A debate entitled, "UN Town Hall: The Next Secretary-General", will take place with candidates for the position of Secretary-General.
Member States and observers of the General Assembly, civil society representatives and UN staff are invited to participate in this Town Hall, which marks an important milestone in the selection and appointment process of the next Secretary-General. The townhall organized by the Office of the President of the General Assembly, with the support of Bloomberg will be moderated by journalists and will feature a discussion with groups of candidates. Nominees: Rafael Mariano Grossi (nominated 26 November 2025) Michelle Bachelet (nominated 2 February 2026) Macky Sall (nominated 2 March 2026) Rebeca Grynspan (nominated 3 March 2026) María Fernanda Espinosa (nominated 11 May 2026) Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett (nominated 15 June 2026)
Machine-readable formats: Plain text · JSON
Transcripts available through this tool are created by using automatic speech recognition and are not official records nor official documents of the United Nations. Official records and official documents are available on the Official Document System of the United Nations. Learn more
Welcome.
We are live. I'm Haslinda Amin.
And I'm Romaine Bostick, live on Bloomberg. This is the UN Town Hall, The Next Secretary-General, presented by the President of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
To start, here's the President of the UN General Assembly, Annalena Baerbock.
Ladies and gentlemen, dear world citizens, I greet you from the United Nations General Assembly Hall in New York, the heart of multilateralism. Today marks a critical step in the selection of the next Secretary-General of the United Nations, probably one of the most challenging but also most honorable jobs in the world. The person we choose will not only be the face of this house of humanity, but also its custodian. She or he will stand up for the United Nations Charter and all its 3 pillars: peace and security, sustainable development, and human rights. In a time of unprecedented challenges, yet also new opportunities, thanks to our media partner Bloomberg, we have the chance to hear from all candidates today at one stage, how they define strong, principled leadership in our interconnected world, how they will reform the UN to deliver more effectively, and how they will truly represent all of our world's 8 billion citizens, of whom half women and girls. None of this will be easy, but this institution was not made for the easy times. Welcome to the United Nations General Assembly.
Thank you.
Good evening. Tonight, the President of the UN General Assembly, in partnership with Bloomberg, bring together the candidates seeking to be the next Secretary-General of the United Nations.
At the end of 2026, António Guterres will end his second 5-year term as Secretary-General. Passing the baton to a successor. That person, which could be one of the people about to take this stage today, will inherit an institution tasked with finding ways to confront persistent warfare in Ukraine and the Middle East, to address widening economic gaps for developing nations, to reckon with the blistering and disruptive advance of artificial intelligence, and to navigate the intensifying and divisive competition for global influence amongst the world's major powers.
Yet, the UN's mission extends beyond responding to crises. Every day, it works to promote peace and security, advance sustainable development, defend human rights, and deliver humanitarian assistance to millions of people around the world. The next Secretary-General will take office at a moment when global challenges are becoming more interconnected, even as international cooperation is becoming more difficult.
The Secretary-General commands no armies and writes no laws. The office, it depends on diplomacy, persuasion, and the ability to bring together 193 member states to find common ground on the world's most pressing challenges. You will hear directly from 6 candidates seeking to become the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. They will share their vision for leading one of the world's most historic historic institutions into a future of profound change. Please welcome the candidates.
Michelle Bachelet.
Maria Fernanda Espinosa. Rafael Mariano Grossi.
Rebecca Greenspan, Carolyn Rodriguez-Burkett, Macky Sall. Welcome to all the candidates. Before we get started, here's how tonight's town hall will work. Over the next 90 minutes, we'll discuss a range of issues facing the United Nations and the international community. Each of our candidates will have the same opportunity to address the audience and to respond to questions.
The town hall will include opening statements from each candidate, followed by questions from Bloomberg. We will also take queries from the audience, which includes delegates from member states, representatives from non-governmental organizations, as well as UN staff members. Now, to ensure fairness, speaking will be done in a way that is actually tracked for each candidate. All of the answers will be in English. However, for candidate Macky Sall, the answers will be in French and you will hear a translator.
The candidates can see a clock to let them know how much time they have for their answer. A yellow light will signal when they have 15 seconds left, and a red light will signal when time has expired. After that, we'll ask the candidate to wrap up, and if they do not wrap up quickly, unfortunately, their microphone will be cut off. If we, the moderators, judge that a candidate did not answer the question, we reserve the right to follow up. Our goal tonight is straightforward: give each candidate the opportunity to share their priorities and vision for the future. of the United Nations.
Now, with that said, let's begin with our opening statements. We asked of each candidate in advance, what makes you the best person to be Secretary-General? For this section, you each have 2 minutes for your statement, and we'll begin at the end of the podium with Michelle Bachelet.
Thank you. I want to thank the PGA for organizing the debate, and I welcome all the other participants. I believe strongly that the UN is the most remarkable achievement of diplomacy in history. Its service to our peoples in all the 3 key pillars has been, I would say, crucial and completely irreplaceable. Of course, it has shortcomings, and the current crisis doesn't make it less relevant and less needed. And the key task for the next Secretary-General will be to defend, preserve, and improve the organization, including through continual reforms in order to ensure that the UN delivers ever more and better. And I do that in very challenging times. We're living in times with armed conflict at a historic high, where civilians are killed or injured in tragic numbers, inequality is rising, the climate crisis ever more urgent, and human rights are disregarded. Amidst all this lack of trust in institutions. So in such challenging environment, What the world needs is a Secretary-General with the best possible credentials. First, I think I have those. First, I'm a tested leader with extensive political experience. I was twice President of the Republic. In my country, President of the Republic is President, is head of state, but also is head of government. I proved I can lead complex negotiations and make difficult choices while finding democratic, I would say, compromises and building trust and bridges among world leaders. Second, I have managerial skills. I was twice Minister of Health and Defense and twice Principal of UN entities. In all cases, I demonstrated that I have the vision, the courage, and the ability to enact change, not only specific reforms but also continued reforms to continue improving the institutions. Third, I combine firm attachment to principles and a focus on solutions, values and realism. I will be partial to the shuttle only. And lastly, I think it's time for women on the helm, and I dearly care for the planet and humanity. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Madam President. Now, to María Fernanda Espinoza, Ecuador.
Good afternoon. I think there are 3 reasons why I believe I am the right person to serve as the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Number one, because I have led this house. You elected me as President of the General Assembly, and in that role, I worked with every member state. I listened to every voice. I built consensus even in the most difficult times. I spent Christmas and weekends sitting in negotiation rooms. I know how this institution works, the potential it has, and the challenges. Number 2, I am a reformer with a proven record. As Minister of Defense, I— one of the largest and more complex institutions with the staff and budget size very similar to the one of the United Nations, I reformed the armed forces. Reform was not a slogan. It led to true modernization of the institution. It strengthened its accountability, its effectiveness, its impact, and in order for the armed forces to address the new threats to peace and security in the country, from organized crime to cybersecurity. So what I did is I introduced a new business model for the armed forces. So I had the courage to transform. And number 3, I bring a truly 360-degree understanding of the organization. Because of my own professional pathway, I was able to to understand every corner of the very complex UN agenda, from the peace and security architecture to development and human rights. So I know very well what is the great potential of this organization, what are the obstacles, and I'm ready, I'm ready to face those. I think the United Nations needs a Secretary-General who can unite member states, deliver reform credibly, and restore confidence in the institution. And of course, I am prepared to make that contribution to the organization. Thank you.
Thank you, Minister Espinosa. Next, we go to Rafael Mariano Grossi, Argentina.
Thank you very much. Good evening, everybody. The coming selection of the next Secretary-General could arguably be one of the most consequential in the 80 years of history of this great institutions— institution, sorry.
Organization.
