped out. So someone needs to tell, obviously, the aggressor that this is not going to have a military solution. Now, my then final and third point is obviously a call for peace. I mean, I'm sure everyone in this room wants peace. And we have to ask the question, how do we do it? That's what the Americans have been trying to do now actively for about a year and a half. And of course, the starting point is very simple. If we lived in an ideal world, we would first have an unconditional ceasefire, which Foreign Minister Zibiah was referring to, or even a conditional ceasefire, which is linked to energy or to grain, because we all understand that this is not a regional war. It's a regional war with global ramifications on food prices and on energy prices. The second part is the beginning of peace negotiations. I think we've had enough wars to understand that peace negotiations usually last a long time, but there has to become a time when the killing stops, and then we start negotiating about security, about territory, about permanent solutions, and also about justice. So I'd like to finish by thanking all of those countries who are involved in this peace mediation, the United States primarily, but also countries such as India, Turkey, or the Arab Emirates, who have been active lately on some of the more specific issues. And I would also like to thank leaders such as Prime Minister Modi or President Erdogan or President Tokayev, who have publicly called for this war to end, as has President Xi. So I think at the end of the day, you know, this is my third time speaking in this room in my capacity as President of Finland about the war. And I think I speak, I know I speak on behalf of all the Nordics when I say that it would be very good if the President of Finland did not have to come here next year. to give the same speech about ending this war. I think it's the duty and it's the job of this Security Council to end it. So I hope we can all double down our efforts towards a just and lasting peace. And just to quote late President Martti Ahtisaari and Nobel Peace Laureate, he once said that what humans began, they can also end. So please, Russia, end this war.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Stubb for his statement, and I give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Nicolas Dancil Tan, President of Romania.

Mr. President, distinguished members of the Council, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine reached a critical juncture. We agree on the need to achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine and to restore compliance with the United Nations Charter, as does the overwhelming majority of this Council and United Nations members. I come before the Council with a message of responsibility and solidarity. Romania is firmly committed to the United Nations Charter and to the principle of sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. which apply to all nations. These principles have been profoundly shaken by the Russian Federation's war of aggression against Ukraine. A few months ago, a Russian drone crashed at night into a residential building in the city of Galati in Romania, recklessly endangering the lives of innocent Romanian civilians. Russian drones breach our national airspace with increasing frequency and in disregard of international law. This violation now extends into the maritime domain. To our exclusive economic zone on 20th of August, a Russian Navy drone came dangerously close to the Neptun Deep offshore gas installation in the Black Sea. Developments in the Black Sea A region vital to global security and prosperity and strategic bridge between Asia, Europe, Middle East and Africa, cause serious disruption to global food supply chains and lead to growing maritime insecurity. We have brought this risk to the attention of the Council on numerous occasions. Infringement of freedom of navigation have become recurrent. including intensified strikes on Ukraine ports and on commercial shipping on the Danube and in the Black Sea. They disregard provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law on the Sea and endanger the safety and security of seafarers from around the world, among them, nations of member states of this Council. The massive and repeated bombardment of Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities is unacceptable. Deliberate attacks against the civilian population and critical infrastructure amounts to war crimes. Full responsibility for such violation and their consequences rest with the perpetrators. The international law is clear. Ukraine has a legitimate right to self-defense under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. defending itself, Ukraine upholds the principle that is fundamental for all of us, the right of a state to freely choose its future. That is why our solidarity with Ukraine and our resolve in addressing the regional and global consequences of the war remain unwavering. As Ukraine's western neighbor with the longest common border, Romania has continuously facilitated the access of Ukrainian grains to consumers around the world and has provided shelter to Ukrainians who sought refuge in our country or transited through it. Together with Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, we continue to work to increase the transit of Ukrainian grains through the Danube and the Romanian port of Constanta. Through the EU solidarity lanes, we help keep grain and food available and affordable for countries across the Middle East and Africa. So we call for restoring the freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, which is crucial for global security and