Quatrième Commission, 4e séance plénière - Assemblée générale, 81e session
Assemblée générale
Date: 6 October 2026
Language: English
Transcript: https://transcripts.un.org/fr/ga/c4/81/4?lang=en
Transcripts available through this tool are created by using automatic speech recognition and are not official records nor official documents of the United Nations. Official records and official documents are available on the Official Document System of the United Nations.

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4th Committee · Chair [21:03]:

Ladies and gentlemen, the fourth meeting of the special political and decolonization committees called to order. Please take your seats.

Before proceeding further, I'd like to remind speakers on the need for decorum, emphasize that petitioners are given the floor to provide information to the committee. Accordingly, no flags or banners should be displayed in the conference room. Please refer Please focus on the territory under consideration and the topic under consideration. Otherwise, we'll have to give the floor to the next speaker. I urge all petitioners to respect the time limit of three minutes for their interventions and to pay attention to the light on their microphone, which will begin to flash one minute before the end of the allotted time. Speakers are reminded to speak at a reasonable speed. so that interpretation may be provided properly. I also remind speakers to submit their statements in advance to e-statements@un.org to support the work of the interpreters. As we announced at the end of yesterday's session, we will now turn to the question of New Caledonia. We shall now hear the petitioners who wish to make a statement on the question of New Caledonia. Before giving the floor to the first petitioner, may I ask petitioners to press the microphone button only when I call their name. This way, the sound engineer can give you the floor. The microphone will turn red when your microphone is activated. I give the floor to Mr. Roland Arnold Varome. Please come to the table of petitioners and take the floor.


Petitioner [23:42]:

Chair, distinguished delegates, thank you for giving us the opportunity to participate in the 81st UN General Assembly Fourth Committee meeting of Special Political and Decolonization. The important role of the Fourth Committee in advancing of the self-determination of Kanak people in New Caledonia, French Polynesia, the territory in Pacific region and around the world. Kanak in New Caledonia, the non-self-governing territory that under consideration of C24, must be given opportunity to freely decide their own future the annulable rights of the Kanak people to self-determination, and a call for peaceful and transparent process according to UN Charter and United Nations resolution. We thank you and we welcome the government, the UN member state that continue to stand with the people of the non-self-governing territory and trust territory in Pacific region, including the territories awaiting to be inscribed on United Nations list of decolonization. The study of decolonization of the Pacific region by UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues covering New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Hawaii, and West Papua. According to the study, that there are clear ground for General Assembly to support renstatement West Papua on United Nations list of decolonization. First, West Papua has satisfied the criteria set down in Resolution 1541. And second, it is on United Nations list, that the right to self-determination is articulated in the country.

Of human declaration of the right of indigenous people.

No one is left behind. Wa, wa, wa, summer greeting to you all from Pacific.


4th Committee · Chair [25:19]:

I give the floor to Indonesia. Can you stop your statement, please?


Indonesia [25:25]:

Chair. Mr. Chair, my delegation would like to make a point of order. The petitioner is being heard under the question of New Caledonia. His remarks concerning West Papua relate to a matter that is not before the committee under this agenda item and falls outside the scope of this hearing. Papua is an integral part of the Republic of Indonesia and is not among the non-self-governing territories under consideration by this committee. The opportunity accorded to a petitioner does not provide a basis to introduce matters unrelated to the territory under consideration. We therefore respectfully request you, Mr. Chair, to rule such remarks out of order and to direct the petitioner to confine his intervention to the questions of New Caledonia. Therefore, Mr. Chair, my delegation requests that the Fourth Committee disregard the statement by this petitioner and that his statement to be omitted from the official record of this meeting. I thank you, Mr. Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [26:31]:

Thank you. I give the floor to Mr. Hector Pinar.

Before he takes the floor, I want to remind speakers Don't not to refer to territories other than those which are on the agenda of the committee. You have the floor.


Petitioner [27:05]:

I'm a member of the Movement for Decolonization and Social Emancipation, and I'm here to speak on the question of Kanaky, New Caledonia, with solidarity with the Kanak people. This December marks 40 years since Kanaky, New Caledonia returned to the list of non-self-governing territories. and is still waiting for the UN to make even the most basic efforts to support its decolonization. Fiji and Papua New Guinea have called for a UN visiting mission. We support their demands and call for measurable benchmarks and a timetable. Because while we wait, the Kanak people are paying the price. Several UN mechanisms, NGOs, and even French bodies have sounded the alarm on Kanaky since 2024. The pattern is the same for almost all the peoples, friends and ministers. All the warning lights are flashing red. A few examples. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has had to intervene twice on behalf of indigenous peoples, while mercury contaminates our rivers and our drinking water contains heavy metals. United Nations experts have called on France several times over the pesticide chlordecon and access to drinking water. The questions of reparations for nuclear testing and for slavery are also on the table, and the list goes on. France knows which territories are mean and must answer for its acts and omissions. Colonial status aggravates every violation of rights and obstructs every remedy. Decolonization and self-determination are the conditions for respecting the rights of our peoples. We ask this committee to draw on all the relevant and competent bodies to ask the Secretary to compile their findings, to invite them to link their resolutions to resolutions 1514 and 2625, and to invite the General Assembly to adopt binding resolutions. We ask this committee to open the list of non-self-governing territories to peoples who ask to enter it, especially those who are taken off the list without their consent. Finally, crises are deepening across the world, even more so where peoples are colonized. My movement is committed to nonviolence and to diplomacy, but if every door stays closed and the UN's slowness is seen as deliberate, our peoples will consider leaving these diplomatic paths for the streets. Canaky has already given the world a glimpse of what follows, a colonial state that answers with brutal repression, as it has so often done, as it does even today against its own high school students. It is time for this committee and the UN to assume their responsibilities. If they do not, the peoples of the colonies will take theirs. I would like to end by paying homage to Gabriel Serville, president of the local government of Guyana, who passed away on September 30th. We have not always agreed, but we acknowledge his work for self-governance and his decision towards the end to join us in breaking question of French Ghana to the UN we also salute our Polynesian brother Le for taven who sadly passed away in New York a few days ago thank you Mr. chair.


4th Committee · Chair [29:49]:

Thank you I remind speakers please focus on the territories that are on our list I'd like to give the floor to Mr. Jean buel game


Petitioner [30:02]:

Mr. chair excellencies ladies and gentlemen The review of the situation in New Caledonia offers you an opportunity to propose decisions to the General Assembly that align with the territory's reality and call upon France to uphold the UN Charter. But it is not time to evaluate your own practices? What's at stake in the fourth decade, International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism, is well known. Yet, are you truly working toward that goal? grant procedure your internal rules and those of C24 raise questions why grant equals speaking time to colonize and the colonialists who work against the rights of peoples why do the official institutions of the indigenous peoples not have a dedicated speaking time you internal rules can run counter to the principles established by the UN and I'm not even touching upon the need for time to be allocated to examine the situation of territories that are not yet on the list fundamentally has your monitoring of the territory led to any positive change since 1986? No. Has your monitoring succeeded in averting the conflict that was foreseeable for May 2024? No. Has your monitoring been and is it currently commensurate with the systemic and systematic violations of the fundamental rights of the colonized people? No. Once again, the draft resolution you are set to submit to the General Assembly is out of touch with the reality on the ground. Merely maintaining the listing and monitoring of colonized territories year after year is not enough, not if the goal is decolonization rather than simply buying time for colonial powers to pursue their assimilation of oppressed peoples. Your monitoring has always been political; it has never been proactive or objective. Consequently, it has been indulgent. took a special rapporteur's human rights committee, the Committee Against Torture, and the CNCDA to ensure that the truth was told and that France was reminded of the legal framework for decolonization. And on 7th May, 2026, the CERD once again urged France to preserve the integrity of the decolonization process. This statement transmitted to the C4 has not even mentioned the draft resolution on New Caledonia, which focuses solely on progress made. So much for the interagency cooperation, so much for your regard for international law. Is this credible in light of the challenge of the decade? Search your consciences. But do not forget the terms of the ICJ advisory opinion on Kosovo. Do not forget the principles of declaration 2625. In violation of jus cogens gives rise to the right to remedial succession. Secession and territorial integrity cannot be invoked against colonized people. If you not rethink your practice, you will invite unilateralism. Decolonization will slip from your grasp and you will have betrayed the goals of peace and security. You must adopt a human rights-based approach to decolonization and consider the criteria set out in resolution 1541 to objectively determine inclusion and retention on the list of non-self-governing territories. We expect your follow-up, finally, to lead to the proposal of resolutions to the General Assembly that are commensurate with the territory's situation.


4th Committee · Chair [33:03]:

I thank the speaker and I give the floor to Frederic O'Gare.

La parole est à Frédéric Ouguet.

Frédéric Ouguet.


Petitioner [33:22]:

Monsieur le Président.

Chairman, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am speaking on behalf of the National Breton Transitional Council and the living Breton State on the question of Kanaky. A treaty of perpetual alliance was signed between us. Starting in 2011, the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples had denounced the marginalization of the Kanak people and the critical situation of their fundamental rights, including the continuation of colonial practices. This report had highlighted the problems in non-self-governing territories, an approach that is that shows empathy towards colonial powers is very far away from the strict application of international law. This raises questions about your practice as a great, the greatest tolerance towards accepting violation of law and international public order. Is it really, does it really look good for members of the Security Council? Shouldn't you recall, starting with France, who is a champion of Ukraine, that should also respect the rights of the Kanaky. Our people, the French like to give lessons. In Kanaky, the critical situation of fundamental rights was underlined by the Special Rapporteur, the Committee of Human Rights, Committee Against Torture, and the CRD, and CNDH domestically. However, paragraph 34 of the draft resolution, which must be conveyed to the General Assembly, and contributions to the regional seminar of the C24, quote, "in particular, certain progress in the social, economic, and political sphere and environmental sphere and refocusing of efforts, in particular, with rebalancing of electoral lists." Could you decolonize with these efforts? Could you disregard the opinions of human rights bodies of your own organization? Could you close your eyes on violations of jus cogens? Could you really rest on the good faith of a state such as France? Of course, its internal order is a republican order, but it still maintains a colonial presence. Today, peoples can no longer accept this military, financial, and psychological oppression. They are rallying. Our people will restore freedom. In New Caledonia, as in other places, the response will only be in a unilateral declaration of independence. Only then will we be able to trade with all countries and have good relations with all countries.

Freedom and the--


4th Committee · Chair [36:22]:

I thank the petitioners.

I give the floor to Naya Oetu.


Petitioner [36:30]:

Mr. chairman excellence I'm addressing you today's yesterday on behalf of those who love French New Caledonia either by birth or by sentiment it is a it In their name, I want you to take note of three truths. First of all, the result of three self-determination consultations are unambiguous, even with an unfavourable electoral body. Caledonia has chosen to remain French. The boycott of a political camp would not undermine the legitimacy of a vote. Accepting this logic would mean allowing organized abstention and then violence to be a substitute for voting. United Nations must recognize the choice of Caledonian people and draw the right consequences and strike New Caledonia from the list of non-self-governing territories. Secondly, France and the solidarity of our compatriots have allowed New Caledonia to stand tall. FLNKS and CCAT have left pillaged shops, destroyed schools, France has paid for reconstruction, even while people who have trusted the FLNKS are still suffering the consequences of riots that they organized. France is rebuilding our territory and paying for our pensions. Thirdly, The elections have spoken this year. Caledonians severely punished the radical independentist movement. 28 out of 40 seats were won by those in favor of staying in the Republic. Mr. Chairman, Excellencies, beyond this Assembly, I would like to address all those who claim to speak on this topic. Our herd is not something to be played with. To the leaders of those states where the rights of women are trampled on, where the press is, where the freedom of the press is restricted, let us manage our own affairs. We don't need your advice. Our future does not belong to you. Our vote cannot be negotiated. The destiny of New Caledonia belongs to the Caledonians. Only they can make a choice about their future. Your duty is to respect our decision and to support us on the path that we have chosen. Ladies and gentlemen, I want to remind you this path that was chosen by the Caledonians is a path to the French Republic. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [39:23]:

Thank you.

I give the floor to Joao Domingos Garcia.