The fact that we are living in a world where conflicts abound, where we are registering the highest number of armed conflict in the past 40 years, inequalities problems in every single pillar as we know them for the work of the organization. And that converges with a moment where profound doubts and skepticism about the ability of the United Nations to address and to address effectively any of these problems. We see, and it's hard to see, that the UN is absent from the resolution of the most serious conflicts that we are going through, and we also see that we are not performing at the level we should be in other areas. But multilateralism can deliver, and I say this because I live it and I live it every day. I live it through the work of an organization dealing with one of the most dangerous, sensitive, and gravest of areas in international life— nuclear weapons, nuclear safety. And we, through the IAEA, have been able to act and to act effectively in theaters of war, to talk to leaders who are fighting with each other and be accepted as an interlocutor. This is what the UN must recover. This is what is at stake now.
Thank you, Director-General Grossi. Now to Rebecca Greenspan, Costa Rica.
Madam President, Excellencies, dear candidates, I am running because what we do here in this hall matters for people struggling to be free from want, from illness, and from fear. Because we, nations large and small, can uphold the Charter as our anchor in a turbulent world. Because we see drones cross boundaries that troops never did, because we see the price of bread rise due to conflict far away, and because people are losing trust in the capacity of this organization to deliver peace in a more dangerous, more complex world. I am running to give them real solutions and honest answers. Excellencies, It is for the Security Council and Member States to decide who is the best person to lead this task. But here is what I bring. I bring integrity, impartiality, and transparency. I've led organizations in and out the UN. In each, I've built coalitions and consensus for action. I talk and listen to everyone. I close no doors, serve no interests but the Charter. I lead through influence, not rhetoric. I bring proven leadership under pressure. I led crisis work in Afghanistan, Somalia, Haiti. I negotiated my country's debt. I brokered deals that opened seaways in the middle of war. And now I have the trust and earned the trust and I know how easy it is to lose it. I bring a record of reform in large organizations, of balancing budgets, leaving them more efficient, more focused, and more impactful, and of doing it by inspiring staff and keeping member states close. Excellencies, the times are too difficult and too high-stakes for us to be complacent and waste our potential. What we do here for peace, for human dignity, for development can change the lives of people and the fate of nations. I am ready to walk that path with you. Thank you.
Thank you, Madam Greenspan. Next, we go to Caroline Rodrigues-Burkett, Guyana.
Thank you, Romaine, and thank you, President of the General Assembly, for organizing this debate.
Thank you.
And good evening, everyone. The United Nations over these last 8 decades has served humanity well, but it is now at a crossroads. The proliferation of conflicts, lack of implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals, a liquidity crisis, and an increase in humanitarian needs. Reform to make this organization more efficient, more effective, and more agile is now an imperative. But it is in times of challenges that opportunities emerge. And it's also for a moment like this that you need a Secretary-General that is practical, who is realistic, and who is pragmatic. Over the 30 years of my career, working in the fields, serving in government as a minister, in Parliament, as an international civil servant, and as a diplomat, including the last 2 years leading my country's delegation on the Security Council, I have gained not only the experience but the expertise that we need now. I have also led in times of scarce resources, and even with scarce resources, I delivered results to ensure that we mobilize additional finances. I have also had the approach of building bridges uniting people around common goals and objectives, and ensuring fairness. These are the attributes that I believe we need in the next Secretary-General, and this is why I have put forward myself, so that we can work together to make the UN fit for purpose for now and for the future. Thank you.
Thank you, Ambassador. Thank you, Mr. Sperquette. And next and finally, we go to Mr. Macky Sall, Senegal.
Thank you very much. What I wish to offer is added value based on experience. First, I bring national experience as a former head of state built over nearly 40 years of public service. I have learned to listen, dialogue, and take difficult decisions. Second, I bring regional experience, including as chairperson of ECOWAS. This taught me how to manage crisis in complex and political situations. Third, I bring continental experience through my chairmanship of the African Union and NEPAD. These responsibilities allowed me to address Africa's major challenges, including peace and security, human rights, and development. I also led the successful campaign for the AU to become a permanent member of the G20. Together, these experiences taught me to work with leaders from all regions, listen to every perspective, and build practical solutions. If elected, I will use this experience at the service of member states. I will be a facilitator of dialogue and a Secretary-General committed to implementation, reform, and restoring trust— trust in the organization, trust among member states, and trust for the people we serve. I thank you.
Thank you, President Sall.
Now we'll move to our first round of questions. The candidates will answer questions from both us and our audience. Each candidate will have 1 minute to respond, and we'll rotate who answers first based on a random drawing conducted for tonight's event.
In our first section, it actually focuses on crisis and conflict. The United Nations, as you know, was founded to help maintain international peace and security. But as we speak, there remains unresolved conflicts in Gaza and in Iran, long-running humanitarian crises in Sudan and in Haiti. And of course, you have growing civil wars and insurgencies in places like Myanmar and the Sahel, all testing the legacy and the limits of international diplomacy and all set to test the power of the next Secretary-General and his or her resolve to uphold the mandates of the UN Charter ratified 81 years ago.
And here is our first question to all the candidates. And the question is, the current crisis over the Strait of Hormuz demonstrates how regional conflicts can threaten global energy markets and trade. closing a critical shipping lane for the world, yet the Security Council was unable to adopt a resolution. If diplomacy inside the Council fails, what would you do to ensure the UN still plays a meaningful role in keeping the peace? Let's start with Ms. Carolyn Rodriguez-Burkett. The floor is yours.
Thank you, Haslinda. Indeed, we have not been able to see the results we want to see in ending the conflict in the Strait of Hormuz, but I believe that there is space for the Secretary-General when there is no agreement by members of the Security Council to present options that could possibly be utilized to dialogue with the conflict parties. I'm not oblivious to the geopolitical situation, but one thing the Secretary-General does not have the luxury of doing, and that is not trying. The Secretary-General must try, and I would be that Secretary-General that would try, whether it is in Iran or in Haiti or in Sudan or in the DRC, to put those proposals to the Security Council if the tools at my disposal as Secretary-General are not good enough. Thank you. Thank you.
Mr. Macky Sall.
Thank you very much. As you reminded us, there are many different crises and the UN is not at the heart of negotiations on them. Sometimes the organization is on the sidelines. On the Strait of Hormuz and on many great crises, we need more than ever a Security Council that functions in line with the provisions of the UN Charter. Because in reality, global security, peace and stability is something that is incumbent on the Security Council. And the lack of trust between the members today, particularly between the permanent members, it's that that means that crises go on. Without solutions being found. As Secretary-General, the added value I could bring is to speak to everyone, even at times of difficult tension, and create the necessary corridors of dialogue so that our goal to keep the world safe be one that is carried by this organization. So to be in dialogue with everyone, speak to everyone, build bridges of communication. Thank you.
Rebecca Greenspan.
Thank you. The blockade of the Security Council is when the job of the Secretary-General starts, because precisely is to open the possibilities for agreement, the job of the Secretary-General. I was in a very similar situation when we brokered the agreement in the Black Sea Initiative. Precisely for the grain and the cereals be able to be traded, and for prices in the world markets to drop, and for people around the world not to suffer the consequences of the regional conflict. We can do the same in the Strait of Hormuz. We should have engaged very early on with all the actors to try to open up, at least for the benefit of the people that are suffering far away from the situation in the Strait of Hormuz that is affecting everybody.
Michelle Bachelet.
Well, I think that first of all, the Secretary-General should try to prevent and anticipate these things from happening. That way they cannot be prevented. Of course, he has to use all the tools that the UN Charter gives him. Good offices, has to maintain bridges with parties in dispute, insist on the peaceful settlement of disputes. It can mediate, send special envoys, et cetera, et cetera. Sit together with member states, with the regional grouping, and see what else can we all together produce a positive effect. It's not easy, but I think one— the most important thing is that the Secretary-General cannot give up. He has to insist and try and try and see different strategies and help member states to identify different strategies. so peace can be brought to the people. At the same time, it has to ensure that the organization provides humanitarian assistance and support victims of those conflicts so we can— we have no lives lost.
Rafael Mariano Grassi.
