Western Sahara - Security Council, 10259th meeting
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The 10,259th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is: the situation in Libya. The agenda is adopted. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item two of the agenda. Members of the council have before them document S/2026/855, the text of a draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. Will those in favor of the draft resolution contained in document S/2026/855 please raise their hand? Those against? Abstentions? The result of the voting is as follows: 13 votes in favor, 0 votes against, 2 abstentions. The draft resolution has been adopted as resolution 2835/2026. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements after the vote. I give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.
Thank you, Madam President. The United Kingdom welcomes the adoption of resolution 28/35, renewing UNSMIL’s mandate for 12 months. We thank Council members for engaging constructively in negotiations. This mandate will strengthen UNSMIL's ability to advance a Libyan-led and Libyan-owned political process. It will give Special Representative of the Secretary-General Tete a mandate to continue advancing her roadmap. This resolution urges Libyan parties to fulfill their commitments made under the smaller convening agreement, which will move Libya closer to free, fair, transparent, and inclusive elections within 24 months. It builds momentum behind the reunification of Libyan institutions, including judicial, military, and security institutions. It provides a clear basis for UNSMIL to support Libyan parties to establish a single executive authority and sends a clear message that Libyan actors should not undermine that work. And it recognizes the importance of UNSMIL's work on human rights and the rule of law. and encourages UNSMIL to continue to promote the full, equal, meaningful, and safe participation of women in the political process. Madam President, the United Kingdom reiterates our full support for UNSMIL and for SRSG Tetteh’s work to advance the political process. We urge all parties to honour the commitments that they have made to provide Libyans with the democratic choice, the economic opportunity, and the security that they seek. Thank you.
I thank the representative of the United Kingdom for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Madam President, it is my honour to make the following statement on behalf of the A3, Liberia, Somalia, and my own country, the DRC. The A3 would like to thank the penholders for their constructive approach to the discussions on the extension of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. The A3 voted in favour of this resolution, thus showing their unwavering support to the role played by UNSMIL in supporting Libya’s efforts to promote peace, stability and dialogue. Madam President, Libya is at a decisive turning point, which requires the concerted support of the international community. The A3 would underscore that any political roadmap facilitated by UNSMIL must remain strictly under the ownership of the Libyans themselves, so that they can put an end to the prolonged transitional period. through the organization of free, regular, inclusive elections. In this regard, we welcome the agreement signed on the 31st of August in the context of the smaller convening agreement, as well as the approval by the Chamber of Representatives. All national institutions, including military institutions and security units, must be part of the creation of the necessary conditions for the holding of credible elections that reflect the will of the Libyan people. Madam President, the A3 supports the continued implementation by UNSMIL of the recommendations from the strategic review in close coordination with the Libyan authorities. This approach must make it possible for the political aspect to remain at the heart of the mission’s activities. We also support the presence of UNSMIL in Benghazi, Sebha and Sirte, so as to move forward the national reunification process. We also underscore the importance of equipping the mission with the necessary financial and human resources to ensure that it can fully discharge its mandate.
The A3 remain deeply concerned by the illicit flows of weapons to Libya, and we strongly condemn the blind attacks on civilians and essential infrastructure, which must lead
to the perpetrators being brought to justice, and the perpetrators must be fully accountable for their actions. We reiterate our demand about the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces and all foreign fighters and mercenaries in line with the full implementation of the ceasefire of 23 August 2020.
In addition to this, the A3 reiterate their deep concern about the continued erosion
of the value of frozen Libyan assets as a result of their abuse by certain international financial institutions, which could compromise their preservation. These assets have been frozen so as to preserve the value of them for the benefit of the Libyan people. To conclude, Madam President, the A3 reaffirm their unwavering commitment to the sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity of Libya. We stress the critical role of the African Union and their partnership in promoting an inclusive dialogue with the full ownership of this for the Libyans themselves. We must move beyond statements and see concrete results so that we can put an end to the incessant cycle of political transition. We must shoulder this responsibility.
It is our solemn duty to ensure this historic collective responsibility is fulfilled for the Libyans.
We must learn from the mistakes of the past and open the way for lasting stability, unity, and justice for Libya. I thank you.
I thank the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for the statement. And I now give the floor to the representative of France.
Thank you, Madam President.
Madam President, France welcomes the extension of the mandate of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya for one year.
We would like to thank
the United Kingdom, the penholder for the inclusive negotiations process that made it possible to strike a balance in this text.
The resolution that we have
adopted reiterates the Council's support to the action of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ms. Tete. This resolution welcomes the agreement signed between the Libyan parties, endorsed by the Chamber of Representatives, on the preliminary status of the road map. Through this resolution, The Council calls on all Libyan stakeholders immediately to fulfill their obligations.
UNSMIL will thus continue its efforts to ensure that
these commitments lead to the holding of legislative elections in 24 months under the aegis of a unified executive. Finally, France reiterates its commitment to the respect for international law and notably the Law of the Sea. and any agreement on maritime delimitation must therefore respect the sovereignty of states. Madam President, it should be possible for Libya to thus find once again its stability and sovereignty, and this requires the complete support of the international community,
and France is committed to help with that.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of France for the statement.
I now give the floor to the representative of Bahrain.
Madam President, thank you. And I would like to thank the penholder, the United Kingdom, for their efforts in working on the resolution that we have just adopted.
We voted in favour of this resolution.
which extends UNSMIL's mandate for one year, because we support the critical role that we believe that UNSMIL plays. Thanks also to the efforts of the SRSG to lead to an inclusive process, which should be Libyan-owned and which will implement the aspirations of the Libyans to unite institutions and to achieve peace and stability. We support the roadmap, and we also call for the specific results of this to be implemented thanks to the 4+4 mechanism, and we must use this current momentum to move forward to achieve genuine progress through the holding of legislative elections to unite the institutions within an appropriate time frame of no more than 24 months, in line with the aforementioned mechanisms. In conclusion, my country reiterates its strong position supporting the sovereignty, unity, independence, and territorial integrity of Libya. We support efforts to find a resolution that will respond to Libyans' aspirations for a future with stability and prosperity. Thank you.
I thank the representative of Bahrain for the statement and now give the floor to the representative of China.
Thank you, President. China welcomes the adoption by the Security Council of the resolution renewing the mandate of UNSMIL. and thanks the penholder, the UK, for their efforts. Recently, Special Representative Tetteh has led UNSMIL in actively fulfilling its mandate and work to secure progress in the political roadmap. China supports the Council's renewal of UNSMIL's mandate and expects the UN to continue playing effectively its central role in facilitating the Libyan political process and help Libya complete the national elections and end the political transition at an early date. Promoting the implementation Implementation of the agreement reached by the 4+4 smaller convening is an important task for UNSMIL in the next phase. China welcomes continued efforts by UNSMIL in this regard. At the same time, UNSMIL should, as per the request of the Security Council resolution, step up communication with relevant parties in Libya, fully heed their legitimate concerns, work for all parties to show political will, build broad consensus, and ensure broad support for the agreement. International partners should fully respect the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Libya, support a Libyan-led, Libyan-owned political process, help bridge differences through dialogue and consultation, refrain from imposing external solutions and undue sanctions and pressure. China welcomes that the resolution mandates UNSMIL to coordinate technical support to the Libyan authorities and assist Libya in combating such acts as fuel smuggling, the diversion of public resources, and the illicit exploitation of state resources to ensure that Libya's Oil revenues are used for national development and guaranteeing the well-being of its people to lay a solid foundation for social stability. Libya has abundant energy resources and enormous development potential. The country's stability and development not only serve the interests of its people, but also are conducive to regional solidarity and cooperation. As a good friend of Libya, China has always valued the legitimate concerns and aspirations of Libya and stays committed to playing a constructive role in the settlement of the Libyan issue. China stands ready to work with the international community to make greater contributions to achieving lasting peace and stability, prosperity, and development in Libya. I thank you, President.
I thank the representative of China for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the United States.
