First Committee, 3rd plenary meeting - General Assembly, 80th session

The Third Meeting of the Disarmament and International Security Committee, First Committee of the 80th Session of the General Assembly, is called to order. Distinguished delegates, the Committee will continue this morning with its general debate on all disarmament and international security agenda items allocated to it. Before I open the floor for the general debate, I would like to remind all delegations that the rolling list of speakers for this segment of our work will close this afternoon at 6 PM. I would further remind delegations that I do count on your cooperation to respect the time limits for statements. Delegates with the longest statements can deliver a summarized version of— while sharing their full statement to e-statements@un.org so that it could be posted on the UN Journal. I would also strongly encourage speakers to speak at reasonable speed to allow adequate interpretation. The first speaker on the list this morning is the distinguished representative of Latvia.

Please.

Thank you, Mr.

Chair.

At the outset, please allow me to congratulate you on your election as Chair of the First Committee and assure you of active cooperation of the Latvian delegation. Latvia aligns itself with the statement of the European Union and would like to make following remarks in our national capacity.

Mr.

Chair, international security is imperiled by rising tensions, deliberate violations of international norms, and weakening restraint. The result is a world less stable, less predictable, and less secure. Upholding international law, including the UN Charter, is paramount to reverse these troubling trends. Consequently, arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation remain crucial for reducing risks, fostering predictability, and ensuring lasting peace and security. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, now in its fourth year, is a blatant assault on the UN Charter. It threatens security and stability of Euro-Atlantic area, also requiring other countries to significantly boost and adapt their defences. Latvia condemns Russia's actions in the strongest terms. Russian forces must withdraw. Ukraine's territorial integrity must be restored within its internationally recognized borders. And Russia must be held accountable. By supplying Russia with weaponry and direct military support, DPRK, Iran, Belarus are complicit in this war. Russia's dangerous nuclear conduct is of particular concern. Their reckless and escalatory nuclear rhetoric, announced deployment of nuclear weapons in Belarus, revocation of CTBT ratification, and the suspension of New START implementation, coupled with employing a strategic weapon in the battlefield, directly undermines credibility of the global arms control, non-proliferation, and disarmament regime. Russia's ongoing occupation of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant marks the first instance in history of a nuclear facility being used for military purposes, risking catastrophic consequences. Latvia calls on Russia to cease these actions and return to full compliance with its international obligations and commitments. Russia must engage meaningfully in discussions on strategic risk reduction. We also take note of China's rapid and opaque expansion of its nuclear arsenal and unwillingness to engage in dialogue on strategic stability. Latvia calls on China to engage meaningfully in discussions on strategic risk reduction. Mr. Chair, the global arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation architecture is under growing strain, marked by non-compliance, disruptive behavior, and eroding consensus. The effectiveness of all non-proliferation and disarmament instruments depends on our collective adherence, transparency, and rigorous implementation of them. It is a non-negotiable to ensure this architecture continues to serve its fundamental purpose. Latvia emphasizes that the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty, or NPT, remains the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime. Achieving successful outcome of the 2026 NPT review conference requires collective effort. An integral part of preserving this architecture is ensuring that non-proliferation commitments are universally respected. Security Council's recent reinstatement of sanctions against Iran reflects the consequences of Iran's non-compliance with the JCPOA, failure to meet its safeguard obligations, and lack of cooperation with IAEA. Latvia encourages Iran to reverse its course, return to good-faith diplomacy, and resume verifiable cooperation with the IAEA. Likewise, the DPRK maintains a nuclear program that threatens regional and global stability. Latvia supports relevant Security Council resolutions and calls for complete, verifiable, and irreversible the denuclearization of the DPRK. Mr. Chair, the security of outer space is inseparable from broader international stability. Latvia, having ratified the Outer Space Treaty this year, upholds its provisions and calls for strengthened norms, rules, and responsible behavior to keep the outer space secure against evolving threats and the misuse of advanced capabilities. The increase of malicious activities in cyberspace requires effective measures to counter them, build cyber resilience, and genuinely implement the UN Framework for Responsible State Behavior in Cyberspace. Latvia welcomes the decision to establish a global mechanism on developments in the field of ICTs in the context of international security, and advancing responsible state behavior in ICTs. Rapid development of artificial intelligence offers vast opportunities while also presenting emerging challenges to international peace and security, including ethical dilemmas, vulnerabilities in cyber and biosecurity, and the growing risk of manipulation of information and interference in democratic processes. As elected member of the Security Council for 2026-2027, Latvia will promote engagement on emerging threats to peace and security, focusing on issues such as cyber threats, disinformation, and malicious use of new and emerging technologies.

Mr.