Petitioner [39:33]:

Mr. Chair, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, the Council of the Catalan Republic stands in solidarity with the Kanak people and is deeply concerned by the situation in New Caledonia. It highlights the urgent need for the Fourth Committee and the C24 to adopt a more objective, law-based approach when monitoring both listed and unlisted non-self-governing territories. This case demonstrates that the committee and general assembly resolutions have not sufficiently addressed human rights violations by the administering power. Treaty bodies have adopted strong resolutions on the territory. The Assembly must now consider the implementation of the right to self-determination in a more binding manner when use-cautions violations are established to support decolonization and ensure that peoples meeting the criteria of Resolution 1541/15 are not deprived of remedial secession as a legitimate right. New Caledonia also shows that the constitutional orders of administering powers cannot be treated as guarantees of fair self-determination processes. The European Union remained indifferent while the constitutional order in a member state was instrumentalized and manipulated to serve as a bulwark against the legitimate emancipation of the peoples, a reality we unfortunately know all too well. Your role must be to uphold international law against any constitutional order that contradicts it, including when supreme courts undermine the rule of law. Since 2017, the European Union has faced two major self-determination crises within member states, including the 2024 crisis in New Caledonia. In both cases, the EU failed to ensure respect for the Charter of Fundamental Rights, rights to human dignity, personal integrity, freedom from torture and human treatment, liberty and security, freedom of expression, non-discrimination, cultural and linguistic diversity, effective remedy, and respect for international law have all been violated. This demonstrates that monitoring of non-self-governing territories must more broadly involve the European Union. Resolutions before the General Assembly should call on the EU to guarantee respect for its Charter of Fundamental Rights and international law on its territories. Several administrative powers are engaged in European integration, rendering their sovereignty hybrid. This committee cannot ignore this reality. It must require accountability from both the administering powers and the EU in cases such as New Caledonia and other colonial dependencies involving member states. This is essential for peace and security. Thank you, Mr. Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [42:30]:

I thank the petitioner and now give the floor to Jean-Luc Jean-Baptiste.


Petitioner [42:38]:

Mr. Chair, Ambassadors, and members of the Fourth Committee, representatives of member states, my name is Jean-Baptiste Diala, and I am speaking on behalf of Urgence Kanaky, a collective that's a member of AFOL and CAIES. Dimitri Kanigie was scheduled to address you, but the visa was refused to him, and he couldn't travel to the United States, even though he had made a round trip there without difficulty just a week before. This demands an explanation. It prevents a Canuck pro-independence activist from coming to testify directly before your committee. Under these circumstances, I am voicing the Evelyn Kaye's position today, conveying the message Mitri was meant to present. This statement also reflects our solidarity with Kanak prisoners and their families. Our thought are with them, with the bereaved families, and the victims of the events of 2024. Since 2021, the FLNKS have been alerting the United Nations to decisions imposed by the French state without consensus. By insisting on the third referendum in the midst of the pandemic and subsequently forcing through the change through electorate, France has opened a path of confrontation with the Kanak people. This is a departure from the achievements of Matignon, Oujino and Noumea Accords, and it triggered the events of 2024 with 13 deaths and lasting trauma. Truth must be established, responsibility must be determined, and the international community must ensure that justice is served. A formal complaint has been filed against the Prime Minister and three other ministers of the French adult government who were responsible for the decisions during that period. We reject the criminalization of pro-Independence activists, and we demand freedom and self-determination. This must never be equated with a crime. Mr. Chair, our mineral and maritime resources place Kanaky, New Caledonia, at the heart of geopolitical issues in the Pacific. But strategic interests must not take precedence over the rights and sovereignty of Pacific peoples. The issue of Matthew and Hunter Islands illustrate this. The FLNKS reaffirms its support for Vanuatu's claims to these islands. We denounce France's colonial attitude, which prioritizes its interests over the historic and customary ties uniting the people of the Pacific. Our Melanesian solidarity remains unwavering. Some argue that our country is already decolonized and that French financial Aid is sufficient to meet our people's aspirations. However, you know that economic development cannot substitute for the exercise of the rights of people to self-determination. And that is why the FLNKS reiterates its call for the dispute regarding the third referendum to be examined by the ICJ and reaffirms its determination to secure observer status at the UN. FLNKS remains committed to the spirit of dialogue that inspired the historic agreement. Our people are resilient, dignified, and determined, and they will continue to defend their rights peacefully. We call for a just...


4th Committee · Chair [45:38]:

I thank the petitioner, says the Chair.

We have heard the last petitioner on the question of New Caledonia. Francis Ascani, you have the floor.


France [46:02]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. First of all, I would like to greet the representatives of Caledonia present today. We are committed to the process of self-determination of New Caledonia, and we reiterate our confidence in the constructive role that C24 can play. Our common goal is to have a New Caledonia which is prosperous, integrated regionally, with the rights and aspirations of all Caledonians are upheld. To meet this, the French state is mobilizing itself in three areas. First of all, last June, there were provincial elections, and this allowed the election of local leaders. The elections were preceded by an adjustment of the electoral roll, which is voted upon by the parliament, and this allowed 10,000 of Caledonians to participate in these local elections for the first time. And as in each election, United Nations observers were on the ground and provided assistance to review the electoral rolls. Second, we continue the political dialogue on the future of New Caledonia, including on the issues of economic and financial recovery. This is a long-term process, and the Noumea agreements and Matignon agreements are in the right line of that. The Bougeval agreement in 2025 was a result of consultations with the government. and all of the political factions of Caledonia since 2022. The rejection of this agreement did not, um, signify the end of the process. We resumed, the French state, resumed our negotiations with the Caledonians so as to find a consensus solution to the future. And thirdly, we support the economic and social support to New Caledonia. They're still suffering from the consequences of what happened in May 2024. More than 2 billion euros over five years were voted this year to help the economic recovery of the archipelago. This can be reviewed upwards to help with economic recovery, in particular with the support of the mining sector, which is essential for the New Caledonia, and to support the public sector. Mr. Chair, our common goal is to go to the end of the goal of the Nouméa agreements and to be faithful to our commitments and respectful of the sensitivities and aspirations of all of the people in Caledonia. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [48:26]:

I thank the distinguished representative of France. I now give the floor to the representative of Vanuatu.


Vanuatu · MSG [48:36]:

Chair, Excellencies, and distinguished delegates, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, comprised of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and my own country, Vanuatu. We are joined by the Front de Liberation National Kanak et Socialiste, Evren Kees, of New Caledonia, also a member of the MSG. The MSG remains firmly committed to the principles of decolonization and self-determination as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We therefore reaffirm our solidarity with the peoples of the Pacific region, whose territories remain on the United Nations list of non-self-governing territories, in particular New Caledonia. For the MSCT, the question of nuclear is not only a matter before the United Nations, but it is also a concern of people with whom we share deep historic, cultural, traditional, and Melanesian values and ties. We welcome and thank the delegates from New Caledonia and the Pacific region who have joined this session, and also take note with interest of the statement made by the representative government of New Caledonia, and that to be made by the other New Caledonian petitioners. These updates and perspectives are important for this Committee to not just be mindful of, but rather use them to advance in a more meaningful way the self-determination and decolonization cause for New Caledonia, consistent with the aspirations of the people of the territory. For the MSG, we remain concerned with the evolving situation in New Caledonia following the tragic unrest in May 2024. The ongoing socio-economic hardships and the related challenges, including on health, education and employment, particularly faced by the indigenous Kanak people, require close attention from the United Nations and the administering power, France. Where possible, the MSG will lend support as and when needed and sought by the people of New Caledonia, particularly the Kanak people. The fragile peace Peace in New Caledonia requires tactful, sensitive and cooperative efforts from all stakeholders in New Caledonia and the administering power to uphold and further strengthen going forward. We acknowledge the continuing efforts of New Caledonia's political parties and other stakeholders to foster peaceful dialogue, rebuild mutual trust, and confidence and find a peaceful and lasting pathway towards self-determination in accordance with the will of the people of New Caledonia. We encourage these efforts. This is particularly important given the discord and major differences of the failed Boutefoua accord as New Caledonia continues to search for a self-determination pathway that is amicable to all parties concerned. The spirit of the Noumea Accord is what New Caledonia can draw the inspiration from. While we welcome the peaceful provincial election in June this year for New Caledonia, the road ahead is setting, considering the presidential election for the administering power in 2027 and what this may mean for the people of Niue and the aspirations of self-determination and decolonization.


4th Committee · Chair [51:34]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Nauru. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Papua New Guinea.


Papua New Guinea [51:44]:

Mr. Chair, my full statement has been posted to the appropriate portal. Let me congratulate you and the Bureau on your election to lead our work. As a member of the C24, Papua New Guinea associates itself with the C24 report presented by the distinguished delegation of Syria. Mr. Chair, we welcome the representatives from the non-self-governing territories, especially from the blue Pacific continent. where six of the 17 NSGTs remain. Today, approximately 2 million people in NSGTs continue to remain under the blight of colonialism. This must end. Ultimately, the self-determination of colonized peoples, espoused by the UN Charter and the relevant General Assembly resolutions, is about the inherent freedoms, rights, and human dignity. Mr. Chair, On the question of New Caledonia's self-determination, firstly, my delegation aligns with the statement made by the distinguished Permanent Representative of Vanuatu on behalf of the Melanesian Spearhead Group. Secondly, we take careful note of the statements from the petitioners. This must be adequately catered for in this Committee's work. Thirdly, Papua New Guinea reaffirms our enduring support for New Caledonia's self-determination, consistent with the UN Charter and the Declaration on Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, guided by the spirit of the Noumea Accord and the wishes of all New Caledonians. Mr. Chair, fourthly, we recognize efforts by all New Caledonians and the administering power to find a lasting political solution following the tragic circumstances of May 2024. The socio-economic situation, especially for Kanak people, remains a concern, requiring tact and sensitivity. Papua New Guinea supports peaceful dialogue and continued inclusive engagement in good faith amongst all stakeholders. The self-determination decision ultimately and solely rests with the people of New Caledonia. Mr. Chair, we reiterate the importance of ensuring the agreed UN mission to New Caledonia takes place as soon as possible and funding is needed for this visit. An independent assessment through the UN visiting mission could assist the UN to better support all concerned parties, including the administering power. Mr. Chair, before I close, the inherent freedoms, human rights, and dignity of colonized peoples and their self-determination must not be taken for granted. Decolonization remains unfinished business for the UN. No nation is so small that its people should be trodden down when decisions affecting humanity are made vis-a-vis self-determination and decolonization. We must protect each other. And I thank you very much, Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [54:42]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Papua New Guinea. I see no further requests for the floor. We will now turn to the question of Saint Helena. And we will now listen to a petitioner. He did not pick up his pass. I will call on him. Just to ensure he is not in the room, I invite Mr. Frank Kanukano to take a seat at the petitioner's table and to take the floor. petitioner is not there. We will move on to the question of Turks and Caicos. I invite Mr. Benjamin Roberts to take a seat at the petitioner's table and to take the floor.

Please press the microphone button.


Petitioner [55:52]:

Good day, Chair and committee members. This division of the larger body of the United Nations exemplifies certainly just how imperialism has manifested itself in how the non-self-governing territories are treated each year. The petitioners are given minimum of a minute in which they are expected to give their reports on an issue as critical and momentous as being the captives of colonial bondage. This seems to be the culture here at the UN. Committee members and administering states are given unlimited time to give statements regarding the status of the non-self-governing territories they have interest in. This Committee was formed to give the non-self-governing territories a platform to address the bad faith terrorism that is colonialism. The Committee will find that nothing has changed for the better in the past 10 years of reporting and petitioning. the regression, regressive deterioration of non-self-governed, non-sustainable economy, the catastrophic decline of our hospitals and healthcare system, the dire regression of infrastructure and utility systems, the lamentable deteriorating of our education system, theft of funds in multiple agencies and departments within the local government, all with the oversight of the colonizing state. Deliberately misleading, misinforming, and manipulating the process of self-determination to keep the people in the colony in ignorance, sabotaging the process with civic groups, special interest individuals, companies, and agencies of the local government, as well as agencies of the United States, the colonizing state, all external influences. We are a colony of the United States, a state that rejects the United Nations' democratic mandates on eradicating colonialisms with Resolutions 1514 and all accompanying resolutions, the resolution of the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity, and the resolution to correct the world map. We formally challenge the plenary powers exercised by the United States, asserting that the people of the Virgin Islands have already expressed our lawful universal right in our constitution in 2009. Our constitution was created by elected delegates representing the will of the people of the Virgin Islands, as opposed to the people in the Virgin Islands. We ask the C-24 to consider the petitioners who, for 66 years, have not seen the status change because the method used to dispatch a visiting mission has not changed with agency in which the process can be adequately monitored.

This will allow...


4th Committee · Chair [58:56]:

I thank the petitioner.

Ladies and gentlemen, we're.

Now moving on to the question of the United States Virgin Islands. We shall hear the petitioners who wish to make a statement on the question. Before giving the floor to the first petitioner, may I ask petitioners to press the microphone button only when I call their name. This way, the sound engineer can give you the floor. The microphone will then turn red, and this means that your microphone is activated. I invite Mr. Krissovotl to take the floor. May I ask the petitioner who had pressed on the microphone to turn it off? Mr. Christopher, you have the floor.

Christopher, you have the floor. Christopher, yes, please. You have to press your mic.