Thank you, Madam President, and congratulations on a strong presidency month. The United States strongly supports the work of UNSMIL under the leadership of SRS-G Teta, including the United Nations Roadmap for Libya. UNSMIL work complements the U.S. initiative and efforts to enable Libya to achieve a single, unified executive authority that is fully able to assert Libya’s sovereignty and take responsibility for its own security. That is why we voted today affirmatively to renew UNSMIL mandate for another year. And colleagues, There is a lot at stake here. We fundamentally believe that Libya is standing before a historic opportunity. It has a strategic coastline on the Mediterranean, access to European and African markets, and enormous untapped commercial potential. With unified leadership, with security, and the right investments, Libya could become, and should become, a booming center of international commerce, energy, shipping, and finance, and one can only imagine what that could mean for ordinary Libyans across the entire country. Good paying jobs, thriving businesses, new infrastructure, and a generation of young Libyans building their futures instead of inheriting their parents' generational conflicts. Under President Trump's leadership, our unification initiative and efforts offer a path towards that future, a unified Libya at peace with itself, open for business, and finally realizing its extraordinary potential. For more than a year, brave Libyans on both sides have taken real risks to overcome their country’s divisions. engaging in an unprecedented level of dialogue. Senior leaders and officials from the two sides have met repeatedly, often discreetly, under U.S. auspices, but also they've met publicly. Last April, GNU Deputy Defense Minister Zubi and LNA Deputy Commander Saddam Haftar came together in Sirte. for US Africa Command's Exercise Flintlock. This also included both sides' attendance at numerous sessions of UNSMIL's critical 4+4 smaller convening, which this Council is explicitly supporting today. But there are some who would rather protect their own fiefdoms, cling to personal fortunes, perpetuate the chaos that has enriched them, but enrich them at the expense of the Libyan people. To those leaders, let me be absolutely clear. There will be consequences for that continued behavior. And worse, it will not end well for Libya, a country that so many of us claim to love and so many of them claim to love. It will be them standing between millions of Libyans ready to charge into the future and another decade of violence, poverty, and untapped potential. Those individuals will be remembered for denying an entire generation its chance at prosperity. And when that prosperous future finally arrives, they should have no part in it. Some may think that they have something to gain by standing in the way of Libya's political transition. they may eventually find themselves shut out of the prosperous future that they so desperately tried to prevent. Our message for those individuals: Do not condemn your own people to years more of needless suffering while the opportunity of a lifetime is knocking at the door. Today's resolution, as well as the U.S. initiative, recalls the measures specified in in paragraph 4 of Resolution 2174, where this Council established that those who obstruct or undermine Libya’s political transition are subject to designation by the Sanctions Committee. Today’s resolution and the U.S. initiative also make clear that the reunification of Libya’s institutions, including its military, its security forces, and the judiciary, and the formation of a unified government are essential to the successful completion of this political transition. Again, the United States will not hesitate to pursue serious consequences against those who deliberately stand in the way of this initiative. And finally, while we voted for today's resolution, I must reiterate the United States' frustration with efforts to insert distracting language, Reaffirming the 2030 Agenda, the Sustainable Development Goals, these, in our strong view, intrude upon national sovereignty through global governance initiatives. The Security Council should be focused on preventing wars, keeping the peace, and delivering real results. The Libyan people have spent decades watching their country’s enormous potential go unfulfilled. Now it has the chance to make history, and President Trump and the United States are committed to helping the Libyan people seize it. Thank you, Madam President.
I thank the representative of the United States for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.
Madam President.
The Russian Federation abstained during the vote on the draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom on extension of the mandate for the UN Support Mission in Libya. At the same time, we continue to proceed from the premise that the mission needs to continue to play a central role in the configuration of international mediation efforts in this country, and its preservation is necessary for ongoing, sustained progress within the framework of the Libyan political process. The Russian delegation has been conscientious in work on the draft. Our proposals were constructive in nature. They were underpinned by substantiated and thorough argumentation. Despite that, not all of them were reflected in the document under consideration today. Naturally, the agreements arrived at through the small format are a significant step forward for the political process that has been stagnant for a number of years. However, their realization, their implementation is a long way off. They need to be polished, fine-tuned, and incorporated within the Libyan legal fold. Furthermore, the results of the small format have already been met with mixed reactions in Libyan institutions and society, and this is precisely why we insist upon the need to first secure the support for these agreements from all influential Libyan stakeholders. Lastly, we cannot make it appear as if the outcomes of the small format are virtually the sole possible scenario to extricate the country from crisis. We cannot deny Libyans the right themselves to determine parameters for the political process. The transitional period in Libya indeed has been drawn out. However, attempts to expedite this process through the imposition of ready-made solutions from abroad seem exceedingly short-sighted.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement. I shall now make a statement in my national capacity as the representative of Greece.
At the outset, Greece wishes to express its appreciation for the penholder and their work on the annual renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. Dear colleagues, the Libyan political process which UNSMIL is mandated to support and further must be firmly anchored in international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. It was precisely in this spirit that Greece made a genuine and constructive attempt to safeguard the integrity of this process by strengthening the relevant language in the resolution. We find it crucial to do so at this stage. On October 20th, the House of Representatives ratified the so-called Turkey-Libya Memorandum on the delimitation of maritime jurisdiction areas in the Mediterranean, signed in 2019. The timing and political priority accorded to this decision raised serious questions about the intentions behind it. These concerns cannot simply be disregarded, particularly when they are shared by other countries in the region and have also been reflected in the European Union's position. As the Greek Prime Minister said just yesterday, addressing the Council from this very chair, this MOU is a flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of the international law of the sea. It is illegal, it is arbitrary, and it defies geography itself. The Secretary General was also very vocal, stating that violations of international law are unacceptable, and that any action incompatible with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea should not be respected and accepted. Greece and Libya are natural maritime neighbors with opposite coasts, and are entitled under international law to delimit their respective maritime zones through an agreement. By contrast, Turkey and Libya do not have opposite or adjacent coasts, yet they have attempted to establish an artificial maritime boundary between them, as if the Greek islands lying between their coasts simply don't exist. These are not inhabited. rocks. They are islands with permanent populations and vibrant economic life, including Crete, Greece's largest island, home to more than 60,000 people and a thriving economy. But geography cannot be refashioned, and sovereign rights cannot be erased by drawing arbitrary lines on a map. The so-called memorandum is contrary to the international law of the sea. It is null and void and cannot produce legal effects for third states or prejudice their sovereign rights and maritime entitlements. At its core, the Libyan political process is about the reunification of Libyan institutions, the emergence of a Libya which is peaceful, stable, secure, and prosperous. We hope Libyan stakeholders will do the Libyan people justice by heeding to the need to fully respect good neighborliness and regional cooperation. Greece has consistently supported and will continue to support a Libyan-led and Libyan-owned political process. But efforts to reunify Libya's institutions and advance its political process must go hand in hand with respect for international law. Any process that comes at the expense of the sovereignty and sovereign rights of third states, or becomes a vehicle for exporting instability beyond its borders, or promoting third parties' contentions at the expense of the entire region, cannot promote stability. Today, this is our message to the Libyan authorities: Greece remains firmly committed to Libya's unity, stability, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, free from foreign interference. We hope that our Libyan neighbors will respond to our constructive approach and engage with us in a spirit of dialogue, mutual respect, and good neighborliness. I thank you. I resume my functions as President of the Council. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. The meeting is adjourned. The 10,260th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is: the situation concerning Western Sahara. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Algeria to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item 2 of the agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2026/781, the report of the Secretary-General on the situation concerning Western Sahara, and document S/2026/811, a letter dated 13 October 2026 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council. Members of the Council have before them documents S/2026/868 and S/2026/870, each of which contains the text of a separate draft resolution. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolutions before it. I shall first put to vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2026/868, submitted by the United States of America. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. Will those in favor of the draft resolution contained in document S/2026/868, submitted by the United States of America, please raise their hand? Those against? Abstentions? The result of the voting is as follows: 11 votes in favour, 1 vote against, 3 abstentions. The draft resolution has not been adopted owing to the negative vote of a permanent member of the Council. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements after the vote. I give the floor to the representative of the United States.