The metric of the success of the Security Council in a world like the one we are having is certainly not the amount of resolutions that can be adopted. We all assume That there is fragmentation, so the absence of an agreed resolution one could say is the most predictable outcome of these situations. Today, by coincidence, today in this house, the Security Council was meeting and they were discussing preventive diplomacy, conflict resolution, and of course the issue of Chapter 6, Article 33, the Charter, all these things that are being mentioned. The issue then is not that we do not agree that the Secretary-General has a role to play in those circumstances. The issue is to have the Secretary-General that is really able to do that, to be impartial. Impartiality is one of the most difficult traits of the job of the Secretary-General, which is not indifference, it is having the ability to put forward conclusions.
Thank you.
concrete solutions, to listen, not to condemn, to be there to solve a problem.
Maria Fernanda Espinosa.
Well, I think the conflict that you described shows us the current nature of conflicts. They are regional, they have spillover effects, and I think that the UN should mobilize the muscle of the UN to look at the spillover effects and support countries that are sometimes thousands of miles away because of the increase in energy prices, in food prices, the disruption of supply chains. So that is a role for the Secretary-General. And the second role is, as my colleagues have stated clearly, persistence, being an honest broker, not just claim that you are impartial, but be perceived as an impartial honest broker by the member states. There is always space for the Secretary-General to operate as an honest broker. And of course, a Secretary-General has to be persistent and physically present where she is needed.
Ms. Espinosa, we thank you so much for that. Now, staying in the area of crisis and conflict, We have a separate question for each candidate. Again, the order is based on a random drawing. This is the first question, and it goes to Michelle Bachelet. Gaza has tested the limits of UN influence. The organization can document suffering and call for action, but it cannot compel the parties to change course. As Secretary-General, what would you do when UN influence collapses, like for Gaza, and moral authority is not enough?
Well, I believe moral authority is always needed, and you always need to speak out on the issues where violations of human rights have been, or where the violation of international law and humanitarian law is is there. But of course, you have to insist on finding ways to put people together, to identify strategies that maybe are not perfect, but they— you can convince parties to go after that. So I think the Security Council needs to be always open to possibilities, needs to be working with member states to identify in which way the Secretary-General and the Secretariat can support the discussion that will be inside the member state, but also I feel you have not discussed that, but I think the General Assembly can also play an important role. Unity for Peace has been an important possibility when the Security Council has been deadlocked. So I think the Secretary-General has to find all the possible options to try to make a difference.
I just want to follow up, Ms. Bachelet. I mean, you built your career On moral authority. But when it comes to Gaza, obviously moral authority didn't work. It needed action. In your view, what's the mechanism? What tool could you use to change the outcome?
Well, the thing is that there is Article 99 that you can use and bring to the Security Council and to the General Assembly an issue that you feel can go in the wrong direction. But it depends on the moment and the context, because if you're talking about something that is already there, the Article 99 won't be the best. But you have to use all the possibilities. You have to go into the field. You have to work with the people there. You have to have presence, because— and you have to find which are the possibilities of getting allies that can help to produce a change.
Thank you. Mr. Macky Sall? This question is for you. The UN Charter gives the Secretary-General very little formal power but enormous moral authority. What issue are you willing to champion even if you knew that you lacked the support of the Security Council or the major powers?
Yes, the Secretary-General General has prerogatives that are clearly defined by the Charter, and among those priorities is the role of being a facilitator and also to launch an early warning that can more often work on preventative diplomacy and quiet diplomacy, but that should also be able to— with all of the required authorities— to speak to the belligerent parties, especially when it comes to permanent members of the Security Council. That is the hardest kind of work. But I think the impartiality of the Secretary-General, his responsibility to lead the organization with the trust of member states, should lead him to be a constant builder of bridges between countries and to create trust— trust which allows us to assume our historic role because the leaders of our countries should not destroy the organization. Quite the contrary, the ambition is that the UN continues to play the role that it has always played, and it has been very important since the end of World War II. This generation of leaders should work hand in glove and with trust so that the world becomes better and peace is as Mr.
Saul, you talk about building trust. You have 30 seconds to answer the question. How do you do that exactly?
I was president of Senegal for 12 years. I led the African Union. I remember after the start of the war in Ukraine, I was brought to meet President Putin. Not everyone agreed with this because it was a time when there was a huge amount of tension. But exactly because I represented a continent of 1.5 billion people who were suffering the consequences on the blockade of the port of Odessa and the lack of facilitated trade on fertilizers for African countries, despite this tension, we had to go to Sochi and also to Kyiv. So there needs to be a permanent contact in place, whatever the tensions may be, and that's the impartial role that the Secretary-General must play to rebuild trust between members.
Carolyn Rodriguez-Bercat, the Security Council is increasingly paralyzed by vetoes. As Secretary-General, how would you make it effective when its most powerful body cannot act?
I believe that As I said before, there is always space for the Secretary-General. I've served on the Security Council, and I have seen in times when the Security Council could not act, when certain members or groups of members had different views on issues, when the Secretary-General, this current Secretary-General, was able to act. I would want to follow in that same path because you bring neutrality as Secretary-General. you bring a lack of motive only to help the vulnerable and those that are in need of the UN's assistance. And so I think I would capitalize on that neutrality, capitalize on the tools at my disposal, but also on the footprint that the UN has on the ground, that we could receive all the information that we need to make certain proposals to the Security Council. And The Security Council might not act today, but it might act next week based on the Secretary-General's recommendation.
Would you take action without Council authorization if it means preventing a crisis?
The Secretary-General— yes, the Secretary-General is the chief administrative officer of the organization, but there are certain tools at the disposal of the Secretary-General: mediation, good offices, appointing special representatives. There are certain things that you can do. Of course, there are times when that might not be enough and you would have to depend on the Security Council. But if, for example, a veto is going to bring immense suffering, then I would want to speak with that member state to let them know what the consequences of that will be.
Maria Fernanda Espinosa, this question is for you. Your vision calls for the breaking down of traditional silos and treating today's challenges in a more integrated way? When it comes to climate change, which is increasingly fueling conflict, migration, food insecurity, and humanitarian crises, how would you reorganize the United Nations so climate is treated as a cross-cutting challenge rather than simply an environmental issue?
Well, thanks for this question. I have thought a lot about that. If we only think that there are more than 14 ASGs in this house dealing with climate change and not working necessarily together. Climate change, I think it's not the problem. It's a symptom of a lack of harmony between our consumption and production patterns, our footprint, and the impact it has. You said well, climate change and climate shocks fuel conflict. What we are suffering is, I think, a crisis of implementation. We have the knowledge. We have the technologies. We have the agreements. We are very close to meeting for the 31 times in COPs, and yet emissions continue to rise.
Thank you.
Continue to grow, and yet small island developing country— developing states and coastal communities continue to suffer. I would say implementation, a cross-cutting approach, and support to member states so they build better resilience and better adaptation. All this comes with resources, enough access to finance, access to technologies, and institutional capacity. I would like to support countries where— to deliver on their climate commitments, bringing the house together.
You talk about breaking silos. Which silo would you break first?
Well, the connection between the development silos within the system, the connection also between conflict and climate, and the work that the Security Council does, but also the silo on human rights. I think both— the 3 pillars should come together when we deal with one of the most— with the deepest existential threats to humanity and to the planet, which is climate change.
Thank you. The next question is for Mr. Rafael Grossi, and it comes from a UN member state representative.
Thank you very much. I am Katri Luhmus, Deputy Permanent Representative representative of Estonia to the United Nations. And my question is, what are the concrete first steps you would take as Secretary General in a situation when a permanent member of the Security Council wages a war of aggression against another member state?
Thank you.
Thank you very much. I think the first thing that the Secretary General has to do, if I may, regardless of the fact that it is a permanent member or not a permanent Remember, any member of the United States triggering a war or using aggression is serious enough for the Secretary-General to step in. And what we need to do is to restore this credibility of the UN as a valid interlocutor and then use the tools at hand, which are many.
Thank you.
Which tool in particular would you go for first?