Chair, upholding principles of transparency, reciprocity, and verifiability remains crucial for an effective with conventional arms control. Latvia is committed to curbing illicit trade of small arms and light weapons and their ammunition, which fuel instability and armed violence across the globe. We also know the rapid development of lethal autonomous weapons systems. Latvia believes that meaningful human control over the use of force is indispensable, and we support efforts towards building consensus on guiding principles in this area. Latvia supports multilateral solutions that strengthen arms control and safeguard stability and security. Latvia is committed to global arms and export control frameworks, including the Arms Trade Treaty, Nuclear Suppliers Group, and Wassenaar Agreement. We actively support capacity building and sharing of best practices at the annual Conference of States parties of ATT. Latvia hosted a seminar presenting our experience in identifying military goods and export control to further promote the international rules-based order. Mr. Chair, Latvia affirms its unwavering commitment to advancing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda and turning it into measurable progress on the ground. Latvia is currently developing its second national action plan on VPS, and we also remain engaged in efforts to address conflict-related sexual violence, as a global priority. To conclude, we believe—

I thank the distinguished representative of Latvia, and I give now the floor to Her Excellency, Deputy Director-General for International Order, United Nations and Arms Control, Federal Foreign Office of Germany.

Please.

Thank you very much, Mr.

Chair.

First of all, I would like to congratulate you on taking on this chairmanship of the First Committee. Germany fully aligns itself with the statement of the European Union. Distinguished colleagues, in a world of high tensions and unprecedented instability, with the established international order under increasing pressure, our goal should be clear. We need to strengthen multilateralism and we need it to function better. We need strong international organizations such as the United Nations to be fit for purpose, knowing that they are the forum in which we meet and discuss matters that affect us all. Germany is therefore a strong proponent of a more efficient First Committee, and we welcome an open exchange on ideas to this end here in the First Committee. Allow me to briefly welcome the breakthrough in Gaza negotiations. As the German Foreign Minister has said, the agreement on the first phase means the release of hostages and a ceasefire are finally within reach. Germany stands ready to support the next steps towards peace. Colleagues, we usually speak about the challenges and the impediments on disarmament and arms control, and for good reasons. But it is our task as diplomats to explore where avenues for mutual cooperation exist and where progress, even small steps, can be made. I therefore want to start with a success story, namely the progress that we have all been able to make on small arms and light weapons, weapons that wreak havoc on a distressingly high number of people around the world every day. The UN Programme of Action on Small and Light Weapons remains on an encouraging path after its successful review conference last year. In a time of growing polarization, it was possible to maintain, maintain consensus on how to strengthen international efforts to tackle the illicit proliferation, diversion, and misuse of small arms and light weapons. The successful PrepCom this year of the Global Framework Agreement for Through-Life Ammunition Management is adding to the —closing an important loophole posed by conventional ammunition. Another potential success story is in the making. The political change in Syria has opened a historic window to rid the country of all remaining chemical weapons of the Assad regime in Syria. We welcome the determination of the Syrian government to start this task and the efforts of the OPCW to once and for all verify and destroy these toxic weapons of mass destruction. We stand ready to contribute financially, with personnel and expertise, to help turn this into its own success story. These successes show that agreement and progress in arms control are still possible, a much-needed ray of hope against the backdrop of the severe throwbacks to arms control, non-proliferation, and disarmament efforts— that we have faced, first and foremost by Russia. The right of reply we heard yesterday from Russia, distorting once more the facts, is entirely wrong, and I have to reject it in its entirety. The truth is that Russia's all-out war of aggression against Ukraine, now in its fourth year, has accelerated the erosion of arms control, non-proliferation, proliferation and disarmament architecture. The Chemical Weapons Convention is one such example. Russia's uses of riot control agents as well as the forbidden choking agent chloropicrin in Ukraine are blatant violations of the CWC that must stop. If Russia is not held accountable, we risk an erosion of the global norm against chemical weapons use. Misuse. We are also firmly committed to strengthening the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention, BWC. Addressing potential threats from state and non-state actors, as well as biosecurity challenges from newly emerging technology, is ever more urgent and requires leadership and innovative ideas. But pressure on the international arms control and disarmament architecture is also a direct consequence of China's rapid expansion of its nuclear weapons arsenal. In order to do its part to preserve global stability and reduce risk, China must show greater transparency about its nuclear buildup and engage in risk reduction or arms control talks, in particular with the United States. Concrete steps by China in this regard would also greatly help in the context of the NPT, which is facing its own serious challenges. The unresolved crisis about Iran's nuclear program still presents an enormous challenge to the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Together with our partners, we have been engaging Tehran on its nuclear program for decades. We successfully concluded the JCPOA and the JCPOA in 2013 and 2015, which was designed to build trust in the the exclusively peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear activities. Unfortunately, Iran decided to depart from its commitments 6 years ago. After having tried hard to bring Iran back to compliance and to restore the JCPOA in '21 and '22, we, the E3, continue to engage Iran in dialogue to address our strong concerns through diplomacy. And we even went the extra mile and offered Iran a limited snapback extension to enable substantial talks. Unfortunately, these efforts have failed, and the decision to trigger the snapback of UNSC resolutions was taken as a consequence of Iran's continuing non-compliance with its JCPOA commitments. Having said that, we remain— remain ready and resolved to find a diplomatic solution to Iran's nuclear program. Chair, in our current deteriorating security environment, we need to stay committed and forward-looking to shape future arms control. Threats to peace and stability in outer space are outpacing the existing, existing normative framework. Within only a few years, we have witnessed an astonishing multiplication of satellites in orbits serving civilian and military purposes, but also reports about plans to deploy nuclear-armed satellite in outer space. For arms control, outer space presents a unique set of challenges beginning with situational awareness, but certainly not ending with verification. Against this backdrop, we urgently need to strengthen and expand the existing international framework to prevent an arms race in outer space. If we don't, the consequences for everyone on Earth could be severe. The acceleration of technological development from artificial intelligence to quantum computing can pose challenges to strategic stability and peace. We must be both vigilant and creative as we explore and mitigate the risks of these technologies. At the same time, new technologies also offer unprecedented possibilities, for instance, for verification of arms control or disarmament. Let us have an open conversation on these difficult topics in the appropriate fora of the United Nations. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Germany for her statement, and I give the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Saudi Arabia.