Colleagues, to I think to talk about the future of this resolution and this mission, we should take a moment to remind everyone what the United Nations itself has been saying about the issue of a referendum for now for 30 years. And this is important to understand. As early as the mid 1990s, Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali didn't expect that the referendum would prove possible. In 1996, this council suspended voter identification, this council, because the parties could not agree on who should vote. In 1997, Secretary General Kofi Annan warned that the referendum may never happen at all. In 1999, Anan then reported that the prospect of holding a referendum was moving farther away, not closer. In 2002, Anan and his personal envoy, former Secretary of State James Baker, concluded that implementing the original settlement plan was, quote, “highly unlikely.” They even presented this Council with the option of terminating MINURSO altogether as a result. In 2003, Anan warned that even if a referendum were held, The Security Council was highly unlikely to enforce its results. In '05, the director of MINURSO for five years, Erik Jensen, said that, quote, "The referendum called for the UN Security Council settlement plan of 1990-1991 has failed, will not happen." And in 2012, Bernard Miette, the former UN Undersecretary General for Peacekeeping, concluded that it was hard to see how it could be organized then or in the future. Colleagues, those are not our words. UN officials have been telling us this reality for 30 years, and here we are in 2026. And unfortunately, truly unfortunately, and not the intention of the United States, some members of this Council have used their veto to preserve the letter R for the referendum in the name that the United Nations hasn't even been preparing to hold for decades. Of course, the United States supports the principle of self-determination. There are many ways to realize and express the will of any given people. The United States has presented a resolution with the support of 11 members of this council, which would have taken historic steps, actually moving forward this 50-year frozen conflict to finally ending it, to realizing some results. We presented a path to finally stem the very real and devastating human cost of this conflict, a cost that was the very reason for the resolution that was vetoed today. In 2006, the Secretary General’s personal envoy warned that prolonging the deadlock could condemn another generation of Western Saharians to grow up in the refugee camps of Tindouf. Twenty years ago, colleagues. And now that generation has grown up. And we are taking the position that we should not have future generations and decades more of refugee camps. This is a resolvable conflict. And according to the UN's latest reports, just to understand the conditions, nearly two thirds, two thirds of children under five are suffering from anemia in these camps. One third have stunted growth. One in 10 receives only one in 10, 10% receives the minimum of an acceptable diet, 90% do not. So let's think about that again for a moment. That's 50 years of displacement, an entire lifetime and then some. Their children born as refugees, growing up as refugees, and now raising children as refugees. We will not support a status quo that condemns all of them, to another five decades. Last year's historic resolution 2797 finally established Morocco's autonomy proposal as the basis for negotiation, as a basis, and directed a strategic review of MINURSO's future mandate. We had three rounds of talks at a very high level. with all four parties, or two parties and observers at the table, excuse me, serious discussions about how to deliver genuine self-government, political representation, security, and a lasting settlement. We had further discussions about transition, about resource sharing, constitutional protections, international guarantees, demobilization, transition. And this resolution would have taken the next steps on that road to freedom and peace, but we had to do some things differently. Unfortunately, today, the unacceptable status quo, a status quo which the UN's own High Commissioner for Refugees has called, quote, "untenable, unsustainable, and genuinely, truly inhumane." The UN High Commissioner of Refugees calls the status quo inhumane. We will not lend our vote to business as usual in the face of such conditions, neither will we lend it to a mission whose very name perpetuates something that cannot be done. Even so, we are prepared to work, of course, with the Secretary General. Since this vote will result in a drawdown, we need to ensure that it be orderly and stable, that it protects UN personnel and addresses legitimate security and humanitarian needs. And we will continue to work with my co-chair, Personal Envoy de Mistura, and each of the concerned parties to find some way to negotiate a lasting peace. Thank you, Madam President.
I thank the representative of the United States for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Bahrain.
Madam President, thank you. We express our regret that the draft resolution was not adopted despite the efforts made to reach a resolution that could contribute to a roadmap that could lead to a sustainable political solution. We thank the United States of America on its efforts in tabling the draft resolution. We stress, in this regard, the need for the content, the steps in this draft resolution that builds on resolution 2797, especially the adoption of the Moroccan initiative as a basis for the negotiations and stressing that real self-determination under Moroccan sovereignty is the most applicable solution. We welcome the development of a framework for the UN mission that keeps pace with the political developments and promotes a final political solution that is sustainable. We welcome the renaming of MINURSO with dropping the “R” to reflect that we are keeping up with the current political developments and the Moroccan initiative in order to reach a final and sustainable solution for this issue. In conclusion, we value the efforts by the Secretary General and his personal envoy, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, in addition to all diplomatic efforts made by the United States of America to promote the political process. We stress the need to translate this progress to practical steps on the ground. Thank you, Madam President.
I thank the representative of Bahrain for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of France.
Thank you, Madam President. Madam President, France strongly regrets the vote against by Russia for this resolution, which is geared towards renewal of the mandate of MINURSO. MINURSO plays a critical role for the stability in the region and to facilitate trust, which is necessary for advancement of the political process. Its abrupt closure would be exceedingly alarming in a context of resumed tensions. The draft resolution submitted by the United States was an important step forward for the advancement of the political process. The resolution 2797 adopted last year was a turning point for a lasting settlement to the conflict, and we regret the fact that the Council was unable to build upon that progress. We applaud the efforts undertaken by the Personal Envoy of the Secretary General and the United States to facilitate direct negotiations between the parties, and we reiterate our support. There is an overriding need for discussions to resume with a view to a negotiated solution, a just, sustainable, and mutually acceptable solution. Our position is well known. France – the question of Western Sahara is part of the Moroccan sovereignty, and as on the basis of the Moroccan plan, which we call for the reinitiation of discussions to arrive at a just, sustainable, and negotiated solution. Lastly, we deplore the rejection of this resolution by a member of the Council, expressing the support of the Council for the High Commissioner for Refugees for the establishment of sustained solutions for the Sahrawi refugees, fully in accordance with refugee law. It is time. The status quo is not an option. Thank you.
France for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.
Thank you, Madam President. The United Kingdom expresses immense disappointment at Russia's decision to veto this draft resolution. That decision undermines the Council's action on this file, jeopardizes the deployment of the UN mission, and risks setting back progress on the political process for the Western Sahara. We commend US leadership on this resolution and welcome work of Personal Envoy de Mistura to advance the political process. We urge Council members to approach the question of Western Sahara in the interests of accelerating progress towards a just, lasting, and mutually agreed solution that meaningfully provides for self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. We reiterate our position that Morocco’s 2007 autonomy proposal is the most credible, viable and pragmatic basis for a lasting resolution of the dispute. Thank you.
I thank the representative of the United Kingdom for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Panama.
Thank you, Madam President. We regret the fact that this Council was not able to agree on the resolution on MINUSO. Panama voted in favour. We are convinced that the document provided an opportunity to preserve the necessary conditions on the ground and to support the renewed diplomatic momentum on issues pertaining to Western Sahara. I would like to thank the United States, as the penholder, for stepping up and in their consistent belief in dialogue and the efforts that they made to make amendments to the document. Panama voted in favor of the resolution. We are convinced that the current moment offered a significant opportunity to transform the renewed diplomatic momentum into substantive political progress. After years of deadlock, the meetings that were held at the beginning of this year in Washington and Madrid provided the parties with an opportunity to exchange positions and to explore possible means to move forward, to bring or to find common ground. It was critical to preserve this momentum and to provide it with continuity through sustained political commitment and active support from the United Nations. Panama believes that the Moroccan autonomy proposal presented in 2007 is the most viable foundation for negotiations to be resumed. At the same time, A lasting solution should emerge from a genuine political process between the parties, in line with the UN Charter and international law, including the principle of self-determination. Our own history reminds us of the importance of peoples being able to decide their future. That is why we think it is critical that the process makes headway through dialogue and compromise, without trying to pre-empt the outcome of any negotiations. We believe that that possibility still exists. We welcomed the inclusion in the text of the participation of a broad diversity of Sahrawi stakeholders, including those who are located in the territory, in the Tindouf camps and the diaspora. We believe this consultation process be critical to achieve a broader understanding of the aspirations and perspectives of the Sahrawi people and how they can determine their future. This, bearing in mind that holding a referendum seemed to be an illusory prospect, almost mission impossible. That is why We believed that it was important to bear in mind other opportunities and other options that would fulfill the principle of self-determination, to leave the door open for consultations for that possibility to be achieved. The human dimension cannot remain outside political efforts. We welcomed references in the text to the UNHCR and its High Commissioner, Mr. Saleh, and we stressed the importance of meeting the needs of refugees, ensuring dignified living conditions and moving forward prospects for their future. Panama wanted to advocate renewing the mandate, extending the mandate for an additional year. While work is done on a political agreement and the current conditions persist on the ground, the presence of the United Nations will remain necessary to contribute to stability and to following up the ceasefire. Madam President, the challenge that we have before us was to turn this opportunity, this diplomatic opportunity, into a sustained process to achieve concrete results. We do hope that that possibility will continue. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Panama for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Latvia.
