The Friends of Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) Ministerial Meeting

Thank you very much. Now we would like to start the first FMCT Friends Ministerial Meeting. I warmly welcome ministers and representatives who are present today. Your presence underscores the importance of our dialogues on the Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty and the Friends of FMCT. By the way, I'm Dr. Kimi Nakamura. Director-General for Disarmament and Non-Proliferation, Japan Minister of Foreign Affairs. Nice to meet you all. First, I'd like to invite Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, Mr. Takeshi Iwaya, to start off this meeting. Minister Iwaya, the floor is yours.

Thank you. I will— please allow me to speak in Japanese, so— Could you please use earphones? Thank you.

Distinguished ministers and representatives of France, let me begin by expressing my heartfelt appreciation to all of you for gathering here today for the first FMCIT France ministerial meeting. Currently, the divisions and confrontations in the international community is deepening, and we are facing a severe and complex security environment. Furthermore, the trust in the framework of international cooperation based on multilateralism is also being undermined. While the discussions in the disarmament machinery is in stagnation, North Korea is further advancing its nuclear and missile capabilities,— and a certain country continues to build up its nuclear forces in an opaque and rapid manner. An FMCT we are aiming for is a framework that places a quantitative cap on nuclear weapons by banning the production of fissile material. This idea dates back to the "Atoms for Peace" speech delivered at the United Nations in 1953 by then US President Eisenhower. Although the start of negotiations was proposed several times between the East and the West during the Cold War, it was never implemented. In the 1990s, a resolution on the FMCT was adopted at the UN General Assembly and discussions gained momentum. However, as you all know, for 30 years to this day, it has not been realized. This year marks 80 years since humanity's first nuclear test and the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Since assuming the office of a Foreign Minister of Japan, I had the privilege to directly listen to the voices of many hibakushas who earnestly call for nuclear disarmament, including those from Nihon Hidankyo, which won the Nobel Peace Prize last year. Hibakushas have never given up to this day, continuing to pass on their hopes for a world without nuclear weapons. If we political leaders were to give up, confidence in the international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime would be lost, and we would face the dangerous situation of potentially igniting an arms race amid an already severe geopolitical environment. We bear a responsibility to the many people around the world who seek peace. Motivated by these sentiments, this past May I attended the preparatory committee for the NPT Review Conference and called for efforts to build consensus based on a spirit of dialogue and cooperation. Whatever may be the nature of uncertainties and the tensions in which the world is placed today, and whatever may be their causes, there should be no problem that cannot be resolved peacefully with a united strength of 80 nations which now constitute our organization. That is the United Nations. It would be utter folly for mankind, which today has entered upon the atomic age, to pursue a path that leads to its own annihilation. This is an excerpt from a speech delivered in 1956 at the UN General Assembly by Foreign Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu, a predecessor from my hometown of Oita. This UN headquarters is filled with a political will toward nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation. What is now required is to translate this will to the immediate commencement of negotiations of an FMCT through dialogue and cooperation. If we consider the efforts during the Cold War since President Eisenhower's speech as the first chapter, and the 30 years since the UNGA FMCT resolution in the 1990s after the Cold War as the second chapter, Then, the FMCT friends represents an attempt to open up a new chapter at a new stage where the post-Cold War period is said to have ended. Japan is determined to steadily move forward toward the immediate commencement of negotiations in cooperation with all the FMCT friends gathered here today. In these challenging times, I look forward to carrying on the aspirations of our predecessors and writing a new chapter together. Thank you for your attention.

Thank you, Minister Iwaya. Now, I would like to invite distinguished participants of the meeting. First, I would like to invite Honourable Penny Wong, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Commonwealth of Australia, please.