prosperity. We have made significant progress in establishing the EU maritime security hub in the Black Sea to strengthen situational awareness, and coordination. Together with Bulgaria and Turkey, we have deepened our regional partnership from demining to the protection of key maritime infrastructure. So partners around the world can count on Romania. The time has come for peace in Ukraine. The longer the conflict continues, the greater the risk that it spreads beyond Ukraine's borders and threaten security and stability across the region. We urge an immediate cessation of the Russian war against Ukraine. We call on Russia to choose diplomacy over escalation and to change course towards peace. President Zelensky and Ukraine had repeatedly expressed their readiness for meaningful, good-faith negotiations. We support a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in line with international law and the United Nations Charter, and in full observance of the principle of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within internationally recognized borders, with robust and credible security guarantees for Ukraine. We appreciate the renewed efforts of Ukraine, the United States, and European partners, and we expect the Russian Federation to respond to the call for an immediate, full, and unconditional ceasefire. President Trump's commitment in bringing this war to a close reflects exactly the kind of strength, leadership, and strategic clarity needed to preserve peace and stability in Europe. The Romanian people deeply appreciate his resolve to pursue conditions that can support a lasting and just peace, and I would like to thank him publicly for these efforts today. Romania will do its part, will support credible effort grounded in the United Nations Charter and international law, and at securing peace, strengthening stability, and restoring the security architecture undermined by this war. As a neighbor and as a friend, Romania will continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

Thank you.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Dan for that statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Peter Pellegrini, President of the Slovakian Republic.

Thank you very much, Excellencies. I would like to thank France for organising the Security Council meeting and for the opportunity to address this session. When we met here last year, we marked 80 years since the founding of the United Nations. It was a moment built on a simple promise about how nations should treat one another. And for Slovakia, our commitment to that promise has not changed. We continue to support the basic rules that bring us together every year, that every country has the right to govern itself, that borders must never be changed by force, and that no nation is above the law. Since the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, we have supported the Ukrainian people as any responsible neighbor would do. Today, I have two simple messages to offer, both of them equally urgent. First, the deliberate attacks against civilians must stop immediately. And second, diplomacy is the only responsible way to resolve this crisis. prevent further escalation, and create conditions for political settlement that can last. Most of the attacks have nothing to do with military goals anymore. They continue to bring suffering and destruction. Ballistic missiles and drones target homes and civilians, infrastructure, in residential areas of Ukraine day after day. What makes them targets? Nothing. The only goal is to spread terror and paralyze. This is most obvious when we look at the attacks on critical infrastructure. Strikes on energy facilities have triggered electricity supply disruptions again and again. Especially in winter, they turn freezing weather into a weapon against civilians. This is completely unacceptable. As we have said so many times before, there is no military solution to this war. Slovakia has always supported every serious peace effort. We have advocated for a solution that would enhance the overall security and stability of Ukraine and the whole of Europe. After 20 years, Slovakia is ready to serve this body once again as a non-permanent member. We are prepared to be a responsible partner offering a balanced approach, ready to contribute to any meaningful path towards peace, because stepping up diplomacy is our only option. The upcoming winter will be critical for Ukraine. However, there is still no de-escalation in sight. Slovakia strongly supports a ceasefire to protect innocent civilians from bitter winter conditions. That is why we welcome the most recent mediation talks led by the United States. They deserve support from partners in Europe to help bring Ukraine and Russia to the negotiating table. Even a partial ceasefire could lead to a broader agreement later. It would be a clear signal that there is a serious will to stop senseless atrocities and achieve a lasting peace in line with the UN Charter. Thank you very much.