Thank you, Madam President. Latvia voted in favour of this resolution to extend the mandate of MINURSO, which has been a key stabilizing presence in Western Sahara for more than three decades. We regret Russia's decision to cast a veto and that the resolution was consequently rejected at a critical moment for the political process. We appreciate the efforts of the United States as penholder to advance a resolution on this long-standing conflict. We thank them for their engagement throughout the negotiations, addressing and accommodating some of the concerns of the Council members. thus leading to a more balanced text that better reflects the complexity of the conflict. Adopting this resolution would have ensured continuation of the momentum generated by resolution 2797. Members of the Security Council hold differing views on the autonomy proposal and the parameters of the future political solution, and we wish to make it clear that our vote in favor of this resolution did not constitute recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara or endorsement of the autonomy proposal as the predetermined outcome of the political process, and we reiterate our longstanding position that any solution must be just, lasting, mutually acceptable, and in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, including the right of self-determination, consistent with the approach repeatedly affirmed by the Security Council. As a country whose own history is closely linked to the exercise of self-determination, we believe that the voices and aspirations of the people of Western Sahara should remain central to the political process. Madam President, through this resolution, the UN Security Council would have outlined a way forward. to renew momentum in this political process. The current outcome undermines the process and puts at risk the continuity of the mission at a time when its presence on the ground remains essential. Thank you.
I thank the representative of Latvia for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Colombia.
Thank you, Madam President. Colombia regrets the fact that the resolution was not adopted. And it also recognizes the efforts of the United States in building consensus throughout the process. We consider the resolution contributes to the common objective of advancing towards a solution to the question of Western Sahara. In particular, we believe that the principles that were highlighted in the resolution, self-determination, but also sovereignty, are commensurate with the values and the principles of Articles 1 and 2 of the UN Charter. In that context, our country considers that Morocco's autonomy proposal was the basis really for achieving a lasting political solution. Colombia encourages the parties to continue in good faith discussions with a view to reaching a solution that contributes to the stability and development of the region. We also call attention to the situation in the Tinfouh camps, which requires, of course, renewed attention from the international community. My delegation welcomes the provisions that were in the resolution relating to the work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Thank you, Madam President.
I thank the representative of Colombia for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Liberia.
Thank you, Madam President. Liberia voted in favor of this resolution because we believe it offered the clearest and most credible pathway toward a peaceful resolution of the long-standing dispute over Western Sahara. Our vote reflected a firm conviction: The Council must help turn decades of diplomatic effort into an achievable political settlement. The passage of time cannot substitute for progress toward peace. And we had hoped our position would have been very clear. We support Morocco's autonomy proposal. We welcome the resolution's recognition that genuine autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty presents the most feasible solution to the question of Western Sahara and its identification of the proposal as the only basis for negotiation. Clarity is not the abandonment of diplomacy. It is what gives diplomacy direction. Our hope, therefore, was that that direction will be matched by serious engagement and full cooperation with the facilitators, allowing for responses on the basis of the autonomy proposal. Again, Madam President, our belief was that the resolution would have moved the parties to seize the opportunity to negotiate in good faith. Liberia was motivated to vote affirmatively because operative paragraph 8 reaffirmed the Council’s commitment to a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution in accordance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, including the principle of self-determination. Madam President, we were hopeful that today’s vote would establish a direction. Its value would then be measured by the progress that follows. Notwithstanding, for the people of Western Sahara and the region, we cannot and must not lose hope. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Liberia for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Pakistan.
Thank you, Madam President. Pakistan recognizes the efforts undertaken by the United States as the penholder to bridge gaps and accommodate various perspectives highlighted by the Council members during the negotiations. We also acknowledge the efforts of the United States in striving to achieve a political resolution to this long-standing dispute. Our abstention on this resolution is consistent with our long-held position on this important issue. We continue to believe That lasting peace in the region can only be achieved through a mutually acceptable political solution, through dialogue and consensus among the parties. Such a solution must be consistent with the principles and purposes of the UN Charter, providing for self-determination, as reflected in relevant UN resolutions. The cardinal principle of self-determination, enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and grounded in international law, must remain sacrosanct and inviolable. We also support the continuing stabilizing role of MINURSO. Any evolution in the mission’s mandate or configuration should support and be guided by progress in the political process and conditions on the ground. Pakistan has been and will continue to support all political efforts for just and lasting peace in the region. and expresses the hope that all concerned parties will engage in negotiations in good faith. We also hope that any ongoing efforts will help to genuinely reflect the aspirations of the people of Western Sahara for their future and command the confidence of all stakeholders. Durable peace, stability, and prosperity of the entire region should remain our shared objective. I thank you very much.
I thank the representative of Pakistan for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Somalia.
Thank you, Madam President. Somalia abstained in the vote of the draft resolution S/2026/868 concerning the renewal of MINUSO’s mandate. We welcome the renewed effort of the Secretary-General as personal envoy and the resumption of the direct dialogue. We also acknowledge The United States, as a penholder’s role in facilitating recent diplomatic engagement. Last year, Somalia voted in favor of the resolution 2797 of 2025. It's from our belief that the established framework under the resolution deserves sufficient time and sustained engagement. Additionally, the momentum it created, however modest, should be preserved and built upon. Our abstention on this resolution today reflected concern that some of the provisions could prejudge the outcome of the negotiations. A just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution cannot be predetermined. It must emerge through a genuine dialogue and compromise, with due regard to the interests and aspirations of the people of Western Sahara, and in accordance with the purposes and the principles of the United Nations Charter and relevant Security Council resolutions. Somalia attaches great importance to MINUSC’s role in helping to de-escalate tension, preserve stability, and maintain conditions conducive to political process. We encourage Council members to continue consultation in a constructive spirit with the aim of reaching agreement on the Mission’s mandate. In the meantime, all concerned should exercise restraint and avoid steps that could undermine stability or the prospects of the dialogue. In closing, Somalia remains committed to supporting the Secretary-General and his personal envoy, Mr. Staffan Mistura, in facilitating political process under United Nations auspices. We urge all concerned to engage in good faith. The Council must remain united in its support for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the question of Western Sahara. I thank you, Madam President.
I thank the representative of Somalia for the statement. I shall now give the floor to the representative of China.
Thank you, President. China abstained on the draft resolution just put to vote, I would like to explain China's positions as follows. Over the years, MINUSO has earnestly carried out the council mandate, playing an important role in maintaining stability on the ground, preventing escalation, and protecting civilians, thereby creating favorable conditions for advancing a political solution to the Western Sahara issue. China supports extending MINUSO's mandate for one year. Regrettably, however, the penholder proposed draft resolution did not build upon the framework of previous Council resolutions on the Western Sahara issue, did not adequately balance and address the concerns of all parties, and pressured one side to accept a predetermined negotiation outcome. The penholder did not afford Council members sufficient time for thorough consultations and force the vote despite significant differences among the parties regarding the draft. Such an approach is not conducive to the Council’s unity and cooperation and does not contribute to a political settlement of the Western Sahara issue. The Security Council bears the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The Council’s actions should help enhance mutual trust among all parties, maintain the momentum of negotiations, and create favourable conditions for ultimately reaching a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution. The extension of MINUSO’s mandate should not be used as a tool to exert political pressure. President, China’s position on the Western Sahara issue is consistent and clear. We have always maintained that a political settlement is the fundamental solution to the Western Sahara issue, that the United Nations is the primary channel, that relevant Council resolutions are an important foundation, and that dialogue and negotiations are correct approach. China supports the parties concerned in reaching through equal consultations a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution that guarantees the people of Western Sahara the right to self-determination under arrangements consistent with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. Thank you.