In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to congratulate you on your election to chair the work of this session, and I congratulate your vice chairs and the members of the bureau. We affirm our confidence in your ability to make the work of the committee a success and achieve the desired results. The Kingdom of Saudi Arab— Arabia associates itself with the statement of the Republic of Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, and the statement of the Sultan of Oman on behalf of the Arab Group, and the statement of Kuwait on behalf of the GCC. We deliver this statement in our national capacity. The Kingdom reiterates its firm commitment to the importance of the NPT and the need to strike a balance between its pillars, namely disarmament, nonproliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The Kingdom was one of the first countries to accede to the treaty and has contributed effectively to international efforts to achieve its universality and to the total elimination of nuclear weapons based on the provisions of Article 6 of the treaty. The Kingdom believes that peace and security can only be achieved through dialogue, cooperation, and the promotion of regional and international peace and security. The Kingdom reiterates that the priority at the moment must be focused on developing people, investing in human potential, strengthening countries' economies, supporting the fields of technology, innovation, and the development of education to face the global challenges that have contributed to the worsening of economic crises and the rise in inflation and unemployment. These challenges make it imperative for us to strengthen international cooperation to advance societies, stop conflicts, and direct resources towards addressing economic crises and achieving the SDGs. The Kingdom believes that the continued existence of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction represents a constant source of danger, as they are systems that are prone to errors and technical failures. This risk has increased with the technological developments in the field of armament and the accompanying possibility of electronic or cyber attacks targeting nuclear and military facilities, which may lead to disasters with dire consequences. History and human experience have shown that international political conflicts can only be resolved through dialogue and negotiation, away from the use of threat— away from the use of force or the threat of the use of force. In this context, we stress the importance of collective action to reduce tensions and conflicts, reduce the risks of the use of nuclear weapons, and address the causes of disagreement. At the same time, we emphasize the urgent need for the adoption of a binding international instrument under which nuclear states undertake not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states and to cease all forms of technical cooperation with countries that possess undeclared nuclear programs or activities. Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, My country believes that the fundamental step towards achieving the total elimination of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction is the establishment of zones free of such weapons throughout the world, while ensuring that no state possesses them or seeks to possess them, particularly in the Middle East. In this context, my country stresses that the 1995 resolution on the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East remains in force until its goals and objectives are achieved. My country stresses the importance of the outcomes of the 2010 review conference on making the Middle East free of nuclear weapons. In this context, we reiterate the conclusion— conclusions of the NPT review conferences that Israel, as the only state in the Middle East region that has not yet acceded to the treaty, should accede to it without delay, and that all its nuclear facilities should be placed under the comprehensive safeguards system of the IAEA. The implementation of these steps would contribute to promoting international peace and security enhancing stability and achieving security for all the peoples of the region. Mr. Chair, in this spirit, the Kingdom regrets the failure of the last two NPT review conferences to reach an outcome document and stresses the importance of concerted efforts to ensure the success of the next review conference through the adoption of a comprehensive and balanced outcome document that includes practical measures to implement agreed commitments, in particular with regard to achieving the total elimination of nuclear weapons, promoting the treaty's universality, and establishing a nuclear weapon-free zone in the Middle East. We hope that this failure will be resolved at the next session of the review conference by developing NPT review mechanisms and developing the procedural rules for review conferences to ensure the achievement of a bare minimum that maintains the basic principles and foundations of the treaty, thus preserving its legal framework. The Kingdom will support all international efforts aimed at developing review mechanisms for the NPT and the procedural rules of the review conferences. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Saudi Arabia for his statement. I give now the floor to distinguished representative of South Africa.