Petitioner [1:00:38]:

Good day, Chair and committee members. This division of the larger body of the United Nations exemplifies subtly just how imperialism has manifested itself in how the non-self-governing territories are treated each year. The petitioners are given minimum of minutes in which they are expected to give their reports on an issue as critical and momentous as being the captives of colonial *******. This seems to be the culture here at the UN. Committee members and administering States are given unlimited time to give statements regarding the status of the non-self-governing territories they have interest in. The Committee was formed to give the non-self-governing territories a platform to address the bad faith terrorism that is colonialism. The Committee will find that nothing has changed for the better in the past 10 years of reporting and petitioning. a regressive deterioration of the non-sustainable economy, the catastrophic decline of our hospitals and healthcare system, the dire regression of the infrastructure and utility systems, the lamentable deteriorating of our education system, theft of funds in multiple agencies and departments within the local government, all with the oversight of the colonizing state. deliberately misleading, misinforming, and manipulating the process of self-determination to keep the people in the colony in ignorance, sabotaging the process with civic groups, special interest individuals, companies, and agencies of the local government, as well as agencies of the United States, the colonizing state, all external influences. We are a colony of the United States, a state that rejected the United Nations democratic mandates on eradicating colonialism with resolution 1514 and all accompanying resolutions, the resolution of the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as being the gravest crime against humanity, and the resolution to correct the world map. We formally challenge the plenary powers exercised by the United States, asserting that the people of the Virgin Islands have already expressed our lawful universal right in our Constitution in 2009 our Constitution was created by elected delegates representing the will of the people of the Virgin Islands as well as opposed to the people in the Virgin Islands we asked the c-24 to consider the petitioners for the sick for who for 66 years have not seen the status change because a method used to dispatch a visiting mission has not changed within the process and that can be adequately monitored. This will allow for the process and remedies, resolution 1514, all the company resolution to be remedied by the end of this decade and not be ongoing for another 66 years. In good faith, au revoir.


4th Committee · Chair [1:03:56]:

I now give the floor to Judith Bourne.


Petitioner [1:04:02]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair, for this opportunity. Decolonization of the U.S. Virgin Islands will not move forward effectively without a change in the activities of those to whom the implementation has been delegated. To effectuate this, I urge the implementation of the Plan of Implementation of the Decolonization Mandate 2006/2007 found in the UN document A/60/815. 853 semicolon e stroke 2006 stroke 75 in 1982 in the only referendum the US Virgin Islands on self-determination in which a majority of the registered voters actually cast a ballot the people decided that determining a choice of ultimate political status should be a precondition to adopting a local constitution although there have been two referenda held to make this choice neither have garnered the participation of the 50% plus one registered voters needed for the vote to be deemed valid under territorial law further neither referendum accurately reflected the choices available under GA resolution 15 41 15 despite this during the same period an additional Constitutional Convention was held in the US VI the document that it produced was not approved by the Congress of the administering power for submission to the people of the territory for ratification. A sixth constitutional convention is currently ongoing. Like all of the constitution-making activities authorized by the administering power in the territory, it is legally restricted to crafting a document that is compatible with the current status of the USVI as a non-self-governing territory and which does not contravene any aspect of the administering power's control over its governance. While the effort to develop and enact a basic law of governance that is native to the territory is not inherently detrimental, in this context, it poses at least two significant and related dangers. First, whether due to topic fatigue, lack of knowledge and understanding, or deliberate obfuscation, a tendency has emerged to equate the adoption local constitution with an act of self-determination. This association was explicitly affirmed by a member of a panel of supposed experts in 2024 at a public forum discussing the initiation of the current constitutional convention. Second, it diverts public attention and political energy from the decolonization goal of self-determination. The space for focus


4th Committee · Chair [1:07:06]:

Should I read for the petition?

I think the petitioner.


Speaker 31 [1:07:38]:

Just.


4th Committee · Chair [1:08:14]:

Mr. Benjamin Roberts. Mr. Russell Christopher. Just like to make sure that you spoke twice. Did you spoke twice?


Speaker 33 [1:08:49]:

Yes,


4th Committee · Chair [1:08:50]:

because you are supposed to speak on US Virgin Islands. So your second intervention will be dismissed.

We have heard the last petitioner on the question of the United States Virgin Islands. We now are moving on to the question of Western Sahara. Before giving the floor to petitioners, may I ask them to only wait until they call them out before they press on the microphone button. This way, the sound engineer can give you the floor and the microphone will turn red, which will mean that your microphone is activated.

Given the

large number of petitioners to be heard by the committee. I'll give the floor to Sidi Mohamed Omar.


Petitioner [1:10:30]:

Thank you, Chair, distinguished representatives of member states. I am pleased to address again the Fourth Committee on behalf of the Frente Polisario, the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Western Sahara, in accordance with relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Today, the Fourth Committee convenes again to address the question of Western Sahara, which has been on the agenda of the United Nations since 1963. And as you all know, the decolonization process of Western Sahara the last colony in Africa, remains incomplete due to the continued Moroccan illegal occupation of the territory since 1975. The General Assembly deeply deplored this occupation in its resolution 34/37 of 1979 and 35/19 of 1980, among other resolutions. Distinguished representatives, member states, The international status of Western Sahara as a decolonization issue is abundantly clear, and the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination is inalienable and non-negotiable. Therefore, the fundamental question today before the UN member states comes down to this. Will you allow the rule of might makes right to prevail, thereby allowing

Morocco's occupation of Western Sahara to continue with impunity, or

Will you decisively uphold the international principles of the international order, which strictly prohibit the acquisition of territory by force and guarantee the right of colonized people to self-determination? The doctrine of might makes right can never be an option. Had the logic prevailed, many nations presented in this hall today would still languish under colonial domination and foreign occupation. The only option, therefore, is to enable the Saharawi people to exercise freely and democratically their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. Our people have made tremendous sacrifices for achieving a just and lasting peace. Today, their message to you is very clear. We will never, never give up our inalienable rights and we will continue to defend our national aspirations for freedom and independence by all legitimate means. I repeat, we will never, never give up our inalienable rights, and we will continue to defend our national aspiration for freedom and independence by all legitimate means. And I thank you for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [1:13:23]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Jose Israel Herrera.


Petitioner [1:13:34]:

the singhados member distinguished members of the committee resolution 27 97 of the Security Council opened a new stage by putting the Moroccan initiative of 2007 as a basis for negotiation for a definitive political solution the issue is not if the plan is viable but how to make it a reality and the UN and international experience offer important lessons, experience in self-government. Over 20 years I've been working on indigenous rights and processes of self-government in Latin America and other regions. from the southwestern part of Mexico to Western Sahara, although different contexts, we find common challenges, energy, development, justice, coexistence after a conflict. These are processes that we've already experienced from which we can draw concrete lessons. This is why I suggest four strategies to convert autonomy into institutions and reconciliation. First of all, establish a transition panel led by the United Nations with the participation of the people of Sahara with international experts with a roadmap and verification mechanism. Secondly, situate the victims at the heart of this process through a dignified and voluntary return. They've been living for decades in the Tindouf camps, and they deserve a life with security, rights, and opportunities in their Moroccan homeland. Thirdly, advance from armed conflict to political participation through the end of recruitment and a verifiable process of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration. Peace does not demand that differences disappear. What it requires is for weapons to stop being the instrument to defend them. Fourthly, convert autonomy into effective self-government with specific authority, resources, and capabilities to manage energy, water, housing, and development. Morocco has already established the basis and a new model of development. In conclusion, I would like to express the conviction resolution 2797 charts a path. Autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty offers a realistic path towards a stable and lasting peace. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:16:17]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Mohamed Ali Arkuku.


Petitioner [1:16:23]:

Mr. Chair, thank you for giving me the opportunity to address your committee. We have the microphone. Ladies and gentlemen, my name is Mohammed Ali Arkoku, and I am representing the Sahrawi Association in the United States of America. Looking back over the last 50 years, I would like to highlight three examples to demonstrate that for Morocco, Western Sahara has been nothing more than political instrument used for different purposes and different times. In the 1970s, after two attempted military coup against the Moroccan monarchy, Morocco invaded Western Sahara. The occupation of Western Sahara allowed Morocco to keep a large part of its military occupied and deployed away from the country internal political affairs. Two, in the 1980s, Morocco imposed severe austerity measures dictated by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. is measured triggered significant social unrest and protest. Once again, to silence the opposition and put down the protest, Morocco invoked the issue of Western Sahara and called for what he described as quote unquote, "social peace." The Western Sahara was again used as a tool to mobilize people around the regime and to suppress internal opposition. Fast forward for today. in its effort to legitimize the normalization of its relationship with the Zionist.


4th Committee · Chair [1:18:04]:

Excuse me, there's a point of order.

I apologize, there's a point of order.

By Morocco, you have the floor, Morocco.


Morocco [1:18:12]:

Mr. Chair, again, and I'm sure that you said it in the beginning that the speakers are required to return to the points on the agenda. and not to call on member states by any nominations aside from their official naming. The speaker now is using two or three names that are red lines in this committee. This is the Kingdom of Morocco. Of course, the Sahara is Moroccan and will always stay Moroccan. However, the petitioner, while is having the right to petition here, is confusing this privilege of addressing the committee with a license to insult member states and their monarchy and the constitutional institutions this is not just to to block him from the right to petition, but petitioning is not by any chance, does not mean by any chance insulting a member states. I remember that last year, the same petitioner had a remarkable remark concerning this specific committee and calling on the authority of United Nations to pack their stuff and leave. So this same United Nations that is giving him the opportunity to speak should be respected and the member states should be fully called on by their official names so again with your permission Mr. Chair I kindly ask you to call on all petitioners to strict to the matter under consideration and to call on member states by their official naming which is the Kingdom of Morocco in this case and to refrain from using this podium to send insults to their integrity. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:20:12]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Morocco.

Thank you, Maroko. Mr. Kuku, I will just have to remind you that you need to respect the rules in the room. You have one minute, 34 seconds remaining. You have the floor.


Petitioner [1:21:06]:

I'm going to use this last minute just to highlight something here. We cannot allow these things to happen over and over again. We're here, as I said multiple times, to express our views and to address your committee. You cannot abuse because you are a state member and we have nobody to defend us. And all of you sitting here, you have clearly noticed that this has been over and over when it comes to issue Western Sahara. And Mr. Chair, I would like you to really-- Morocco, I would.


4th Committee · Chair [1:21:38]:

Like him to-- He's speaking to the chair, Morocco. He's speaking to me. Go ahead.


Petitioner [1:21:51]:

I have more than 80 petitioners Sahrawi will be speaking here and will be again and again interrupted I would like you Mr. chair and every delegate in this room to do whatever to let us speak we're here in our own money our own time to highlight Western Sahara is a territory colonized otherwise we wouldn't be here in this room it is not if you want to call it something call it whatever you want to call it but we are here in the fourth committee in regard of the question of Western Sahara, which is a territory that's not, that need to finish the process of decolonization. If you have an opinion, you could exercise it. It's your opinion. It's your opinion, call it whatever you want to call. But the fact of the matter is, you are colonizing a territory, you are abusing human rights, you are doing whatever it takes to kill us. But we are not, we're here, and I will be here. And thank you, Mr. Chair, and everybody for listening to us.


4th Committee · Chair [1:22:54]:

I thank you, Mr. Kiku.

Now I would like to give the floor to Morocco and then to petitioners who have the right to take the floor by abiding the rules for this meeting in this room. I'll give the floor to the distinguished representative of Morocco.


Morocco [1:23:16]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Actually, we're not abusers. Some of the petitioners are abusing this very open podium to call on names on member states. So I interrupted the petitioner just when they used two or three, and I have them here because I'm not going to repeat them because they are not respectful of the quorum. And second, we are not abusers because we are called in the second time when they took the floor that we are abusing them. We are here seated, and frankly, speaking, Mr. Chair, the committee deserves better. So we ask on all the petitioners, if they do not want to be interrupted, just to respect the member states and to respect the decorum governing these proceedings in the Fourth Committee.


4th Committee · Chair [1:24:04]:

I thank you. I thank you.

I now give the floor to Vanessa Ramos.