I thank the representative of China for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Denmark.
Thank you, Madam President. Denmark deeply regrets that it was not possible to adopt this resolution, extending the mandate of MINURSO for another 12 months. In the absence of an imminent political solution, MINURSO continues to play an essential role in maintaining stability on the ground, including support of the Personal Envoy’s mediation efforts. Denmark’s vote in favour reaffirms our continued support for the UN-led efforts to negotiate a just, lasting, a mutually acceptable political solution to the question of Western Sahara consistent with the United Nations Charter. However, a lasting solution cannot be predetermined by the Security Council. It must emerge through negotiations between the parties in accordance with the UN Charter and the right to self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. We encourage Morocco to clarify the details of its expanded autonomy proposal, including explaining what shape autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty would take and how it would guarantee the people of Western Sahara a meaningful opportunity to exercise the right to self-determination. Greater clarity on these arrangements would help building trust and provide a basis for meaningful engagement by both parties in the negotiations. I also wish to underscore that our vote in favor of the resolution presented by the United States does not constitute a recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. The territory’s final status must be determined through negotiations between the parties, in accordance with the UN Charter and principles, including the right to self-determination. Madam President, after more than 50 years, the people of Western Sahara deserve an opportunity to live in peace and dignity, with the prospect of a future in which their right to self-determination can be meaningfully realized. At this critical juncture, all parties must come together to strive for a political solution. We therefore urge all concerned not to allow political differences to undermine our collective efforts to resolve this long-standing conflict. Denmark stands ready to work constructively towards this end. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Denmark for the statement. I now give the floor to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Madam President, The Democratic Republic of the Congo voted in favour of the resolution to extend MINUSO’s mandate to preserve peace and stability in this region and to support continued political negotiations to lead to a lasting solution. For the DRC, we base this on two essential points: first of all, support of the Secretary-General, the DRC reiterates its support to the Secretary General and to his personal envoy to relaunch the political process on robust, realistic foundations, while also bearing in mind the updates of the autonomy proposal submitted by Morocco to the facilitators and all concerned parties, which has been a foundation for the substantive discussions during the three rounds of meetings, and secondly, the primacy of constructive dialogue. The DRC is convinced that only good political will of all states involved and all parties involved can lead to a lasting, mutually acceptable solution. I thank you.
The representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for the statement. I shall now give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.
Madam President,
The Russian Federation consistently advocates for the resolution of the issue of Western Sahara through political, diplomatic means on the basis of the corresponding Security Council resolutions, as well as in strict compliance with the purposes and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including the right to self-determination. Russia supports the work of the UN Mission for the Conduct of a Referendum in Western Sahara. We believe that the process for resolution is far from complete. However, the draft resolution submitted by our U.S. penholders, if it had been adopted, could have reversed the entire resolution process for Western Saharan issues. We proceed from the understanding that the final modalities for settlement need to be acceptable both to the Moroccans and the Polisario Front. The imposition of one-sided solutions without preliminary, painstaking discussions with receptivity with the other side is something which we view as leading to a dead end. We are confident that the organizers of the negotiations had opportunities to demonstrate flexibility, to attempt to approach the resolution not in a superficial way, but through frank, open, mutually respectful dialogue with both parties involved, with Morocco and the Polisario Front. The draft completely sidelines the long-standing proposal of the Sahrawi and the UN itself for a just, free, and fair solution on the basis of the principle of self-determination. We see in the text how the sponsors are attempting to link all references to this decision to the Moroccan autonomy plan. The approach proposed by the authors is an obvious departure from the historical foundation for Western Saharan settlement. It is proposed that the Council simply forget the history with referenda, the 2007 Polisario plan, which carries weight equal to the Moroccan autonomy initiative. It would appear that the trivial deletion of one letter from the title of the mission, in fact, cannot be interpreted as anything other than the betrayal of the interests of the residents of the camp and the Sahrawi who reside in other locations. I stress, we stress, the fact that the Security Council cannot automatically predetermine matters related to sovereignty. We are not entitled to remove the issue of Western Sahara from the decolonization agenda solely on the basis of the theoretical conclusions about the presence of allegedly, of the supposedly realistic plan for resolution transform this into a political humanitarian matter of one of the negotiating parties alone. The Security Council must not give a blessing to such a one-sided approach. Therefore, we were compelled to block the adoption of the draft. We believe that all parties need to view this as a life-saving veto, so to speak. The question is clear for us. If the mission were to continue to operate, then it needs to conscientiously facilitate the quest for solutions and provide for independent self-determination for the Western Saharan. The criticism from opponents of our proposed solution, something which we firmly reject. We previously stated that the option proposed was not viable. After the U.S. clearly set out their national position recognizing Western Sahara as part of the Kingdom, they undermined their role as an impartial steward for the Western Saharan file at the Security Council for several years. We have been recommending that our U.S. friends hand this over to other, less biased member of the Security Council colleagues. For us, the departure from the core tenets of resolution in Western Sahara is not a bargaining chip. We have been engaged in the process of seeking a solution for more than 50 years, and we are very well aware of the root causes of this conflict. Many years of experience have taught us that there are no hasty solutions to resolution, especially those tied to the current political landscape. We understand that in order to implement this approach, MINUSOC needs to continue to operate. Therefore, we propose a concise draft resolution for the technical extension of the mandate. We call upon all sensible members of the Council to support it. Thank you.
I shall now make a statement. I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement.
I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Greece. Greece regrets that the resolution put forward by the US could not be adopted, as we believe it would have offered an opportunity to translate renewed diplomatic engagement into tangible progress on the long-standing question of Western Sahara. We wish to reaffirm our strong support for the Secretary General and his personal envoy, Staffan de Mistura, in advancing a UN-led political process and acknowledge the role of the United States in facilitating engagement among the parties. The advancement of this process, however, requires a clear mandate for MINURSO. The continued presence and effective functioning of the mission are important in providing the necessary support and conditions for the continued engagement of the United Nations on the question of Western Sahara. and engagement with the ultimate goal to achieve a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution that provides for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. on the basis of Morocco's autonomy proposal. We therefore call on all Council members to engage constructively towards this objective, in a spirit of responsibility.
And with a view to ensuring that the mission can continue to fulfil its mandate and contribute to stability on the ground.
The priority must also be to preserve the momentum of the political process and maintain the conditions necessary for meaningful progress towards a negotiated settlement and lasting peace and stability in the region.
I thank you.
I resume my function as President of the Council. I shall now put the vote to vote to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2026/8870 submitted by the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the vote.
I give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.
Madam President, The Russian Federation, in the interest of preserving the UN presence in Western Sahara and being genuinely interested in a just and mutually acceptable solution to the protracted conflict, has been compelled to propose our alternative draft corresponding resolution. I would stress immediately that this does not contain any new or contradictory elements which contradict the initial basis, completely borrows from agreed-upon language of 2797 with the addition of references to strategic report of the UN Secretary General on Western Sahara and to the three negotiations realms. This language is something which we completely replicated from the resolution and nothing more, given the voluminous amount of and absence of political assessments, as well as a time factor, we viewed as justified not to conduct expert-level discussions. This language has already received the support, overwhelming support, from Council members last year. We trust that our document which fully is rooted in approved language on Western Sahara, can secure support of the Council and, most importantly, should be viewed as the last opportunity to extend the life of MINURSO in its initial form. We are confident that the members of the Council can place reason above emotions at this important juncture. We are genuinely seeking to preserve reliable and impartial UN oversight over the maintenance of the low-intensity nature of the conflict. We call upon all delegations who agree with the need for a UN presence, who are keen to find fair solutions to the Western Saharan conflict, to support our text. This is an opportunity to ensure continuity in the UN mission and to preserve its presence on the ground. Not disagreement with this option automatically transforms the opponents of the draft into the direct executioners of the sentence to close MINUSO. We call urgently upon parties not to make this historical error.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement.