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Pellegrini for that statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Rob Jetten, Prime Minister and Minister for General Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Thank you, Mr. President. And I have the honour to speak on behalf of the Benelux countries, Belgium, Luxembourg, and my own country, the Kingdom of the Netherlands. After more than four and a half years of Russia's full-scale war of aggression, our message remains unchanged. Russia's aggression is not only an attack on Ukraine, but on the principles of the UN Charter. Borders cannot be changed by force, and aggression cannot be rewarded. And it is here, at this Council, that this message should mean more than words. Every day, Ukrainians in temporarily occupied regions suffer from the atrocities of the occupation regime. Every day, Ukrainians suffer from Russian attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure. And Ukrainian children have been unlawfully deported and transferred. Beyond Ukraine, Russia keeps violating airspace of other European countries and commits drone incursions in their territories. This illustrates a persistent pattern of irresponsible and escalatory behaviour by Russia. Furthermore, Russia's attacks against Ukraine's ports, shipping and export infrastructure in the Black Sea continue to endanger freedom of navigation and represent a real threat to global food security. It is clear that Russia's aggression against Ukraine continues to have far-reaching consequences for global security in all its dimensions. and Russia's blatant violations of international law cannot go unanswered. We must show that the international crimes arising from Russia's aggression against Ukraine will not go unpunished, but will instead be met with accountability. Since 2025, we took substantial steps in that direction by establishing the legal foundations for the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine and the Claims Commission, and by continuously supporting the work of the ICC in investigating and prosecuting core international crimes committed in Ukraine. Through these efforts, we are reinforcing the principle that violations of international law must entail consequences and that accountability is indispensable for a just and lasting peace. Aggression does not pay and never will. But we must maintain the momentum by continuing to work together to ensure that these mechanisms become operational as soon as possible. The Benelux countries will continue to support Ukraine in its pursuit of justice and call upon the international community to do so too. We welcome genuine efforts towards peace, including ongoing US-led diplomatic efforts. And Ukraine has shown its readiness for peace. Russia must now demonstrate the same through actions, not words. And any peace must be comprehensive, just, and lasting, based on the UN Charter and respecting Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. And the Benelux countries will continue our political, military, humanitarian, and financial support to Ukraine. We also remain committed to support Ukraine's recovery, resilience, and reconstruction, as well as addressing the broader humanitarian consequences of this war. A strong Ukraine is essential for sustainable peace, and our support remains unwavering. And our message to Russia is clear. End the aggression now. Withdraw your forces from Ukrainian territory and choose peace. Thank you.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Jetten for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Antonio Costa, President of the European Council.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Thank you very much for the opportunity to address the United Nations Security Council today. And let me start by thanking French Presidency for organizing this debate. Since my intervention in the Security Council last year, the human cost of Russia's war has become even more devastating. Every month, thousands of people are killed. Homes, schools, hospitals, energy and water infrastructures are deliberately destroyed in Ukraine. Before the war, Ukraine, the real breadbasket of Europe, fed 400 million people each year around the world through food exports. Now, Russia's strikes on the port of Odessa have created the food security crisis, fueling global inflation with particularly severe consequences for countries across Africa. Russia's attacks on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilians far beyond Ukraine. It is unacceptable that Russia has been threatening the security of European Union Member States repeatedly in the past 12 months. This is a dangerous escalation. And last but not least, Russia's revisionist imperial projects have brought death and immense suffering to hundreds of thousands of its own people. And for what? Russia has failed to reach any of its stated goals in this war. The so-called special operation has failed to occupy Ukraine, has failed to impose regime change in Ukraine, and has failed to weaken the determination and unity of Europe to stand with Ukraine. The courage of Ukrainian people has become a symbol across the world for people fighting for their freedom and homeland. Ukraine is defending its cities under constant bombardment and is protecting its sovereignty and independence in the battlefield. Ladies and gentlemen, it is time for this war to end. Escalation and the spreading of the conflict will be disastrous for the international community. The only way forward is diplomacy and the immediate ceasefire. Peace efforts so far have not produced any breakthrough, but we need to persist. The European Union supports all efforts to stop this war. Conditions for a lasting peace are well known. It must respect Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and Ukraine's right to choose its own future. In a nutshell, it must respect the United Nations Charter. And it must provide Ukraine with credible security guarantees to ensure a lasting peace. Today, from this Council, I want to make a call to the entire international community to join the European Union in our efforts to bring this war to an end. For this, I ask all of you to use your influence on Russia so that by the time of our meeting next year, we have finally achieved and just and lasting peace in Ukraine and in Europe.

