General Assembly: 22nd plenary meeting, 81st session

The 22nd plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will begin its consideration of agenda item 125, entitled "Question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Security Council." I will now make a statement on behalf of the President of the General Assembly. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the President of the General Assembly, His Excellency, Hala Alorahman, who regrets that due to an official travel, he missed a great opportunity to join today's meeting. His statement follows. Excellencies and distinguished delegates, I'm pleased to address this meeting on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council. At the heart of our deliberation lies a fundamental question. How can we ensure that the United Nations fulfills its central promises of maintaining international peace and security. Article 24 of the Charter entrusts the Security Council with primary responsibility for that task. It also makes clear that in carrying out this responsibility, the Council acts on behalf of all Member States and must act in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. The Council's effectiveness therefore matters to every nation, large or small, and to every person who looks to this organization for protection from war and violence. As I said at the beginning of the general debate, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. When the Council acts decisively and in accordance with the Charter, it gives a practical meaning to collective security. When it cannot act, confidence in the wider organization suffers. Reform is therefore not simply a question of institutional design. It is about strengthening our capacity to prevent conflict, respond to threats to peace, and support lasting political solutions. Excellencies, the world has changed profoundly since 1945. the United Nations membership has nearly quadrupled, geopolitical realities have shifted, and threats to peace have become more complex and interconnected. Therefore, the question of reform has become more urgent than before. The Pact for the Future provides a clear political commitment to respond to this urgency through actions 39 to 41. Member states committed to reforming the Council, strengthening intergovernmental negotiations, and enhancing the Council's response to threats to international peace and security and its relationship with the General Assembly. Excellencies, let me be unequivocal. Security Council reform is and must remain a member state-led process, and member states should remain firmly in the driver's seat. It is for you to shape the substance, guide the directions, and build political agreement needed for reform. The President of the General Assembly and the Co-Chairs are here to facilitate your efforts, not to substitute for them or prescribe an outcome. But ownership must be active. It requires sustained engagement and willingness to listen beyond established positions and political courage to explore compromise. The responsibility to move this process forward belongs to all of us. In that spirit, I have reappointed Ambassador Tariq Al-Bunay of Kuwait and Ambassador Liesje Groenewold van Haren of the Kingdom of the Netherlands as the co-chairs of the international negotiations. I thank them for their dedication and count on your full cooperation with their efforts. We're not starting from a blank page. I welcome many formal models presented by member states and groups of states. These contributions deserve serious consideration as we work towards greater convergence and, as investigated in the Pact for the Future, a consolidated model in the future. Excellencies, the task now is to move to focused discussion. We should preserve progress from one session to the next, rather than repeatedly retrace the same ground. I encourage delegations to identify where proposals overlap, clarify the concerns underlying the divergent positions, and explore formulations that could bridge them. Particular efforts is needed to address all five clusters comprehensively and respecting the interlinkages. Excellencies, finding common ground does not require denying our differences. It requires deciding that our shared interest in effective system of collective security is greater than our attachment to any single formulation. No outcome will fully reflect every national preference. Our responsibility is to seek a balanced solution that can garner the widest possible political acceptance among member states. Alongside the structural reform, we should pursue improvements in transparency, working methods, and accountability. The General Assembly and the Security Council must work as a complementary, mutually reinforcing organs and respecting the respective charter mandates. Such improvements are important, but cannot substitute for comprehensive reform. Doug Hammerheld reminded us in 1955 that lasting results are achieved only by the patient builder. We must be patient builders, but not passive observers. Let us bring urgency to our engagement, flexibility to our negotiations, and resolve to our search for common ground. Let us deliver a Security Council that is more inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic and accountable. That is a Council that people can trust and the world can rely on. I thank you. Before proceeding further, I propose that the time limits for statements in this debate be five minutes for individual delegations speaking in their national capacity, and seven minutes for statements made on behalf of group of states. Is there any objection to this proposal? I hear none. It is so decided. Accordingly, pursuant to rule 72 of the rules of the procedure of the Assembly, When a representative exceeds her or his allotted time, the President shall call the speaker to order without delay, which will be done by means of automatic microphone cut-off. To assist delegations in managing time, a countdown clock will be displayed on the screens. Please be aware that the remaining speaking time is displayed on the left-hand side of the rostrum. I will give the floor to Germany, who will speak on the Group of Four.

Mr. President, Excellencies, a very good morning to all of you. I deliver this statement on behalf of the G4, Brazil, India, Japan, and my own country, Germany. And let me begin with words of optimism and appreciation. The UN membership shares the same recognition of the urgent need for an effective reform of the Security Council. And this shared commitment has the potential to create a new dynamic in our discussions. And we thank all partners for their constructive engagement. An important milestone during last year's session was the submission of the African Group's model. We thank our African colleagues for their contribution. All models are now on the table, and this means that there is no longer any reason to delay the work on a consolidated model and to finally begin with urgently needed text-based negotiations. At the same time, we have experienced yet another year of very limited progress in the intergovernmental negotiations. And this is so despite the clear mandate from the Pact for the Future and despite broad support among the membership. 119 Member States have by now expressed support for expansion of the Council in both categories, permanent and non-permanent. However, This clear and ample majority is not yet reflected in the results of the IGM. Mr. President, Excellencies, the case for reform is compelling. The Council's authority depends on its legitimacy, and its legitimacy depends on its representativeness. This is particularly true for all regions and groups which remain unrepresented or underrepresented in the permanent category, such as Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Asia-Pacific. Also, small island developing states deserve a stronger voice. And we also need to ensure that countries contributing significantly to the maintenance of peace and security and to the other functions of the United Nations are adequately represented in the Council. After nearly two decades, we must finally achieve results. And the Group of Four expects three things, and let me briefly elaborate. First, the process must reflect where the membership stands. The clear majority in favor of expansion in both categories should carry the corresponding weight in the co-chairs work. Secondly, the next step should be the development and presentation of a consolidated model, and it must be developed based on the models presented by Member States. It should also remain open and not prejudge any outcome. This document is an important preparatory work, but not an endpoint. And thirdly, we need a draft text this session so that the long overdue negotiations can finally begin. The mere exchange and reiteration of views have clearly reached their limits. Insisting on exhausted working methods has not and will not allow us to narrow distances and identify compromises. And as in any other UN processes, real negotiations can begin only when there's a text on the table. And we call for a clear roadmap with a timeline. Let me be very clear on one point. The IGN is a member state driven process, and the statement of the president made that very clear. The idea of a bridging proposal before text-based negotiations is not a way forward. The proposed fixed regional seats is not a bridging proposal and should not be presented as one. It does not reflect the clear majority support for expansion in both categories, and so does not bring positions closer together. We therefore do not support this idea, along with the conceptual discussions attached to it. The real bridge is to follow the mandate delegations have approved, leading to a draft text. Mr. President, Excellencies, the membership has made its position clear. The Pact for the Future gave us this mandate, approved at the highest level. We have all the elements in place to implement it. And what is needed now is the political will to turn this into a consolidated model, leading to a draft text, then to negotiations, and finally to results. And we, as G4, stand ready to continue doing our part in this. Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Germany, and I will now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Namibia, who will speak on behalf of the African Group.

Thank you, Mr. President. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the African Member States, the African Group. We thank you for your leadership and for convening this debate. We assure you of our full support during this session. We also welcome the reappointment of His Excellency, Mr. Tarek Al-Bunni, Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait, and Her Excellency, Ms. Liese Gregoire van Haren, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, as co-facilitators, of co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiation process, which represents the only legitimate forum for the reform of the United Nations Security Council. Mr. President, A month ago, from this very rostrum, during the high-level week of the General Debate, you told the world that Africa needs to be at the table and not on the menu, and that Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres in his final address to the general debate, was equally unequivocal. Recalling that most of Africa was still under colonial rule when the United Nations was founded, he declared, "A 21st century Security Council without permanent African states is unjust and undefensible. This must change." These were not isolated voices. Of the statements delivered during the general debate of the 81st session of the High-Level Week, the overwhelming majority called for the reform of the United Nations and its Security Council. Several states from outside Africa expressly supported Africa's claim. His Excellency President Julius Marawio of the Republic of Sierra Leone Coordinator of the C10, reminded this Assembly that the Council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision-making, and called for a consolidated model before the end of this session. The message of the general debate is unmistakable, and it is in line with Action 39A of the Pact for the Future to redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority and, while treating Africa as a special case, improve the representation of the underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups. That was the agreement made by the international community for Africa's case, which must now take shape. We therefore call for the full and faithful implementation of the PECT's commitments to Africa. The 80th session closed without a consolidated model that PECT contemplates. We call for a full implementation of actions 39, 40, and 41, including the development during this session of a consolidated model based on convergences across the five clusters and on the models presented by Member States in which the African reform model is fully and faithfully reflected. Mr. President, let us be clear. Even as we acknowledge the progress that has been made over time, should the current impasse in the IGN prevent meaningful progress in this session, Africa reserves the right to proceed on the basis of the priority and special case accorded to it under the Pact for the Future. Mr. President, Africa's demand is unchanged and unambiguous. Two permanent seats with all rights and privileges of the current permanent members, including the right to veto if retained, and five non-permanent seats, as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. This is a position grounded in equity and justice. We welcome the growing support across the membership of the common African position and for the allocation of the two permanencies to Africa. We also welcome the revised Co-Chairs' Elements Paper of 10 June 2026, which describes the African model as a welcome and long-awaited development, records for the first time the veto position based on the common African position reflected in the African model and notes that Africa reserves the right to select Africa's representatives. Africa, however, does not accept the bridging proposal of fixed regional seats. A seat held on elected, renewable and reviewable term is not a permanent seat within the meaning of the Azulini consensus the Cirta Declaration or the United Nations Charter. Subjecting new members to the conditions from which the current permanent members remain exempt from the reform is not clear. Any bridging efforts must be anchored in the models presented by member states, including the African reform model, and must not prejudge the outcome. In closing, Mr. President, Africa will continue to engage constructively in an open, transparent, inclusive, and member states-driven process. The time is now to move forward with the reform agenda. Africa has waited eight decades. Our call is to a mere inspiration. It is a moral imperative and a commitment to this assembly has already made. The 81st session, therefore, must be the one in which that promise becomes action and in which we make the decisive move for the Security Council to finally reflect the world it serves. I thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Namibia. I will now invite the distinguished representative of Jamaica, who will speak on behalf of the Caribbean community. You have the floor, sir.