Secretary-General must use all the tools that the Charter mentions, and this means, first of all, talking and listening. Second of all, tackling a conflict from a realist perspective, which means that nice words won't do. We have to look at the roots of the conflict, we have to know why a country took the most gravest decision of all in international relations, which is the use of force, a decision that does not come lightly. So we need to understand that, and we need to understand, of course, the victim of that aggression and provide for solutions that are viable.
This question is for Rebecca Greenspan again. It comes from a UN NGO representative.
I am Kabin Doumbouya, representing Appui Solidaire pour le Renforcement de l'Aide au Développement, NGO Astrad Mali, and my question is, across many regions, particularly the Sahel, conflicts are increasing, driven by the bad impact of climate change, environmental degradation, food insecurity and forced displacement. What concrete action will you take to train preventive diplomacy and ensure that climate security, local and community peacebuilding become central pillars of the United Nations peace and security agenda? Thank you.
Can you help me on the first part of the question because I couldn't understand?
Basically being asked how you would ensure that civil society, especially local organizations, are meaningfully involved in these efforts.
In addressing the climate change?
Yes.
issue in the relationship of climate change with peace and security. Did I understand correctly?
That's correct.
Yeah, thank you. Thank you very much. I'm sorry, the sound was not very good. First of all, I really believe that climate is becoming an issue of peace and security. Most of the displacements that we are seeing today from people are because of climate issues. And so obviously it destabilized countries, destabilized regions, and the relationship with the local organizations to be able to craft these strategies, to be able to help the communities, is a major pillar of any action that the UN has to take. I have said very clearly You know, the UN is unique, but it's not alone. Many times we want to do everything in the UN, but what we need to do in these cases, in many cases, is precisely to partner, to partner with regional organizations, to partner with local organizations that are able to be with boots on the ground, with the knowledge, with the closeness to the people. for us to be able to act more, much more accordingly to the needs of the people.
Let me just follow up, Ms. Greenspan. I mean, the UN often uses the phrase local ownership, but it seldom gives power to local organizations. What do you suggest can be done to address that?
Look, you are very right, and I think that the big reform of the UN is at the the countries on the ground. Let me say, we are very much supply-driven and not demand-driven. To be demand-driven, we need to empower also our people on the ground without headquarters always trying to be like a wall between the ground and the member states. Let's do the reform on the ground for for the UN to act as one and partner with the organizations on the ground, the ownership of the country, but also the ownership of the civil society, so we can together face the challenges that are so big and so important, so complex, that will need the action of all of us.
Thank you, Ms. Greenspan.
All right, let's get right to our second section now on UN reform and leadership. Because whether the United Nations actually succeeds in advancing peace and security, sustainable development, human rights, all of that ultimately depends on the strength of the institution itself. And this, of course, coming at a time when confidence in international institutions is under strain. Many governments are calling for a UN that is more effective, more agile, more accountable. There is also growing support among member states for the United Nations to appoint its first female Secretary-General after 8 decades of male leadership. Our next question will go to each of the 6 candidates. You each will have 1 minute to respond, and we start there. If elected Secretary-General, the question is, at the end of your first term, what would you want governments and people around the world to say that the UN does better then than today? And I start with you, Madam Espinosa.
Well, after 5 years, I see the organization with great hopes because I believe in human agency and political— in political will. So what I envisage is a UN that is trusted because it has delivered. For people, more agile because it has transformed itself, and more united because it has renewed its sense of purpose. And the purpose of the UN is very simple, is to prevent conflict and to protect people. And I'm really ready to lead this transformation that the UN so badly needs. And I agree with those that believe that we need an organization that is more modern, leaner, more effective, and much more accountable.
The same question goes to you, Director-General Grossi.
After 5 years, 5 years will be time enough to see whether the UN is back on track. Firstly, by addressing and being seen as effective in addressing the most serious issues in front of us, be it in the area of peace and security, development, human rights, or any of those. This is very important. Perhaps we might not be getting them right 100%, but it will be clear whether the UN is back or not And the second is that by that time, we will have shown that we had the ability to reform, that we had the ability to have a leaner but more focused and more effective UN. 5 years will show that.
Thank you. The same question to you, President Bachelet.
Well, I also believe that people will trust— I mean, I hope that after 5 years, people will trust UN. And they will trust because they will see a UN that's closer to their issues, that is responding better to their needs and their demands, who is also— I believe that the reform will produce a leaner UN, but muscle one, because we need a UN that is leaner but not weak. We need a UN that is able to produce what people need, to produce results.
Thank you.
They have to have. I believe in a UN that could be closer to the states, and they feel that the Secretary-General and the UN represents truly the 193 member states, and that all— everybody can have a voice that will be heard. The UN is this unique space when everybody, weak, powerful, and powerless countries, can dialogue and can find solutions. And if we are able to produce that, in the UN, I think people will trust the UN, and that will mean that the UN will continue doing this relevant and essential role.
Rebecca Greenspan.
Yes, when— 5 years from now, I would like nobody to ask me again, where is the UN? That will be my indicator. I would like to see a UN that is back at the table in the scenarios of conflict. I would like to see a UN that has rebuilt trust, but has used that trust to deliver results on the ground. A more united, more effective, more agile UN. But also a Secretary-General that has opened the spaces and the partnerships, the engagement with the Security Council and with the membership of the General Assembly, and that is able to bring them to the table, to bring them to talk and dialogue. What are the different ways in which we can tackle the problems? A Secretary-General that has open doors and that is used by every member of this hall to solve the problems that the people face.
Ambassador Rodriguez-Burgett.
A few things. First, that the reforms that the UN is engaged in now would have been completed and would have started to deliver, especially on the ground, because that's where the impact is most felt. And that also we have a post-2030 agenda that is realistic and that is workable, mindful that this next Secretary-General will be there in 2030, so we need to start working on that post-2030 agenda. and we should have that by the next 5 years. Also, that the UN must be more present, especially in the peace and security arena, that we would have moved from where we are today to a UN that is delivering better in peace and security, both on the prevention side and ending of conflict side, and also that we would have seen that a woman as Secretary-General General can deliver working with Member States.
Thank you very much. By the end of my mandate, if States entrust me with it, I would like to leave a UN that believes in itself, that is effective, a UN that will have successfully managed its digital transformation and make the most out of the benefits of AI. But above all, a reformed United Nations at the level of the Secretariat and Member States. Because in reality, without Member States, regardless of the SG's will, the reforms will be timid. And when it comes to Member States, we have to ask ourselves about our working methods. Today we have about 40,000 mandates that have been active. In different places in the organization, more than 27,000 annual meetings. So impact needs to be proven and this working methods reform will allow us to reach effectiveness, effectiveness and also increased harmony between the different parts of the organization. And to end on this, I would like to make an analogy with an orchestra. Organ, very important, large musical instrument that uses tubes. Each tube produces a different kind of sound. You can have a very crystal clear note, but you need an organist, somebody that knows how to play the instrument in harmony. Our organizations and its different parts need an organist to achieve harmony, and if the UN were an instrument, I believe that I am capable of playing music beautifully on behalf of member states.
Mr. Grossi, there is definitely a difference between influence and authority. The Secretary-General often has influence through the power of persuasion. Can you give this audience an example of where you have used your influence over authority to get what is necessary?
Well, I think it's clear that so far— and I say so far because there is an ongoing war there— but we have been able, the IAEA, to establish the only independent multilateral presence in a theater of war to prevent a nuclear accident with radiological consequences at the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, where our inspectors are now deployed, established. As you can imagine, as we all can imagine, it was not easy to get to that possibility. And we have negotiated 6 by now ceasefires between the Russian Federation and Ukraine to be able to do indispensable repairs that would prevent a major accident. That is only possible through credibility. That is only possible when you come to the table, the real table and not the imaginary table, with viable solutions. That is one example.
Madam Bachelet, I am curious. Just a little bit earlier, Mr. Grossi did talk about the idea of impartiality. and independence. When we talk about the Secretary-General and the dependence on member states to fund this organization, you as Secretary-General, if you were so selected, would have a duty to speak independently. If a major donor were to threaten to withhold funding unless you soften your criticism of them, what would you do?