Petitioner [1:24:15]:

Distinguished delegates, Western Sahara is a case of decolonization and occupation. The Sahrawi people have the inalienable right to free determination and independence in conformity with Resolution 1514, Roman 15. It does not have an administrative function because Spain continues to be de jure at administrative power and maintains a position incompatible with resolution 1514, Roman 15. Any proposal of a nationality law by Spain has to maintain distinction between individual rights of Sahrawis and the right of the Sahrawi people to independent self-determination. Proposed citizenship does not put an end to the status of Western Sahara as a case of colonization. Western Sahara is not part of the Kingdom of Morocco, does not have the right to develop its natural resources without the consent of the Sahrawi people, which is expressed through its legitimate and unique representative, the Polisario Front. We expressed our concern regarding the situation of Sahrawi political prisoners. from the Dame El-Sik group that is doing a hunger strike. There have been 16 years of arbitrary detention in violation of the resolutions of the Committee on the Prevention of Torture. We request that the International Committee on the Red Cross have access to the territory for their humanitarian mission of the protection of civilian populations and to visit the prisons. We demand the Security Council that it rejects any resolution on Western Sahara that does not explicitly include the option of independence. We hope that the UN implements resolutions on the implementation of a self-determination referendum. We reiterate to the High Commissioner for Human Rights to send an observation mission and to the Human Rights Council to establish a mandate for a special rapporteur on the human rights in the territory and to the Special Committee on colonization to organize a visit to the territory. We oppose the position of the government of the United States to recognize sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco over Western Sahara. We request the Security Council to expand the mandate of MINURSO to include protection of human rights. Thus, we will achieve decolonization, peace, and development of the region. The fight of the Sahrawi people is not separate from those of the people of Puerto Rico and the Palestinian people. From Puerto Rico, we salute the Sahrawi people.


4th Committee · Chair [1:27:00]:

Thank you.

Thank you.

I give the floor to Jose Leonard Botero Martinez.


Colombia · Coordinator of the delegation [1:27:08]:

Mr. Chairman. I am a coordinator of the delegation of Colombia in this committee. It's been half a century that Morocco has been occupying Western Sahara and it continues to be a non-self-governing territory for the United Nations. This is a clear case of decolonization that has not been concluded. In 1991, as part of the solution plan proposed by Morocco, MINURSO was established to organize a referendum for self-determination. To date, this referendum has not yet been held. The idea is to present a Moroccan autonomy is the only solution. However, resolution 2797, although it took it as a negotiating foundation, does not consider it as the only solution. It reaffirms the right to free determination and requests a mutually acceptable solution. Resolution 1514 determines that all peoples have the right to free determination. And resolution 1541 requires that any integration is a result of a free determination by the people. Autonomy cannot be imposed. It could only be legitimate if the Sahrawi people elects it through a referendum that includes the option of independence. The General Assembly in Resolution 3437 recognized the Polisario Front as the representative of the peoples of Western Sahara. And so a just and definitive solution should be negotiated with the Polisario Front. The Sahrawi people have a distinct identity that is clearly different from the Moroccan identity. expressed through its language, culture, and customs. This is why we request this Committee the following: First of all, to reaffirm that decolonization of Western Sahara will only be completed through a referendum of self-determination that includes the option of independence. Secondly, urge the Security Council to renew the mandate of MINURSO on 31 October, and to establish a clear and binding date for this referendum; thirdly, to demand the end of the development of natural resources without the consent of the Sahrawi people, as mentioned by the legal advisor of the UN in 2002 and the European Court of Justice in 2024. Mr. Chairman, the world cannot allow that half a century of occupation.


4th Committee · Chair [1:30:10]:

I thank the petitioner. Je donne la parole à Monsieur le Président.


Petitioner [1:30:42]:

of support to the Sahrawi people, so as to draw your attention to a crisis which cannot be considered as a secondary or a simple consequence of a long conflict. In the camp of Sahrawi refugees near the Tindouf, entire generations have been living for decades, depending on international assistance. And this assistance is going down. The reduction of funding leads to the diminution of food programs, nutritional programs, et cetera. It impacts children, mothers, nursing mothers, the elderly, the most vulnerable. In the camps, the lowering of the aid does not simply mean that there are fewer resources, there are fewer meals. Food is less diversified, and there is child malnutrition. crisis does not become less urgent because it's long-lasting. To the contrary, the length it takes the international community to respond makes it all the more terrible. The Sahrawi population should not become a victim of donor fatigue or competition among crises. We call, therefore, on the States to ensure sufficient funding to maintain food rations, strengthen nutritional programs, and access to water and basic services. Humanitarian assistance should not be there to administer indefinitely the consequences of a conflict that the international community cannot resolve. Mr. Chair, this humanitarian situation cannot be dissociated from the political situation in occupied Western Sahara. The Sahrawi defenders continue being intimidated and persecuted. The access for international independent observers is severely impeded. MINURSO was created to organize a referendum on Western Sahara. The mandate It was extended until 31st of October 2026, and it plays an important role in keeping this ceasefire and as observers. But the mandate does not contain a specific and independent mechanism on monitoring human rights. And this is a lacuna that can no longer be ignored. There cannot be an international mission without any effective capacity to document violations and protect the victims. We therefore ask for the strengthening of the mandate and capacity of the UN presence there. and ensuring there is free access to the entire territory and the refugee camps. We're also asking for the protection of the Sahrawi defenders, the opening of independent investigations on the allegations of torture, forced disappearance, and arbitrary detention, and the respect of the rights of people to self-determination. The international community cannot ignore the political causes of this. It cannot be talking about peace whilst we're impeding monitoring of human rights. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:33:30]:

I thank you. I now give the floor to Amelia Pecoretti.


Petitioner [1:33:38]:

Honourable Chair, distinguished representatives of the Member States, I am Amelia Pecoretti and I am honoured to appear before this Committee on behalf of our association, in solidarity with the Sahrawi people, to present documented violations of international law and highlight their crucial role in the assessment of the Moroccan autonomy proposal for Western Sahara. Focusing exclusively on the official decision of the UN Committee against Torture and UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, it was established that the Kingdom of Morocco subjected Sahrawi individuals to arbitrary arrest and detention, grave fair trial violation, torture, ill treatment, and coerced confessions. It also failed to investigate allegations of torture promptly and impartially, and to provide redress. These organs concluded that the recurring failures, rather than isolated procedural anomalies, revealed a structural problem, evidence of a broader pattern of excessive force, arbitrary detention, ill treatment, and reprisals against dissenting voices in Morocco, specifically, but not exclusively, against Sahrawi individuals advocating for their people's self-determination. This finding demonstrates fundamental human rights and jus cogens norms violations namely the absolute prohibition of torture. These violations, inherently intertwined with the expression of political opinion, are substantially connected with the assessment of the Moroccan autonomy proposal. Indeed, without effective safeguards, administrative restructuring cannot cure violations of peremptory and human rights norms, while merely placing a new label over the described system. Dissolution, if imposed without the Sahrawi people's free and genuine choice, would violate their external right to self-determination, also of pre-emptory status, recognized for decades by international law bodies to Western Sahara in its decolonization process. It would also provide for a crystallization of an unresolved system of abuse and heightened risk towards Sahrawis, possibly exposing them to further violations and possibly leading to the escalation of conflict. Since the passage of time cannot transform an imposed reality into a legal fact, since genuine self-determination requires the free and uncoerced expression of the popular will, since lasting peace cannot be built at the expense of fundamental rights, we therefore respectively call upon this committee to ensure that all final options, including full independence, may be freely and peacefully advocated in accordance with international law, while giving due consideration to the pattern of violations and to the effective safeguards required to prevent the recurrence. Thank you for your attention and for the opportunity.


4th Committee · Chair [1:36:22]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Fabio Vincenzo Salvia.


Petitioner [1:36:33]:

Mr. Chair, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. On behalf of UKOCO, I speak to you where we want to reaffirm the essential conviction, namely that international law cannot have a double standard. The United Nations Charter should guide our work, especially when the force relationship makes it difficult. Western Sahara remains listed by UN as a non-self-governing territory. Decolonization cannot be replaced by normalization of the military occupation by the Kingdom of Morocco or by a solution which does not respect the right to self-determination. This also applies to human rights. The Sahrawi advocates and political prisoners should be able to exercise their rights without repression. And the UN needs to guarantee access to the territory and independent information on alleged violations. This is why the renewal of the MINURSO mandate is indispensable. For as long as the political process has not been completed, U.N. must keep this tool. Reducing or changing the mandate to weaken its role will be at the detriment of the right of the people and could lead to a new escalation of conflict. We therefore call on the Fourth Committee to keep MINURSO fully operational, to strengthen its mandate through a mechanism to monitor human rights. This is a question of coherence and credibility for the multilateral system. We also need to face the demographic transformation that's taking place in Western Sahara. For decades, the politics of populating and placing facilities progresses, and in a militarily occupied territory, this gives rise to basic questions as regards decolonization and international humanitarian law. Article 49.6 of the Fourth Geneva Convention forbids an occupying power to transfer a part of its population to occupied territory. This policy needs to be independently reviewed. We ask the General as a family to reaffirm that the international status of Western Sahara cannot be unilaterally modified, that its natural resources have to be used with respect to the rights of the Sahrawi people. rehabilitating international law, which means defending decolonization, preserving the role played by the UN, and enabling the Sahrawi people to finally exercise the right to self-determination. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:39:17]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Javier Fernandez Arribas.


Petitioner [1:39:26]:

Mr. Chairman, as you know, my country, Spain, supports the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty. This is based on an in-depth knowledge of history and the reality of the Sahara region. Spain that knows this region better than others, the autonomy initiative under Moroccan sovereignty is the most serious and credible framework to achieve a definitive solution to this artificial conflict. Since this was announced four years ago, international support for the Moroccan status of Sahara has been bolstered by Resolution 2797 of the Security Council, which implies a true turning point in the international approach to this regional conflict. This resolution, Mr. Chairman, not only has enshrined irrevocably the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty as the only basis but also strengthens the position of two-thirds of UN member states which support this autonomy. This evolution therefore confirms that the support of the international community for the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty does not respond to short-term interests or short-term calculations, but rather is based on the realism and credibility and seriousness of this proposal as the only basis to resolve this conflict. This dynamic extends beyond the European continent. Colombia and Mali are the latest states that have withdrawn its recognition of the separatist group. the face of these developments, this committee cannot avoid asking the question: how much longer will some actors will continue to deny reality that more and more states around the world are recognizing? How much longer will they be able to affirm an interpretation of events that the facts and the demands of regional stability make increasingly unsustainable? It's unfortunate that the country that hosts the Polisario Front continues to to wage a losing war, even though this host country is organizing an aggressive campaign against Morocco. once again Spain is ready to put behind us this artificial conflict so it's time for the fourth committee to take fully into account this reality and support the determination transformations in the region is also time for the separatist group and its host country once again abandon this position that does not benefit the interests of the people that they seek to represent or even less future generations the time has come to act with lucidity to overcome the positions of the past and evaluate the human and political cost of perpetuating this artificial conflict. Thank.


4th Committee · Chair [1:42:23]:

You.

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Julia Contes.


Co-Chair [1:42:30]:

Mr.

Chair, distinguished members of the Fourth Committee, I take the floor today as a co-chair of the National Action Coordination for Peace and Democracy. which is in Belgium, to recall a legal reality which should be completely unambiguous. The issue of Western Sahara remains an issue of decolonization, and the Sahrawi people remain the rights holders to self-determination and his consultative advisory in October 7 1975 the International Court of Justice concluded that the information submitted to it show no link of territorial sovereignty between Western Sahara and the Kingdom of Morocco the court decided that the legal links that they identified were not an impediment to the implementation of self-determination through free expression of the people. 50 years down the road, this principle should be our starting point: that self-determination belongs to the people in question and cannot be replaced by the geopolitical or economic preferences of some states. If autonomy can be one of the modalities envisaged within the process of self-determination, it cannot be presented as the only possible outcome before even the people in question have freely expressed themselves. This is exactly the kind of problem that the principle of self-determination is there to avoid, namely defining the outcome before having heard the rights holder out. On the issue of the rights holder, here I would like to recall the distinction between the population which is present on the territory and the people who have the right to self-determination. These are different, and this was recalled the European Union Court of Justice in its decree on the 4th of October 2024. Through this petition, we would like to today put forth several requests to the committee. First, that the Fourth Committee reaffirms without ambiguity that the issue of Western Sahara remains a decolonization issue, and the settlement is to respect the rights of Sahrawi people to self-determination. Second, to defend and maintain the presence and the mandate of MINURSO until the solution in line with the right to self-determination so as to ensure that there is lasting and just peace. Third, to clearly recall that the most recent resolution of Security Council does not vacate the principle of self-determination. Mr. Chair, members of the Fourth Committee, for as long as the right of the people of Sahrawi to self-determination has not been effectively exercised, the responsibility of the United Nations in the process of decolonization of Western Sahara cannot be considered as accomplished. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:45:24]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Federica Pecci.