Thank you very much, Ministers, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, colleagues. 80 years ago, the world witnessed the complete and utter devastation wrought by nuclear weapons., and we understood as a globe that nuclear weapons could lead to the end of humanity as we know it. So as we mark 80 years since the horrific bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, can I thank my friend and colleague, Minister Hayao, and his country, Japan, for gathering us here today. Australia remains committed to a world without nuclear weapons. We want urgent progress towards that goal so that future generations will never again experience that horrific use. We need, as a collective humanity, practical pathways to disarmament, including the Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty, or FMCT. Last September, Australia and Japan actively participated in the launch of the Friends of the FMCT hosted by Japan, and we recently reaffirmed our commitment to creating the conditions to immediately commence negotiations on the FMCT in Tokyo in our ministerial consultations. The friends of the FMCT are a broad group representing all parts of the globe—Africa, Europe, the Americas, and my own region, the Indo-Pacific. We are united in our commitment to maintain and amplify attention to the importance of an FMCT, to build momentum towards commencing negotiations, a treaty that can contribute to disarmament by verifiably capping the amount of highly enriched uranium and separated plutonium available for use in nuclear weapons. It would contribute to non-proliferation by further tightening controls on fissile material, reducing the risk of this material leaking to unwanted actors. Australia has consistently advocated and engaged in the technical work needed to bring this treaty into existence over the past 3 decades, and the groundwork for formal negotiations has been laid. Thanks to the dedication of the friends of the FMCT here in the room today. And of course, there are officials in Geneva who I know have been working tirelessly on the sidelines of the Conference on Disarmament to build momentum towards an FMCT, and I particularly acknowledge the work of the expert preparatory group and the group of government experts. Australia calls on those states who hold nuclear weapons but are yet to declare and uphold a moratorium on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons to do so. Australia calls on all states to put the safety of future generations first. The only obstacle is a lack of political will. So today, together, let us renew our call for action and lead others on a pathway towards an FMCT, because we never want to see the use of nuclear weapons again. Thank you.

Thank you, Minister Wong.

Next, I would like to give the floor to Honourable Maria Teresa Lazaro, Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Republic of the Philippines. Now, Secretary Lazaro, the floor is yours.

Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi, Excellencies, good afternoon. The Philippines is unambiguous in its rejection of nuclear weapons. We work with Japan and other like-minded states in sustaining international discourse toward the Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty because this treaty is a much-needed pillar in a nuclear-free world. Lessons from 80 years ago have taught us that nothing could ever justify the use of nuclear weapons. This grouping of FMCT friends is determined to retain focus on the pursuit of nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament especially in the context of escalating conflicts. Incinerated bodies of children, a human shadow etched in stone, and the dreadful experiences of the Hibakusha highlight the fragility of human life in the face of the atom's awesome power. The well-chronicled stories of those who suffered reinforced our conviction that nuclear weapons have no place in a peaceful world. And yet outdated security strategy concepts based on nuclear deterrence continue to drive policy in many countries. In the Asia-Pacific region, we are seeing the rapid expansion of nuclear arsenals against the spirit of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the incomplete gains achieved in nuclear disarmament in the past decades. The threat of use of nuclear weapons intensifies current strategic competition and protracted conflicts in Europe, Middle East, South and East Asia. These geopolitical conflict complexities more so demand immense collective effort to achieve a nuclear weapons-free world. Existing commitments to nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation must be upheld. There is no room for backsliding. The finalization and entry into force of a multilateral, non-discriminatory, and effectively verifiable FMCT are both critical and urgent. The adoption of such a treaty would result in the restricted production and dismantling of fissile material to limit the expansion of nuclear weapons stockpiles. Towards this end, the Philippines will continue to support resolutions calling for an FMCT, FMCT regularly tabled in the First Committee. Of the UN General Assembly in New York. The Philippines also calls on world leaders to throw support behind the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva. This is to ensure that efforts to draft and negotiate an FMCT meaningfully move forward. We encourage states to demonstrate commitment by implementing unilateral moratoria on construction of additional facilities for uranium enrichment and plutonium separation from military use. An FMCT will bring us nearer to an enduring arms control and disarmament architecture, complementing landmark instruments like the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. We must sustain our gains through dialogue in good faith and welcome measures that encourage transparency and accountability. The echoes of the unspeakable horror wrought upon Hiroshima and Nagasaki 8 decades ago impel us to reject any ratification for further increases in the number of nuclear weapons. The pursuit of complete, irreversible, and verifiable nuclear disarmament is a responsibility we ought to see through until it is realized. The future generations deserve No less. Thank you.