Thank you, Mr. President. I do have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the 14 member states of the Caribbean community. CARICOM wishes to congratulate the permanent representatives of Kuwait and the Kingdom of the Netherlands on their reappointment. as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiation process for the 81st session. We remain fully supportive of the co-chairs in the execution of their mandate. Mr. President, the reform of the Security Council is one of the most consequential items on the agenda of the General Assembly, with major implications for the maintenance of international peace and security. The extremely slow pace of the reform is therefore deeply regrettable. In the Pact for the Future, Member States pledged, and I quote, to reform the UN Security Council, recognising the urgent need to make it more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic and accountable. This pledge describes the nature of the outcomes of the reform of the Security Council that Member States desire to achieve, and the IGN's work must better align with this pledge. This pledge is a longstanding aspiration of many Member States, who have continued to advocate for Security Council reform on the premise that the current configuration of the Security Council does not align with the growth in the membership of the United Nations. Nor does it lend itself effectively to the maintenance of international peace and security, 80 years into the establishment of the organization. CARICOM therefore urges all Member States to fully recommit to the goal of urgent reform and to take tangible steps to secure it. Mr. President, current geopolitical tensions often complicate the Security Council's ability to effectively carry out its mandate, often to civilians' detriment. Several ongoing conflicts, for example, could benefit from more concerted action by the Security Council. but the Council itself is often constrained by geopolitics. These are the anomalies that reform of the Security Council must fix, hence the urgency of the reform. On this note, CARICOM continues to lament the continuing use of the veto, which represents one of the biggest impediments to Council action. The General Assembly must continue to examine the question of the veto with a view to reducing the proclivity for it to be used solely in pursuit of narrow and self-serving political interests, even when the consequences of the veto are particularly grave for civilians. In this context, CARICOM remains supportive of the veto initiative as a good first step towards creating accountability around the use of the veto. We urge continued efforts of this nature. with the goal of aligning action by the Security Council with the will of the General Assembly. This is necessary to counter narratives about the ineffectiveness of the United Nations as a whole in response to conflict situations. Mr. President, substantive progress on reform of the Security Council will remain out of reach unless the process for achieving the reform is remedied. While recognizing the incremental progress made in the IGN, CARICOM is of the view that normalizing the working methods could bring more concrete and binding results. Delays in this regard translate into delays in remedying the underrepresentation of regions such as Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. These delays also hinder the aspirations of groups such as small island developing states for guaranteed representation on the Security Council. We would particularly welcome work during this session on a consolidated model of reform, now that several AIG and member states have presented their respective models of reform over the last few sessions. Reform of the Security Council is not impossible. We, the member states, have the power to make it happen. We only need to engage in good faith and with the determination to achieve urgent and substantive progress. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Jamaica. I will now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Italy, who will speak on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group.

Mr. President, on behalf of the pro-reform Grand Cross Regional Group Uniting for Consensus, I wish to express our appreciation for convening this debate. We would also like to thank the President of the General Assembly for reappointing two highly qualified and capable co-chairs for the intergovernmental negotiation process. Ambassador Tarek Al-Banai, the Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait, and Ambassador Liese-Gregoire van Haren, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. UFC supports their mandate and will continue to engage with them in a spirit of cooperation with a view to building on the progress made during previous IGN. UFC reiterates its confidence that the Co-Chairs will continue leading the IGN process in an impartial, balanced, and inclusive manner. Our common goal is to work towards a Council that is more representative, democratic, transparent, accountable, effective, and responsive to today's global challenges. UFC is fully committed to a comprehensive reform that enables the Council to deliver on its critical mandate under the Charter to maintain international peace and security, addressing the existing imbalances rather than perpetuating or worsening them. We look forward to building further on existing areas of convergence within the IGN in order to reach an agreement on a comprehensive proposal that will garner the widest possible political acceptance by Member States, as stated in Decision 62/557. We need a reform for all, not privilege for a few, a reform that serves the interests of all Member States and strengthens the organization to meet the challenges of the future. The Co-Chairs have a key role in facilitating a constructive and Member State-driven dialogue in the IGN, which remains the sole legitimate and inclusive platform to hold discussion on Security Council reform. Recent sessions have advanced discussion across the five interlinked clusters and on concrete reform models. The focus should now be on building consensus, reinforcing our common ground, and narrowing remaining differences. There are no shortcuts in this process, and there can be no artificial deadlines. The value of open and pragmatic dialogue within the IGM is reflected in the growing support for proposals put forward by UFC, including the rotating seat for Small Island Developing States. UFC has consistently worked to advance the reform, engaging with other positions and adapting its own proposal where appropriate, demonstrating flexibility and openness to compromise. We encourage all interested Member States and the negotiating groups to do the same, to put forward their models and to engage constructively in the process. A broader range of proposals and perspectives will strengthen the inclusiveness and the legitimacy of the reform process, and contribute to a Security Council better equipped to address current and future global challenges. The expansion of elected non-permanent membership, as proposed by UFC model, would significantly strengthen the Council's representativeness and broaden opportunities for all Member States, 58 of which have yet to serve on the Security Council. By contrast, adding new permanent members would undermine the principle of equal rights and sovereign equality of states and further limit opportunities for other member states to serve on the Council. In this spirit, we are fully cognizant of the need to redress the historical injustice against Africa. We recognize the imperative of strengthening Africa's representation on the Council as well as that of other underrepresented regions such as the Asia-Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean. And we remain committed to finding a practical solution that takes into account their legitimate aspirations. Furthermore, the General Assembly recently agreed to continue discussion on the issue of representation of cross-regional groups, taking into account that seats, Arab states and others, such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, have been mentioned in the IGN discussions. We firmly believe that new elected non-permanent seats are the most realistic and best way to make the Security Council more representative of and more accountable to the broader UN membership. Let us be realistic. How could the expansion of the Security Council's permanent membership and the extension of veto possibly make the Council more effective? It would merely extend existing privileges to a few more states. In this context, it is equally important to address the use and abuse of the veto that is preventing the Council from effectively fulfilling its vital mandate of maintaining international peace and security. While continuing to advocate for the suppression of the veto, we should act together in the immediate term to move towards its limitation in specific circumstances, such as, but not limited to, cases of mass atrocities and war crimes. Finally, at a time of growing global challenges, Security Council reform should also strengthen its working methods and assure greater coherence across the UN system. This includes more complementarity and the mutually reinforcing relationship between the Council and the General Assembly, stronger engagement with the Peacebuilding Commission, and enhanced cooperation with multilateral and regional.

Thank the distinguished representative of Italy. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Saint Lucia, who will speak on behalf of L69 group.

Thank you, Mr. President. The L69 Group congratulates you on your election to preside over this session and assures you of our full support. We look forward to continuing our work in this session with Her Excellency Ms. Lissy Gregoire van Haren, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, and His Excellency Mr. Tarek Albani, Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait, as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations for the 81st session. We pledge to maintain the same full and constructive engagement the L69 group has always brought to this table. Mr. President, we recall your theme for the 81st session of the General Assembly, "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All." The trust deficit you have described does not hover over the United Nations in the abstract. It gathers concretely around an anachronistic Security Council that the majority of this membership no longer identifies with. A council built for the world of 1945 and frozen in that shape while the world has moved on is in itself among the clearest reasons that confidence in and the perceived legitimacy of multilateral institutions have thinned. Trust cannot be restored in the system while the organ entrusted with the maintenance of international peace and and security remains the least representative part of it. Mr. President, the Global South, which constitutes the vast majority of Member States, must have greater representation in the non-permanent and permanent categories in an expanded Security Council, with the rights and privileges of the permanent members of the Security Council. Africa, which constitutes more than a billion people and the greater part of the Council's own agenda, as well as Latin America and the Caribbean, have never held a permanent seat. The Asia-Pacific region of around 4.5 billion people and accounting for 60% of the global population, together with its rising economic and security contributions, remains underrepresented in the permanent category. This must be corrected without further delay, and developing countries meaningfully represented in both the permanent and non-permanent categories. The small island developing states ask only for a voice that comes to them in turn. These are not favours this Assembly is being asked to grant. They are the plain conditions for a Security Council that is more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic and accountable. Mr. President, the Pact of the Future, in the Pact of the Future, this membership set out for the first time since the 1960s the parameters of reform and identified the redress of the historical injustice against Africa as a priority, treating Africa as a special case, as well as to addressing the lack of representation or underrepresentation in regions and groups such as Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean. We view this development as a continuum in the ongoing process. The L69 group has consistently maintained that the next step in the process on Security Council reform should be text-based negotiations within the IGN. The positions of Member States have been stated, restated and recorded. What has not yet been done is to gather them into a single text that can be negotiated, convergences and divergences alike, each attributed to those who hold it, none prejudged. This is how every agreement in the General Assembly has been reached. If tangible progress is to be achieved, we see no reason why the reform of the Security Council should be the only one question this General Assembly refuses to commit to this process. We continue to request the improvements that make the process worthy of the name, the keeping of records, the attribution of positions, so that Member States may move from the recitation of fixed views to give-and-take, genuine negotiations. Small delegations in particular are served by a process with a draft text on the table. These are not procedural niceties. They are what allow the many to participate on equal terms with the few. Mr. President, in closing, we return to the word you have placed before us. Trust is not restored by declaration. Trust is restored by delivery. A membership that watches its Assembly agree on the direction of reform and then decline to take the first concrete step towards it will draw the obvious conclusion. The L69 group believes this Assembly is capable of better, and that the reform of the Security Council is not a distraction from the restoration of trust, but one of its truest tests. We stand ready to do our part. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Saint Lucia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Bahrain, who will speak on behalf of the Arab Group.

Mr. President. I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the Arab Group. At the outset, I would like to congratulate His Excellency Ambassador Tarek Al-Barnawi, Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait, and Her Excellency Ambassador Van Haaren, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, on their reappointment as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. We commend their valuable efforts during the previous session. Mr. President, in light of the political crisis and geopolitical developments the world is witnessing today, it has become imperative for the United Nations to take a serious pause to enable its main organs to carry out the principal tasks entrusted to it under the Charter, particularly the Security Council as the principal organ responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. In this context, the Arab Group reiterates its commitment to a comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, effective, and accountable. We emphasize that the intergovernmental negotiations within the framework of GA decision 62/557 remain the only appropriate way to address this issue and to reach a solution that enjoys the broadest possible acceptance among the member states across all five clusters. in a comprehensive and interconnected manner. Mr. President, the primary and overarching objective of the process of the Security Council reform and enlargement is to ensure that all geographical and regional groups are represented fairly and appropriately in an expanded Security Council. The Arab Group reiterates that Arab representation remains one of the most significant existing gaps in the Council's structure. This is despite the Arab Group's considerable geopolitical and demographic weight, representing more than 450 million people, comprising 22 member states and accounting for nearly 12% of the UN membership. Furthermore, a substantial proportion of the issues on the Council's agenda relate directly to the Arab region. This underscores the urgent importance of reform through the inclusion of the Arab States in decision-making on matters related to international peace and security, particularly those affecting the interests and concerns of the region. Accordingly, any genuine and credible reform must address this imbalance. by guaranteeing permanent Arab representation in any future reform formula based on the principle of full equality in rights and privileges. In addition, equitable representation requires proportional representation within the category of permanent seats in an expanded Security Council. The issue of the veto also remains a central challenge in Security Council reform. The arbitrary use of the veto right has repeatedly undermined confidence in the Council's decision-making process and has prevented the Council to fulfill its responsibility in maintaining international peace and security. In this regard, we regret that the majority of cases in which the veto has been used, particularly in the last three decades, have concerned issues related to the Arab region. Mr. President, The Group affirms that the adoption of the Pact for the Future constitutes an important point of reference for the Security Council reform. It reaffirms the need to advance reform in a manner that strengthens the Council's representativeness, effectiveness, transparency and accountability. while making it more capable of undertaking its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, reflecting contemporary international realities and the aspirations of member states. With regard to the unified model, the Arab Group stresses that it should be based on genuine areas of convergence. It should reflect the various proposals in a balanced manner, and it should not precede or replace consensus on the fundamental principles of reform. Rather, it should be a result of such consensus. We also support improving the working methods of the Council and its relationship with the General Assembly, including enhancing transparency and the participation of non-member States. Finally, the Arab Group reaffirms its readiness to participate actively and constructively with all partners in the forthcoming rounds of negotiations, with the aim of achieving genuine reform that enhances the credibility of the Council. Thank you, President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Bahrain. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Denmark, who will speak on the behalf of the Nordic countries.