I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. Will those in favor of the draft resolution contained in document S/2026/870, submitted by the Russian Federation, please raise their hand. Those against.
One.
Abstentions? The result of the voting is as follows: 3 votes in favour, 1 vote against, 11 abstentions. The draft resolution has not been adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements after the vote.
I give the floor to the representative of France.
Thank you, Madam President. Madam President, France abstained on this draft resolution because of the obstruction by Russia, who chose to not allow the previous resolution to move forward and to move the other resolution forward hastily. The negotiations to find a balance on the previous text were inclusive. Every member of the Council were able to engage on the US draft resolution and to propose amendments, and many of them were borne in mind. In contrast, Russia took another approach, rather to try to abstain from engagement and to use the veto. These are not methods that allow this Council to find a consensus solution. The US resolution obtained the support from 11 members of the Council. Rather than engaging in these other approaches, Russia could have engaged with the US resolution. Russia tabled a resolution very late and is therefore taking MINUSO hostage, and this is unacceptable because the mission plays a critical role in terms of stability and it requires political support. This state of affairs is therefore deeply concerning. Madam President, France intends to try to find a solution, and we are in favor of solutions that protect peace and security and reduce any risk of escalation. We need to step up and shoulder responsibility on this matter. You are aware of our position on the issue of Western Sahara. respecting the rights of the populations and maintaining international peace and security. We reiterated that position a few minutes ago. It's urgent for negotiations to resume on the basis of the Moroccan proposal to find a definitive solution to the conflict. I thank you.
I thank the representative of France for their statement. I give the floor to the representative of Somalia.
Thank you, Mr. President. Somalia voted in favor of the draft resolution proposing a technical rollover of MONUSO's mandate. We regret that the Council was unable to adopt a resolution today. At this sensitive moment, it's important that the absence of an agreed text should not diminish our shared support for a peaceful political process. Our vote reflected a straightforward position. MONUSO’s work remains important to stability on the ground and to the conditions needed for a political process. A technical rollover would have provided continuity while giving the Council and the parties more time to engage. Last year, Somalia voted in favor of resolution 2797 and believes the political process under that framework deserves sustained engagement. We welcome the renewed efforts of the Secretary-General’s personal envoy and the resumption of direct dialogue. We also acknowledge the United States’ role in facilitating recent diplomatic engagements. This moment, even modest, should be preserved. The Council’s inability to adopt a draft resolution today makes continued consultation all more important. We encourage members to work constructively towards an agreement that preserves MINURSO's ability to carry out its work and support stability on the ground. We urge all concerned to exercise restraint and engage in good faith. In closing, Somalia reaffirms its support for a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution to the question of Western Sahara, in accordance with the purposes and the principles of the United Nations Charter and relevant Security Council resolutions. Such a solution must emerge through a genuine dialogue and compromise with due regard to the interests and the aspirations of the people of the Western Sahara. We remain fully supportive of the Secretary-General and his personal envoy, Mr. de Mistura, in their efforts under the United Nations auspices. We hope the Council can find the common ground quickly and remain united in support of a peaceful, negotiated settlement to the long-standing question of the Western Sahara. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Somalia for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Latvia.
Thank you, President. Latvia abstained on the resolution submitted by the Russian Federation. Well, we support the mission to continue its mandate and recognize its key role in maintaining stability in the region, but we abstained following the obstructive rejection of the draft resolution by Russia. The resolution proposed by the United States was a result of constructive engagement among the member states. reflecting the complexity of the conflict and providing impetus for the parties to engage and work towards a solution that is just, lasting, mutually acceptable, and in accordance with the purposes and the principles of the UN Charter. Considering the outcome of both rounds today, the Security Council must explore further possible steps to take in order to ensure the continuation of the mission's mandate. We cannot afford to halt the mission's important work. The absence of UN presence on the ground would create a vacuum, risking dangerous further escalation of this conflict. And we further reiterate that the voices and aspirations of the people of Western Sahara should remain central to the political process, and it is the Council's responsibility to ensure conditions for a peaceful settlement of the question of Western Sahara. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Latvia for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Denmark.
Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, Denmark abstained on the resolution presented by the Russian Federation. Our abstention should not be interpreted as a lack of support for MINURSO or the United Nations' role in achieving a just, lasting, and mutually accepted solution to the question of Western Sahara. Rather, it reflects our conviction that simply rolling over the existing mandate for another year risks maintaining a status quo that is no longer fit for the evolving political reality. At the same time, we do not believe that this resolution was presented in good faith, but rather as an attempt to undermine the text we voted for just before. Over the past year, after years of deadlock, developments have created renewed momentum and an opportunity that we cannot afford to ignore. Circumstances have changed, and our approach must change with them. Thanks to considerable efforts by the Secretary General, his personal envoy, and the United States, there is now a new momentum around the political process, which we hope could bring the parties together. The text presented by the Russian Federation does not take this momentum into account. It is in our common interest to support this momentum in order to resolve key differences that stand in the way of a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable solution to the conflict, consistent with the UN Charter and its principles, including the principle of self-determination. Mr. President, in his report, the Secretary-General calls upon the parties to engage in negotiations to explore the possibility of a genuine autonomy for the people of Western Sahara which could represent the most feasible outcome. We believe the draft text presented by the United States today could have represented a forward-looking framework for further negotiations, heeding the Secretary-General's call. After more than 50 years, the people of Western Sahara deserve an opportunity to live in peace and dignity with the prospect of a future in which their right to self-determination can be meaningfully realized. We urge all concerned parties not just to allow political differences to undermine our collective efforts to resolve this long-standing conflict. The Security Council must seize this opportunity and demonstrate the political will to move the process forward. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Denmark for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Pakistan.
No, United States.
I'm sorry, to the representative of the United States.
Thank you, Mr. President, colleagues. Moments ago, Russia vetoed a resolution supported by 11 members of this Council that, of course, would have continued this peacekeeping mission and would have put Western Sahara on a real path towards peace. The U.S. draft was a good-faith attempt. Yes, to shift the mandate from a mission that has not delivered its original purpose in 35 years, to make this peacekeeping mission fit for purpose. And for the record, as pen holder, the United States took multiple edits and multiple rounds from a number of countries to listen to all views and concerns. concerns around the status of refugees, the principle of self-determination, and others. But we have been clear that renewing mandates year after year, for decade after decade, mandates that haven't worked or cannot work, and in this case, according to multiple Secretary Generals and heads of mission, and outside experts and strategic reviews was not something we can support. And in addition to the decades of issues around the logistics and issues of conducting a referendum, the mission's own website right now acknowledges that its referendum preparations ended more than 20 years ago. 20 years ago. In addition to that, according to its own staff, The mission spends roughly 80 percent of its time simply resupplying itself. East of the berm, ground patrols are restricted, overflight is denied. This is a mission that unfortunately became a permanent monument to something that could not work. Again, back in 2002, Secretary General Kofi Annan himself presented this council with the option of terminating it after 11 years and nearly half a billion dollars spent without resolving the conflict. That was 24 years ago, and we're still having this conversation. And meanwhile, thousands of Sarhawi refugees remain in camps near Tunduf. And according to the UN's findings, I will say this again. Two-thirds of children under five suffer from anemia. It's heartbreaking. One-third are stunted. 10% receive the minimum acceptable diet. An entire generation has grown up in these camps. We should not continue a status quo that results in an additional generation. We cannot perpetuate a mission whose very name does not reflect the reality on the ground and choose a status quo for the Sorahuis and Tindof, all while a very real opportunity for peace is on the table. So in terms of next steps, we will, of course, as a body, I believe we should work with the Secretary General. on a process that protects UN personnel and addresses legitimate security and humanitarian concerns, we will continue pressing for direct, unhindered UNHCR engagement with the refugees and practical improvements for their lives. And we will continue, and should continue, our diplomatic efforts. President Trump brought the parties back to the table, alongside the United Nations and the Secretary General's personal envoy. That work should not stop. After 50 years, the people of Western Sahara deserve more than another extension of something that, again, cannot work. We have to try something new. Thank you, Mr. President.