I will speak. I will speak out loud what I think is my moral authority and my duty. I have to tell you, when I was UN Women Executive Director, there was this donor who came and said, if you do that, I will take all your funds. I did it because that was what needed to be done. It took all the funds off, but we tried to find other funds. For me, neutrality, impartiality, independence, It's in my DNA. I've always done that all over my life, and I have proven that that is so important because that's the only possibility that the 193 member states feel that this Secretary-General really represents them all, the powerful and the less powerful. Otherwise, it's terrible because if you permit yourself to be pushed— I have been pushed for other reasons as well as High Commissioner for Human Rights. Human Rights to not launch certain documents, but I did it because it was my duty, and you have to do your duty. Otherwise, it's not worthy to be Secretary-General.
In doing that duty—
Sorry.
—pushback from France, from Russia, the UK, the United States—
From many countries.
—China.
From many countries.
Thank you very much. Ms. Greenspan. The next Secretary-General is likely to face sustained financial pressures as it undergoes this reform. If you had to make a difficult choice financially, what would you protect at the United Nations at all costs?
I don't agree with you. First of all, because if we start by saying first what is everything that we are going to cut or stop to do, we will be in the worst situation. I have negotiated a lot in financial scenarios. Believe me, that's not the first thing you do. First of all, we have to build on the resolution that just passed here on the liquidity crisis of the UN and convince, because I think that the financial crisis is linked to the political crisis of the organization. So we have to protect the center. We have to protect the charter. We have to protect the 3 pillars, but we have to be more agile. We have to be able to deliver better results, have more impact, and use our resources wisely to convince that we are able to use the taxpayers' resources in the best way possible. But don't start by giving up. That will be a bad strategy.
But even when many of those resources are being withheld, the amount of arrears right now to the UN, particularly by the United States, is unprecedented.
Absolutely. I understand that, and believe me, I know the numbers, yes? But what I am telling you is that it's not giving up from the beginning, not trying to convince, not trying to bring solutions to the problem that we are facing, and I think that part of it Please try to have a stable financial path for the UN. When you don't know what you are counting on, you cannot be strategic and you cannot do your job. I think that next year is a good year to have a package that will bring back a stable financial perspective for the UN.
President Sahle, you have used the word trust several times here. tonight, how would you actually preserve your independence in the face of the P5 without losing trust of either the Security Council or the people that you are going to represent?
I've already proven in my previous responsibilities how independent I am. My independence is reflected in my diplomacy, saying that there is no exclusivity and there's no exclusion either. Dialogue for me is something that needs to be held with everybody. And today the liquidity crisis in reality is hiding a crisis of trust and the pretext is reform. So I would open— I'd be open book, I would open the accounts of the organization, I would make available to all member states, the proposals for reforms, for solutions, both budgetary reforms and human resources ones, in a transparent way. So once everything is clear with all member states, it is then up to each and every member state to play their part and to fulfil their duty, which is making their contributions to the organisation. But the first step is rebuilding trust, and that's going to be the most crucial element in the work of the next Secretary-General.
Thank you.
I'll go back out to the audience for 2 questions, and the first one will be for María Fernanda Espinosa, coming from a UN member state representative.
Thank you. I am Ambassador Kalilu Ibrahim Tutangi, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Republic of Sierra Leone to the United Nations. As Secretary-General, what specific UN Security Council reform would you champion? How would you engage in building the consensus to make it happen? Thank you.
Well, thank you, Excellency, for the question. I think that the Security Council needs to improve its working methods and needs to be more effective. There were a few months ago, there was a special session looking at implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council, and there were many options discussed there, which I fully support, basically elevating the role of the Secretary General as an intelligence provider, as an honest broker, as scenario building, as providing options to the service of the Security Council members. Now, regarding the reform of the Security Council. We should not only focus on numbers, but we should focus on effectiveness and impact. With regard to the role of the Secretary-General regarding the reform, it has— the Secretary-General has to provide prime secretariat support for a process that is in the hands of member states. I led, as President of the General Assembly, the IGN work. The intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform, which have been going on for a long time. And I think it's a debt that the system has. It's mandated also by the Pact of the Future. The role of the Secretary-General should be to provide all the secretariat support, encourage member states, but of course, the reform process is entirely in the hands of member states.
Would you support adding a 6th permanent member to the Security Council, particularly from Africa?
There is no role for the Secretary-General to support any particular position. There are many positions regarding the composition of the Security Council. My role would be to provide the advice, the secretariat support, and if called and requested, operate as an honest broker. broker within the House and among other members of the Security Council.
Our next audience question will go to Caroline Rodriguez-Burkett, and it's coming from a member of the UN staff.
Good evening.
My name is Feng Qi, and I work at the UN Secretariat here in New York.
My question for you is, Should you be selected as the next Secretary-General, how would you approach UN reform to strengthen staff morale, to improve managerial efficiency, and to ensure accountability across all levels of the organization?
Thank you.
Thank you for your question, and thank you for your work as a staff of the United Nations. First of all, we have already started in the Secretariat the reform to make it more efficient and more effective, and as Secretary-General, I will continue that work to make— using technology, for example— to make it more effective. But a Secretary-General is as strong as the team around her, and an organization is as strong as the people who work work for it. And what I've heard in my consultations with member states, they would like to see the staff of the Secretariat look like the world it represents. And so certainly looking at the unrepresented and underrepresented countries will be a priority. I understand that change brings trepidation, and as we go through this reform, that will be very much present there. But I hope that I can be a motivator as well of staff as we work to deliver better.
Thank you, Ambassador.
Now we'll turn to our final section, Global Challenges and Opportunities. The defining challenges of the next decade— artificial intelligence, climate change, pandemics, migration, and economic fragmentation— are reshaping the world far faster than governments and international institutions can adapt. They transcend borders, blur the boundaries between peace and security, sustainable development and human rights, and require new forms of international cooperation. Our final opening question is for all candidates. Each will have 1 minute to respond. The United Nations was created to bring governments together. Today, many of the world's most consequential decisions are not made by governments, but by private companies. What role should the Secretary-General play in shaping the actions of powerful private actors who increasingly influence global security, development, and human rights? Mr. Macky Sall, we start with you.
Merci beaucoup.
Thank you very much. That's a very important topic because it has to do with a very important pillar, the most important one in fact, development. And we can't really speak about development today and financing development without speaking about— or speaking about shared prosperity without changing the development paradigm. Today we need to create the opportunity to broaden that prosperity globally. That means that first we must reform the international financial architecture. Public financing by itself is not enough to provide appropriate responses. And I would seek out a global dialogue with member states, the Bretton Woods institutions, the IFIs, the international financial institutions, but above all, the private sector, civil society, and philanthropists. And by combining all of those stakeholders, we can facilitate access for all countries to create the conditions of shared prosperity. And that way, we will have a world that is safer and more prosperous, shared prosperity for all. And the private sector will have a major role to play.
Michelle Bachelet.
Well, I believe that the Secretary-General has to be a convener. Talking about the different challenges you mentioned, you mentioned a lot of different ones, artificial intelligence, climate change, et cetera, and that the UN is a very unique place to convene all stakeholders. For example, of course, governments, but also private sector, academia, person who develops technologies in the case of the artificial intelligence, to try to identify which which are the ones that need to have a rule governance, a global governance, but at the same time, to develop what we call a smart mix of measures that can, on one hand, give rules, clear rules to everyone, that everyone, governments but also the private sector, has to follow, but at the same time, to boost innovation and the capacity of the private sector to continue advancing in many of these essential issues. I think the Secretary-General can be, has been in the past, and can be a very important convener because it can sit together all the people who are involved in this.
Rebecca Greenspan.
Yes, thank you. I think that this is a very good question to refer to what many call now polylateralism. That is multistakeholderism. That is that you bring, you have to bring the actors in the areas where you want to influence. And we need those that understand the technology, we need the science, but we need the private sector. And I think that we in the UN can use much more AI and much more new technologies to make us more efficient. And we can use it also in these scenarios of crisis to protect women, for example, with the technology in many of the crisis areas where women are suffering. So I think that this idea of polylateralism in the issues of technology and AI is very handy, is right, because we need to bring all the actors. Civil society has to be there because there are issues of human rights, there are issues of regulation, and the science that is now being convened by this Secretary-General in the UN, I think that is a very important step forward in that direction.