President, I have the honour to speak on behalf of the Nordic countries, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and my own country, Denmark. Let me begin by thanking the President for his commitment to advancing the important process of Security Council reform, and for the timely appointment of the co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations for the 81st session. Allow me also to extend our deep appreciation to Ambassador Albaini and Gregory van Haren for once again taking on the important role of co-chairs of the IGN process and for their tireless efforts in bringing the process forward. President, reform of the Security Council is long overdue. The Security Council must become more effective, transparent, representative and accountable. We continue to support the expansion of the Council in both the permanent and non-permanent category, ensuring a more equitable representation to better reflect the global realities of the 21st century. This includes, as reflected in the Pact for the Future, redressing the historical injustice done to the African continent by strengthening African representation in both categories of membership. President, The misuse of the veto continues to prevent the Security Council from living up to its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. We need a Council that responds effectively to threats to international peace and security. We need a Council that prevents atrocities and protects civilians. And we need a Council that upholds the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. And to ensure this, we must continue to advance and support efforts to restrict the scope and limit the use of the veto, including the ACT Code of Conduct and the French-Mexican initiative. Against this backdrop, we particularly welcome the United Kingdom's recent decision to join the French-Mexican initiative, becoming the second permanent member of the Council to do so. These initiatives are important steps towards more responsible use of the veto, and we call on all Member States, particularly the remaining permanent members, to make the same commitments. President, in the Pact for the Future, we made a common pledge to advance Security Council reform as a matter of priority and without delay. The calls for Security Council reform have grown louder since then, as clearly reflected in this year's General Debate. In light of this momentum, we regret that the 80th session of the General Assembly did not deliver more tangible progress in the IGN process. Moving forward into the 81st session, the Nordic countries encourage all Member States to engage constructively and with flexibility, building on the dedicated efforts of the Co-Chairs and the reform models presented. We, the Nordic countries, remain open to exploring constructive compromise solutions that can help bridge existing differences and build convergence among Member States. We call on the Co-Chairs to present a clear timeline for the IGN process in this session. Such timeline should outline the concrete steps towards the presentation of a consolidated model as already agreed in the Pact for the Future, and the path towards text-based negotiations. The Nordic countries stand ready to contribute constructively to moving these negotiations forward. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Denmark. I will now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Maldives.

Mr. President, I would like to thank Ambassador Tharig Al-Banai of Kuwait and Ambassador Lies Haren of Netherlands for their stewardship of the intergovernmental negotiations during the previous session. I congratulate them on their reappointment as co-chairs of this session. They can count on the full support of the Maldives. Two years ago, The President of Maldives addressed the Council and identified three reasons why the trust in the Council was on the decline: representation, accountability, and transparency. These challenges remain even today. Let me start with representation. The Council still reflects the world of 1945, but the UN has changed profoundly. The Maldives therefore supports expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories in the membership of the Council. Africa must receive representation long denied to it. And SIDS, the Small Island Developing States, need a dedicated rotating seat. Consider the Asia-Pacific region. 15 of its members are Small Island Developing States. But in the Council's eight-decade history, only one of those 15, just one of those 15, has served on the Council. Apart from that one country, only two small island developing states had even mounted candidates. One of those states withdrew before the vote, and the other stayed in the race, went to the ballot, and lost, and that country was the Maldives. That record shows that record asks the question, is access to the Security Council genuinely equal? Election to the Council should not depend on which country can sustain the most expensive campaign. For small island developing states, that matters, and so does what they bring to the table. For SIDS, security does not come in neat categories. A disruption in sea lane can threaten the food and fuel. Climate change can displace communities. Cyber threats and transnational crimes can quickly overwhelm limited national capacity. For SIDS, these are security threats. SIDS also bring something else, experience in building coalitions, bridging differences, and finding common ground. Who sits at the table shapes what the table actually see. And that's why the Maldives is ready to try again. We seek election to the Security Council for the term 2033 to 34. The Moldists would like to bring the perspectives of seeds, a firm commitment to international law, and a constructive approach to building consensus. We ask the support of all member states. The second challenge we believe the Council is facing is accountability. Here, the veto remains the clearest contradiction. The position of the Maldives remains very clear: the veto must be abolished. Until that happens, permanent members must exercise restraint, especially when the Council is confronted with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. And if permanent membership is to be expanded, there can be no second-class permanent members. The third problem is transparency. The Council acts on behalf of all member states. and its working methods should reflect that responsibility. Take pen-holdership, for example. Who writes the first draft often determines where the negotiations begin. The pen-holdership should be shared more widely. The Council must also become better at recognizing threats before they become crises. Climate shocks, cyber threats, pandemics. Pandemics and resource capacity and disruptions at sea do not fit neatly into the security map of 1945. The Council must be able to see those risks early and respond with greater agility. The Moldists therefore reiterates its call for genuine, text-based negotiations, grounded in the positions of Member States and directed towards an outcome. In this General Assembly, the Maldives has argued that every state must have the freedom and capacity to shape its own future. That principle applies in the reform of the Security Council too. Small states cannot remain decision-takers in a system that makes decisions about their security. The Council was created to act on behalf of all Member States. Its membership, its methods and authority must reflect that responsibility. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Maldives. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.

Thank you, President. And I thank the permanent representatives of the Netherlands and Kuwait for their continued leadership on this file. The Security Council's responsibility for international peace and security is as important today as it has ever been. At a time of profound and interconnected challenges, the United Kingdom believes that reform of the Security Council, alongside a renewed collective commitment to the UN Charter, would make it stronger, more inclusive and more effective. And that is why the UK remains a strong supporter of UN Security Council reform. The Security Council must be expanded so that it better reflects the world today. We continue to support expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership, taking the Council to a total in the mid-20s. Securing permanent African representation is a matter of urgency. We also continue to support permanent seats for Brazil, Germany, India and Japan. President, we recognise that agreeing a model of reform will be difficult. Member States hold a wide range of views and progress will require us to work together in a spirit of openness and compromise. The UK will continue to engage constructively in the intergovernmental negotiations and we hope that this process will move us towards text-based negotiations. Let me also say a word about the veto. As a founding member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council, the UK recognises that power comes with responsibility. The UK has not used our veto since 1989, and we welcomed and co-sponsored the initiative enabling the General Assembly to hold those who exercise the veto to account. We are also a proud supporter of the accountability, coherence and transparency code of conduct, under which we have committed not to vote against a credible draft Security Council resolution intended to prevent or end a mass atrocity. In September 2026, the United Kingdom joined the veto initiative led by France and Mexico, reaffirming our long-standing commitment to the responsible use of the veto. Our decision builds on the UK's existing commitments under the Act Code of Conduct and reflects our belief that the Security Council must be able to act when faced with the gravest crisis, including situations involving mass atrocities. The United Kingdom stands ready to work with all Member States to reform the Council so that it can respond decisively to current and future threats to international peace and security. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom. I will now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Brazil.

Mr. President, my delegation aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the G4 and the L69. The intergovernmental negotiations will soon begin their 19th session. Over these years, the process has produced almost no concrete results. Meanwhile, concern continues to grow regarding the Security Council's inability to maintain international peace and security, as it remains anchored in the past and clearly unable to meet the challenges of today. Against this background, Brazil urges yet again all delegations and the IGN co-chairs to do what we all agreed in 2024, to prepare a consolidated model for reform based on convergences and models presented by member states. These commitments made at the highest level have not been honored and for no legitimate reason. The groundwork is clearly in place. Models of reform have been presented, including the African model. Member states have reiterated ad nauseam and in detail their views on all five clusters. The only way to put an end to the sterile exchange of views in which we have all been engaged and to find possible paths for agreements is what we do every day in this very building, to work on the basis of a text, a text-based negotiation. This is the only way we will move toward the widest possible political acceptance by Member States called for in Decision 62/557. Mr. President, the last IGN cycle confirmed what we already knew. Well over half of the Member States support expansion in both categories of membership. Only such reform will truly address the root causes of the Security Council's shortcomings. Only such reform would correct the historical injustices and provide for adequate and legitimate representation for Africa, Asia Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. Without new permanent members, other possible improvements in Council's effectiveness would prove to be marginal and change to be cosmetic. The lack of a meaningful reform does not harm the Security Council alone. It weakens the whole UN system, at our own peril and to our own detriment. This is the heavy price we are forced to pay for indefinitely preventing true negotiations from beginning and accepting the mechanic, almost lunatic, reiteration of well-known positions. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Brazil. I will now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt.

Mr. President, at the outset, I welcome the decision by the President of the General Assembly to reappoint the permanent representative of Kuwait, Ambassador Tarek Al-Banai, and the permanent representative of the Netherlands, Ambassador Liz van Harren as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations on the reform of the Security Council for the current session. I extend my sincere congratulations to both permanent representatives and underscore Egypt's full support for them in the discharge of their duties. Mr. President, We align ourselves with the statement delivered by Sierra Leone on behalf of the African group and the Kingdom of Bahrain on behalf of the Arab group, and I make the following points. The prominent and widespread attention given to the reform of the Security Council in the statements of leaders during the high-level debate held in this very hall just a few weeks ago is both encouraging and welcome. It reflects a clear consensus on this priority. Security Council reform is neither a gift nor a luxury. Rather, it is a political and moral imperative essential for maintaining global peace and ensuring a sustainable future for the United Nations as a whole. We have repeatedly emphasized that discussions on UN reform and the strong desire to implement ambitious reform agendas cannot be limited to financial, administrative or organizational aspects and working methods. Instead, such efforts must be comprehensive and profound, addressing with equal seriousness the issues that truly help restore trust and touch upon the very core and identity of the Organization. Foremost among these is the realization of justice and democracy within the UN structure and its decision-making processes. which can only be achieved through a genuine and equitable reform of the Security Council, the principal organ responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. Elevating the United Nations to the stature we aspire to and enabling it to exert the influence we seek in establishing peace and security cannot be achieved solely through financial savings or the streamlining of mandates. Mr. President, Egypt welcomes the growing awareness and conviction regarding the justice of the African position, a position rooted in the legitimate rights and aspirations of our continent for a fair representation on the Security Council, thereby redressing the historical injustice it has endured. This sentiment was acknowledged in the Pact for the Future and echoed in the various statements delivered by leaders and ministers during the high-level segment last month. On this we strongly reaffirm the validity and logic of the common African position grounded in the Ezulwini Consensus, the Sirt Declaration, and successive African Union Summit resolutions, which the continent has translated into a reform model presented for the IGAs in April 2026. We also invite all interested parties to carefully review the latest declaration issued by the African Committee of TEN following its ministerial meeting held on October 10 and 11 in Tripoli, Libya. Egypt reiterates the justice of the Arab position, which calls for permanent representation with full prerogatives. Such representation would enable the Arab region to make the necessary contributions to the Council's resolutions, particularly given that many of them directly concern and affect the Arab world. In the same vein, the issue of the veto remains a central point in any discussion regarding Security Council reform. Without correcting this fundamental flaw, It is impossible to speak of equitable governance or democracy in the adoption of consequential resolutions, a reality we have witnessed for decades in matters pertaining to both the Arab and African worlds. In conclusion, Egypt believes that Security Council reform will be achieved through a consensus that enjoys the broadest possible acceptance regarding key principles and agreed upon substantive issues, a goal requiring diligent, deliberate work that builds upon constructive discussions.

I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Singapore.

Thank you very much, Mr. President. I thank Ambassador Tarek Al-Bunay of Kuwait and Ambassador Lies Gregoire van Haren of the Kingdom of Netherlands for their excellent leadership during the 80th session, and I congratulate them on their reappointment as co-chairs for this session. I assure them of our full support.