Thank you very much, Secretary Lazaro. Now, let me invite His Excellency Mohammed Babal Badaru Abubakar, Honourable Minister of Defence of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Minister Abubakar, the floor is yours, please. Thank you very much.

Mr. Chair, Ministers, Your Excellencies. Mr. Chair, on behalf of Nigeria, allow me to thank you for convening this timely meeting. We also commend JAFAN for its leadership and all partners for their steadfast support of a Peaceful Materials Control Treaty. This year we mark the 80th anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki., a sobering reminder of the catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons. It is therefore apt that we meet today with renewed resolve to advance concrete measures towards a world free of those weapons. For too long, the absence of legally binding measures prohibiting the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons has left a dangerous gap in the global disarmament architecture. Nigeria believes that closing this gap through the immediate commencement of negotiations on the FCMT— FMCT is both pragmatic and realistic. Such a treaty will verifiably halt the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. Reinforce the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and rebuild the lost confidence given the growing geopolitical tensions around us. Nigeria draws inspiration from Africa's own experience under the Treaty of Lend-Lease, which established our continent as a non— a nuclear-free zone. This stands as proof that bold collective steps are possible. We reiterate the immediate— the inalienable right of all states to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the highest safety and safeguard standards. Nigeria strongly supports a global moratorium on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. Alongside the dismantling or conversion of existing production facilities to peaceful uses. Those interim steps will help create the political momentum necessary for the negotiation of a universal, verifiable, and non-discriminatory FMCT. In conclusion, Mr. Chair, I wish to state that On this solemn anniversary, let us honor the memory of the victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by acting with courage and urgency. The pursuit of an FMCT is not only a legal necessity but a moral imperative for the survival of humanity. I thank you.

Thank you, Minister Abubakar. Now let me invite His Excellency Chris Elmore MP, Minister for UN Affairs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, please.

Excellencies, colleagues, can I thank you, Chair, first of all, for your and our Japanese friends' tireless leadership on nuclear disarmament, especially through the Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty Friends, or FMCT, initiative. As we mark 80 years since the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the UK is clear that the FMCT is an important step towards the ultimate goal of nuclear disarmament. The UK is pleased to be back in this forum, ready to work with you to build momentum for an FMCT. This initiative is a practical tool for progress. It is helping raise awareness across the UN, deepen our shared understanding, and build support for negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament. That's why we believe those talks must happen there, given that building consensus is the key to progress. Of course, we know the global security environment is tough. Some countries are greatly expanding their nuclear arsenals and others are using dangerous rhetoric. Others are breaking UN Security Council resolutions. If we want a treaty that applies to everyone, we may need to be honest about who's holding us back. Despite these challenges, this group shows what's possible when we come together with purpose and resolve. The UK looks forward to continuing this important work with all of you, not just as partners but as friends, and as we look ahead to the 2026 review conference of the UN Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Thank you.

Minister Councillor Mrs. Aïssatou Ndano from the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs of the French Republic. Please.

Thank you, Minister Iwaya.