Carolyn Rodriguez-Bercániz.
I agree with former President Sall on the issue of development financing and how we could work with the international financial institutions. Ideally, it would be good if we have UN reform moving parallel with the reform of the financial institutions, but that might be too ambitious. Ambitious, but even if we can have small movements, incremental movements with the IFIs that are systemic and that will bring concessional financing, for example, to a large number of member states, especially developing member states, I think that will make things better for a lot of our people in the world. But I also want to speak about AI because I believe that AI can be a force for good, but young people are concern that AI will take their jobs, will kill their creativity. And so this UN, the wisdom of the 193, I believe, can come together to have an AI governance framework that can balance innovation and not stifle creativity, and at the same time, the concerns of our people.
Maria Fernanda Espinosa.
Well, I, I think the, the UN and the Secretary-General is equipped to convene, to partner, to advocate, and that's exactly what we need in the world of today. You asked about the role of the private sector, and I think this is absolutely critical because that's where we see innovation, we see jobs, we see resources, and that's what developing countries need right now. They need investment, they need access to capital, they need technologies, they need opportunity, and that's exactly what the UN should help provide. I would also like to refer to the importance of artificial intelligence. It's— there is a revolution happening in front of our eyes, and we have seen the UN already convene a few days ago in Geneva, the UN being a convener, but ensuring that AI is used for good, and that the source code of all the new technologies is human dignity. So we should share the opportunities, but also share the risk and work on them together. The UN is very well positioned on that.
And again, Please wrap it up, Ms. Espinosa.
Excuse me?
Please wrap it up.
Oh, well, I was going to say that we need to come to grips on how to better integrate the power of the private sector to work together hand in hand with the UN. This is very important, understanding, of course, very clearly that this organization is an intergovernmental organization. The same goes for civil society. Thank you.
Rafael Mariano Grossi.
Self-evidence of what the question has. The role of the private sector must be understood in the UN, and apart from general assertions, we must see where we need to understand that. Of course, in the area of development, this is quite clear. Official development assistance is diminishing at dramatic pace, and we need to recognize that. We need to recognize how we do development assistance in a way that will allow capital investment enabling measures to set foot and to allow this role of the private sector to be really efficient. So that requires an understanding that certain top-down approaches, sometimes ideological approaches, are not working in the area, which has been recognized by my colleagues here, here of artificial intelligence coming from a technical organization like the IAEA. We are very much aware of that. Here, neither starry-eyed optimism nor unjustified fears, just the right approach, which is not a top-down thing. Yes, the UN is looking at it, but some others are doing it. Just a few days ago, a new international organization has been set up to deal with that. This means—
Mr. Grossi, please wrap it up.
This means that there are different approaches.
Thank you. Now, staying in the area of global challenges and opportunities, we have a separate question for each candidate. Ms. Greenspan, we'll start with you, and it's on trade. Trade is increasingly being shaped by geopolitics. rather than economics. Tariffs, export controls, and shifting supply chains are becoming tools of national security. What role should the Secretary-General play in preventing economic fragmentation from becoming a source of global instability?
Thank you very much. Let me start to say from the beginning that in a multipolar world, if we don't have multilateralism, we will walk towards fragmentation. Multipolarity with multilateralism is what will give us the promise of inclusion and prosperity for all. Let's not see this as 2 different things. They are the same thing. Geoeconomics had a lot of space space at the beginning of the century, yes? But now it's true, geoeconomics and geopolitics are two sides of the same coin. You know that I come from a trade organization. I believe in trade. I believe in trade for small and medium-sized countries to be able to benefit from the global economy, and I think that multilateralism has to be put forward precisely to avoid fragmentation. Fragmentation will happen if multilateralism doesn't step up.
Just to follow up very quickly, powerful states weaponize trade. What mechanisms can be put in place to shift their behavior?
Well, but let me tell you, if you look at the numbers of trade last year, trade was much more resilient than all of us predicted. Why? Because we have regional trade. Regionalism is back. Integration, different agreements between groups of countries, are setting the rules of the game for them, even if at the global level trade is being weaponized. Those are resilient instruments that countries have used to make trade still an instrument for growth and prosperity.
Thank you. Mr. Grossi, this question is for you. Artificial intelligence is changing warfare as rapidly as it's changing commerce. Should the United Nations lead efforts to establish global rules for autonomous weapons, and what should those rules entail?
There are certain guardrails that can be Some people say that we need an IAEA for AI because here you have an international organization that deals with a very sensitive technology and has been doing it right. Unfortunately, the algorithmic space, the way in which frontline models are developed in a very diffuse way, is not regulated. Thank you. Diffuse way through different jurisdictions makes it extremely difficult to go for a top-down, over-normative approach on AI. What we will need to have, and do it together with those who are driving this in different parts of the world, we are going to need a collaborative platform to define together What are the certain behavioral rules that we may agree on in order not to stifle innovation that we all need and to avoid that we lose the more important factor, human in the loop?
Would you back a verification system for autonomous weapons?
A verification system of the type that you have for nuclear weapons, for example, would be an illusion. So you need something different. It would be good for me to say, yeah, do what we do at the IEA. IEA is based on material balance of tangible things. This is a different dimension, requires a different approach.
Ms. Rodriguez-Piquet, the question is for you. What is the most important lesson from COVID-19 that the world has yet to act upon? And if another pandemic arises during your first year in office, What would be your first priorities be?
Let's not call that into existence at all, because that would be devastating for the world community, especially now when we face severe financial constraints in many of our countries. Many of our countries have not recovered from COVID-19, and if you look at the reports on the Sustainable Development Goals, you would see that COVID played a very big part in regressing that development for many states and stifling it in other states. I think we need to be prepared. We must always be prepared. God forbid there will be another pandemic, and we must be prepared for that. I believe that the mechanisms that we have in place, the World Health Organization, for example, and member states being present there and who went through the pandemic, all of us went through it. I think we are now better prepared for that. But if we don't have the necessary financing and the necessary vaccines and so on, we would see what would— the same thing would happen as happened before, where it was survival of the fittest.
So what would you do? I mean, if wealthy nations were to hoard vaccines, what would you do?
The Secretary-General would have to use her voice. But apart from that, you will need to have the cooperation of all member states for us to address this. And this General Assembly discusses the pandemic ever so often, but I believe that— I believe in the wisdom of our combined 193 member states as well. And we have seen what the pandemic has caused before, and I don't think that we want that to happen again.
Ms. Espinosa, this question is for you. At a time of fiscal pressure and competing priorities, how would you convince wealthier nations that financing climate adaptation is an investment in global stability rather than simply foreign aid?
Well, I don't think that we need to convince countries to do that. I think that the evidence, the data is out there, the science is out there. If you invest in resilience building adaptation, you will have less migration, you will have more economic prosperity, you will have people living with dignity, protecting their livelihoods. So it is the best investment, and there is tons of evidence that that's the case. And I think we need more investment in adaptation for sure. More investment in resilience building. If you look at the outlook between investing in mitigation, in lowering emissions, and in adaptation, the balance is like that. So we need to balance investment in climate mitigation, adaptation, resilience building. The mechanisms are there. There is a lack of implementation. and political will. The Secretary-General is well placed to make it happen and to make implementation and climate action a reality, especially because countries are— for vulnerable countries in particular.
Mr. Sol, this question is for you, and it comes from a UN member state representative.
Good evening. I am Ambassador Tawonga Mushayavhano, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Zimbabwe to the United Nations. And my question is, what initiatives will you implement to advance meaningful reform of the global financial architecture, including address the bad debt burden, as well as operationalizing the severe commitment So that the Global South can access development financing on just and equitable terms.