Mr. President,

The Security Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet, polarization and paralysis have often prevented the UN Security Council from taking action in multiple areas, from Africa to the Middle East.

We therefore believe that a

reform of the Council is both timely and necessary if the Council is to remain relevant, effective, and fit to deliver on its mandate. The credibility and legitimacy of the Council is also deeply tied to whether it is representative of the contemporary realities of the world today. Singapore is not part of any informal grouping in the IGM process. As an independent voice and as a small state, we support a constructive approach based on candid and inclusive dialogue.

I thank the Co-Chairs for the revised Elements Paper and their efforts to encourage creative solutions.

I also thank the various groups who have presented their models of reform. These steps have renewed engagement in the IGN at the 80th Session. Let me make three points.

Singapore has consistently supported expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories.

But enlargement cannot merely accommodate the wishes of large powers or aspirants to permanent membership. Any comprehensive reform of the Council must take into account the historical under-representation of Africa, and we must also consider the equitable representation and legitimate interests of small states, which comprise the majority of today's UN membership. Singapore welcomes the openness of Members to the idea of exploring additional cross-regional rotating seats for SIDS, but further discussion is needed to address the aspirations of small States, 45 of whom have never served on the Council thus far. Secondly, expansion must not hamper the Security Council's ability to respond decisively and effectively.

The Council already faces serious challenges

in decision-making even with the status quo. An enlarged Council must therefore be of a reasonable size, with membership in the mid-20s, to ensure a good balance between efficacy and legitimacy. Expansion must be accompanied by strengthening the Council's working methods to be effective.

We support the work of the elected

members in the Council to improve working methods of the Council in this regard. Thirdly, reform must enhance accountability of all Council members, including permanent members.

For this reason, Singapore is not persuaded that increasing the number of veto-wielding members will make the Council more effective

or responsive. Singapore strongly supports initiatives to strengthen accountability and restrain in the use of the veto.

On this note, we welcome the UK's decision to join the French-Mexican initiative, the second P5 member

to do so, and we encourage others to do the same. We believe in the need for safeguards that will increase the accountability of all Council members.

This is the basis for our idea of a declaration of responsibilities.

that will commit all Council members to abide by a code of conduct, to uphold the Charter and to respect international law. And we believe that this idea of a declaration of responsibilities should form part of any comprehensive reform package that is eventually adopted. Mr. President, the majority of Member States believe that reform of the Council is necessary.

If we are to make any headway, all sides have to exercise flexibility and be prepared to make compromises.

This is the only way we can work towards a consolidated model of reform that can command broad support. Singapore stands ready to play a constructive role towards this common objective.

Thank you very much.

I thank the distinguished representative of Singapore. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico.

senor mr. president distinguished colleagues Mexico aligns itself with the statement made by Italy on behalf of the uniting for consensus movement we welcome the appointment of the of Kuwait and the Kingdom of the Netherlands as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. We wish to reiterate that you have our full support as you conduct your work. The last expansion of the Security Council, which took effect in 1965, was a response to the decolonization processes that were underway at that time and to the growth in United Nations membership. Today, With 193 member states, we need a Security Council which is more representative and democratic and in sync with the current composition of the organization as well as today's geopolitical realities. since the San Francisco conference, Mexico has expressed its opposition to the establishment of the veto for the five permanent members. We did so then because we believed that that prerogative ran counter to the principle of the sovereign equality of states. While we did recognize that in the context of that time, the acceptance of the veto was an inevitable prerequisite to allow the creation of the United Nations. Our acceptance of the veto at that time did not mean we were turning our back on our reservations in principle thereto. Mexico does continue to champion the abolishment of the veto. However, we do recognize the political difficulties that that brings with it. Consequently, we promote tangible measures to limit its use. These include the Franco-Mexican initiative and the code of conduct of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency Group, particularly in situations of mass atrocities. This year, more than 20 states joined the Franco-Mexican initiative. It now has around 133 signatories. we reiterate our appeal to states that have not yet done so to accede to the initiative with the urgency that current circumstances require. Expanding the category of permanent members would not resolve the shortcomings that have contributed to the Council's paralysis. On the contrary, Expanding that category would simply extend privileges to a greater number of states instead of making the Council more democratic, more legitimate, and instead of bolstering its ability to act in service of the collective interest. President, the intergovernmental negotiations are the only forum agreed upon by member states within which to discuss in a comprehensive fashion, Security Council reform. Mexico will constructively participate in this process to identify convergences and common ground that will make it possible to forge ahead towards a reform that enjoys the greatest possible degree of political acceptance. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Mexico. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Nigeria.

I have the honor to speak on behalf of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Mr. President, Nigeria aligns itself with the statement delivered by Sierra Leone on behalf of the African group and the Committee of Ten. and by Saint Lucia on behalf of the L69 group.

We therefore congratulate you on your election and welcome the reappointment of the permanent representatives of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the

State of Kuwait as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations for this

They have Nigeria's full support.

The Security Council was

last enlarged more than 60 years ago, when General Assembly increased its non-permanent membership by resolution 1991.

Since then, the membership of the United Nations has grown considerably, and most new members, many of them Africans,

have joined without any corresponding change in the composition of the Council.

Africa, with more than a billion people and a large share of the Council's agenda, still holds no permanent seat. This historical injustice weakens the legitimacy and the effectiveness of the Council, and its correction can no longer be deferred. Mr. President, Nigeria reaffirms its full commitment to the common African position set out in the Azui Consensus and the said declaration.

Africa seeks no less than

two permanent seat with all the prerogatives and the privileges of permanent membership including the right of veto.

For as long as it exist. and five non-permanent seat.

Would the African Union responsible for selecting Africa's

representatives. The common African position is a demand for justice, endorsed by the highest level by all African

states, and it remains the basis of Africa's engagement in this process. In the pact for the future, the General Assembly agreed in action 39 to redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority, and while treating Africa as a special case,

to improve the representation of underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups. That commitment must now be carried into the negotiations, a settled element. Nigeria proposes a clear path to that end. The recognition of Africa as a special case should be recorded in the negotiating text as agreed point of departure,

which not reopened each session.

The African model presented by the African group and endorsed by the L69 group should serve as the primary reference for the clusters on categories of membership and the veto. A redress of Africa should advance together with improved representation for other developing regions and small island developing states so that these objectives reinforce one another.

Mr. President, the positions of member states are known.

They have been stated and restated for 17 years.

I thank I thank the distinguished representative of Nigeria. Again, I thank the distinguished representative of Nigeria. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeria.

Mr. President, at the outset, I wish to commend you for convening today's general debate on this important agenda item, which was inscribed on the agenda of the General Assembly in 1980. on the initiative of Algeria, alongside a group of proud member states. The relevance of this question remains valid today as it was 46 years ago. We congratulate our very able colleagues, Tarek Al-Benna and Liesje Gregoire van Haren, on their reappointment as co-chair of the IGN. Let me assure you that Algeria will support you fully for the successful fulfillment of your mandate. President, the urgent need for Security Council reform cannot be overstated. The Council's structural shortcoming have too often constrained its ability to respond effectively to pressing challenges to international peace and security, particularly those affecting the African continent. The Pact for the Future reaffirmed the urgent need to reform the Security Council. It is, therefore, incumbent upon us as member states to ensure that the reform process believer, a Security Council that is genuinely representative, effective, and democratic. Above all, the reform of the Security Council must address, as a matter of priority, the historical injustice inflicted upon Africa through its persistent underrepresentation and non-representation in both the permanent and non-permanent membership. President, in this regard, Algeria reiterates its unwavering support for Africa's legitimate aspiration to secure full and equitable representation on the Security Council. This aspiration must remain at the heart of any reform process and shall be pursued in full accordance with the common African position as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirt Declaration. Our continent must be allocated no fewer than two permanent seat with all prerogative, including the veto, as well as five non-permanent seat. This is the only approach capable of addressing in a meaningful and effective manner the historical injustice of Africa under representation. Furthermore, Treating Africa as a special case in the reform process, while duly addressing the under-representation of other regions, will strengthen the legitimacy, the credibility, and the accountability of the Security Council. President, in conclusion, allow me to reaffirm Algeria's unwavering commitment to pursuing a comprehensive and meaningful reform of this important body. Algeria remains ready to engage constructively with all member states in our collective efforts to achieve a genuine reform of the Security Council. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Algeria. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia.

Mr. President, my delegation aligns itself with the statement delivered by the permanent representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain on behalf of the Arab Group. At the outset, I would like to express our appreciation to Ambassador Tariq Al-Banai, permanent representative of the State of Kuwait, and Ambassador Liz Gregoire van Heren, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, for their commendable efforts in steering the IGNs during the previous session. We congratulate them on the renewed confidence placed in them to lead this process during this current session and wish them every success. Mr. President, our discussion this year takes place against the momentum generated by the UN80 initiative. which seeks to revitalize multilateral action and enhance the effectiveness of the international system through a package of reforms. We view the reform of the Security Council as a core pillar for strengthening the organization. It is essential that this reform process keeps pace with this ambitious initiative and that its impact is tangible and reflected in the ongoing negotiations, thereby fostering transparency and equitable representation. The need for a genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council is more urgent than ever. We aspire to a Council that is more equitable in representing the current international reality, more effective in keeping pace with rapid global shifts, and more efficient in addressing our shared challenges. In this context, we reaffirm our commitment to the framework established by Decision 62/557 and to the IGNs. We advocate for a comprehensive and integrated approach to the five clusters with the aim of reaching a solution that commands the broadest possible political consensus among member states. We welcome the progress made during previous sessions in identifying areas of convergence and divergence regarding the positions and proposals of various states. These efforts have revealed numerous commonalities across the five clusters. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, the ultimate goal of reform remains to achieve a Council that is more transparent, credible, and effective, one that aligns with the aspirations of peoples and ensures that multilateralism serves as a robust instrument for addressing the challenges of our time. To this end, reform concerning the Council's functioning and its composition must be grounded in the principles of inclusivity, equitable representation, effectiveness, and accountability. It should also reflect the current political reality, including the aspirations of various regions, most notably developing countries. Any reform must also promote equitable geographical representation. It is essential, therefore, to continue improving the Council's working methods and bolster transparency and inclusivity in deliberations, thereby ensuring effective resolutions that maintain international peace and security. The Council and the GA should operate in a harmonious and complementary manner that reinforces their respective mandates. This is particularly important given the Council's composition lacks the inclusivity and democratic character inherent in the General Assembly, which encompasses all member states. We underscore the importance of restricting the use of the veto, particularly in cases of genocide, crimes against humanity, and grave violations of international law, including massacres and ethnic cleansing. Mr. President. Making further progress requires continuing the discussion in a positive and constructive spirit, one that fosters common ground towards a solution with the broadest possible political consensus, ultimately achieving the comprehensive reform we seek. In conclusion, driven by our enduring commitment to the goals and objectives of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security. And based on our firm belief that Security Council reform is a cornerstone of the organization's comprehensive reform, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reaffirms the importance of collective action. We stand ready to work with all parties in the spirit of partnership and responsibility. We hope these efforts will culminate in a comprehensive and effective reform that allows the Council to fulfill its role in the most optimal manner. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Saudi Arabia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Burkina

Faso.