Italy · Deputy Mayor [1:45:30]:

Distinguished members of the Fourth Committee, I am the Deputy Mayor of Campi Bisenzio, Italy, and I represent the 127 Italian municipalities that welcome the young ambassadors of peace of the Sahrawi people, who have been coming to Italy since 1982. Since 1975 until today, Sahrawi people, composed of members of diaspora, people living in refugee camps and in occupied territories, have been waiting for their right of self-determination to be applied by the mean of a referendum that never happened. The Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic and Polisario entertain important and constant relationships with our municipalities that go beyond humanitarian assistance. Welcoming Sahrawi children into our communities is not only a way of supporting them. It is a strong political expression of solidarity. Every year, more than 100 children come to our cities as a symbol of friendship between Italian municipalities and Sahrawi people. They grew up in Tindouf refugee camps, hosted by Algeria, where the situation is increasingly critical due to the multilateral crisis and the decrease of humanitarian aid. However, Sahrawi people continue to resist, with the significant role of women. After the construction of the 2,700 kilometer long wall and the 1991 ceasefire, the Polisario Front has chose peace and diplomacy instead of weapons. The Sahrawis have been waiting for an answer from the international community, from us. They remind us that diplomacy, brotherhood, trust, and education can and must be the tool through which conflicts are resolved. And now we call upon this committee as United Nation to do what it was promised, a referendum for the self-determination. One of the reason why so many Italian municipalities stand in solidarity with the Serrawick cause is the sharing of two fundamental values, social justice and freedom. My municipality has been twinned with Bir Lehlou, a district in the refugee camps, since 1993. I was not even born yet, and I cannot accept the idea that a person my age could never have the possibility of living in peace in their own land. We cannot accept that Sahrawi people never had the right to determine their own future and to decide for themselves what they want to be. They are Sahrawis, and their land is Western Sahara. Institutional relations matter because they prove that the Sahrawi people is not alone and their cause is not forgotten. Thank you for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [1:48:21]:

I thank the petitioner and give the floor to Maya Mint.


Petitioner [1:48:33]:

Your Lordship, my name is Maya Mint Hamadi, I come from Spain, precisely from the Canary Islands.

Hoy vuelvo a tomar la palabra ante esta Comisión con un sentimiento que va más allá de lo político.

Para muchos de nosotros, el Sáhara Occidental no es solamente cuestión que aparece en una agenda de las Naciones Unidas.

Es nuestra historia, es nuestra identidad y también parte de nuestra familia.


Morocco [1:49:03]:

That was just a point of order to ask for the interpretation. Not to interrupt any speaker now, I guess I was listening to English, but though I totally am fine with Spanish, but I want that the message be translated in the six official languages. Can we just make a test with English?


4th Committee · Chair [1:49:29]:

I give the floor to the speaker. Hopefully the interpretation will work.


Petitioner [1:49:41]:

I have it. I have this, the statement in Spanish. May I continue?


4th Committee · Chair [1:49:46]:

Yes, please speak the language you wish. It's working now.


Petitioner [1:49:49]:

Thank you very much. Our history, our identity, and also part of our family. After so many years, we continue coming to this room with the same hope that one day we can speak of our future. without anyone speaking on our behalf. My ancestors fought for this land, this land marked by displacement, by decades of waiting. This is why when we speak of the Sahrawi people, we also speak of people who have spent their entire lives waiting to decide what they want for their future. The international community and the United Nations have a fundamental responsibility. that guarantee the principles of the Charter, human rights, and the rights of people to decide on their future, that they should be upheld. The Western Sahara continues to be on the agenda of decolonization of the United Nations. The issue of the free determination continues to be central in the political process. Ladies and gentlemen, we have spent too much time waiting for a solution. And when an issue remains decades without being unresolved, its consequences stop being simply political, they affect entire generations. This is why we consider it fundamental that any solution be peaceful, lasting and acceptable, that It takes into account the will of those who are experiencing this reality. No state should decide by itself the future of an entire people. The economy, stability, and strategy are not a substitute for the voice of people directly affected. And I want to say with this that from a personal position, Sahrawis are not simply a number in a conflict, we are family. We're mothers and fathers. We're a memory, we're a culture that could disappear. Many years we've been coming to this committee hoping for a response, and we're continuing to come because we believe in the role of the United Nations. We believe in dialogue. We believe in a solution reached through peaceful means. We don't want our history, we're not asking for our history to be forgotten. We're asking for our voice to be heard. Ultimately, no solution will be truly lasting if the people directly affected cannot participate freely.


4th Committee · Chair [1:52:18]:

The microphone is switched off. I thank the petitioner. I give the floor to Akihisa Matsuno.


Petitioner [1:52:33]:

Mr. Chair, distinguished delegates, for 39 years, I have worked in a university education with young people from Japan and from around the world. In 2017, I went to Western Sahara. I first visited the MINURSO office, then I went to the office of a Sahrawi human rights organization. Less than 30 minutes after I arrived, I was detained by the police and expelled from the territory. This experience taught me something very simple. There is no freedom in occupied Western Sahara. The authorities are determined to prevent the outside world from seeing the reality there. But that reality is becoming increasingly clear. The governance of Western Sahara has failed. 50 years is enough, long time. It should have been enough to win the hearts and minds of the people, especially the young, but it has not. We can see this in the generations of young Sahrawis who have continued to join resistance movements. Consider the Gouda Imizik protest camp in 2010. 25 Sahrawis were put on trial. The oldest two had been just teenagers when the invasion occurred in 1975. 15 were born after the invasion. But they had little or no memory of Spanish rule. They knew only the system of rule they experienced in their own lives, and they rejected it. But this tells us something important. Governance in Western Sahara is not simply unsuccessful. It is violent, it is discriminatory, and in my view, it is colonial rule. But this is a paradox of colonialism. A foreign power may build roads, schools, and hospitals. It may develop the economy, but as long as people remain under foreign rule, resistance does not disappear. Indeed, education can deepen the contradiction. The more young people learn, the more clearly they can see the gap between development and political freedom. But this is why the absence of a single university in Western Sahara is so significant. So what is the solution? There is only one fundamental solution. Let the people decide their own future. In 1999, I worked with the United Nations mission that organized the referendum in Timor-Leste. The turnout was 98.5%. I saw with my own eyes and felt with my whole being how deeply people longed for freedom. That experience taught me something I have never forgotten: the desire for freedom is rooted in human nature. The Sahrawi people have the same desire. I therefore call upon the United Nations to make every possible effort to ensure the prompt exercise of the Sahrawi people's right to self-determination. Let the people of Western Sahara decide their own future. Thank you very much.


4th Committee · Chair [1:55:46]:

I thank the petitioner.

I give the floor to Mahmoud Abdelfattah Es-Mohamed.


Petitioner [1:55:56]:

Good afternoon. My name is Mahoud Abdellah from the Western Sahara. I'm here from the Canaries, El Hierro. We meet here in this Fourth Committee of the UN, specialized in process of decolonization of countries and people still under occupation. We demand respect, upholding one of the fundamental principles, the right of the Sahrawi people to freely elect their future to achieve their full independence. Ladies and gentlemen, I want to question the credibility of this Fourth Committee after 50 years of occupation of Western Sahara by Morocco. And I will keep on repeating that our older people, children, and women preferred to live another 100 years in the refugee camp of Tindouf rather than living under the sovereignty of Morocco. But if Morocco and its allies are convinced of the contrary, it's very easy to prove. Simply allow our people to express freely their preference. The topic under consideration here is simply how to complete the process of decolonization of Western Sahara, complying with resolutions of the United Nations, beginning with resolution 1514 of 1960 as a legal basis. Any solution imposed unilaterally is condemned to failure and even more, even further, unless it is based on the unanimous consent of the people of Western Sahara under the leadership of the Polisario Front as recognized by the UN in Resolution 3437 of 1979, recognizing Morocco occupation. It is not conceivable that in the 21st century, you're trying to silence the voice of an entire people. No organization, no country has the authority or the power to decide on the future of Western Sahara except its own people. We condemn unequivocally the constant violations of human rights by Morocco in occupied Western Sahara as far as Spain we hope that it fulfills its obligations as the de jure administrative power by issuing its annual reports to the UN ultimately and in conclusion Western Sahara is not a Moroccan nor Souten Malia they may a thousand times for a Western Sahara free and a free Palestine. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:58:50]:

I thank the petitioner. I understand that Morocco wanted to take the floor.


Morocco [1:58:56]:

Yes, again, Mr. President, just to kindly ask you to order and instruct the petitioners to stick to the agenda item under consideration now. The petitioners are dwelling around other items which have nothing to do with the items under consideration now. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [1:59:42]:

I thank the representative of Morocco. I call on the petitioners to please stick to the item on the agenda. The speakers are requested to speak only on the territories that are on the agenda of the committee. I now give the floor to Abdoulatif Haida.


Senegal · Petitioner [2:00:10]:

Mr. Chair, I take the floor as a convinced Pan-Africanist from Senegal. Moroccan Sahara is an opportunity which for the entire region of space to connect East, West, and South Africa and the rest of the continent. But this is also linked to to the country which protects Tindouf, which pursues the agenda which is -- whose axis is division. I condemn any attempt to promote division. There, we need to be advocating unity and cooperation amongst African people. Africa does not need a new wall. Africa needs more bridges. And the issue of Moroccan Sahara is deliberately denatured by the same country, which presents it through the kind of reading that does not reflect the reality on the ground or the political and diplomatic developments recently. The adoption by the Security Council of its resolution 2797 refuted most of the allegations The recognition of the Moroccan nature of Sahara by many countries speak very loudly. There is a deeper configuration of international positions as an expression of wanting to limit themselves from the armed groups which undermine the development of the continent. To this, we need to add the humanitarian side of things. The European Office of Combating Fraud has shown how the assistance to Tindouf is being misused. The risk of seeing the assistance to the vulnerable population, women and children, misused for political and military purposes is still very relevant because of the situation surrounding Tunduf. Maghreb cannot be a prisoner of the differences amongst these positions. The Moroccan autonomy plan provides us a serious and credible basis to definitely resolve these differences and to make the whole region prosperous. And that's why I launch an appeal here from this room to the whole country hosting the Tindouf camp, that they fully shoulder their responsibility as a country which is hosting the camp, but also as a country which supports Polisario.


4th Committee · Chair [2:03:09]:

I thank the petitioner.

I give the floor to Joyce Flynn.


Petitioner [2:03:18]:

Mr. Chairman, distinguished members, and guests, thank you for the opportunity to speak about the plight of the Saharawi children living in the austere and restricted conditions of the refugee camps near Tindouf, Algeria. For nearly five decades, these children have grown up shaped by political stagnation, harsh desert isolation, and the unfulfilled promises of the Polisario leadership. Their situation demands our urgent attention. Today, parents in the camps, especially those outside the policario elite, face a painful reality. The educational system is failing their children. ACAPS, an independent humanitarian analysis organization, reports that educational quality in these Tindouf camps is declining due to low teacher incentives, high turnover, shortages of materials, and minimal opportunities after graduation. But the crisis extends far beyond academics into their the core of their emotional and developmental well-being. Dr. Bruce Perry, a leading expert in childhood trauma, teaches that children are not inherently resilient. They are malleable, shaped by the environments in which they grow. When children experience trauma, they do not bounce back by nature. They adapt because they have no other choice. Their brains and behaviors mold themselves around hardship. stress and fear. In nurturing environments, this malleability allows children to grow strong, confident, and secure. But in environments of chronic adversity, it can lead to anxiety, hopelessness, and developmental harm. In the Sahari children camps, children live under restricted movement, limited exposure to the outside world, and the harsh rule of the Polisario authorities. Parents burdened by survival tasks and political pressure, have little time or emotional reserve to provide the consistent loving care giving children need. Yet the Policario continue to insist that these children should be resilient, placing undue pressure on them to overcome adversity without adequate support. This expectation contradicts everything we know about trauma and child development. Children cannot thrive through pressure. They thrive through connection. The UN's fourth sustainable development goal affirms that quality education is a fundamental right, that quality education cannot exist without emotional safety, stable caregiving, and hope for the future. If a school system fails, it signals that the community itself is in jeopardy. It is time for Saharawi families to reclaim the future of their children. The Moroccan autonomy plan offers a viable path forward, one that would reunite children with relatives in Western.


4th Committee · Chair [2:06:16]:

I thank the petitioner. Does Iran want to take the floor? No.


Speaker 82 [2:06:41]:

Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:06:43]:

I give the floor to Robert Monzonis Gomez.