I thank the representative of the United States for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Pakistan.
Mr. President, as explained in our statement on the draft resolution voted earlier, let me recall Pakistan's consistent and principled position on this issue in support of a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution that provides for self-determination of the people of Western Sahara and commands the confidence of all relevant parties. We believe it is critical for this Council to send a consistent and unified message on this important issue. We hope that members of the Council will continue to work towards overcoming differences and achieving consensus. Such an approach remains central to the success of diplomatic efforts aimed at attaining the goal of lasting peace and prosperity in the region. We also hope that renewed consensus will preserve MINURSO, whose continued stabilizing presence remains crucial in this complex environment in aid of the political process. Based on these considerations, my delegation has abstained on the draft resolution. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Pakistan for their statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Bahrain.
Thank you, Mr. President. My country abstained in the vote on the draft parallel resolution on the extension of MONUSOL’s mandate because we believe that there is a need to build upon the comprehensive negotiations between the members of the Security Council on the draft resolution submitted by the penholder. There is a need to preserve the -- sustain the gains that have been made and the progress that has been achieved in order to establish a position in favor of a political process in accordance with resolution 2797. We believe that the current stage requires that momentum be maintained thanks to intensive negotiations. and to avoid duplication and to avoid parallel resolutions during negotiations insofar as this undermines efforts to achieve an understanding between the Member States and consensus. And in this regard, we reiterate our steadfast position about the Moroccan character of Sahara. We support the full sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco and the Moroccan initiative, autonomy initiative, insofar as this is a sound and credible initiative in order to arrive at a peaceful, lasting consensus-based solution to preserve stability and security in the region.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of Bahrain for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom.
Thank you, madam President. Colleagues, following the unsuccessful adoptions of both this afternoon’s draft resolutions on Western Sahara, MINURSO's mandate is on a course to expire tomorrow. In the interests of the stability of Western Sahara, of the security of the region, and the population most affected by this conflict, including generations who have been born and lived in refugee camps, we urge those who did not support the US resolution to seek to find a solution on the basis of that draft, which secured 11 positive votes and set out a vision for a political process to resolve the situation in Western Sahara. This is our shared responsibility. Thank you.
I thank the representative of the United Kingdom for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Liberia.
Thank you. Thank you, Madam President. Liberia abstained due to our earlier position that clarity is needed in the political process and in the pursuit of diplomatic solutions. We regret that the Council could not adopt a product today. However, we do need to find a solution as the mandate expires tomorrow. and deadlock does not help resolve the situation in Western Sahara nor the region. I thank you.
I thank the representative of Liberia for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation.
Madam President, we regret.
The fact that many members of the Security Council could not summon the courage to support our draft, it genuinely embodies our constructive approach for the preservation of the United Nations mission. The fact that our U.S. colleagues prevented its adoption is something which we are not at all surprised by. This was the logical culmination of the continuous, consistent policy of Washington to marginalize one of the parties to the conflict. However, the motivations of other members of the Security Council decided not to vote in favor of our document is an enigma to us. They are an enigma to us. If the mission is so necessary for stability, and as we heard today here, including from the representative of France, how is it possible to explain the fact that those delegations, including the French delegation, failed to support our draft? All of this emotional incantations, including from the French delegation about our proposing the draft too.
Late, are simply not serious.
They look simply not, they're not serious. It is far more simple. Those who took this decision bear collective responsibility for the demise of the mission in a desire to maintain certain momentum in negotiations and to find some.
Breakthroughs, you simply disregarded the basis for resolution of this conflict, namely.
A just and equitable, taking into account the position of both sides, Morocco and the Polisario Front. This was the last chance to preserve the UN presence in Western Sahara. However, unfortunately, many of those present here denied the United Nations that right.
I congratulate those who did not support the extension of the mission, who have tainted themselves with the political demise of MINUSO. Thank you.
I think the represent
political murder of.
The political murder of the mission.
I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for the statement. I now give the floor to the representative of Algeria.
Thank you, Madam President. I welcome and commend.
The Greek Presidency for the excellent.
Conduct of the work of the Security Council during this month, this particularly busy month. Thank you also for having given me the floor.
I wish to thank the Russian Federation for the presentation of the draft technical rollover for MINUSO’s mandate.
And I would also like to thank all Member States who have chosen not to associate themselves with an injustice, Such an egregious injustice, a flagrant attack on the foundations, the very foundation of our organization.
My nation, Algeria, requested to participate in this meeting, first and foremost, in our capacity as a neighboring state.
A state affected by the persistent conflict, the conflict that has lasted for more than 50 years in Western Sahara, which represents a source of tension within our region.
Also, to participate in our capacity as a host state, we are accommodating hundreds of thousands of Sahrawi refugees, a host state providing assistance protection, as these people continue to remain deprived of their right to self-determination.
And, lastly, to participate in our capacity as a United Nations member state, a state that is wedded to and respectful of international law, wedded to respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Madam President, I wish to set out my statement through six key words. First and foremost, penholder. Penholder.
To be a penholder means to shoulder serious responsibility. It is not a privilege.
This is a duty, a moral duty, first and foremost, to earn the trust of parties, to facilitate their buy-in and engagement through an attentive, impartial, and balanced approach. And I wish to put forward the following question. Have these criteria been applied in the drafting of the text before you today? I will leave you to ponder this response in your soul and conscience.
Second, self-determination.
Self-determination has consistently been a fundamental reference for the settlement of the conflict in Western Sahara. It is the most obvious, most modern, safest, and most indisputable way to achieve free exercise by a people of their choice, for their own future. Who fears democracy? Who fears the voting paper? Who is so afraid as they are seeking to confine, to restrict to undermine this inalienable right to self-determination within a status of autonomy, let us be frank, for most of you, you are aware of titles alone. Third.
Mutually acceptable political solution.
This expression is of paramount importance for the follow-up to negotiations. Any political process has a bedrock.
International law, which brings us all together around this table.
Any political process has a culmination, an agreement among all parties. Negotiations are a way forward.
They require attentive listening skills on the part of the protagonists. They require patience. They require innovation, with the aim being an acceptable solution, a solution acceptable by all, for all.
The Polisario Front, the legitimate representative of the Sahrawi people.
Has already set out its position.
The neighboring states of that territory, Algeria and Mauritania, who sincerely aspire to restore peace and peaceful coexistence within our region, participated in the political process in a transparent manner with good faith and with a great deal of hope, too. And they shared with all of you, they frankly shared with you their concerns, their reservations concerning the text that was submitted before you. Were they heard? No. Certainly, no. And this is why we are before this failure of the Security Council. The provisions of the text that was proposed, consider these negotiations as having been concluded without them having even begun. They impose a starting point. sovereignty of the occupying power as, oddly, representing the starting point, the ending point.
And this is far from representative of a balanced text.
I reiterate, negotiations need to be a painstaking.
Pain steps being undertaken in a painstaking way.
Towards peace, towards a solution, not a means of imposing any predetermined conclusion. Fourth, sovereignty.
Sovereignty is one of the binding norms of international law.
No party, no party.
Has the right to confer to an occupying power a property that they do not have de jure, and I ask.
Of you that you refer to the ICJ, the International Court of Justice, vis-à-vis this question. The Council also needs to to give thought to these matters in a comprehensive way, and to consider the consequences of an amendment to this norm, the consequences of imposing the will of the stronger upon those who are weaker. This runs counter to the reason that this Council was founded and its mandate, the maintenance of international peace and security. Fifth, the fait accompli. There is no gainsaying the fact that the document before you has no purpose other than to provide a legal sheen for a fait accompli. A fait accompli, namely, the invasion of a non-self-governing territory recognized by our organization.