Thank you, Mr. President. The delegation of Burkina Faso aligns itself with the statement delivered by Namibia on behalf of the African Group, and we wish to deliver the following remarks in our national capacity. My delegation welcomes the co-chairs' conduct of the negotiations, and we welcome the fact that we have an opportunity to express ourselves about the need for Security Council reform, specifically vis-a-vis the composition thereof. Established within the post-war context with the mission of shouldering the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, the Security Council embodied the supremacy of the powers of the time and the veto right which was conferred to it, conferred upon the members of the Security Council responsibility in terms of international peace and security, can it really be believed that in 80 years they managed at the Security Council to prevent tragedies from striking people? The recent history of the Council teaches us that the composition and the operations of the Council no longer allows it to tackle the complex challenges of the present day world, polarization, paralysis. All signs seem to indicate that the machinery needs to be rethought, not to mention the more or less legitimate desire of the new greats, so to speak, or important bloc, a significant bloc that has emerged in the meantime, and they believe that they can contribute to, who also, they too believe that they are in a position to contribute to the promotion of international peace and security. And this This means that we must consider the reform of the Security Council. The intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform began in February 2009, pursuant to the General Assembly resolution, this 62/557. back in 2008 already paved the way. The five key pillars of negotiations in the categories of membership, the veto, regional representation, the size of reformed council, and working methods and relations between the council and the assembly clearly established a framework for all aspects of a successful and satisfactory reform. And after 17 years of negotiation, we have a duty to identify clearly progress made and areas where there is deadlock. These 17 years of dialogue have helped to establish positions of states and of countries on the five pillars to determine expectations and ambitions as well as concerns and reservations. And this has led to the establishment of the three models, which include that of the G4, the African position, the L69, proposing reform arrangements which address membership and the authorities of the members. But we support the goal of African states to achieve ambitious Security Council reform. The Aswal Heene consensus and the Sear Declaration stipulate that Africa be represented by two permanent states with full fledged veto rights, as well as five non-permanent seats. And this position was reaffirmed on a regular basis in most statements of member states, specifically African member states, during the recent debates, during ordinary sessions of the General Assembly in this position. would redress injustice. It is inconceivable that a continent of 54 states be stripped of content of 54 states. where more than 1.5 billion people reside, 20% of the global population, it would be inconceivable to strip such a continent of opportunity to have a permanent seat within the Security Council, especially given that 50% of meetings, consultations, debates of the Security Council focus on issues where African states have a stake and where 80% of resolutions are adopted in the recent decade, 80% of those resolutions concern conflicts or situations in Africa. And we wish to recall and support the Fact for the Future in its ambition to accelerate the process of achieving reform. These efforts should be achieved and bear fruit to ensure that the Security Council reflect the reality of today's world. We encourage the P5 to engage more in concessions, to engage in concession so as to surmount the disagreement in order to achieve headway in negotiations. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Burkina Faso. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Russian Federation.

Mr. President, we welcome the conduct of this plenary meeting on equitable representation in the Security Council and expansion of its membership and related aspects. We wish to note the robust efforts undertaken by Tarek Albani and Lise-Grethe von Haran in conducting the intergovernmental negotiations during the 80th session, as they have sought to bring together and to converge national positions on this difficult and delicate issue. We trust that the coordinators in this session will lead the process in an impartial and in a balanced way. The establishment of a democratic and multipolar world order is inevitable in this process. It continues to gain ground. We increasingly hear the voices of the global south in discussions of matters of the international agenda. And this was attested to by the adoption on 15 October of the fourth committee of a resolution on countering modern day forms of colonialism, eradicating the consequences of the colonialist era remains key to achieving genuine multilateralism, which we are moving towards with great delays. The world continues to encounter manifestations of neocolonialism, economic coercion, as well as resources being siphoned away from countries. And the process of agreeing upon optimal parameters for an updated Council continues to encounter a multitude of problems. Many delegations recognize just how high the stakes are. Any misguided or ill-conceived step can undermine achievements already made. Russia continues to believe that there is a need to make the Security Council more representative in nature, to involve developing states in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. There is an overriding need to redress a historical injustice vis-a-vis Africa, whose current representation in the Council by no means reflects the overall number of states, nor does it reflect its present-day role in world affairs. There is an unjustified distortion in favor of Western states at the Council, Western states who represent a disproportionately small share of the world's population, not to mention the fact that this category of countries embraces virtually identical bloc approaches. The representatives themselves of this regional group talk about that. It is hard to envisage a more serious failure of this process than preserving, following reform, the numerical imbalance of former Western colonial powers. There's a need at the same time to maintain the Council's ability -- to retain the Council's ability to effectively and swiftly react to emerging threats and challenges to international peace and security, the Security Council -- The doubling of the council's members to 25 to 30 members would double the time needed for discussion of urgent issues and crafting solutions, seeking compromise. Moreover, a radical rise in the number of seats will reduce the role in decision taking of every position member. Is this what we wish to achieve? And therefore, we propose keeping the number in the low 20s. Russia does not support initiatives which trample upon the prerogatives of current permanent members of the Security Council, including the veto. Let us bear in mind that this veto mechanism was established by the Founding Fathers in order to ensure that balanced decisions are adopted. In recent decades, instances of veto being cast at the Council have indeed increased. However, if we take a closer look, at these circumstances. In most instances, we are talking about the reckless conduct of certain members of the Council who either introduce unacceptable drafts on the table deliberately or simply cover up for the interests of the geopolitical allies. During intergovernmental negotiations, we need to find an optimal model of reform, and we trust that during the session, there will be painstaking, incremental work undertaken to bring national approaches closer together. We will proactively participate in this, in the negotiations, and we call upon all interested parties to do so as well. Thank you for your

I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Poland.

Mr. President, as we are about to begin another cycle of negotiations on Security Council reform, we need to admit that our discussions have become repetitive, while meaningful progress remains elusive. Yet the need for reform is undeniable. We call on all Member States to approach this process with openness to compromise, a willingness to consider different proposals, and a realistic assessment of what can be achieved. Let's be honest. We will not be able to correct every imbalance or resolve every shortcoming of the Council. But we can work together to make it more representative, more democratic, and better equipped to fulfill its primary responsibility, the maintenance of international peace and security. At stake is the credibility of the United Nations as a whole. Mr. President, In the coming months, we will once again address the fundamental parameters of the reform, starting with the composition of the Council. Objectively, the current composition of the Council in both categories does not reflect today's realities. As we consider reform, we must ensure that the Council's composition remains legitimate and broadly accepted in the years to come, even if today's realities change. An increase in the number of non-permanent members remains the most realistic element of reform, And there is a broad support for this approach. The demands of underrepresented regional groups, particularly Africa, but also Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Eastern European group, are understandable and legitimate. We also recognize the aspiration of the countries that seek to make a greater contribution to the work of the Council. Reform should create meaningful opportunities for such contributions. At the same time, it must not reproduce the very problems we are trying to address. Mr. President, the question of the veto remains central. Even the most representative Council would not be effective if its capacity to act is undermined by an increased risk of paralysis. the complete abolition of the veto remains an unrealistic prospect under current circumstances. This should not, however, prevent us from pursuing practical measures to moderate its use. We should promote initiatives such as French-American one and make full use of the already existing legal frameworks like Article 27, paragraph 3 of the Charter. In light of the negotiating deadlocks, we should also be prepared to consider compromise mechanisms. One possibility worth exploring is to vote no by permanent members of the Council without triggering veto. That would broaden the range of options available to Council. Mr. President, One thing is certain, any reform agreement will require compromises that leave no delegations entirely satisfied. This is the price of reaching an agreement. As we enter this new cycle of negotiations, we need to demonstrate a genuine willingness to move beyond established positions. Allow me to conclude by recalling the words of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt, one of the principal architects of the United Nations and the post-war multilateral system. "It is common sense to take a method and try it. If it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all, try something." We have tried to reform the Security Council, but our methods have so far failed. We therefore need to have the courage to reconsider our approaches and explore alternatives. But above all, let us try something. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Poland. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Morocco.

Mr. President, allow me at the outset to thank you for convening this debate, which offers a timely opportunity to take stock of our collective efforts on this important issue. I also wish to congratulate the State of Kuwait and the Kingdom of the Netherlands on their appointment as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations. We commend their able leadership during the 80th session, and we affirm our full confidence in their stewardship during this session. Mr. President, since the launch of its work in 2009, pursuant to General Assembly decision 62/557, The IGN has remained the sole legitimate framework for Security Council reform. Through successive sessions and documents produced by its co-chairs, it has steadily narrowed our differences and charted a path forward. The continuation of these deliberations as of today is a testament to their enduring relevance, all the more so following the momentum generated by the Pact for the Future. the Secretary General rightly observed, the pact contains the strongest language on Council reform in a generation. Our task now is to translate that commitment into concrete progress. Mr. President, the reform of the Security Council is not merely a priority for this organization. It is a necessity if the Council is to reflect today's geopolitical realities and retain its legitimacy and credibility. At the heart of this endeavor lies the imperative of redressing the historical injustice done to Africa, its absence from the permanent category, and its underrepresentation in the non-permanent category. This injustice is all the more striking given that African issues account for a significant share of the Council's agenda, and that our continent is among the leading contributors of troops and police to the United Nations peacekeeping operations. Africa must be a full actor in its decisions and not only a subject of the Council's deliberations. In this regard, we welcome and support the submission earlier this year of the African model for Security Council reform, and we affirm our steadfast commitment to the common African position as enshrined in the Ezewini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. which calls for no fewer than two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats for Africa. The Kingdom of Morocco also supports the legitimate aspiration of the Arab group for a permanent seat on the Council, commensurate with the weight and the concerns of this region. As for the veto, Morocco considers that as long as it exists, it must be broadened to all permanent Security Council members with a view to achieving equity and justice. Mr. President, any reform of the Council's membership must go hand in hand with a genuine improvement of its working methods. How the Council deliberates is inseparable from the substance of its decisions. Greater transparency, inclusiveness, and accountability are essential to a more effective and representative Council, one that lives up to the promise of San Francisco. In this spirit, as a chair of the Peacebuilding Commission, Morocco welcomes the Council's growing recourse to the Commission's advice. We hope that this practice will be further consolidated in full respect of the Commission's advisory mandate and of the cardinal principle of national ownership. To conclude, Mr. President, the Kingdom of Morocco will continue to engage constructively and in good faith in this process during this session, with a view to achieving a Council that is more representative, more effective, and more legitimate. And I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Morocco. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of China.