Ambassador Massari, please accept our congratulations on your appointment as the Chair of the First Committee and be assured of South Africa's full support and cooperation during this session. South Africa aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the African Group, the Non-Aligned Movement, and the New Agenda Coalition. Chairperson, we continue to witness the persistent challenges in the domain of disarmament and international security. While there have been a rise in the emergence of new threats with alarming frequency. As the humanitarian situation in Gaza continues to deteriorate, we support the continued and urgent calls from UN member states for a ceasefire in Gaza. Accordingly, we call on the international community to halt the transfer of weapons, parts, and ammunition to parties to the conflict, as these are at risk of being used to commit violations of international humanitarian law. South Africa remains steadfast in our conviction that nuclear weapons do not guarantee security but rather detracts from it. We underscore the importance of nuclear security and safety and the central role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in strengthening and coordinating the respective nuclear security and safety frameworks globally. In this regard, we firmly believe that it remains pivotal that the work of this body is not politicized. Another worrying development is the unprovoked military attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities in June this year, which we view as not only a fundamental attack on international law, but a dangerous escalation to the tension in the Middle East region. Military attacks against peaceful nuclear facilities are a violation of the UN Charter and international law. Chairperson, the increased emphasis on nuclear weapons in managing some states' security is incompatible with the broader approach to non-proliferation. Arguments in favor of nuclear deterrence are tantamount to arguments promoting the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The continued possession of nuclear weapons by a few states poses an inherent threat of the use and testing of nuclear weapons. It further undermines the goal to eliminate the danger of a nuclear war. At its most basic level, this requires states to earnestly abide by their obligations to international instruments and to honor their bilateral commitments. The Third Preparatory Committee for the 11th Review Conference to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons has once again revealed that there is a crisis of credibility confronting the NPT, given the failure to abide by the grand bargain which underpins the treaty. Not only are nuclear weapons states failing to make any progress of their nuclear disarmament obligations and commitments, They have also continued to roll back and attempt to reinterpret them. In the same vein, the nuclear weapons states and the nuclear umbrella states continue to endeavor to advocate for restrictions on the peaceful uses of nuclear technology in contravention of the inalienable right of non-nuclear weapons states in this regard. The Treaty on the— The Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons reaffirms that there is no greater assurance of non-proliferation than the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons. South Africa welcomes the latest states that have signed and ratified the treaty, taking the total to 99 states, bringing the number of those signed and ratified or acceded into the global majority. It is deeply concerning that almost 3 decades since the CTBT was opened for signature, the treaty is yet to enter into force. South Africa calls on all Annex II states that have not yet signed and ratified the treaty to do so without delay, no preconditions. The critical role played by nuclear weapon-free zones is in safeguarding states against the scourge of nuclear weapons, enhancing regional and global peace and security, and contributing to nuclear disarmament as well as nuclear non-proliferation efforts cannot be overstated. In view of the continued importance of power and non-power applications of nuclear energy, nuclear weapon-free treaties also play an important role in promoting regional and sub-regional programs for cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear science and technology. South Africa welcomes the convening of the 5th session of the UN Conference on the Establishment of a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction pursuant to UN General Assembly Decision 73/546. Furthermore, it is imperative for Israel to participate in the conference to join the NPT as a non-nuclear weapon state and to place all its nuclear materials and facilities under IAEA comprehensive safeguard. South Africa welcomes the progress made towards the complete destruction of all declared stockpiles of chemical weapons. However, as long as there are states that remain outside of the Chemical Weapons Convention, the world will continue to live under the specter of the threat of chemical use by states. Chairperson, South Africa welcomes the decision of the 9th Review Conference to establish a working group open to all states parties with the aim to develop specific measures, including possible legal binding measures that could include recommendations to strengthen and institutionalize the Convention. We also share the view that Article 10 should promote the right of states parties to participate in exchange of technology, equipment, materials, and scientific information for peaceful purposes. In the area of conventional arms, South Africa continues to be fully committed to the implementation of humanitarian disarmament instrument to which it is a state party to. We welcome the convening of the preparatory meeting of states which explored the possible options for the development of the process and modalities for the effective implementation of the global framework on through-life conventional ammunition management. We are pleased that member states agreed on a voluntary reporting template which they will use to provide an initial overview in 2026. South Africa reiterates its support for the outcome of the fourth UN Conference to review progress made in the implementation of the Programme of Action to prevent, combat, and eradicate the illicit trade in small arms and weapons in all its aspects. We remain committed to the implementation of the outcome document. South Africa also believes that the adoption of the final report of the Open-Ended Working Group on Security of and in the Use of Information and Communications Technology represents an important milestone for the international community. And with that said, Chairperson, we thank you and we will submit a detailed statement. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa for her statement. I give now the floor to the Director General of the Department of Arms Control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China.