Ministers, Excellencies, first of all, allow me to warmly thank Japan and Minister Iwaya for organizing this first high-level meeting of the Friends of the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty. We convene at a moment of profound geopolitical turmoil. Marked by the erosion of the international security architecture and the worsening of proliferation crisis. As we approach the 11th review conference of the NPT, France believes it is essential to identify gradual, realistic, and concrete measures to progress on nuclear disarmament, guided by the principle of undiminished security for all. The launch of negotiation on an FMCT is such a measure and a key pillar of the positive disarmament agenda proposed by France, as outlined by the French president in 2020. Stopping the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons would be an essential step toward nuclear disarmament, and we have witnessed an expanding cross-regional support for this logical and urgent next step during the last NPT preparatory committee last year. We hope that this momentum will be upheld at this year's review conference. We must launch these negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament on the basis of the China mandate, the only consensual framework that exists. Reopening this mandate will only risk endless debates and further delay the long-overdue start of negotiation. We are not starting from scratch. Over 3 decades, substantial work has been done to progress toward defining the scope, modalities, and parameters of negotiation of a future treaty. We must collectively build on this work until such negotiations take place. France urges all concerned states to implement and strictly respect a moratorium on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. On its end, France does not merely call for the launch of negotiations. But has taken concrete actions consistent with objectives of an FMCT. France was the first nuclear weapons state to irreversibly dismantle in 1996 its fissile material production facilities for nuclear weapons and remains the only state to have done so to date. To foster transparency and confidence, several international visits of the former production sites were organized for diplomats, international experts, and journalists. France was also among the first nuclear weapons states to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty in 1998. France promotes transparency and the maintenance of its nuclear arsenal at the lowest possible level compatible with the strategic context and/or security. We also presented in 2015 a draft treaty at the Conference on Disarmament and to the 9th NPT Review Conference, which still constitute a basis for discussion. France remains determined to support efforts to promote negotiations of an FMCT as a priority for nuclear disarmament. In closing, I would like once again to thank Japan for its commitment to maintain a high-level visibility on this critical issue for nuclear disarmament. Thank you.

Thank you, Ms. Nanno. Then let me invite Mr. Marcel de Wink, Director General for Political Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, please.

Ministers, Excellencies, the Netherlands expresses its gratitude to Japan and His Excellency Minister Iwaya in particular for convening us in the format of the Friends of the FMCT, and we commend Japan's leadership for— on this very important issue. Our shared goal is to advance the long-overdue objective of launching negotiations of an FMCT. The first UN General Assembly resolution on this topic was tabled in 1993, and shortly thereafter concrete steps were made to advance towards negotiations. In 1995 with the adoption of the Shannon Mandate, which gives us a clear negotiation framework. But although a lot of meaningful work has been done in the past 32 years, negotiations on an FMCT have never started. And part of the reason for this is that it is a complicated topic. How could a treaty be verified? Do we only ban production, which types of fissile material should be considered. And although these questions are very important, the Netherlands is convinced that many of these matters can be resolved at the negotiating table. And instead of trying to pre-negotiate before we start even negotiating, let us just start the work. A considerable amount of time will pass before a treaty comes into effect. Even if negotiations would start today. So therefore, the Netherlands would like to call on the P5 and other states possessing nuclear weapons to continue to adhere to voluntary moratorium on the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. We commend those states that have taken voluntary steps to increase transparency, for example, by reporting on the stockpiles of civil plutonium. To conclude, Let me reaffirm the strong commitment of the Netherlands to advance the work on a non-discriminatory, multilateral, and effectively verifiable treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr. de Wink. Now let me invite His Excellency Michael Christian Gold, Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative, Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations, please.

Thank you and good afternoon, esteemed ministers and colleagues. Thank you especially to Foreign Minister Iwaya for hosting today's meeting and for Japan's efforts in establishing this group as well as championing a treaty on fissile material for for nuclear weapons. Fissile material bears particular significance at the General Assembly, as it was the principal issue of concern at the first-ever session in London in 1946. Today, at the 80th session of the General Assembly, the need for a treaty on fissile material for nuclear weapons and the objective remains the same: to restrict and eliminate the production of new nuclear weapons on the path to complete disarmament. The world has grown more dangerous and nuclear rhetoric more prominent, especially on the part of Russia. This is why we need a Treaty on Fissile Material for Nuclear Weapons, which can build on decades of preparatory work, including the High-Level Preparatory Group and the Group of governmental experts, both chaired by Canada. We know that the majority of states already operate under a de facto treaty on fissile material for nuclear weapons through their obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Nonetheless, it is incumbent on those that produce and possess fissile material for nuclear weapons to work towards a treaty that would address fissile material production and to consider the issue of existing stocks. Regrettably, the modalities for such a treaty today lack the necessary consensus. However, should the political will exist, these modalities can and must be decided at the negotiating table. In the meantime, Canada calls on all friends of an FMCT, both in this group and outside it, to do 3 things. First, to galvanize political will for the commencement of negotiations. Second, to advocate for a global moratorium on fissile material production for nuclear weapons. And third, to support the relevant states in transparency and confidence-building measures. Canada is prepared to rally behind creative efforts to establish this treaty as an integral step towards a world free from nuclear weapons. I thank you.