And you are all aware, my dear colleagues, of the fact that this fait accompli.
Is the result of an indecent transaction, a shameful transaction, concluded to the detriment of the Palestinian people, yes, the Palestinian people, people who have suffered so much, and now the Sahrawi people are being asked to pay for their own freedom, the promised dividends as a retribution for the occupying power. Sixth, humanitarianism. the honor of our organization, its third pillar. And under the 1951 Convention, we all agreed that refugees have the right, the right to protection, to assistance, and to dignified life. Refugees are human beings. They are not merely figures. They have thousands of individual histories. They have dreams for a better life. And now, this tragedy being endured by the Sahrawi people has oddly been diluted to the concept of refugee populations, not the Sahrawi people, refugee populations. And now, this tragedy has morphed into cold statistics, a body of food-related needs, a body of budgetary needs, budgetary requirements, and the initiative that we wish to, that the High Commissioner for Refugees wishes to undertake is perilous, perilous because it is synonymous, if we fail to exercise caution, of a three-pronged sentence for the Sahrawi refugees: perpetuation of their suffering, first and foremost, in the inhospitable desert of Sahara, and a famine which is currently underway Blackmail for famine with food rations destined for people who have already been afflicted by alarming rates of malnutrition. And lastly, let us state this frankly: forced displacement, which has been proposed as the sole alternative.
As a sole lasting solution. To conclude, Madam President, my country, Algeria, who is?
Among you today, we are here because my people have exercised their right to self-determination, a right which we conquered at the price of heavy sacrifice, and we cannot remain silent, nor can we be complicit in such a blatant aberrance, deviation, and departure from the ideals of our organization, and I can assure you that we shall continue in an objective, sincere, but resolute manner to promote a just, lasting, mutually acceptable solution, a solution that guarantees the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination in accordance with the Charter and relevant United Nations resolutions. Thank you.
I thank the representative of Algeria for the statement.
In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Morocco to participate.
In this meeting.
It is so decided.
I now give the floor to the representative of Morocco.
Thank you, Madam President. Thank you for giving me the floor. I have to say that I wasn't expecting to take the floor, for a simple reason.
Quite simply, because for years, this resolution was adopted without the presence of the two parties, Morocco and Algeria. Today, this tradition has been violated, but I would like to acknowledge my brother, the Ambassador of Algeria, and I'd like to thank him for agreeing, for deciding to take the floor. because at least in that way, the Council and indeed the entire world can know who is responsible, and above all, know Algeria's pretension. Algeria that is not a party, that is not concerned, that is simply an observer, can know their position. And I would like to ask the question: Why are you giving the Security Council lectures? Why are you choosing to do this here to the Council? You're talking about international law, self-determination, the humanitarian situation, but under what right are you doing this? Because we're talking about UN rules, and just one country who is choosing to do this, to take the floor. to take a stance on this issue, to ask for Member States to vote against a resolution, to guide a debate, and to play the victim, to speak on behalf of others. I would like Madam President to respond to some of the things that my brother, the Ambassador of Algeria, said. His statement was not really an advocacy for his position, but rather it undermined the council, undermined the penholder, undermined those who decided to support the resolution in the first place. And it gave the impression that everybody who was against Algeria was clearly wrong and was clearly breaking the law in some way. Ambassador, these lessons on international law, the international community is fed up to hear them, because your statement does not have any legal consistency, legal weight behind it. And I would like to say why. You talk about international law, humanitarian law, respecting humanitarian law.
For 50.
Years, the United Nations High Commissioner has been asking for the people in the Dintir camps to be registered. But the host country refuses. to have any kind of official written registry or identification. Why? Quite simply, because there are refugees, Malian and Algerian refugees, in those camps. And I would say before this honourable council that it would be up to the High Commissioner to proceed to do this. And if there are 1 million people as a total count, then Morocco would accept that figure. But you can’t speak about the “refugees” in inverted commas and then prevent this count from being done, prevent this official registry from taking place, prevent the High Commissioner from doing their work. You talk about refugee prevention. You didn’t cite the 1951 Convention, this 1951 Convention means that as the host country, you have to allow for these kind of steps to be taken. You talk about protection. Protection doesn't fall from the sky. International protection has rules behind it. And the first rule, first and foremost, is to register and identify the people involved. It's not just for any political goal, but to say so that we can know how many people are there, how many children, how many young people, so that we can quantify the international humanitarian assistance that may be required. But even this is not done. You're depriving them from this protection. You talk about rights, the rights of refugees, the tinned of camps, ladies and gentlemen, ambassadors. are the only camps in the world where the host country does not abide by its authority and leaves its authority to a separatist group. We're not talking about sovereignty then, in this case, when the sovereignty has been relinquished voluntarily. And this leads to persons being deprived of their rights, leads to children being involved in military exercises, children then being sent into these kind of military exercises. So, Ambassador, you can't therefore claim to be defending refugees' rights and then depriving them from those very basic rights on the other hand. In addition to this, the refugees in the camps are not able to leave the camps. They don't have the right to move freely. They don't have the right to move anywhere else. They don't have the right to move to the Moroccan Sahara. But for years, decades, Morocco has been saying that everybody who wishes to do so should be able to do so with international guarantees, with support from the High Commissioner. But it's not possible. Because, quite simply, Algeria says they can only return if there is a political solution. And then on that too, they're the only host country of refugees who prevent refugees from going home, while elsewhere in the world, refugees are encouraged to go back. And then they condition that return on political terms. And then they say that, well, political solution can only be achieved through negotiations. Well, how can that be done? You want the status quo? It's already been 50 years, as you said, Ambassador. It's been 50 years of exile, suffering, deprivation, violation of human rights, no hope. You spoke about the inhumane conditions, I agree with you. So let these people go back to Morocco. Let them go home. Let them go to Spain, to Europe, or elsewhere in Africa, but don't deprive them of their basic rights. The ambassador of the United States mentioned the situation, the food situation in the camps, and he gave statistics, not US statistics, UN statistics. And those statistics are extremely concerning. They're very saddening. Ambassador, you also mentioned this situation in your statement. What is paradoxical in the camps is that humanitarian assistance is being requested, but Instead of that, weapons are handed over, and the Polisario is being militarily equipped because there's enough weapons to be provided, but apparently there's not enough food. There's not enough possibility to build houses to allow people not to suffer when it gets incredibly cold in the desert, as it does. One final remark. You made a shameful comparison, and you yourself used the word shameful, comparing this situation in the Sahara with Palestine. But at least in Morocco, there was and there still is a demonstration every week for the Palestinian people, while in Algeria, These demonstrations are banned. You come here, Ambassador, to lecture us about the suffering of the Palestinian people, and then you don't allow people back home to protest in their favor. Thank you very much, Madam. Yes, I will continue. Thank you. You can say all you like, my brother, Ambassador. I would say it was a shameful comparison between the situation in Sahara and Palestine. I would say that is shameful. Who sent humanitarian assistance? Who sent hospitals? Who is currently working to try to find a peaceful solution and negotiations? Who is bringing people together to try and find common ground? It's not those making speeches on Palestine, but those who are working. respectfully, without hidden agendas. The situation for the refugees, my brother, is that in any camp, in any situation, it's supposed to be temporary. It's supposed to allow for people to go home eventually, so that these women, children, and men can go back to their villages. That is what is supposed to happen, and that is what the negotiations want to achieve, to allow these people to go home and not to remain in camps indefinitely, and not to remain hostages to an Algerian political agenda and the hostages of an armed separatist group that has links with international terrorism. I would conclude, Madam President, by thanking the penholder, the United States, for their resolution, and I would like also to thank all countries who voted in favor of it. That is the outcome of many hours of negotiations. Morocco has made a lot of concessions within the context of that, and we.
Hope it was acceptable for everybody, and we regret that it was not able to go through.
Thank you very much.
Representative of Morocco for the statement. I will give. You would like the floor.
There's a lot to say, but I will refrain out of respect for the Security Council.
Thank you.
I thank the representative of Algeria for the statement.
There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers.
The meeting is adjourned.
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