Mr. Chair, the Chinese delegation would like to congratulate Your Excellency on election as the Chair of the First Committee of the current session of the GAA. This year marks the 80th anniversary of the World Anti-Fascist War, as well as the founding of the United Nations. Maintaining international peace and security is an important mission of the United Nations engraved in the DNA of the UN Charter. For 80 years, the UN has spared no effort in playing an irreplaceable role in promoting global development and paving the way for world peace. 80 years on, countries around the world are facing an increasingly complex and severe international security environment. The Cold War mentality still lingers on. The arms race continues to escalate. Fairness and justice are trampled upon. Domineering and bullying practices are common. And multilateral arms control mechanism is being eroded and undermined. Humanity has to decide whether we want peace or war, dialogue or confrontation, win-win cooperation or zero-sum gain. This year, we commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. It is an occasion for us to remember history, honor our fallen heroes, cherish peace, and create a better future. Only when all countries and nations treat each other as equals, coexist in peace, and support each other can we uphold common security, eradicate the root causes of war, and prevent the recurrence of past tragedies. It is important— it is imperative to firmly defend international fairness and justice, actively safeguard world peace, and resolutely oppose the law of jungle. May one day there are no more wars, no more refugees, and no more broken homes because of conflicts. China firmly supports the Palestinian people's just cause of regaining their legitimate international rights. We call on— we call for achieving a permanent comprehensive ceasefire in Gaza without delay, alleviating the humanitarian catastrophe, and resolving the question of Palestine at an early date on the basis of relevant UN resolutions and the two-state solution. Facing the growing deficit in peace, development, security, and governance, Chinese President Xi Jinping put forward the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind and successfully proposed the Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, Global Civilization Initiative, and Global Governance Initiative. Those concepts and initiatives form a coherent approach and represent China's wisdom and solution to cope with the global challenges and solve urgent problems. Mr. Chair, China has 3 observations on the work of the First Committee at the current session. First, uphold multilateralism and strengthen international cooperation. China advocates the vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security, rejects the concept of absolute and exclusive security, and respects the legitimate security concerns of all countries. China calls for a new path of security through dialogue rather than confrontation, partnership over alliance, and win-win outcome rather than zero-sum games. The US strengthens nuclear sharing and extended deterrence arrangements, deploys land-based intermediate-range missiles in Asia-Pacific region, builds up the Golden Dome system, and blatantly plans to deploy weapons in outer space, seriously undermining strategic mutual trust and strategic stability. China is of the view that nuclear disarmament should be pursued in a step-by-step manner, with the principles of maintaining global stability— with the principles of maintaining global strategic stability and undiminished security for all. States with the largest nuclear arsenals should effectively fulfill their special and primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament, resume implementation of the New START Treaty and negotiate a succession arrangement, and continue to reduce their nuclear arsenals significantly and substantially in a verifiable, irreversible, and legally binding manner. China's nuclear policy remains highly stable, consistent, and predictable, which is conducive to global strategic stability and makes a significant contribution to international nuclear arms control. China's nuclear strategy of self-defense will not change. China's policy of no first use of nuclear weapons will not change. China's policy of no engagement in any arms race will not change. China's willingness to engage in dialogue on strategic risk reduction will not change, and China's policy of maintaining its nuclear forces at the lowest level required for national security will not change. China rejects the misrepresentation of and accusation against China's nuclear policy leveled by a few countries. Second, honor commitments and uphold international rule of law. The current international arms control and non-proliferation regime, such as the NPT, is an important component of the international arms control and non-proliferation order. It was built upon— it was built painstakingly upon the basis of numerous experiences and lessons. We must firmly safeguard the universality and effectiveness of the current arms control treaty regime and oppose selective application, unilateral interpretation, or withdrawing from treaties and organizations. Multilateral arms control mechanisms such as the First Committee, the CD, as well as the Disarmament Commission must be strengthened, not weakened. China supports the cornerstone role of the NPT and stands ready to work with all parties for positive outcomes of the current review cycle. This year marks the 50th anniversary of the entry into force of the Biological Weapons Convention. China stands for the negotiation of a legally binding protocol of the BWC on verification. We are ready to work closely with all countries on effective measures to strengthen the convention, improve global biosecurity governance, and ensure that biotechnology benefits mankind. China urges Japan to faithfully fulfill its international obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention and destroy the Japanese-abandoned chemical weapons in China completely thoroughly and safely at an early date. Thirdly, insist on reform and innovation and improve international governance. We need to be conscious that new technologies in areas such as outer space, cyber technology, and AI are becoming important variables in shaping the international security landscape, but the lack of rules is becoming increasingly acute and there is an urgent need to improve the system of international governance. To prevent misuse of emerging technologies, The UN should be the main platform to advance the process of discussion on different fields such as the military application of AI, prevention of arms race in outer space, and information security. It is important to uphold universality and inclusiveness, avoid the establishment of discriminatory and exclusive standards, and oppose drawing ideological lines and overstretching the concept of national security. The legitimate right of states on peaceful uses of science and technology should be respected. Expected. Exchanges and cooperation such as capacity building should be strengthened, and efforts should be made to remove man-made barriers to science and technology, bridge the development divide and governance gap. China actively supports the UN to carry out international resources integration and institutional reform in response to developments in the area of security. Mr. Chair, China's modernization follows the path of peaceful development. China will always be a force for peace, stability, and progress in the world. We have all along stood on the right side of history, on the side of the progress of human civilization. We will collaborate with all nations to actively maintain global peace and security and to advance the multilateral arms control process. We will bring more stability and certainty to the world of interlocking changes and turbulence and build together a community with a shared future for mankind. Thank you, Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of China. I give now the floor to the distinguished The representative of Oman.