President, I thank you for convening this meeting. I congratulate Al-Bunay, Permanent Representative of Kuwait, and Van Haaren, Permanent Representative of the Netherlands, on continuing to serve as co-chairs of the IG on Security Council reform during this GA session, which demonstrates the Member States' trust in and recognition of the co-chairs. China is ready to continue the good communication and cooperation with the co-chairs and fully support them in fulfilling their mandates impartially and objectively. as mandated by the GA and ensuring that the IGA moves forward on the right track. At present, the international situation is undergoing turbulence and transformation. Geopolitical conflicts persist and escalate, and crises and challenges emerge one after another. Member states generally expect the UN to play a greater role and eagerly expect the Security Council to shoulder the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. China understands the aspirations of member states promote reform and supports the Security Council in keeping up with the times and improving its authority and efficiency through necessary and reasonable reform to better respond to crises and challenges and effectively fulfill its duties entrusted by the UN Charter. China wishes to stress the following points. First, we must focus on enhancing the representation and voice of developing countries. The Security Council, as the core of the collective security mechanism, must reflect the realities of international politics, give more developing countries and small and medium-sized countries with independent foreign policies the opportunity to take part in Security Council decision-making, and in particular redress the historical injustices suffered by Africa by making priority and special arrangements for African demands. The ultimate goal is to change the situation at the Security Council of between the North and the South, the perpetual dominance by a single bloc, and the overrepresentation of developed countries. Second, we must respect the consensus of Member States and adhere to a package solution. Security Council reform is a systematic endeavor, and all five clusters are indispensable, making it essential to address it through a package solution. Before the parties reach a clear consensus, any attempt to adopt a consolidated model in haste, push for the launch of tech-based negotiations and even impose artificial timelines and take a step-by-step or piecemeal approach will only aggravate differences and disputes among the parties, which is not conducive to the long-term development of the UN and the common interests of the membership. Third, we must uphold the status of the IGC on security Council reform as the main channel. The IGCN is the only legitimate platform for member states to discuss Security Council reform. Its role is irreplaceable. China supports all parties in continuing their dialogue and consultation on this platform to build consensus, and firmly opposes any practice of starting an alternative platform. China also knows that an increasing number of member states have expressed their interest in establishing regional and rotating seats. Compared with the proposal of expanding both categories of membership, this concept is fairer and more democratic. China hopes that this IGN will continue to deepen discussions and pool wisdom on the new ideas of reform, and actively explore ideas for reform that enjoy general support from member states. During this IGN, China stands ready to continue its joint efforts with all parties, respect each other and engage in candid exchanges and equal-footed consultations to ensure that Security Council reform will move in a direction conducive to the common interests of Member States and the sound development of the cause of the UN, and make active contributions to building a more just and equitable global governance system. I thank you, President.

I thank the distinguished representative of China. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Timor-Leste.

Mr. President, Timor-Leste aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the L69 Group of Developing Countries. It reaffirms its strong commitment to comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council. We commend the co-chairs for their excellent stewardship of the IGC and congratulate their appointment for the coming session. Mr. President, more than 80 years after the United Nations' establishment, the world has changed profoundly, but the Security Council has not kept pace. Since 1945, its permanent membership remains unchanged. Today, a small number of countries continue to exercise primary responsibility for international peace and security on behalf of 193 member states. This imbalance raises fundamental questions about representation, legitimacy, and confidence in multilateral decision-making. For Timor-Leste, Security Council reform is not simply about increasing the number of seats. It's about ensuring that countries and regions affected by the Council's decisions have a fair opportunity to participate in shaping them. A more representative Council would strengthen legitimacy, encourage broader ownership of its decision, and improve implementation. Mr. President, Timor-Leste supports the longstanding position that meaningful reform must expand both permanent and non-permanent categories, increasing elected seats. alone would not adequately address the structural inequalities that have persisted for decades. Reform must correct the historical underrepresentation of developing regions, particularly Africa, Asia Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. Timor-Leste supports stronger representation for the Asia Pacific states, Latin American and the Caribbean states, and small island developing states. We particularly recognize the proposal for a dedicated rotating seat for seats whose perspectives on climate-related insecurity, disasters, and other emerging challenges deserve greater attention. As a country whose independence was achieved with the support of the United Nations, Timor-Leste understands the importance of inclusive multilateral institutions. Our experience reminds us that international decisions are more credible when those affected have a meaningful voice in shaping them. Today's interconnected world challenges, including armed conflict, climate-related insecurity, emerging technologies, and widening inequalities, require institutions that can command broad international confidence. A Council reflecting a wider range of regional perspectives will be better equipped to respond effectively and sustain collective action. Mr. President, Excellencies. The G20 therefore calls upon all member states to demonstrate the political will and flexibility needed to advance genuine tax-based negotiations within the intergovernmental negotiation process. Existing proposals provide a substantive foundation for progress. We must now translate areas of convergence into concrete outcomes. After decades of discussion, continued procedural engagement must not become a substitute for meaningful reform. The objective is not to weaken the Security Council, but to strengthen its legitimacy, effectiveness, and capacity to fulfill its responsibilities under the Charter. Timor-Leste stands ready to work constructively with the L69 group and all member states towards a Security Council that is more representative, inclusive, accountable, and responsive to the needs of all nations. The world has changed. the Security Council must change with it. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Timor-Leste. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Georgia.

Mr. President, Thank you for convening this important debate on the question of equitable representation and on increasing the membership of the Security Council. For Georgia, Security Council is not simply a question of institutional design. It concerns the capacity of the United Nations to fulfill its central purpose, maintaining international peace and security in accordance with the UN Charter. The credibility of the Council depends on how fairly its membership reflects the international community and how effectively it discharges its responsibilities. The Council reform must address both of these dimensions. A more representative Council must also be more accountable, transparent, and capable of acting when international peace and security are threatened. Mr. President. Georgia supports the expansion of the Security Council in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership. An enlarged Council must ensure more equitable geographical representation. In this context, adequate additional representation for the Eastern European group remains a priority for my delegation. Enlargement must take into account the legitimate aspirations of all regional groups and avoid perpetuating the existing imbalances. We also support addressing the historical underrepresentation of Africa and improving opportunities for small states, including small and medium-sized developing states. However, enlargement alone will not resolve the Council's shortcomings. Progress on membership must be accompanied by meaningful improvements in its working methods, transparency, and relationship with this body, the General Assembly. The Council must engage more substantively with Member States, particularly those directly affected by the situations under its consideration. Mr. President, as all of us are aware, the question of the veto remains central to any meaningful reform. We know firsthand the consequences when the permanent members' involvement in conflict prevents the Council from responding effectively. Russia's aggression against Georgia and the continued occupation of Georgia's Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions underscore the fundamental contradiction between the responsibilities of permanent members and the misuse of their privileged positions. Permanent membership must entail higher responsibility for upholding the UN Charter and not immunity from accountability for its violation. The veto cannot become a shield for aggression or an obstacle to addressing a conflict in which a permanent member is directly involved. In this context, we fully support the political declaration on the suspension of the veto in case of mass atrocities presented by France and Mexico, and the act code of conduct concerning Security Council action against genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Mr. President, Georgia remains committed to the intergovernmental negotiations and to constructively engage across all five clusters, and to move towards a genuine next step, which is negotiations on a text. Our shared objective must be a Security Council that is more representative of the membership, more accountable, and more effective in fulfilling its responsibilities. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Georgia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Indonesia.

Mr. President, thank you for convening this important meeting. Let me also congratulate His Excellency Ambassador Al-Banai of the State of Kuwait and Her Excellency Ambassador Gregor van Haren of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for their leadership and for their reappointment as Co-Chairs of the IJN of the 81st session. Mr. President, a democratic, transparent, representative, efficient, and accountable Security Council is the cornerstone of multilateral legitimacy. When the Council acts with unity, it demonstrates the power of multilateralism that is pivotal to restore public trust in international law and the UN itself. A reformed Council is therefore both an urgent and strategic necessity, especially as we are confronted when increasingly volatile global environment marked by the proliferations of conflicts and humanitarian emergencies. Allow me to outline three imperatives to get our collective work this current session. First, moving forward through flexibility and political wisdom. We must shift our lens from national privilege to regional trust and global representativeness while remaining fully open to innovative ideas. In this context, Indonesia welcomes the co-chairs' efforts and initiative to find a viable starting point that aims to break the deadlock and move us toward tangible outcomes. Rectifying the historical injustice against Africa must also remain an immediate priority, alongside equitable geographic distribution for other underrepresented regions. Second, redoubling efforts toward a consolidated model rooted in convergences. This is in line with the decision of the pack of the future and the importance of a consolidated model to get future negotiations. Any form of consolidation must be an instrument of inclusion, not exclusion. A genuine consolidated model should be developed by addressing core divergences and emphasizing convergences. Recognizing that progress requires a comprehensive review, we must build convergences across all five interlinked clusters systematically. Third, operationalizing immediate concrete improvement on working methods. We cannot afford to wait for Charter amendments to make the Security Council more transparent, democratic and accountable today. We must start progressing with concrete improvements on specific matters. Progress requires improving inclusivity of penholder ships and ensuring equitable, transparent and timely appointment of subsidiary bodies chairmanships. Indonesia also calls for the enhancement of the Council relationships with troop and police contributing countries, particularly during the early stages of mission planning and mandate implementation. Finally, Indonesia reiterates that the veto must be limited and ultimately phased out. Pending its abolition, veto must not be exercised on proven cases of humanitarian issues, serious violations of international humanitarian law, and war crimes. Mr. President, Indonesia reaffirms our commitment to consensus, mutual respect, and pragmatic bridge-building in the IGM. As we prepare for future responsibilities, including our candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the 2029-2030 terms, rest assured of Indonesia's full support in advancing an inclusive, transparent, and result-oriented process of the Council reform. I thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Indonesia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Republic of Korea.

Mr. President, the Republic of Korea aligns itself with the statement delivered by the permanent.

Representative of Italy on behalf of the UFC group. In my national capacity, I would like to offer the following additional considerations. The Republic of Korea welcomes the reappointment.

Of the co-chairs of the IGN process.

We appreciate the dedication of the co-chairs and stand ready to work closely with them.

The Republic of Korea is fully.

Committed to a reform that enables the Council to deliver on its critical mandate of maintaining international peace and security. As agreed by Member States in the Pact for the Future, our common goal is a Council that is more representative, accountable, democratic and effective.

To this end.

I wish to highlight three points.

First, on categories of membership.

The Republic of Korea supports the expansion of the elected non-permanent category, including longer-term seats with the possibility of re-election.

We believe this approach.

Offers a practical way to build a Council that is both more representative and more accountable by broadening opportunities for.

All member states, large or small, to serve on the Council.

At the same time, elected members earn their seats.

Through the votes of this Assembly and remain answerable to the whole membership. Regular elections require them to renew the trust of member states, while longer-term seats provide greater continuity.

Unlike this approach, creating new permanent seats would institutionalize privileges.

For a select few without the same electoral accountability to the wider membership.

Second, turning to the question of.

The veto, the Republic of Korea opposes any expansion of the veto, which would undermine efforts to make the Council.

More democratic and effective.

Indeed, the veto allows a single state to block actions supported by the wider membership. Extending this power to new members would further increase the risk of paralysis and weaken the Council's ability to respond effectively to threats to international peace and security. In the meantime, As a practical step, we support the Franco-Mexican initiative and the ACT Code of Conduct, which promote restraint in the use of the veto and timely and decisive Security Council action in situations involving mass atrocities and war crimes. Finally, on regional representation, the Republic of Korea believes that equitable geographical distribution is essential to making the Council more representative and inclusive, as reflected in Article 23, paragraph 1 of the UN Charter. Accordingly, as the Council expands, greater opportunities to serve should be provided to the underrepresented regions, including Africa, Asia-Pacific.

And Latin America and the Caribbean.

Mr. President, To achieve a more representative, accountable, democratic, and effective Council, we must seek the widest possible political acceptance among Member States, as envisaged in General Assembly decision 62/557. In this context, moving towards text-based negotiations or a consolidated model without sufficient convergence would risk deepening divisions among Member.

States.

Instead, we should focus on building common ground across all five interlinked clusters. To that end, the Republic of Korea stands ready to engage constructively with the co-chairs and all member states to advance a comprehensive reform.

I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Spain.