I thank His Excellency Mr. Kosta for that statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Radoslaw Sikorski, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland.

Mr. President, please allow me a few extra sentences because I was called out by name by the Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation and I feel I need to answer. First of all, he calls the events of 2014 in Kiev in Ukraine a bloody coup. I was indeed there with the foreign ministers of Germany and France and there was no coup. The president of Ukraine, Mr. Yanukovych, was voted out of office by a democratically elected parliament of Ukraine, including by his own party of regions. because he carried out a massacre in which 100 or more Ukrainian civilians were killed. Mr. Lavrov also claims, and I quote from the transcript, that in the territory of Ukraine, there's a total ban on the Russian language in all spheres. I was in Kyiv 10 days ago under Russian bombs. and I can assure him that the Russian language is widely spoken there. He is, of course, right that national minorities have the right to speak their language in offices, in courts, in schools. If this is what he demands, then he needs the application of the Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Minorities. I don't think Ukraine would object to that. and the international community, including Poland, would support that. He has the right to demand the application of that convention. He does not have the right to send tanks and ballistic missiles into Ukraine. Thirdly, he calls the government and the president of Ukraine Nazis. Russian elections to the Duma have also been criticized being not sufficiently democratic. There's a way of resolving it. My proposal is that there should be democratic presidential elections under international supervision in both Russia and Ukraine on the same day. Mr. President, as you said, and as we heard from the briefing by Under Secretary DeCarlo and others, Russia is escalating the war. Unable to move forward on the front line, Russia is deliberately targeting Ukrainian civilians, passengers on trains, street vendors, even cyclists, power plants, factories, and shopping malls. The port of Odessa, which, as has been already said, normally exports 50 million tons of grain to Africa and Asia. Russia is now bringing the same tactics into Europe. On September 13th, a Russian jet-powered drone hit a Ukrainian train barely two kilometers from a border crossing with Poland. Another followed on the 17th. Drones and missiles have also attacked border crossings with Moldova and Romania. Russia planted an armed drone at Leipzig airport in Germany. Russian drones and aircraft have violated the airspace of, among others, Lithuania, Estonia, Norway, and Finland. Russian hit squads have killed people in Spain, Britain, Poland, and Germany. Now they are reaching across the Atlantic. On September 15th, U.S. Attorney's Office here in the Southern District of New York charged members of a Russian intelligence network with, quote, "conspiring to finance terrorism and commit murder for hire in the United States," end quote. Cyber attacks, sabotage, clandestine operations and military pressure. These are not isolated incidents. It's a pattern. Russia is escalating because Russia's leadership is panicking. After more than four years of a senseless colonial war, Vladimir Putin has achieved nothing. He's running out of troops and resources and needs a pretext to mobilize. His unnecessary war has killed or wounded one and a half million Russians. Millions of Ukrainians and other Europeans are increasingly in danger. At any moment, Putin might try to provoke a NATO country and spread the war further, as we have heard from others. To the representatives of the Russian Federation, I have this to say: You have been trying to conquer Donbas for over 12 years and Kyiv for over four. You have been stopped by heroic Ukraine, a country with one-tenth of Russia's GDP. But Poland has almost half of your GDP. Europe has 10 times your GDP. NATO has 25 times your GDP. You can still kill a lot of people, but you cannot win. You can stop this imperial war of choice at any time. Don't endanger Europe and the world any further. Stop destroying Russia's future. Sergei, I know you're listening. Tell your boss, enough. is enough. Thank you.

I wish to thank his Excellency Mr. Sikorski for that statement. A number of speakers remain on my speakers list for this meeting. If the members of the Council agree, I propose that we suspend the meeting until 4:30. The meeting is suspended.