Saadet Rais. Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, may the peace, mercies, and blessings of God be with you. We would like to congratulate you for your election to chair the First Committee in its 80th session. We wish you and the members of the Bureau success We are ready to cooperate constructively with you and with all delegations to serve the objectives of international security and disarmament. We associate ourselves with the statements of the GCC, the Arab Group, and NAM. Mr. Chair, ladies and gentlemen, We believe that a just and comprehensive peace is the fundamental pillar of sustainable security and development, and the progress towards disarmament is the cornerstone of this path. In this spirit, my country deeply regrets that the 9th and 10th NPT review conferences did not reach a consensus outcome, reflecting the continuing challenges facing the disarmament and the nonproliferation system. We call on nuclear weapons states to genuinely abide by their legal responsibilities under Article 6 of the treaty and to implement the commitments contained in the 1995, 2000, and 2010 review conferences, including reaching a time-bound agreement to achieve the total elimination of nuclear weapons in a transparent, verifiable, and irreversible manner. We also affirm that achieving collective security requires an equal commitment from all states and that the selective application of commitments undermines the credibility of the international system and undermines mutual trust among member states. Mr. Chair, the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East is a strategic priority for the countries of the region and an essential step towards building a more secure and stable regional environment. In this context, we welcome the convening of the 5 sessions of the United Nations Conference on the Establishment of the Free Zone and support the ongoing efforts to hold the 6th session under the presidency of the Kingdom of Morocco next November. Reaffirming our commitment to achieve this goal. The Sultan of Oman calls on all parties, without exception, to actively participate in the conference and to negotiate in good faith a legally binding treaty that will contribute to the elimination of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction from the Middle East and lay the foundation for collective security based on cooperation and mutual trust. We also reiterate our call for Israel to accede to the NPT as a non-nuclear state and to place all its nuclear facilities under the IAEA Comprehensive Safeguard System in compliance with the relevant international resolutions, particularly Security Council Resolutions 487 and 687. Mr. Chair, the Sultan of Oman affirms the inalienable right of all states to the peaceful use of nuclear energy in accordance with international treaties and the controls supervised by the IAEA. It also calls for non-politicization or selectivity in dealing with this right and calls for support for developing countries to build their capacities in nuclear technology for sustainable development including in the areas of health, energy, agriculture, and scientific research. We consider that any attack on peaceful nuclear facilities or the threat of the use of force against them is an unacceptable act that endangers international peace and security and requires the international community to take deterrent steps to prevent its recurrence. Mr. Chair. The Sultan of Oman pays increasing attention to emerging security challenges, including cybersecurity and emerging technologies, and believes in the importance of developing clear international rules to ensure the safe and responsible use of these technologies in accordance with international law, and to prevent the militarization of cyberspace or the use of artificial intelligence in the development of weapons systems beyond human human control. In this regard, the Sultanate welcomes the adoption of the final report of the Open-Ended Working Group on the Security and Use of ICTs in July 2025 and expresses its appreciation for the outstanding efforts of His Excellency Ambassador Burhan Ghaffur, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Singapore to the United Nations, in his chairmanship of the group. The group contributed to achieving broad consensus and constructive outcomes. My country appreciates the establishment in the report of the Global Cybersecurity Mechanism under the umbrella of the United Nations, which represents an inclusive international platform for dialogue, capacity building, and the promotion of responsible behavior of states in cyberspace. The Sultanate also stresses the importance of preserving the peaceful nature of outer space in order to ensure it continues to be a common area of cooperation and development for the benefit of all humanity, and stresses the need to avoid any measures that may contribute to the militarization of this field or its introduction into arms races, stressing its support for the UN Nations' aim at developing a legal framework that establishes the safe and sustainable use of outer space. We reiterate the importance of continuing international efforts in the field of regulating conventional arms in particular the full implementation of the UN Programme of Action to Prevent the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons and to strengthen cooperation in this field to contribute to reducing the risks of their proliferation and enhancing regional and international stability and security while stressing respect for the right of states to legitimately defend their security and sovereignty in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. Ladies and gentlemen, The Sultan of Oman believes that the world will not know security unless justice is achieved, and that disarmament cannot succeed unless it is based on a genuine collective commitment to the principles of the UN Charter, mutual respect, and non-interference in the internal affairs of states. It was our shared responsibility today to preserve the credibility of the international order and to work together to build a nuclear weapon-free world where justice, peace, and sustainable development prevail, and in which culture of dialogue and understanding flourishes rather than confrontation and threats. In conclusion, Mr. Chair, we see that the recognition of the State of Palestine is the most important step in this delicate stage of the history of the cause, and it is an expression of the International Committee's commitment to justice, rule of law, and UN Charter. We welcome the agreement to the implementation of the first phase of a ceasefire agreement in Gaza to contribute to ending the war and releasing the prisoners and detainees from both sides and to guarantee the entry of humanitarian assistance into the Gaza Strip. We affirm that there is a need for regional and international efforts to continue to establish this ceasefire and pave the way towards a just and comprehensive political solution that guarantees the legitimate right of the Palestinian people.

Thank you. Oman, I give now the floor to Her Excellency, Permanent Representative of Costa Rica.