Petitioner [2:07:02]:

Chairman, distinguished delegates, Morocco and Sahara is an area where security, development, moving forward closely linked. The stability of its southern provinces and the protection of the southern borders of Morocco has an importance that transcends the territory itself. A region exposed to the threats coming from Sahel terrorism, organized crime, and illicit trafficking networks, and the operational capacity and preventive capacity of Morocco continues to create a more secure environment for its inhabitants and for neighboring countries. This stability makes it possible to consolidate investments, infrastructure, and public services, creating conditions that are more favorable for economic progress. Security and development are mutually reinforcing and are essential pillars to ensure a future of opportunities in the entire region. But security is only truly lasting when it's accompanied by opportunities. The development of Dakhla is precisely this vision. This port will become a strategic infrastructure for trade, logistics, and African connectivity. Its importance is not limited to Morocco. The initiative to facilitate the countries of Sahel access to the Atlantic Ocean can open new commercial routes, reduce isolation of countries without coast and offer opportunities for the entire region. This port can become a bridge between Western Africa, Maghreb, and international markets. Furthermore, this connectivity can have an important human dimension. A greater economic integration between the Atlantic, Maghreb, and Sahel can favor the circulation of merchandise through investment, create jobs, and strengthen transborder cooperation in a regional context where lack of security, increased Stable economic opportunities are an instrument for prevention and peace. Shared development can become a true factor of stability. In addition to this reality of security, there's a particularly important political advance, Resolution 2797 of the Security Council. adopted in October of 2025. It takes the Moroccan proposal of autonomy as a basis for negotiations and mentions that a true autonomy can be the most feasible result. Therefore, a real opportunity is opening for stability in the region that can promote its development. The future of Sahara should not be built based on confrontation, but rather based on security, shared prosperity, and understanding. Consolidating these advances will not only benefit Morocco and the inhabitants of but the entire Maghreb, Sahel, and all of Africa. Thank you very much for your attention.


4th Committee · Chair [2:09:50]:

I thank the petitioner. I give the floor to Jacqueline Fontaine.


Petitioner [2:10:04]:

Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, distinguished delegates. to alert you to those Sahrawis who are in Moroccan prisons, some for months. One of them has been on strike for more than 40 days. And some of them have been promised to transfer them to Western Sahara so that they can be visited by their families. Well, this promise was not fulfilled and they are on a hunger strike again. This is the only means they have today to have their voice heard. Five out of them continue today, despite the fact that there are already severe health consequences to that. The strikers are asking for the implementation of the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Committee Against Torture, also within the United Nations, the United Nations Committee Against Torture, which already condemned Morocco on torture. And the Group on Arbitrary Detention asked for the release of prisoners and the independent investigation of the circumstances over their detention. We also need to denounce the new colonial strategy on the part of Moroccan authorities. In 1975, they forced hundreds of Sahrawi to go to Algeria to save themselves from shellings after having disappeared the opponents, having imposed heavy prisoners, these young men who only wanted to


4th Committee · Chair [2:11:52]:

-- Morocco. There's a point of order from Morocco.

Marocco.

You have the floor.


Morocco [2:12:03]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Let's start at the beginning. It's called the Glorious Green March. That is the first thing. The second thing, the petitioner is confusing a courtroom with a rhetorical discourse, and I know where she's coming from, with very serious allegations which have nothing to do with what we are discussing here in this room. Let me return to English to make sure that the other petitioners understand me fully.

Here we are petitioning. We do not confuse petitioning, advocacy with insults to the symbols of a country, of a member state. Here, the symbols of the Kingdom of Morocco.

Be the head of state, the name of the country. or be it the naming of the Moroccan authority. So every time these red lines are not respected by the petitioners, we will be compelled, Mr. Chairman, to stop them. Because here, we are here at the United Nations, and here we provide an opportunity, very rare opportunities, to members to listen to the voices of those who want to express their opinion. But expressing their opinion does not mean undermining the integrity of this Assembly, nor does it mean launching insults and attacks against a member state. So through you, Mr. Chairman, yet once again, I ask that you instruct the petitioners to respect the decorum of this august assembly. I thank you, sir.


4th Committee · Chair [2:14:35]:

I thank the distinguished representative from Morocco. I give the floor back to the petitioner.


Petitioner [2:14:44]:

Recently, Morocco decided to avoid Western Sahara of its young people. Those who are suspected of resisting are being detained and then condemned to conditional sentences and encouraged to leave the Western Sahara with a one-way ticket. And the families who remain are under pressure. They are being told that if their children return, there will be consequences. The doctors in Guyana, where they arrived, told us about the conditions of these young Sahrawi people. Very frequently, they are drugged. We met them last week in Paris, and they described their pathway. and they told us that being an asylum seeker in Guyana was less difficult than being a Sahrawi in Western Sahara. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:15:50]:

I thank the petitioner. Before giving the floor to the next speaker, I would like to recall, for the benefit of the speakers, that they need to uphold the decorum in their statements. And with that, I give the floor to Ana Ruiz.


Petitioner [2:16:11]:

Mr. Chair, distinguished delegates, it is an honour to address this Committee on an issue that has been before the United Nations for many years, and to reflect on the significance of Security Council resolution 2797 in the context of the United Nations-led political process concerning Western Sahara. Adopted on 31 October last year, this resolution 2797 reaffirmed the Security Council's support for the Secretary-General and his personal envoy in facilitating and advancing negotiations between the parties. Of particular importance, the resolution called upon the parties to engage in discussions without preconditions, taking Morocco's autonomy proposal as the basis for negotiations, with the objective of reaching a final and mutually accepted political solution providing for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. The resolution further recognized that genuine autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty could constitute the most feasible outcome. These provisions provide the current Security Council framework for the continuation of the political process. They also reaffirm the importance of dialogue, negotiation and compromise in achieving a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution. This approach has also been reflected in the position of the European Union. At the 15th EU-Morocco Association Council held on 29 January this year, the European side welcomed the adoption of resolution 2797 and reiterated the European Union's commitment to support the United Nations framework for resolving this dispute. European side welcomed negotiations on the basis of Morocco's autonomy proposal, as reflected in the resolution, as well as Morocco's willingness to engage in good faith with all concerned parties to clarify the arrangements envisioned under the proposal and how genuine autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty could be implemented. European Union also stated that it was ready to contribute to facilitating consultations between the parties within the United Nations framework and to support the efforts of the Secretary General's personal envoy. This important meeting was co-chaired by High Representative Kaya Kallas with Commissioner for Mediterranean Dubravka Zvika, representing the European Commission. This position is also reflected in the positions expressed by a number of EU Member States. France has stated that the present and future of Western Sahara fall within the framework of Moroccan sovereignty and that the 2007 Moroccan autonomy proposal constitutes the basis for a fair, lasting and negotiated solution. Germany has welcomed the resolution as well and referred to genuine autonomy and Moroccan sovereignty as the most feasible solution. Finland has likewise welcomed the resolution and used the same formulation. Regarding...


4th Committee · Chair [2:19:13]:

I thank the petitioner.

I give the floor to Andrew Ismarin.


United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland · Barrister [2:19:19]:

Morocco's autonomy plan. An Oxford lawyer's perspective. My name is Andrew Rosemarin. My aim is to help solve this conflict. Her Excellency Fatima Zahra Al Mansouri has just become Morocco's head of government. Her party won the most votes in Morocco's election and will govern in coalition with others, together representing a majority of the voters. In this election, the highest turnout was in the Saharan regions. Her becoming head of government in these circumstances shows us that Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara is democratic and progressive for all Moroccans, including in Morocco's southern provinces. We should recognize the importance of this. Good government aims for the greatest happiness of the greatest numbers. Our utilitarian philosophers, Bentham and Mill, teach us that. So what is most likely to bring happiness to the Sahrawis? As an international lawyer, as a British barrister, my work, like yours, is finding practical solutions after weighing up complex evidence. So what is the best practical solution for this conflict? After two decades of mature reflection, my answer is Morocco's autonomy plan. Security Council Resolution 2797 from October the 31st supports it and so do more and more states, so should we. For it's fair, flexible and far-sighted. Fair and flexible because it provides for the self-determination of the Sahrawis with an emphasis on negotiations. Far-sighted because it aims, and I quote its section two, to build a modern democratic society. Can Morocco be trusted to deliver? Most definitely, yes. Morocco adopted a progressive democratic constitution in 2011 and then implemented it with advanced regionalization in the Sahara with massive development. I saw this with my own eyes in April and discussed the Sahara's booming development with its workers and elected leaders. Morocco is plowing so many resources into the Sahara that one's heart warms at the sight. All Sahrawis, their benefit, the Saharan desert blooms and blossoms under Moroccan sovereignty. I therefore petition this Commission to translate my words into a durable political settlement. Winston Churchill, a devoted friend of Morocco and Britain's greatest head of government, would back it. So should we. In his words, "Let us go forward together.".


4th Committee · Chair [2:22:21]:

I thank the petitioner. I give the floor to Sandra Sofia Rodriguez Lopez.


Petitioner [2:22:35]:

Distinguished delegates, on my own behalf, on behalf of my organization, I'm grateful for the opportunity to speak in this committee. Seeking water, praying are daily activities that can be easy to achieve for most people, except for the Sahrawis, due to the fact that doing these activities can cause them wounds they can lose a leg they can lose an arm they can even die Western Sahara is one of the most highly heavily mined areas in the world there are approximately 10 million explosive devices in the territory that extending over 2,700 kilometers which is which is 12 times longer than the Berlin Wall. In fact, it's impossible to know the amount of victims in the occupied areas or where contamination by mines in the area affected by the local population is severe. Although Morocco claims to have de-mined huge territories, there is no proof of this. other than claims by 25 international observers. Victims of mines confront at the same time lifetime disabilities, discrimination, deterioration of their mental health, but most importantly, the silence and forgetfulness. This is why we would urge Member States, this Committee, for Morocco to to ratify the Ottawa Convention, ensure full reparation to victims, envisioning economic compensation as well as access to surgery, psychological support. promoting necessary resources to clear the mines in the area, especially those covered by -- occupied by Morocco in the buffer zone. And I'll lastly urge that Morocco allows entry -- free entry of international observers without any restrictions and facilitate access to MINURSO to hold a referendum. Mine clearance is ensuring the right for people to walk freely without being afraid for their lives and a further step towards peace. Thank you. I thank the petitioner.


4th Committee · Chair [2:25:08]:

Yina Marcela Suarez.

I now give the floor to Yina Marcela Suarez Campos.


Petitioner [2:25:13]:

Chair, delegates. I am here on behalf of the organization Voz y Accion. This year, we once again are testifying regarding the illegal occupation of Western Sahara by the Kingdom of Morocco, but also about one of the most alarming environmental crisis due to this incomplete decolonization. During decades, the occupation has led to excessive and unsustainable and systematic exploitation of natural resources of the Sahari territory. The extractive policies imposed by Morocco have generated devastating impact in the desert, fragile desert ecosystem, critically affecting basic needs for life, especially water resources. Morocco has. carried out over-exploitation of underwater ground tables, diverting water sources that are essential for the survival of the region. This illicit appropriation is aimed at sustaining intensive agriculture projects for export, as well as mining projects such as extraction of phosphate. And as a consequence of this, this is provoking severe shortage of water, drying traditional wells, and destroying means of subsistence of the Saharai population, pushing the territory towards an environmental crisis.


4th Committee · Chair [2:26:40]:

She was.

I apologize, but I give the floor to Morocco.


Petitioner [2:26:50]:

This environmental--?


4th Committee · Chair [2:26:55]:

Morocco has the floor.


Morocco [2:26:58]:

Apologies, Mr. Chair, but I was not following. It's because of the speed of the petitioner. But I wanted to understand on which situation the petitioner is referring to where there is no water. Because if it's the Sahara, the Moroccan Sahara, it's one of the most developed regions in Morocco. and I think in the whole region. So the projects there, you know, we are developing other regions thanks to the projects in the Moroccan Sahara. So is she referring to the Tindouf camps? I'm not sure. This is really just to understand what situation she's referring to, because if it's Morocco, then it's pure allegations.


4th Committee · Chair [2:27:39]:

Thank you.

Distinguished representative of Morocco, but I would like to ask you to let the petitioner speak. It was my understanding that she was making reference to the Sahara.

Petitioner, I will come back to you, please.


Morocco [2:28:14]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. No, apologies, I'm taking notes of everything, so it seems that I missed something, and I, by no chance, because we are giving importance to every petitioner here, and I do not want to write any presumptions in my notes. So for me, that was not the Moroccan Sahara. But anyway, if it is the case, then I will let the petitioner continue the, anyway, allegations anyway, thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:28:43]:

Algeria, I understand, wants to take the floor. Algeria.


Algeria [2:28:56]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Mr. Chair. It's a point of order. Mr. Chair, you are right. Our distinguished colleague from the Kingdom of Morocco disturbed the peace. petitioner but also us who are listening to the petitioners we do not intend to rise point of order repeatedly only only when necessary for one reason Mr. chair because we trust in your ability to ensure the proper conduct of this meeting and also for the petitioners to uphold decorum and to stick to the topic under consideration. We also trust in your ability to ensure that all delegations here present observe and respect the rules of procedure. Our Moroccan colleague has no right to rise to a point of order and tackle the substance of the petition of any petition here. If she is missing any notes, she can listen to the record later and then she can complete them. Please, Mr. Chair, we respectfully, respectfully appeal to you to address to our colleague from Morocco and to recall that points of order is solely confined on procedural matters. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:30:37]:

Thank you. It seems that Morocco.