Thank you, Ambassador. Now, let me give the floor to Mr. Norberto Moretti, Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative, Permanent Mission of Brazil to the United Nations.

Thank you very much, Mr. Minister, Mr. Chair, Honourable Ministers, Excellencies. As you will see, my intervention will be frank, and frankness should be taken as a contribution to our collective goal of achieving what we've been searching. But before that, let me congratulate Japan for leading us on this initiative and for showing constructive pragmatism in negotiating this year's outcome document. It attempts to capture the —differences of opinion on our way forward towards a fissile material treaty, as indicated by past reports of the Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty Expert Preparatory Group and of the Group of Governmental Experts on this topic. We all know that in order to get to consensus, we have to compromise. But a consensual understanding cannot depend on persuading only one side to demonstrate flexibility. If we are to act constructively as a group, we have to acknowledge the diversity of views. Pressure alone cannot bring about an FMCT. Brazil remains convinced that the only way to navigate these differences is through a comprehensive approach that takes into account both future production and existing stocks. We are convinced of this for substantive, substantively, formal, and strategic reasons. Substantively, if we are serious about the need to constrain the conversion of fissile material into nuclear weapons as a step forward to disarmament, it is simply not enough to address only future production when key countries already have significant fissile material stocks. Formally, this is in line with the Shannon Mandate, which continues to be the best outline we have for initiating negotiations and would allow us to work with a broad enough scope to take this comprehensive approach. Finally, this makes good strategic sense as a negotiating approach. If we are genuinely aspire— if we genuinely aspire to finding a consensus on this topic that can unlock the program of work of the Conference on Disarmament, we need a broad coalition able to accommodate diverse views. We believe this group can be an invaluable tool for advancing the FMCT process as long as it does not become an echo chamber. If we can show that this group can accommodate and make the most out of a diversity of views, then this experience itself could become a confidence-building measure for the start of an inclusive negotiating process. Inclusivity is needed if we are to avoid a scenario that is not in the interest of any of us of preaching to the converted. I thank you.

Thank you, Ambassador Moretti. Then let me invite Ms. Katarina Rentsch, Director-General of International Order, the United Nations and Arms Control of the Federal Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany.

Thank you. Minister Iwaya, Excellencies, distinguished colleagues. I would like to start by thanking and commending our Japanese colleagues for launching and leading this important initiative. This initiative brings together countries from different regions and with different perspectives on arms control. Yet we are all united by a common goal: to help pave the way for negotiations on an FMCT. That's a powerful signal. It is all the more powerful because of the difficult current security environment, which at first glance seems to leave no room for ambitious initiatives for arms control. One might be wondering, how can we engage in discussions about arms control while Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine is continuing, while North Korea presses ahead with its illegal nuclear weapons program,— and why China is rapidly expanding its nuclear arsenal, as was on display at the recent military parade in Beijing. Against this backdrop, this group, this meeting sends an equally important message: These developments will not go uncontested. There are many countries, including Germany, that will stand up for a rules-based order and are determined to push back to defend arms control and to keep the vision of an FMCT alive. Negotiating an FMCT will not be easy, but this goal is worth working for as much as we can. Because an effective and verifiable FMCT would turn off the taps that fuel nuclear proliferation. At its core, the FMCT is one of the simplest and most straightforward steps that we can take towards our ultimate shared goal of a safe world free of nuclear weapons. As a first step, all states should declare and uphold voluntary moratoria on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. In this regard, we call on China, the only nuclear weapons state under the NPT that has not yet declared such a moratorium to do so without delay. Germany is proud to be part of this group and stands ready to continue working for an FMCT, be it at the Conference on Disarmament, through General Assembly resolutions, and in this distinguished Friends Group to help create the political momentum for FMCT negotiations to finally begin. Thank you.