Thank you very much, Your Excellency, Ambassador from Zimbabwe. As I said earlier, a global discussion will be launched to reform the international financial architecture. We can all see the burden of debt, and this burden for developing countries is so— is not because of the size of their debt, but it's more the conditions of the debt. Developing countries, unfortunately, have 5 times or 8 times higher costs of borrowing than developed countries, and that's because of the mechanisms that exist. Firstly, the guarantee and risk mechanisms for developing countries. So this discussion should also bring on board credit rating agencies who should work with member states and IFIs so that we can set an appropriate framework for equitable access to good financial conditions. We know that public financing is no longer enough in terms of expectations. Also, it has fallen drastically recently, so we also need to bring private financing on board and mitigate the risks, because we then ensure that countries, via private investment, via partnerships, we need to be there to support their ability to trade, and that's in the interest of all member states.
Paul Bashley, a question from a civil society organization representative.
Good afternoon.
My name is Rosario Diaz Garavito, representing the Millennials Movement, and my question is, in a context where human rights are increasingly challenged, how will the human rights pillar be prioritized in your mandate? How will the United Nations ensure that funding for human rights remain as part of the humanitarian response?
Well, as Secretary-General, I must acknowledge and act upon legitimate concerns regarding the efficiency and effectiveness of the UN. As High Commissioner of Human Rights, I have seen firsthand how critical they are for the prevention of conflict. First of all, it's a real important tool on prevention of conflict and also on peacebuilding. Thank you. Building, but also I would say as for the development of a member state. And as Secretary-General, I will be ready to speak up with responsibility, but also with robust reason every time it's appropriate, contributing to effective measures and also to end violence and violations. But I will actively seek to demonstrate to all concerned that human rights is crucial for international peace. And also for sustainable development. I will ensure stronger coordination, I would say, among different agencies, funds, and programs that do develop human rights work at the ground. The other thing is to work with member states to avoid cuts to organizations that is chronically very ill-financed, and also human resources are not big amounts of it. That's only— I believe it's only like 2 or 4% of the budget, of the regular budget, that goes to the Office of the High Commissioner. And I will actively engage with leaders everywhere to ensure that we can mobilize voluntary contributions so human rights can be that important key pillar of the UN.
Thank you, Ms. Bachelet.
Let's move to our final question now, and it does focus on the first words of the UN Charter, we the peoples. You will each have 1 minute to explain what you see is the greatest threat facing the world's peoples, and I begin with you, Caroline Rodrigues-Burkett.
I would say the threat to multilateralism. Multilateralism is the guarantee for our global security and protection, and we have to protect this at all costs. I know that the world out there is looking to see how multilateralism is benefiting the people on the ground. How is it ending conflicts or preventing conflicts? How is it delivering on development? But I also believe that we have an important responsibility, and as Secretary-General, I would work on this. This is to communicate to our populations about the importance of the United Nations and multilateralism. The generation of World War II is not with us anymore, and history has a way of repeating itself if we don't learn from it and if we don't communicate about this. But I think communicating the work of the UN is better when it's also underpinned by action, and action to make changes on the ground, to see development on the ground, And that is what I would do as Secretary-General, communicating why the UN exists, why multilateralism is important, but also what actions are being taken by the United Nations to address the global challenges we face today.
The same question to you, Mr. Sall.
Merci beaucoup. Thank you very much. If we want to truly represent the peoples and respond to the promise of the Charter, we must go back to the basics in the organization— peace and security, development, human rights. And using those levers effectively allows us to provide appropriate responses for youth in the world. I would recall today that we have around 4 billion people and we need to give them education, we need to give them jobs. We have to defend women and their rights, young girls in their education, in their conditions. So working together with all member states around these priorities after 5 years should allow us to see that the UN is back in the center of the world in the framework of a renewed multilateralism that works for all member states.
A grave threat is that the current fragmentation we have been talking about and upon which I think we all coincide puts us in a point beyond convergence, beyond believing that in spite of all these differences, there are still common denominators. Yes. That generation 80 years ago had differences, but it understood that to avoid the scourge and the misery that had affected them twice in one generation, they had to do something different. We are in a difficult position now, and it is not impossible that we will reach the point that canceling out each other will be the rule. And for that, there is still one UN. Let's not forget that.
Ms. Greenspan.
I think that the main challenge for we the people is the belief that might is right, is the weakening of international law and humanitarian law, is the erosion of the believed, what founded this organization, that was the great powers thought that they needed restraint. That's why they built an international organization, an organization where they will exert restraint, not only power. We need to bring back that idea to the UN. We need to bring back that idea to the great powers and for the coalitions for multilateralism. A multilateralism coalition, the most stable coalition is the small and medium-sized countries, because we need the law, we need the framework, we need the charter, and we need to bring back to it, to the main initial idea, all the other powers also to be able to support it.
Thank you.
stabilize the capacity of the UN to be able to bring peace, development, and human rights?
Madam Ambassador?
Well, I think that there are many threats, because it's different the threat that can have a country today in the Gulf, that families and young people in Africa where they have no jobs, or where there are extremist groups that are trying to recruit them, but I believe that the kind of challenges that the world is facing today are global challenges. Nobody's going to solve them by themselves. When there is polarization, fragmentation, intents to weaken the international community, that is really a problem. That's why, as all of them have already said, we need a strong multilateralism. We need a UN that's agile, efficient, effective, transparent, accountable, and that takes seriously all the different challenges that young people have, that women have, because peace is essential, but there will be no peace and security if there's no development. There will be no peace and security if there are no human rights. We need to work strongly on all of them to be able that people feel that this UN is really responding to what they need.
The greatest threat facing the world's people to you, Maria Fernanda Espinosa.
Well, allow me to start with a quote. Elie Wiesel, Nobel Peace Prize, said that the opposite of love is not hate, it is indifference. And I am afraid of that, of indifference, especially understanding that nearly half of humanity is under 30 today, and yet the institutions that are shaping their future and their present are still designed, led, and governed by previous generations. And we see that innovators, leading companies, but also the majority of combatants, including non-armed state groups, gangs, are filled with young people that they that do not see a future. So my other keyword would be trust. We need to regain trust in international law, in the UN Charter, in the role of the UN, in the importance of cooperation and collective action.
Mm-hmm.
And for that, I think that as Secretary-Generals, potential, all of us, and hopefully me, our responsibility is to make the UN relevant again. to deliver, to touch the hearts and souls of people on the ground, to serve people on the ground, and not to confuse activity with impact, and to build an organization that is more accountable to the people it serves. That is my commitment.
Thank you, Minister.
Well, tonight you've heard from the 6 candidates seeking to become the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. You've heard their ideas on conflict and diplomacy, responding to emerging technologies, and addressing the global challenges that increasingly transcend national borders. Now, I would like to give each of you an opportunity to make a closing statement. In your closing remarks, tell us what your priorities would be in your first 100 days as Secretary-General. We'll go in the reverse order of the opening statements, beginning with Macky Sall. You have 2 minutes.
Thank you very much. My immediate action will be to build a strong team based on competence, diversity, and balanced geographical representation. I will work on 3 main priorities. First, I will strengthen the UN's capacity on peace and security through preventive diplomacy, early warning, mediation, good offices, and closer cooperation with regional organizations, particularly on peace operations. Second, I will initiate an operational review of its structures and mandates to improve the organization's efficiency and impact. I will launch consultations with member states on reform, including the UNAT initiative. I will also work with member states to address the UN's liquidity crisis while improving accountability and transparency. Third, I will keep human rights and development at the heart of the global agenda. I will begin consultations on the post-2030 agenda with member states, the Bretton Woods institutions, IFIs, the private sector, civil society, and philanthropy. I will promote development financing based more on investment, trade, and partnerships while improving developing countries' access to capital markets, knowledge, and innovation. In my first 100 days, I want to restore trust and put the UN on a path to become more agile, more effective, and more— and ready to listen, act, and bring people together. I thank you.
Carolyn Rodriguez-Burchett.