Señor Presidente, Mr. Chairman, Costa Rica congratulates you on your election to steer the work of the First Committee. We wish to extend those congratulations to the Bureau and particularly the rapporteur. You have the resolute support of my delegation to contribute to the success of your work. In 2024, global military expenditure rose to $2.7 trillion. This figure is more than 750 times the full budget of the United Nations, according to the most recent report of the Secretary-General. Weapons that are produced do not remain in arsenals doing nothing. They're subject to the illicit— illicit trafficking, diversion, and misuse. They fuel transnational organized crime. They increase homicide rates. They worsen armed violence and facilitate terrorist activity. No region is spared these scourges, no region at all. Latin America and the Caribbean has one of the highest homicide rates in the world. More than 70% of these homicides are committed with firearms. That has an economic cost that stands at 3.5% of the regional GDP, according to the Inter-American Development Bank. Against that backdrop, Costa Rica values the adoption of the Latin American— the Caribbean Roadmaps and the Central American Roadmaps on firearms. We also welcome the progress made with the global framework for Conventional Munition Management. Mr. Chairman, Costa Rica notes with grave concern the criticism of the humanitarian disarmament treaties on the part of parties there, too. They represent decades of work to protect civilians from these weapons—weapons that cause undue harm and which have indiscriminate effects. When a start— a state leaves or criticizes a humanitarian disarmament treaty, they evade their international obligations, they turn their back on protecting civilians, and they erode the credibility of international humanitarian law. This trend threatens to normalize the use of weapons that the international community prohibited precisely because of their unacceptable humanitarian consequences. Civilians are not military targets, and protecting them is a crucial obligation and one from which parties cannot waver under international humanitarian law. However, according to the Annual Report of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflicts dated 2024, explosive weapons in populated areas caused almost half of the deaths and cases of maiming of girls and boys—cases, that is, that were recorded by the United Nations in recent conflicts. Given that state of affairs, Costa Rica will host the Second International Conference on the Political Declaration on Strengthening the Protection of Civilians Against the Humanitarian Consequences Deriving from the Use of Explosive Weapons in populated areas. That will be held from the 18th to the 20th of November in San José. We urge states to accede to that declaration and to uphold their commitments. Resources for military expenditure continue to increase at the same time we are beset by the greatest humanitarian crisis of our times. More than 330 million people require urgent aid. Only 190 million will receive receive aid, 150 million will have to wait, means the resources are there, but priorities seem to be elsewhere. Humanitarian assistance is vital, and however vital it is, it's the bill we're paying for not having taken timely actions. It's the bill we're paying for the consequences of arriving late. We see this cost every time we distribute food, every time we distribute— go to a refugee campaign, or every time camp or anytime we go to a makeshift hospital. The damage these weapons have caused will cost billions to repair. But that, that cost may be high, but the cost of inaction in terms of thwarting the nuclear threat is incalculable. Today, the risk of a nuclear conflict is at the highest— it is at the highest point it's ever been. Challenge— political challenges proliferate, are proliferating, and nuclear weapons are once again being placed at the heart of national security strategies and are being used as methods of coercion. Any nuclear explosion, be it intentional or accidental, would have humanitarian and environmental consequences which could not be reversed. There can be no humanitarian response or to such disasters, and there's no room for maneuver. 25 years ago, we saw the entry into force of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and coming— we're coming up to its 2026 review —conference. As such, nuclear weapons states will have a new opportunity to reaffirm their commitment to the treaty and to the obligations they entered into, particularly to Article 6. We urge these states tomorrow to recognize that the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons strengthens and complements the NPT, and that it constitutes a linchpin of the disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation regime. Costa Rica reaffirms that the only effective guarantee against the risks of nuclear weapons is their complete verified and irreversible elimination. At a time when military expenditure is at the highest level it's ever been since the Cold War, every dollar channeled into weapons, into all weapons, is a political choice which prioritizes force and might over dialogue, a choice which weakens trust in multilateral institutions, and a choice which runs counter to the spirit of the UN Charter. This arms race is taking on a new dimension with artificial intelligence. That use of AI brings with it unprecedented risks to international peace and security because AI becomes a vector for the delivery of mass misinformation and can lead to mass attacks which can paralyze critical infrastructure. AI also challenges our capacity to retain human control over life and death decisions. At the same time, the automization of military decisions is forging ahead without adequate regulatory frameworks. Establishing such regulatory frameworks is urgent and time is running out to adopt a legally binding instrument which can establish regulations and prohibitions for autonomous weapons systems systems that are able to identify, select, and attack targets without significant meaningful human control. Mr. Chairman, all humanitarian crises that we're facing today are in essence prevention crises and human rights crises. Our response cannot be to increase military expenditure indefinitely. The stockpiling of weapons does not produce security. It produces security dilemmas. Which erode strategic stability and generate mistrust between member states. Military expenditure can be reduced whilst multilateral frameworks which establish verifiable limits can create transparency and promote institutional mechanisms for the settlement of disputes. The time has come to strengthen norms, not work— worse, weaken them. We need to accept that human security is what we really need to focus on.

Thank you. I thank the distinguished— Her Excellency, the Permanent Representative of Costa Rica, for her statement, and I give the floor to His Excellency, the Permanent Representative of Poland.