Morocco [2:30:47]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. And of course, we have listened with no surprise to the intervention of the distinguished delegation of Algeria, of course, one of the parties. But to my dear, distinguished colleague from Algeria, I'm not missing any point, even though I said it, but actually it's the opposite, quite the opposite. I'm giving the importance to the petitioners and their petition. And actually, it is a procedure that we are asking for a point of order to request that the petitioner slow down while making the statement. This is very important for us, and I do not have time to go back again to the recordings. Maybe the colleague is having time for that, but I'm taking notes now and giving the respect, the due respect to the petitioner now, so that they either, number one, stick to the point of under discussion today, or number two, in this case, not speed up. make the statement slowly so that we understand in which situation they're talking about, where there is no water, because I need also to write it down, where there is no water. Is it in the Tindouf camps in Algeria, or is it in the Moroccan Sahara? That's the only thing. So it's a question of being understood here in the room. And the petitioners have also the right to speak slowly and that we member states understand them clearly. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:32:16]:

I thank the distinguished representative from Morocco and the representative of Algeria for their statements. I'd like to recall that we are all here to work in a civilized way so that we can all understand each other, member states and petitioners. So once again, I call upon all representative member states to please be patient and let petitioners speak, and to the petitioners to please abide by the decorum in this room. And I hope I can count on your cooperation. I give the floor to the petitioner. Back. Algeria.


Algeria [2:33:02]:

Mr. Chair. The question of water or any other resource is a matter of substance. Point of order are confined to procedural matters. We respectfully, respectfully ask you, Mr. Chair, to remind all delegations of that point. This is the rule 113 of the rules of procedures. It's very simple. Thank you, Mr. Chair.


4th Committee · Chair [2:33:31]:

Thank you. Morocco, you have the floor.


Morocco [2:33:35]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. First of all, the question of speed is also part of the rules of procedures. We are here to listen to the petitioners in the normal speech and the normal speed that we're giving them here. So it's not a question of water. The question of the water substance, we understood it. It definitely cannot be in the Moroccan Sahara. definitely in the Tindouf camps with the proofs. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:34:09]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Morocco. Before giving the floor back to the petitioner, I would like to recall that we also have a webcast that can allow people to re-listen to statements. Let me give the floor back to the petitioner. I give the floor back to the.


Petitioner [2:34:35]:

Thank you, Chairman. This environmental deterioration is in flagrant violation of international law, which clearly states that resources of non-self-governing territories belong exclusively to their peoples. the watering of ecosystems of Western Sahara is not only their dehydration is not only environmental damage but it's a weapon to to dominate and to to steal from future generations this is why we request this assembly three concrete steps first of all to demand strict compliance with resolution 1514 of the General Assembly of the United Nations of the 15th of December of 1960 it is the fundamental way of putting an end to the spoliation natural resources, environment of Western Sahara. The explanation of this mandate is essential to stop the extractive policies of Morocco that drain water resources and compromise environment of the territory. Secondly, send an independent environmental observer mission that evaluates the environmental damage of the territory, determines responsibilities, and evaluates the scale of the water crisis in line with the principles that guide the obligation of member states to convey information on non-self-governing territories in line with Article 73 of the UN Charter. Thirdly, reaffirm that the permanent sovereignty over natural resources-- the microphone has been switched off.


4th Committee · Chair [2:36:10]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Lina Marcela Castano Bohorquez.


Petitioner [2:36:23]:

Mr. Chairman, distinguished delegates, since 1963, Sahara is on the list of non-self-governing territories of the United Nations. More six decades have passed. Behind this figure, there are generations of people who have been born, grew, and built their life in the framework of a decolonization process that remains unfinished. This is why I'd like to ask a question. What is the meaning for the dignity of a people to live for generations without their voice be determining their future. Human dignity is universal, but peoples do not exist generically. They have cultural memory. They have links to their territory. This is why dignity implies recognizing peoples with their own history as not as those who accept other decisions of others. This decolonizing does not mean simply resolving a territorial issue, it also means overcoming a situation where others speak on behalf of a people, define that people or speak for it. When this situation extends for decades, this stops being simply a legal or political problem and acquires a profoundly human dimension. This is why in this committee we would like to make three specific requests. First of all, that human dignity and the condition of the Sahrawi people as a permanent subject remains at the center of the decolonization process. Secondly, that any decision on the future guarantees the free and effective participation of self-determination of the Sahrawi people. Thirdly, that this process could finally be concluded so that it does not continue to affect the memory in the future of future generations, Mr. Chairman. 63 years are a figure, but behind that figure is the existence of human beings. So the issue is not simply how long they can keep on waiting for a process of decolonization, but rather how long people can continue to wait for the world to fully recognize their condition as a subject of a right. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:38:49]:

Did you finish your statement?

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Miguel Angel Rodriguez-Maque.


Peru · Former Minister of Foreign Affairs [2:39:03]:

Mr. Chair, I am here as a petitioner and former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Peru. The world is experiencing profound transformations and the persistence of conflicts simply puts at risk peace, development. And the regional dispute over Western Sahara is a legitimate issue regarding the restoration of territorial integrity. Have has become an artificial conflict that the country that hosts the Tindouf camps is trying to take advantage of to impose its hegemony over the north of Africa and the Sahel and beyond in the African continent. That is the truth. What that country must understand is that the international community will not be misled and understands perfectly the insidious maneuvers that it is undertaking, resorting to blackmail and threatening certain countries to force them to reverse their sovereign decisions of recognizing the full sovereignty of Morocco over Sahara. Mr. Chairman, this is political immorality. And 2025 was a decisive year because after two-thirds of the international community supported the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty as the only political solution to the dispute, after that, the Security Council endorsed this. And in October of last year, imposed it as the only framework to renew a political process aimed at defining the modalities of its application. The host country of the Tindouf camps can no longer elude its responsibilities. It has an obligation to implement this solution through direct negotiations with Morocco in order to close once and for all this process in the framework of the UN. We all know that the so-called Polisario Front is a vestige of an ideology that today has become completely obsolete with its antiquated approaches. What we want to say, Mr. Chairman, and I say it as a former foreign minister of Peru, is that once again I must appeal to the wisdom of the members of this honourable committee, that they urge Algeria to proceed in good faith and engage in negotiations with Morocco to put an end to this lengthy process that the realism of the international community is awaiting for a step towards peace in that direction. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:42:03]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Luis Alfonso Ramirez Carrillo.


Mexico · Anthropologist [2:42:21]:

I am speaking as a Mexican anthropologist, aware that I'm from a country, the south of which throughout its history has experienced marginalization. I come from a country where the south has for generations experienced marginalization, and on the ground, we learn something that cannot be learned in books, that the dignity of people is one with schools, with hospitals, and with the respect for the form in which each community experiences its reality. Now, the work, that situation applies to Morocco as well. In the south of Morocco, we experienced something that we know experienced in Latin America when a state when a state invests in its region and in its in its universities in its and its roads they offer greater opportunities to local communities I visited that region I spoke to people and they they value their culture as an essential part of the Moroccan identity that is being built and I saw families and communities, concrete communities that today are administering their own resources and their own institutions. As an anthropologist of development, I've learned that no territory can be pacified with imposed borders or artificial divisions. It is pacified with inclusion, with shared development. This is why I believe that what is taking place in the Moroccan Sahara is not an imposition. rather genuine model of regional development, a model of territorial cohesion that is being developed, but that responds to the needs of the people. Morocco has demonstrated with deeds, especially over the past 15 years, that sovereignty and development can go hand in hand. Supporting the Moroccan initiative of autonomy for Sahara is not only a political solution that is reasonable, perhaps the only one. Based on what I observed on the ground, it is the way of that best ensures stability, human rights, and prosperity that can be developed in the whole Maghreb region. Mr. Chairman, in the south, we have seen too many conflicts that never, ever are resolved, and too many solutions designed in the academy or behind desks. We need schools, we need jobs, we need schools, but we need the recognition of dignity. And what I saw on the ground when I visited this area, allows me to say with confidence the future of Sahara is being built today, is being built in peace and under the flag of a united nation. And this is endorsed in Resolution 2797 of the Security Council. Thank you very much.


4th Committee · Chair [2:45:21]:

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Kathleen Thomas.


Petitioner [2:45:26]:

I come to you today about an urgent situation. Nine Sahrawis from Western Sahara, currently imprisoned by the Kingdom of Moroccan forces, have been on a hunger strike for the past 14 days, protesting the conditions they are being subjected to. These individuals participated in the Gueym Izik demonstrations in 2010 and were arrested thereafter on a number of charges. They have been in Kingdom of Moroccan prisons ever since. A 2017 report on the trial of these prisoners, corroborated by Mads Adenius, former president rapporteur of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, indicated that torture was used on these prisoners and was commonly used to extract false confessions. The report documented, quote, "grave violations of international law, rules on torture, and the right to a fair trial," unquote, and concluded that such trials were the norm, not the exception, in Western Sahara. Methods of torture cited in the 2017 report included, among other things, severe sleep deprivation, refusing food and water, exposure to cold by removing clothes and blankets, forced ingestion of cockroaches and other bugs, dirt, and urine, burning prisoners' flesh with cigarettes, stripping prisoners and tying their arms and legs while subjecting them to electric shocks on various parts of their bodies, including their sexual organs, using pincers to remove the nails on fingers and chokes, rape using a variety of objects such as iron bars, truncheons, and sticks. All of these are prohibited by the Torture Convention, which the Kingdom of Morocco has ratified. Mr. Adonis noted that in criminal proceedings against these prisoners, "so many serious violations of fair trial guarantees have taken place that the convictions are rendered unsafe," and called for the convictions to be overturned. Of course, they haven't been. And unless action is taken soon by the international community, it might be too late. Many of you represent countries that have given a nodding approval to the Kingdom of Morocco's so-called autonomy proposal. Consider whether your country wants to be complicit in the activities of a government that routinely disregards the treaties it has ratified and the promises it makes to the international community and engages in these types of activities. Or it will be if it disregards the principle of self-determination and instead seeks to impose subjugation to Kingdom of Morocco rule on a population which clearly doesn't want it. Or it could tell the Kingdom of Morocco to free these prisoners and to allow the Sahrawis to exercise their right to self-determination under international law. The choice is yours. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:48:17]:

I thank the petitioner. Morocco, did you want to take the floor? Morocco.


Morocco [2:48:25]:

Because sometimes, you know, the privilege of petitioner is being confused by the petitioners with, I mean, this is also procedural, wasting the time of the member states in hearing false allegations. This is not a right of reply, it's a point of order, since we're not talking now about the Sahara, because the petitioner mentioned another case, which is those individuals she mentioned, just to clarify that they were not prosecuting for holding an opinion. nor for advocating a political position. They were prosecuted in connection with extremely serious acts of violence during which 11 members of the Moroccan security forces lost their lives. So the judicial proceedings is going on. And in the last sentence, she said that ask the Kingdom of Morocco to free those prisoners. We have trust in the independence of the judicial system in Morocco. So the proceedings are going on for the acts of violence that they committed. But this is not the situation that we're talking on. And through you, Mr. Chair, we again and again kindly ask the petitioners, and actually it's up in your leadership, Mr. Chair, that you instruct the petitioners to stay connected to the matter under discussion today and not to dwell into other issues that are far away from the discussion or that have their independent judicial proceedings. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:50:15]:

Thank you.

I'll give the floor to Nancy Huff.


Petitioner [2:50:24]:

Your Excellency, distinguished members and guests, for 50 years, the international community has watched the Polisario Front evolve from medicalized university students in Morocco into a hardened movement entrenched in the Algerian desert near Tindouf. Life in the camps has long been defined by strict ideological control. Sahrawi families recount children taken from their homes and sent to Cuba for education, where they labored in fields, attended schools, and received military training, including instruction in explosives. Inside the camps, dissidents were punished, and generations of children were indoctrinated with violent anti-Moroccan rhetoric. Accountability has been elusive. Sanitarian aid theft, long suspected, was documented by the EU Anti-Fraud Office in 27 and confirmed again by the World Food Program's investigation released in July of 2023. The Polisario is also accused of training child soldiers, highlighted in testimony before the UN Committee of 24 and reported in June 2024. Even basic transparency is absent. ACAPS, a global risk analysis, noted that in 2021, the Polisario refuses to provide an accurate census of camp residents, obscuring humanitarian aid planning. Today, concerns are more serious as the Polisario has aligned with destabilizing actors, including Iran, ISIS, Russia, and China. What once resembled a Marxist-influenced liberation movement has become fertile ground for jihadist recruitment. Research on analyst Ahmad Saharawi warns that the Polisario has become a nexus for extremist networks across the Sahel. Meanwhile, Saharawi families continue to wait for resolutions that never come. A credible path exists. It's Morocco's autonomy plan, offering Sahrawi families a return home with self-governance. Expecting the Polisario to change after 50 years is a costly illusion. Now is the time to act. Thank you for allowing me to speak to this committee today.