The first order of business obviously will be deploying my senior team, and of course it will be geographically balance. Firstly, of course, competence, but geographical balance and gender balance. And then I'll focus on 5 things. First, it's reform, advancing the reform of the Secretariat, which will be under my authority. But another aspect of that reform is providing the member states with the neutral information that they need to make the structural reforms, because that reform is in the hands of member states. Secondly, it will be on conflict resolution. resolution and prevention, and there I would look how the tools at the disposal of the Secretary-General, be it mediation or the good offices, can be used or can be better used, and start deploying those. Thirdly, the humanitarian situation. We have a really terrible humanitarian situation, and some work has already been done in trying to improve that, but I would want to advance that, looking at what are the impediments— political, logistical, and how we can deliver better. Thirdly, addressing the unrepresented and underrepresented countries. I will have to commence that because that came up from a lot of member states in the interactive dialogue, and so I would want to start work on that. Commencing discussions with the international financial institutions. As I mentioned before, even small steps that are systemic that can bring relief to countries, especially when it comes to concessions concessional financing would make a huge difference, even as we work for greater reforms. But I want to do that in partnership, not from a pedestal speaking to the IFIs, but working in partnership and of course with member states. We have the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index and work has already started on going beyond GDP, but how do we use the MVI, for example, to work on concessional financing for the most vulnerable countries, and I would do all of this working in close collaboration with member states, given my commitment to be close to member states, being accessible to member states in a very systematic way and not in an ad hoc fashion. I believe that's realistic for the first 100 days.
Rebecca Greenspan.
Yeah, momentum is set on day one, so in my first 100 days, I will return peacemaking to the heart of the organization. I will restore trust in the UN as a convener and establish a good offices support unit in the Executive Office of the Secretary-General, a small, agile team operating at the highest political level. I will engage from my first day in office with all member states, the Security Council, and the parties to conflict. On peacekeeping, we need an integrated planning structure for peace security. One-size-fits-all tools no longer work. Pretending otherwise wastes resources and erodes credibility. We must be demand-driven and not supply-driven, focused on realistic delivery, and we must partner more with regional organizations. Second, UNAID broke important ground. Member States have invested in this process that must not go to waste. But cutting costs is not enough. Without a vision of change, that only will make us weaker. I will reform how incentives work, tackle the behavior that drives duplication and unhealthy competition, and we also have to reform from the top, not only from the bottom. I will build on Resolution 80270 to put this organization's finance back on solid footing. Third, rebuild trust. This is the most important ingredient for transformation. As we move from point A to point B, there will be fear, uncertainty, and disruption to the status quo. Not all will be convinced. Not all will be eager. I treat communication and credibility as part of mandate delivery. I will engage the public through the formats, language, and platforms that they use. I will embody the change I will bring to this organization. And day by day, recover. people's trust in the work that we do.
Please wrap up.
Thank you very much.
100 days, 100 days might not be enough to do everything that needs to be done to put the UN back on track, but they will be a very good indication whether we mean business or it's just the same old thing— statements, speeches, good intentions. We all know that. We've been there before, and it's not going to work. It didn't work before, it will not work now. We will have to have brutal honesty to recognize what we can do, and that will start with a different dialogue, a different dialogue, a new deal, if I may use the expression, between the Secretary-General—
Thank you.
and member states, a new deal between the Secretary-General and the Secretariat and the staff, to talk to them, to listen to them, not to sugarcoat problems, but to take care of them. It will need that we look at developmental areas with the wisdom that the new times and the new economic circumstances that we have dwelled upon during this conversation require, but that needs to walk the walk and not simply to talk the talk. When it comes to reform, of course, important. Everybody's a reformer now. Let's see what happens on January 1st. We will have to see and to separate what is within the mandate of Secretary-General and their yes resolution, not wasting time, and for what is in the hands of the membership to have this honest dialogue to determine what is the level of our ambition, what do we really want to do with the UN. It is perfectly possible. We shouldn't lose hope. A UN that works, although it sounds it sounds incredible, is possible.
Maria Fernanda Espinoza.
Well, just to recall, 100 days is a little more than 3 months, no? And it's hard to be original here, but I have to say that I will work in my first 100 days to recover, to set the foundations better, to recover credibility and trust. within the UN system, with member states, and with the people we serve. And basically, let me just speak about 3 issues. Number one, it was already mentioned, but it's obvious: establish a high-quality cabinet and a reformed executive office based on 3 issues: competence, competence, competence, plus one, which is integrity. And I really, as Secretary-General, need to ensure that my decisions are well-informed and timely, and that I'm able to advise and inform member states. Number 2, focus on reform implementation and financial stability. Let me reveal something here. Today, 72 member states have not yet paid their dues. to the organization. This is, of course, not only a financial issue. I think it is a message that we need to regain trust of member states so they see value for money, so they see that this organization is to become more accountable, more transparent, and more impact-driven. Of course, accelerate implementation and follow through the UNAID package. and the decisions that have been made by member states. I think UN80, as I have said, is a very good start, but more is needed to transit from budget cuts and mergers of agencies and programs to a new business model for the UN based on impact, performance, and accountability. And number 3, I will be present and visible where all the crises and conflicts are. I will make prevention not a slogan, but an operating principle, a discipline, and I will establish very early a prevention and early action hub to inform member states on time, and I will have the UN machinery ready and active to prevent conflicts. I will be there myself carrying the UN flag.
Please wrap up, Ms. Espinosa.
And of course, if I have to talk about crisis, let me close with that. This institution is on crisis. So I will be present here too to restore trust and communication with the staff members of this organization. We need to restore this capacity—
Please wrap it up.
—of dialogue. And basically what I would do is recover the mandate of this institution in full, make the UN relevant, prevent conflict, and protect people.
Please wrap it up.
Thank you.
Michelle Bachelet.
Well, throughout my tenure, my overarching priority will be to be present and active wherever, whenever, and however I can be of service to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the UN. But I always thought when I was a president that it's good to get objectives for the first period because you focus on that and you can accomplish. So in my first 100 days, I will prioritize and accomplish. Thank you. Key senior management officials on the basis of, of course, proved competence and integrity, but also we need gender and geographical balance. Personally, and very early on, I want to engage with member states on key management challenges. This means making substantial progress on how to best deepen and accelerate reforms that combine greater efficiencies and effectiveness. The goal will always be to make the UN leaner, but muscled. We don't want to make the UN weak. And this area is not only to work and engage with members, but also with the staff, because I know that the staff want the same, want a very strong UN. Second, I want to secure— I will try at least to secure the financial stability of the organization through payment of assessed and voluntary contributions, which is indispensable for all else. I will review all institutional institutional and financial tools available to the Secretary-General under Chapter VI in order to boost effective action on peacemaking and peacebuilding. I will look very carefully at the recommendations made today at the Security Council. Meanwhile, identify opportunities for enhanced contribution to resolving current conflicts, especially where violations of human rights and international humanitarian law are the gravest and humanitarian needs the greatest. Guided by existing multilateral commitments, start to sustain a result-oriented dialogue with all relevant actors to exponentially increase finance for development and climate action. This is a very condition for robust, long-term sustainable development, and also something that's been absent here, the insurance of the Agenda 2030. To succeed, I will work in good faith with all those willing willing to help ensure the UN continues to be the tremendous, powerful force for good it has been for decades. I think millions around the world truly need it.
Thank you, Ms. Bachelet.
Michelle Bachelet, Maria Fernanda Espinosa, Rafael Mariano Grossi, Rebecca Greenspan, Caroline Rodriguez-Burkett, Macky Sall. One of you may be the 10th Secretary-General of the United Nations, a Secretary-General who will inherit a world more divided, more technologically complex, and yet probably more interconnected than at any point in the UN's 81-year history. But there are going to be a lot of challenges that one of you will have to face as the next leader, and the decisions that the next leader will make over the next several months will have an inordinate impact on the next 81 years of this institution and the ability to be an effective steward for the world's 8 billion people.
From all of us at Bloomberg, thank you to the President of the United Nations General Assembly and her team for their partnership in presenting this town hall. And thank you for joining us. Good night.