Thank you, Director-General Arlenz. Then let me give the floor to Ms. Alessandra Molina, Deputy Director-General for the United Nations and Human Rights, Director-General for Political Affairs and Security, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Italian Republic. Please.

Thank you very much, and I would like to thank Foreign Minister Iwaya for launching the first ministerial meeting of the FMCT Group of Friends and for Japan's active engagement and commitment to give new impetus to nuclear disarmament discussions. 80 years have passed since the catastrophic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The destruction and suffering that followed must serve as a warning of the devastation caused by the atomic bomb and at the same time of our moral duty never again to cross the threshold of nuclear annihilation. In Italy's 50th anniversary of its ratification of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, we renew our commitment to nuclear disarmament in line with Article 6 of NPT. Progress towards a world free of nuclear weapons— can only be achieved through a progressive, verifiable, and complete process. And in this context, as we know, banning the production of fissile material would be a first concrete step towards fulfilling this commitment. We strongly support the need to revitalize discussions on a fissile material and cutoff treaty and to do it immediately within the Conference on Disarmament. And at the same time, we commend the adoption of voluntary moratoria on the production of fissile material for military purposes. To conclude, thank you again for convening this meeting. This is a great opportunity to demonstrate our commitment to achieving global nuclear disarmament and rests assured please of Italy's full support and commitment. Thank you, Minister Iwaya.

Thank you, Ms. Molina. Then let me invite Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, UN Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs.

Thank you very much. Your Excellency Foreign Minister Iwaya of Japan, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Let me begin by congratulating Japan for its initiative in establishing the Friends of the FMCT group and for convening this first FMCT Friends Ministerial Meeting. A treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices is an essential element of a world free of nuclear weapons. And it is long overdue. For years now, many states have expressed the view that the issue is indeed ripe for negotiations. An FMCT is one of the highest nuclear disarmament priorities, yet it remains unfulfilled. I reaffirm my support for the immediate commencement of negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament , consistent with CD/1299. I would also like to express my appreciation for past efforts by the members of the CD to make progress, even in the absence of negotiations. Excellencies, I have long maintained that there are two initiatives outside the CD that could help to bring states towards the negotiation table. The first relates to the value of confidence-building measures. Moratorium on the production of fissile materials have already been announced by several nuclear weapons states. While not a substitute for legally binding treaty, these concrete expressions of commitment to the FMCT purpose are critical step towards its negotiation. I therefore encourage those states that have yet to announce such moratoria to do the same, and those who have to maintain them. Second, General Assembly Resolution 78/28 requested the Secretary-General and myself to facilitate the efforts of states that possess or produce fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices to engage in transparency and confidence-building measures with a view to launching negotiations. I stand ready to provide whatever support is needed without prejudice, of course, to efforts in the CD and in support of commencing negotiations in that body. One area Where there does seem to be room for forward movement is, is discussions on what the verification of an FMCT might look like. Advancing this discussion could be a priority for multinational efforts on nuclear disarmament verification. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the diverse membership of this group, FMCT Friends, is part of its strength, allowing it to bridge divides with dialogue. But dialogue alone is not enough. It must contain fresh thinking, renewed impetus, and good faith engagement if states are to return to the negotiating table. I wish the group all the very best in its endeavors, and of course, as always, the United Nations stands ready to support you. I thank you very much.

Thank you very much, High Representative Nakamitsu. Lastly, let us move on to the adoption of the joint statement. Minister Iwaya, the floor is yours.

Thank you. Thank you very much all. I'd like to ask you to use You have one again. Thank you.

So, Excellencies, distinguished colleagues, thank you very much for your valuable statements. All the ministers participating and other representatives, it was very valuable and very enthusiastic comments were made. Thank you very much for that. The text of the statement— draft statement is distributed and would like to propose adopting this joint statement. Any objections? Thank you very much. I see none, so I hereby declare That the statement is adopted. Thank you.

Thank you, Minister Igwe. With this, I would like to close this meeting. Thank you very much.