4th Committee · Chair [2:52:47]:

Thank you, Ramecia.

I thank the petitioner. I now give the floor to Salma Abdel Fattah.


Petitioner [2:53:01]:

Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. On the 6th of November '56 was when the invader came to our land, and since then, families have been separated and their rights evaporated. This is colonization which continues today, and this is shameful, shameful. The decolonization of the African continent is still on the agenda. For 50 years now, our people have been deprived of the rights that have been given to other former African colonies, who had the right to decide on their future. Members of the Assembly, I have no financial or political interest to speak to you. I simply want to share with you the will of my compatriots. And please believe me when I say that we are the first interested in resolving this conflict. However, no solution will be lasting or fair and even less acceptable for as long as our right to self-determination is not upheld. So how can a proposal be credible which runs against the main pillars of this institution? So let's be clear, the proposal for the Moroccan proposal for autonomy. cannot be acceptable. We can't live under Moroccan sovereignty, but the occupying power knows that very well. Otherwise, they would have allowed a referendum for a long time, a long time ago. The future of Western Sahara is to be decided only by their people, and this cannot be influenced by major powers, and much less can be imposed by the occupying power. We are facing the failure of this institution to be consistent with its obligations. So let me recall, for the benefit of Member States, their power and their duty to ensure that the United Nations Charter is upheld, more specifically the state of Spain, which is directly involved, and the Prime Minister, Pedro Sanchez. He reaffirmed several days ago that his policy is to ensure the rights of international territories which are illegally occupied. So there is your responsibility. Ladies and gentlemen, I simply wanted to appeal to your common sense. Let's not complicate this simple thing. The issue of Western Sahara is a decolonization issue, as is being shown by the name of this committee. We do not need your pity. What we need is consistency and the respect for our rights. And you know very well, and history has shown it on several occasions, that borders cannot erase the will of the people. We keep our determination to be independent.


4th Committee · Chair [2:56:06]:

I thank the petitioner. I give the floor to Teigu Santosa.


Petitioner [2:56:14]:

The right to development is not merely an abstract concept or normative rhetoric as written in the 1986 UN declaration. It is a fundamental human right that entitles every individual and community to enjoy equitable and sustainable development. Regarding the issue of Moroccan Sahara, Prolonged debates often overlook the empirical realities on the ground. We must closely examine the transformation currently underway in the southern provinces through the framework of the 2015 New Development Model. This initiative has turned Laayoune, Dakhla, and the surrounding areas into dynamic hubs of economic growth. For instance, The construction of Tiznit-Dakhla highway and the Dakhla Atlantic port project are directly integrating the Sahara region into Atlantic and West African trade corridors. Also, massive investment in renewable energy and eco-friendly desalination are fostering ecological resilience and resource self-sufficiency. Meanwhile, modern educational institutions, universities, healthcare centers, and local entrepreneurship initiatives have been developed with the active participation of democratically elected Sahrawi representatives, ensuring that shared prosperity directly benefits the local population. During a visit to Dakhla in August 2024, I personally witnessed the magnitude of this progress. This achievement stands as tangible proof of a genuine commitment to sustainably improving the quality of life for local residents. Mr. Chairs, this development momentum forms a solid foundation for democratic life in Morocco. In the election held on September 23rd, voter turnout in the southern provinces reached impressive levels ranging from 60 to 80%. This serves as clear evidence of the local population's strong confidence in the democratic process and national institution. In line with the kingdom's constitution, the democratic progress is also marked by King Mohammed VI's appointment of Mrs. Fatima-Ezzahra El Mansouri as head of government, making her the first Moroccan woman to hold this position. Furthermore, growing international confidence is reflected in the opening of various foreign consulates general in Laayoune and Dakhla, as well as support from more than 130 UN member states. I believe that to achieve a lasting political solution, UN Security Council Resolution 2797 last year, which supports the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty, must serve as the primary guide for resolving this dispute. It is time for the international community to capitalize on this positive momentum for the sake of stability, dignity, and enduring peace across the region. And I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [2:59:07]:

I thank the petitioner. And I'll give the floor to Donna Sams.


Petitioner [2:59:24]:

Distinguished members of this committee, thank you for allowing me to speak today. I visited the Swahili people in the Tindouf camps many times. I've met their families, distributed humanitarian aid, and formed genuine friendships. These experiences have given me an understanding of the harsh conditions in which they live, conditions no community should be expected to endure for nearly half a century. My petition today is straightforward, the resettlement of camp residents into Western Sahara as quickly as possible. Many residents choose to remain in the desert despite the austerity of the camp life. Others are drawn in by promises that never materialize. Some recount stories of coercion or kidnapping that brought them to the camps. Listening to their reasons for staying has helped me understand their resilience. But it also underscores the need for a realistic assessment of why these conditions persist without resolution. In Western Sahara, these individuals would have access to extended family networks, autonomy over tribal affairs, schools for their children, and freedom of movement, basic elements of dignity that remain limited in the camps. The continued existence of the Tindouf camps benefits the Polisario leadership only. The Polisario maintain strict control with minimal external oversight, creating an environment where mistreatment, corruption, and misuse of humanitarian aid can flourish. The humanitarian European Anti-Fraud Office documented in 2014 that excess aid intended for camp residents was found across North Africa. Yet the Polisario continues to request assistance while refusing to permit a census of the population under its authority. For decades, humanitarian agencies have been forced to rely on population figures provided solely by the Polisario, figures widely believed to be inflated. Recently, the World Food Program requested a head count of camp residents. The Polisario has made no effort to comply. Therefore, I respectfully request that the UN conduct a full census and audit the camp conditions. Only through transparency, accountability, and corroboration can we ensure that aid reaches those who need it most and the residents in the tent of camps are fully given a path forward with dignity and.


4th Committee · Chair [3:02:28]:

I thank the petitioner and I'll give the floor Samir Bouaziz.


Petitioner [3:02:35]:

In the name of Allah.

The most merciful and compassionate. Excellent, Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen, members of the first committee, we emphasize to your committee that the question of the Western Sahara is a decolonization matter. It is, under the framework of the United Nations, a non-self-governing territory in which the process of decolonization has not been completed. The right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination and independence is based on the Charter of the United Nations and Resolutions 1514, 15, and 2625, 25, which is an inherent and inalienable right. This right cannot be delayed or replaced with de facto policies. The Sahrawi people must be able to exercise the right to self-determination freely and fairly. The United Nations continues to have the responsibility on the legal and political level until the completion of the decolonization process. This includes the full implementation of the mandate of MINURSO and the empowerment of the Sahrawi people to exercise the right to self-determination freely, fairly and democratically. We also stress the importance of supporting the efforts of the African Union in line with its constitutive act and the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity and the African Union. This is for a peaceful and sustainable solution that respects international law and does not detract from the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination and independence. Morocco's continued settler occupation of the Western Sahara has been accompanied by ongoing police repression and gross human rights violations against Sahrawi civilians, activists, and human rights defenders.


4th Committee · Chair [3:04:32]:

This includes -- Thank you, Morocco.


Morocco [3:04:41]:

Mr. Chair, first of all, the volume of a statement doesn't determine the weight of the argument. This is number one. So we're trying to concentrate to understand every and each statement. Second, just the nationality of the petitioner speaks for itself and shows how one-sided and unneutral his argument is. Third, The country to which the petitioner belongs is a party to the conflict and the process, the political process is going on. And we thank also that party, Algeria, through its petitioner to share this advocacy and to push forward this political process. And last but not least, again, through you, Mr. Chair, I kindly request that the petitioner refrain from using unacceptable words regarding the-- that describes the constitutional institutions of the Kingdom of Morocco and also the institution of the police, and as well as the qualifiers when talking about the situation in the Moroccan Sahara. But thank you again to the petitioner for reminding the quorum that Algeria is a party to the conflict. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [3:06:16]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Morocco. Before giving the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria, I, of course, I want to recall for the petitioners that they need to observe the quorum and the room and to refer to the countries you mentioned by the official names. Now I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria.


Algeria [3:06:43]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Chair, the nationality or how strong, how fervent, how convinced the petitioner is delivering his statement is not a valid point in order to interrupt him. The way that our distinguished colleague from Morocco is disturbing the work of this committee and the statement of the petitioners is unacceptable. The hearing of the petitioners is an established part of the work of this committee. No delegation has the right to disturb it, especially when using invalid points. and especially in abusing, and I mean my word, in abusing points of order in order to diffuse its propaganda and political claims and attacks. I understand that this session is difficult for the delegation of Morocco. I also understand that there is no choice. Either trust you, Mr. Chair, in ensuring the proper conduct of this meeting, Be patient, respect the delegation here, respect the petitioners, respect themselves also. I will stop here, Mr. President. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [3:08:21]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Algeria for his comments. It seems that Morocco is asking for the floor. You have the floor.


Morocco [3:08:31]:

Thank you, Mr. Chair. And first of all, the statement of Algeria, that is not a rule of procedure. That is a rule of convenience. First of all, we do not have the right to qualify member states here seated, neither judge their positions, national positions, of being abusive, number one. Number two, being disturbing the session. And number three, claiming that this exercise is difficult for me. Absolutely not. And I said it in a previous exchange with my dear brother from Algeria just a couple of days ago, that I've been doing this exercise for 16 years. Maybe this is the first session for you today. So with due respect, nothing is difficult here, and especially for a diplomat, and particularly for a woman diplomat. I thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [3:09:28]:

I thank the distinguished representative of Morocco. I would like to yet once again call on the representative of Algeria and Morocco to also uphold the rules of decorum in this room. I would like to now give the floor back to the petitioner.


Petitioner [3:10:04]:

I mentioned that violations include arrests and detentions and restrictions on freedoms of expression and assembly and the use of force against peaceful activities demanding the right of Sahrawi people to self-determination. The absence of an independent and permanent international human rights monitoring mechanism limits international monitoring of the situation in the region. We further affirm the right of the Sahrawi people to permanent sovereignty over its national resources in accordance with international law, their rights and interests. In this spirit, we stress the need for the C-24 Committee to conduct a new visit to the Western Sahara in order to determine on the ground the situation in the territory and listen to the Sahrawi people. We also affirm that international law does not permit the acquisition of territorial rights by force and does not allow occupation or fait accompli to be turned into a basis for the abandonment of the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination. No exercise might reward Moroccan settler occupation. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [3:11:08]:

I thank the petitioner and now give the floor to Nikos Keli-Garas.


Petitioner [3:11:17]:

Mr. Chair, I wanted to go back to the central element here, the issue of representatives. Whom does the Polisario represent? It's not something that can be declared. The people live in the south of Morocco, participate in elections, and choose their representative. This is a reality, and we see that in the C24 Committee. This is done by the representative of the populations, those who are elected in the southern provinces. They are well rooted in that territory, and legally and politically, a formation is not becoming legitimate because, as repeated, no pseudo-movement can arrogate to itself rights on the monopoly of taking the floor when the people are already expressing themselves through the elections. This separatist entity does not work alone, pretending that they are working for on their own for the population is absurd. How can the host country pretend to be outside of this dispute when they support them financially, diplomatically? This involvement does not stop here. It also covers constant interference in the affairs of Morocco, the host country. supports the, does several things like withdrawal of its ambassador, suspends relations with Spain. It constantly goes against their position, because the end of this dispute means the end of an external enemy. Morocco says 2007 proposed an autonomy which could help resolve this. And they work on this with courage and responsibility so as to give new impetus to the process. The resolution 2797 is a major development here. The Security Council calls on the parties involved to have discussion on the basis of the Moroccan autonomy proposal so as to come up with an ultimate solution. And this calls on the Tindouf host countries to change their fixed position and to become involved in the political process which is conducted under the aegis of the UN. The time has come to make this concrete and have our final policies worked out here. Thank you.


4th Committee · Chair [3:13:58]:

I thank the petitioner. Ladies and gentlemen, we have exhausted the time available for this meeting. Before we move on, I would like to say the petitioners on the Turks and Caicos, Mr. Benjamin was not present. We therefore did not hear a petitioner under the question of the Turks and Caicos. The petitioner on that list was not present, Mr. Christopher Russell, therefore. spoke under the question of United States Virgin Islands, and he is inscribed as such. Before adjourning that you have until tomorrow, 7 October, 6 p.m., to come up with proposals on decolonization items and on the item eradicating colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. The committee will meet again here tomorrow, Wednesday, 7 October, at 3 p.m. in this conference room to continue the hearing of petitioners under the question of Western Sahara. The meeting is adjourned.