Thank you very much indeed, Mr. President. Spain, as a member of the Uniting for Consensus group, aligns itself with the statement made by Italy. In our national capacity, we will make the following comments. Firstly, Security Council reform is part of the broader commitment to renew and strengthen the United Nations, a commitment into which we entered with the Pact for the Future. Those commitments must now be put into practice. It is more necessary than ever before to defend multilateralism. Doing that demands, inter alia, that we equip it with more representative and effective institutions. In this context, it is fundamental to maintain the necessary level of political ambition to forge ahead with Council this through its own dedicated channel, the intergovernmental negotiation process. Secondly, the five questions identified in the decision 62/557 are interconnected and are equally important. We value the debates that were held in the last cycle and the analysis of concrete models, such as that presented by the African Union. We must leverage this work to extend convergences and reduce our differences. This through constructive, inclusive, transparent dialogue, which is led by Member States, with flexibility being shown by all. Spain reiterates its opposition to the creation of new permanent seats, because doing that will only serve to entrench existing inequalities and will limit the opportunities for other states to participate. Our proposal is to increase the number of elected seats, this also through longer terms for service. We would preserve the principle of rotation and accountability before the General Assembly. We advocate for a reform which guarantees the just representation of all regions to correct the historic injustice done to Africa and to improve the representation of other underrepresented regions. These include Asia and the Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean. Moreover, we must facilitate the access of small and medium-sized states to the Council, including small island developing states. A reform will only be genuinely representative if it expands opportunities for all the members of the United Nations. Thirdly, we must decisively confront the issue of the veto with resolve. With this in mind, we advocate for reform that puts an end to the veto for permanent members, and one which limits its use until we achieve that goal. here, we reiterate the need to continue supporting the Franco-Mexican initiative on the restriction of the use of the veto in situations of mass atrocity and the ACT code of conduct. We urge all states that have not yet done so to accede to these initiatives and we urge those who do support them already to effectively implement the commitments they contain. We must continue to increase accountability before the General Assembly when the veto is used, making full use of the mechanism established by resolution 76/262. President, Spain is committed to a reform which will allow the Security Council to act with greater effectiveness, legitimacy and transparency. Achieving that goal also demands that we improve the Council's working methods and strengthen its relationship with the General Assembly and the Peacebuilding Commission. Lastly, we wish to echo previous delegations in congratulating the Permanent Representatives of Kuwait and the Netherlands for their sterling work during the 80th session of this General Assembly, and we congratulate them their reappointment as co-chairs of the IGN. They will continue to enjoy the full support and active participation of Spain to make progress towards a comprehensive reform which garners the greatest possible level of political acceptance. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Spain. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Thailand.

Mr. President, my delegation congratulates His Excellency Mr. Tarek Al-Bunni, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Kuwait, and Her Excellency Ms. Lies Gregoire van Haren, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Netherlands, on their reappointment as Co-Chairs of the Intergovernmental Negotiations for this session. Thailand assures you of our full support and confidence. Today's debate is more relevant than ever. Given the challenges that we face, it is important to have an opportunity to consider how the Security Council can be restructured to be more effective, transparent, cost-efficient, and responsive. For Thailand, this means the following key priorities. First is improving the Council's working methods. Thailand reiterates that this is essential to enhancing the Council's credibility, legitimacy, and operational effectiveness. Practical measures such as strengthened and timely interaction with other UN bodies, improved cooperation with regional organizations, a broader and more inclusive penholdership system, and expanded roles for the E10 can yield immediate and tangible results. In this regard, Thailand expresses its deep concern over the prolonged impasse in appointing the chairs and vice-chairs of the subsidiary bodies, which directly impairs the Council's overall work and diminishes its credibility. Second, is greater representation of developing countries as well as small and medium-sized states, including but not limited to African and Asia-Pacific member states. Thailand's support for more inclusive representation is unwavering. Any expansion of the Security Council must guarantee fair and equitable geographical representation, cross-regional balance, and a stronger voice for the developing world. Third is bridging differences. Given the broad common ground on expanding the Council's non-permanent membership, we should focus our collective efforts on bridging differences among the various proposals submitted by member states and regional groupings. Mr. President, the Security Council must evolve to reflect current global realities. Our shared aspiration remains a strengthened United Nations and a multilateral system with the UN at the core. That said, we recognize that all five clusters are interlinked. Therefore, negotiations must continue to be guided by the principle that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed. Member states should work constructively to narrow divergences and build upon areas of convergence within the IGM framework to achieve truly meaningful reform. Thailand stands ready to work constructively with all Member States and remains open to engaging in text-based negotiations once a broad consensus is reached. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Thailand. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Argentina.

Mr. President, Ambassador Nylandor, Today we gather here once again to exchange views on Security Council reform. This is a debate which has been underway for decades and which remains one of the challenges to our Organization. the main challenges which have yet to be overcome. The delegation of Argentina has expressed at this very rostrum what my country considers to be the essential mandate, the central mission, indeed, of the UN, that is precisely to preserve international peace and security. This task is primarily in the hands of the Security Council, in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter. This reform cannot be considered solely as a discussion on the number of seats around a table. This is because the Council is an organ which acts on behalf of all of us and in the exercise of its crucial responsibility to maintain international peace and security. Consequently, the Council's procedures and also its silences have an impact on some of the most sensitive issues considered by our organization. The Council's decisions can issue sanctions, determine the course of peacekeeping operations, admit new members, and see the recommendation of the Secretary-General, among others. This collective responsibility must go hand in hand with a broader representation on the Council, greater transparency and effective accountability mechanisms. Mr. President, Argentina is a founding member of the Organization. We have always maintained that the primary source of inequality within the Council lies in the existence of permanent members whose position is not subject to periodic elections. This structure was an appropriate response to the political circumstances of 1945. However, more than 80 years later, we must now ask ourselves whether expanding this category really is a genuine response to current challenges? And the answer to that question is clear. A reform designed to correct an inequality must neither reproduce or deepen that inequality. Consequently, Argentina supports exclusively and solely the incorporation of new non-permanent members elected by the General Assembly. This through modalities which make it to increase representation, guarantee greater continuity and strengthen responsibility and accountability to all Member States. Council reform must offer new opportunities for participation. It must not establish new permanent privileges. All of these components come together in the proposal of UFC. Argentina is a member of United for Consensus. We reaffirm our commitment to that comprehensive reform and we align ourselves with the statement made by on behalf of that group. President, the United Nations faces challenges that are increasingly complex and which every day put the effectiveness and efficiency of the multilateral system on its mettle. At the same time, almost 60 Member States have not yet had the opportunity to serve on the Council. This reality must be at the very front and centre of our discussions. Moreover, Council reform must address the issue of the veto, not simply in view of its consequences when it is used, but also because the mere possibility of its use can shape the course of negotiations and stymie the Council's ability to act. Consequently, Argentina is of the view that we must ensure greater harmonization between the Council's composition, its working methods and the principles of sovereign equality and collective responsibility which underpin our Organization. Argentina believes that it is vital to continue to work to reconcile diverging positions and to develop a reform which might garner the greatest possible support from Member States. However, we also believe that the urgent need for reform must not be erroneously interpreted as a need to pressure negotiations. Consequently, we do not support any artificial hastening of the process, nor premature attempts to produce documents which, instead of producing convergences, ultimately entrench existing differences. The goal must not be simply to achieve a text. Rather, it must be to build an agreement which facilitates an effective, collective, balanced, and lasting reform. The IGM remains the only remains the legitimate and inclusive forum to achieve this goal. Its strength lies precisely in the fact that it allows all member states to participate in the development of a common solution. To conclude, we congratulate the representatives of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Kuwait, and we wish them every success in their work. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Federated States of Micronesia.

Thank you, Mr. President. Micronesia aligns with the statement delivered earlier on behalf of the L69 group, delivered by the distinguished representative of Saint Lucia. Mr. President, The question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council is not merely a procedural item on our agenda. It is a fundamental test of this Organization's relevance in the 21st century. The world of 1945, when the United Nations was founded, no longer exists. The world of 1965, when the Council was last expanded to include non-permanent members, is also a distant memory. Today, the Council structure remains frozen in a bygone era, failing to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. This structural deficit undermines the Council. Council's legitimacy erodes public trust and compromises its primary responsibility under the UN Charter, the maintenance of international peace and security. To restore credibility to this organization, we must address the geographical underrepresentation and the expansion of both categories. It is an unacceptable historical injustice that entire continents remain structurally marginalized. Africa possesses no permanent seat despite being the focus of much of the Council's agenda. Latin America and the Caribbeans, alongside dynamic regions of the Asia Pacific, are severely underrepresented in the permanent category. Micronesia reaffirms its support for the expansion in the permanent category for Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan in a reformed Security Council. We must expand both permanent and non-permanent seats. Expanding non-permanent seats is vital to ensure the Council benefits from the diverse perspective of small and developing nations. Mr. President, a reformed Council must also adapt to an expanded definition of security. Climate change is no longer and a distant environmental concern. It is an existential physical threat to global stability. For the smallest among our UN members, particularly the small island developing states, sea level rise and extreme weather are immediate threats to their very territorial integrity and survival. When a nation faces the physical loss of its homeland, climate change becomes a paramount security issue. A Council that lacks adequate permanent representation for these vulnerable regions cannot effectively address the defining security challenges. Reform cannot stop at numbers alone. We must also address the working method of the Security Council, including enhancing transparency, accountability, and engagement with the wider membership. The Council must become more transparent, more responsive, and more accountable to the General Assembly. The slow pace of the IGN process can no longer serve as an excuse for inaction. We call our member states to engage in text-based negotiations with flexibility and shared a sense of urgency. Let us commit to a reform Security Council that is truly representative, legitimate, and capable of protecting the most vulnerable among us. Thank you, Mr. President.

I thank the distinguished representative of Micronesia. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea.

Mr. President, we welcome your decision to appoint Mr. Tarek Al-Banai, His Excellency, Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait, and Her Excellency, Madame Lies Greghouil van Haren, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. We congratulate them and we thank them for the sterling work that they are currently conducting as co-chairs of the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. during the 81st session of the General Assembly. We are of the view that these appointments are an important step towards championing and making progress in our deliberations, which is substantive in nature. President, our delegation aligns itself with these statements made by the Permanent Representative of Namibia on behalf of the African Group and I wish to make the following comments in my national capacity. We have a Security Council whose composition remains rooted in the realities of 1945 and does not have the legitimacy and effectiveness it needs to respond to the complex challenges and conflicts besetting international peace and security as things stand. For decades, we have been debating the urgent need to undertake an overarching, meaningful reform of the Security Council. However, far from achieving the tangible results that this issue requires that we reach, we Whether deliberately or involuntarily, we have remained trapped in a cycle of simply reiterating statements. Positions are repeated year after year. At the same time, substantive progress remains insufficient. The legitimate aspirations that Africa has in terms of Security Council reform are widely known to all Member States. The Ezulwini Consensus and the Cirt Declaration an unequivocal expression of the common African position. That position calls for just and equitable representation of the continent on the Council through the appointment of Africa to no fewer than two permanent seats with all prerogatives and rights inherent to that category enjoyed by Africa, including the veto for as long as it is to exist. Moreover, we call for five non-permanent seats. President, Africa is not asking for privileges. It is calling for justice. It is calling for equality. It is calling for the legitimate right to participate fully in the decisions that affect its own fate. Our continent aspires to take up its rightful place around the table where day after day you deliberate decisions and make decisions that are crucial for its peace, security and its future. It is clear that our region holds a central place in the discussions and decisions taken by the Security Council. In spite of that reality, we still seem to ask ourselves questions, you do, about whether the African continent should receive special treatment within Council reform. It's simple. We're not talking about handing down specific privileges to Africa, but correcting a situation which, at the moment, is incompatible with the principles of sovereign equality and equality that our organization is built upon. With the adoption of the Pact for the Future, our heads of state and government assumed clear commitments in terms of Security Council reform. and explicitly recognize the need to correct, as a matter of urgent priority, the historic injustice done to Africa and to treat the African continent as a special case in the reform process. This commitment cannot simply remain boiled down, reduced to a simple declaration of principles for our continent. The application of this commitment is not simply a nicety, it's a matter of restoring credibility and institutional justice. The time has come to translate, to move beyond differences and forge ahead with considerable progress. We must demonstrate the political will necessary to overcome current differences and to lay the foundations that make it possible to usher in a new stage of substantive negotiations that produce results. We cannot continue to say that we are committed to multilateralism that is more representative and fair while we have governance structures which do not reflect

the microphone has been cut off. I thank the distinguished representative of Equatorial Guinea. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of India.

Mr. President, let me begin by thanking you for convening this important debate on Security Council reforms. India wishes the reappointed co-chairs purposeful and productive leadership in the IGN in the 81st session and pledge our full cooperation. We fully align with the statement delivered on behalf of the L69 and the G4. Before I speak on the process, it's important to reflect on the state of the world. I make six points. First, no war, especially one that took place over 80 years ago, should determine today's state of the world. 1945 cannot be held as a sole reference point for today's UN and for today's generation. History can be a guide for what not to do. It cannot determine today's choices for what needs to be done to face contemporary challenges. We cannot reasonably drive into the future by constantly looking at the rearview mirror. Two, sacrifices made in world wars have been countless, unrecognized, and in some cases, deliberately suppressed. Around 2.5 million Indians took part in a war. Around 90,000 of them died in military service. Over 4 million were killed in the infamous Bengal famine due to colonial war policies. An organization crafted for and by the victors did not obviously care to include the concerns of the victims. Three, the authority derived from a victory eight decades ago cannot compensate for the deficit in legitimacy of an unrepresentative Security Council today. An organization that cannot renew its principal organ will find it ever harder to command authority in a world that has moved beyond 1945. Four, the cost of all of this is clearly visible. 80 years on, the organization is struggling to deliver peace and reconciliation. The debate is still too often conducted as a ledger of gains and losses between those who prevailed in 1945 and those who did not. Reform is not the settlement of old scores. It's an investment in a council that all member states can trust and which would be stronger as a result. Five, the Asia-Pacific group accounting for more than 60% of the world's population has no choice but to be limited in its representation in the council to one permanent member and an elected membership varying between one and two members every other year. By contrast, Europe has two permanent members and three elected members. Nowhere else would the injustice of this gross under-representation have continued for so long. 6. The Charter itself distinguishes between permanent and non-permanent members. A reform that expands only the non-permanent category leaves a central imbalance untouched and further entrenches the status quo. Mr. President, I now move to the process. I make five points. First, The IGM cannot be fundamentally different from other UN processes in which negotiations proceed on the basis of a text. In any multilateral process, a text is a precondition and not its conclusion. Two, the voice of a large majority cannot be indefinitely set aside by procedural tactics that demand a consensus when decision 62 by 557 only sought the widest possible political acceptance. Let us remember, convergences are not consensus, and the search for the lowest common denominator must not become an excuse for tinkering with the existing structure while calling it reform. Three, India calls on the co-chairs to move early in this session from the elements paper to a negotiating text that fully captures the range of proposals and reflects the breadth of support for expansion in both categories. Four, on the veto, India's position is principled and unchanged. As long as it exists, it must be held by all permanent members, new and old alike. Five, on working methods, India supports a more transparent, accountable, and efficient Council, including objective selection of subsidiary body chairs and penholders, greater openness in listing decisions, mandates that have outlived their purpose should lapse through sunset clauses, and the Council's rules of procedure should no longer be provisional after 80 years. Mr. President, The citizens of today want to look ahead to what the future has in store for them, and not at the distant past. They want equality, rights, fraternity, and international cooperation in its truest sense. Let this organization not send back our citizens in a time machine to 1945 every time it discusses peace and security. Excellencies, for us, the choice is clear. We will continue to engage constructively and in good faith. We sincerely hope the 81st session will mark the point at which this process finally acquires a text, a timeline, and.

I thank the distinguished representative of India. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein.

I thank you for convening today's debate. Our thanks also go to the co-chairs of the IGM. for the leadership and for the efforts undertaken this session to move us closer to the long-awaited reform of the Council. We, as others, have heard the growing calls for Council enlargement, both from the members of this organization and from global civil society. We agree that a strong multilateral system requires a strong United Nations, and that a strong UN, in requires a Security Council that is both effective and representative of today's world. As the IGN process currently stands, Liechtenstein is measuring progress by whether we are creating the conditions for a fruitful negotiation, including by putting clever choices before the membership and by facilitating a process that allows states and groups of states to refine their models in response to one another.

The Pact for the Future gives us a clear.

Mandate to advance this work by endorsing the process through which States and groups of States have put forward their own models and revisions thereof. We have been pleased to contribute to this process, including by presenting the revision of our intermediate model in 2024. Such an iterative exchange can help the membership move towards the strongest possible political support for a consolidated approach. We welcome in this regard the presentation of the African Group's model and the co-chairs' bridging proposal this session. Bridging proposals are useful not because they prejudge the outcome, but because they help the membership identify possible landing zones and understand the trade-offs that any reform package will require. Mr. President, so long as states and groups are unable to move away from long-entrenched positions, genuine reform will remain deadlocked. But the millions of people around the world who are afflicted by conflict cannot wait another 17 years for reform. Liechtenstein therefore continues to be committed to creating pathways outside of the IGM to improve our organization's ability to deliver on its mandate to maintain international peace and security. The veto initiative remains an important measure to recalibrate the balance between the Security Council and the General Assembly. and an avenue for this Assembly to make full use of the authority it has on the Chapter IV of the UN Charter. We note that the Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. But this responsibility is not exclusive. Council failures to act have been particularly acute consequences in the face of atrocity crimes. The commitments reflected in this respect in the Pact for the Future and long advanced through the ACT Code of Conduct, which has reached 130 signatories, should be fully implemented by all Member States. They should guide Council members and act as a practical restraint on the use of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. Finally, We must ensure that the Security Council implements the Charter as it stands, in particular Article 27, which has been neglected for far too long. The entire membership should have clarity on the meaning of this important provision. We look forward to continue working with the entire membership to ensure the full and consistent application of all.

Charter provisions.

I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Liechtenstein. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of San Marino.

Mr. President, I wish to thank you for convening this important debate. We appreciate your commitment in advancing the Security Council reform process, and we thank you for reappointing the process to competent and skillful PRs. San Marino stands ready to constructively support your action and looks forward to cooperating with them in full transparency and willingness to make progress. We join the statement previously made by Italy on behalf of the Uniting for Consensus Group. Our overarching objective is a Security Council that is truly representative, democratic, transparent, accountable, and capable of addressing modern crisis. To achieve this, reform must serve the interests of the entire UN membership and correct current imbalances rather than entrenching them. In line with decision 62/557, we must continue focusing on areas of agreement to craft a comprehensive solution capable of securing the broadest possible political acceptance. Progress in the IGN requires patient, Member State-driven dialogue. San Marino remains committed to open, pragmatic engagement, and we encourage all Member States to put forward flexible proposals. A wider variety of perspectives strengthens the legitimacy of our joint effort. Expanding non-permanent elected seats is the most effective pathway to broaden participation. Conversely, creating new permanent seat would further restrict opportunities for the broader membership and violate the fundamental principle of sovereign equality. Within this framework, San Marino strongly supports rectifying historical inequities, in particular by enhancing representation for Africa. as well as underrepresented regions such as Asian Pacific, Latin American and the Caribbean, small island developing states, and Arab states. Mr. President, adding permanent members or expanding veto power will not improve Council effectiveness. On the contrary, we must address veto abuse. While our ultimate goal remains the total elimination of the veto, we should immediately pursue measures to limit its use, in particular in cases involving mass atrocity and war crimes. Finally, Mr. President, meaningful reform must revamp the Council's working methods. We advocate for stronger synergies between the Security Council and the General Assembly, deeper engagement with the Peacebuilding Commission, and closer cooperation with regional partners like the African Union. San Marino looks forward to working constructively with you, the Co-Chairs, and all Member States toward a truly inclusive Security Council reform that serves the global good. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of San Marino. I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Pakistan. Pakistan.

Thank you, Mr. President. Pakistan aligns itself with the statement delivered by Italy on behalf of UFC. We welcome the appointment of the PRs of Kuwait and the Netherlands as co-chairs of the IGN. We trust that they will guide the process, continue to guide the process in an impartial, transparent, and inclusive manner. At a time when multilateralism is under strain and conflicts multiply, the Security Council's inability to respond effectively underscores the importance of reform for more effective maintenance of international peace and security. The question is not whether the Council should be reformed, but how to make it more representative, democratic, transparent, and accountable. Security Council reform affects vital interests of all UN member states and must therefore command consensus by the widest possible support of the UN membership. Pakistan remains committed to a comprehensive, democratic and equitable reform. The objective must be to democratize the Council, correct existing imbalances and strengthen accountability. Reform must serve collective interests of the membership, not perpetuate historical privileges or create new centers of exclusive power. The principal obstacle to agreement is the insistence of a few States on acquiring permanent seats, coupled with their unwillingness and inflexibility to accommodate the broader interests and perspectives of the wider UN membership. Instead of reform for all, they seek privilege for some. This runs counter to the fundamental principle of sovereign equality and remains the biggest roadblock to reform. Permanent membership and veto have contributed to the Council's paralysis and inability to respond effectively to threats to international peace and security. The problems cannot be presented as the solution. Expanding the permanent category, with or without veto, would entrench inequality rather than democratize the Council. Pakistan therefore opposes the creation of individual additional permanent seats. An expansion of the elected, non-permanent category, based on fair rotation through regular elections, can provide more democratic and inclusive path forward. The IGN process established through Decision 62/557 remains the legitimate, inclusive and Member State-driven mechanism that has served this Assembly well. Member States must be given the necessary time and space to broaden the areas of convergence and reduce divergences under the five clusters. which are inherently interlinked. Prematurely launching text-based negotiations before a broad agreement is achieved would only risk deepening divisions. The Uniting for Consensus proposal represents an objective, balanced, flexible and inclusive approach designed to accommodate the legitimate interests of all Member States and regions. The Group maintains that expansion should occur only in the elected non-permanent category. Each region could, however, be assigned longer-term seats, including possibility of re-election. The historic injustice against Africa must be redressed. Similarly, adequate representation of the underrepresented regions and groups, such as Asia-Pacific and GRULAC, as well as the cross-regional groupings, such as CIDS, Arab Group, and OIC, has to be catered for as well. The African model of regional representation is altogether different from the pursuit of power and privilege by some individual countries in other regions. Africa would indeed benefit if it pursues its demand as a special case, detached from positions of those groups that are inherently self-serving and divisive. The UFC proposal has inbuilt flexibility to adequately accommodate the African aspiration. In conclusion, Mr. President, Pakistan reaffirms its commitment to engaging constructively in the IGN process and working closely with the Co-Chairs to build convergence and reduce divergences. The objective is to make the Council more democratic, representative and accountable. Reform must correct existing inequalities, not reproduce them. Broaden representation, not concentrate privilege. and strengthen multilateralism, not entrench national advantage. Reform for all, privilege for none. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan. We have heard the last speaker in the debate on this item for this meeting. We shall hear the remaining speakers this afternoon at 3:00 p.m. in this hall, and the meeting is adjourned. And.