Mr. Chair, let me congratulate you on the assumption of the chairmanship of the First Committee for the 82nd session of the UN General Assembly. You can be assured of Poland's full support. Mr. Chair, Poland is honored to address the First Committee and reaffirm our unwavering commitment to international peace and security, the preservation of the global non-proliferation architecture, and the defense of the rule-based international order. And we associate ourselves with the statement delivered by the European Union. Unfortunately, we speak today as a country whose region continues to bear consequences of war. Last month, the Russian Federation's military drones flying over the territory of both Ukraine and Belarus breached Polish airspace, thereby violating Polish territorial integrity. We know that it was not a mistake. The deliberate intrusion by the Russian forces occurred later also in Romanian and Estonian airspaces. The ongoing Russian full-scale invasion on Ukraine, now in its third year, continues to violate the fundamental principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and human rights. Russia's actions have not only shattered peace in our neighbourhood, They have undermined decades of progress in arms control and disarmament. They deserve a resolute international response. Mr. Chair, Poland believes that the Russian Federation's increasingly aggressive nuclear posture should be a matter of particular concern of the international community. The updates to Russia's nuclear doctrine, which lowered the threshold for nuclear use, including in response to conventional threats, are deeply alarming. Correspondingly troubling are Russia's plans to deploy Iskander missiles and tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus. Russia's nuclear escalatory policies represent a direct threat to European and global security. They go against the spirit of Article 6 of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons by contradicting the goal of reducing the role of nuclear weapons in international affairs. Nuclear escalation leads to further erosion of strategic stability and increase the risk of miscalculation. Poland calls on all member states to unequivocally reject nuclear coercion and condemn the Russian Federation for pursuing its reckless policy. Mr. Chair, in this context, the NPT remains more vital than ever. As we look ahead to the 2026 NPT Review Conference, all states should resist efforts to undermine the treaty and instead strengthen its implementation. This includes advancing nuclear risk reduction measures, promoting transparency, supporting the universalization of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and making concrete progress on the Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty . Equally essential is the need to underline the IAEA's leading role in verifying compliance and ensuring the peaceful nature of nuclear programmes. Mr. Chair, Poland strongly condemns the reported systematic use of chemical weapons by the Russian forces in Ukraine, which constitutes a clear violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. We urge the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to continue its vital role and work in holding perpetrators of chemical weapons use accountable. This call remains particularly crucial in the light of the confirmed use of the riot control agents in the war against Ukraine. To uphold the integrity of the CWC, the international community must demonstrate that the zero tolerance policy is the only policy for those using chemical weapons. Poland welcomes the cooperation of the Syrian authorities with the OPCW to fully dismantle the chemical weapons programme developed by the Assad regime, as well as to investigate the cases of chemical weapons use. Developments in Syria underscore the vital role of the OPCW. The OPCW and the CWC, that they play in addressing non-proliferation violations. We remain a firm supporter of the CWC and the strengthening of the OPCW. To this end, as in the previous years, Poland will table a draft resolution on the implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. Mr. Chair, the global non-proliferation regime faces serious challenges also outside Europe. Poland remains deeply concerned— by the continued advancement of the nuclear and missile programmes in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which violate the UN Security Council resolutions and threaten regional and global stability. While we take positive note of the recent agreement between Iran and the IAEA, we urge its enable— resumption of verification activities at all nuclear sites. It is essential, as it tackles all outstanding issues and addresses proliferation concerns through diplomacy, verification, and dialogue. For that, Iran's cooperation is needed. Finally, Poland joins other States who expressed concerns over the lack of transparency of China regarding its nuclear weapons arsenal build-up. We encourage Beijing to engage in dialogue leading to nuclear risk reduction. Poland also calls on China to follow the example of other P5 States and voluntarily commit to the moratorium of the fissile material. Mr. Chair, Poland wishes to underscore the significance of the CCW and its mechanisms, which provide an important forum for cooperation and support international security and the protection of civilians in armed conflicts. The recent events in Europe, particularly the Russian aggression in Ukraine, have clearly demonstrated the grave consequences for peace and stability resulting from the irresponsible and indiscriminate use of conventional weapons. Therefore, we believe that the CCW process remains a key instrument for strengthening humanitarian law and promoting the responsibility of States. Poland stays committed to ensuring that the Convention continues to serve as a platform for building consensus around principles that reconcile defence development with the overarching obligation to protect human life. Mr. Chair, Poland stands ready to work with all Member States to uphold the principles of peace and security in these difficult times. There is no alternative for international cooperation, and the threats we face today are interconnected and complex. We must defend the institutions and treaties that have safeguarded humanity for decades. We must reject aggression, resist coercion, and recommit to the values that unite us. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Poland for his statement. I give now the floor to the Director for Arms Control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Finland. Mr.

Chair, let me congratulate you on your election as Chair of the First Committee and assure you of the full support of my delegation. In addition to the statements by the European Union and the Nordic countries, allow me to make the following national remarks. I read a shortened version of the statement. The full version will be posted on the Committee's website. Mr. Chair, dear colleagues, the numerous active conflicts around the world across almost all continents complicate disarmament. Finland continues to condemn in the strongest possible terms Russia's illegal, unprovoked, and brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. It is a blatant violation of international law, including the UN Charter. We wholeheartedly support efforts towards a just and lasting peace. The war in Gaza is causing immense suffering among the civilian population. All parties must now engage in bringing this war to an end. The United Nations continues to serve as a vital platform for advancing disarmament, promoting transparency, and fostering trust. The UN Security Council can and must do better to fulfill its primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security. We must also make full use of the work of the First Committee to advance international peace and stability. Nuclear disarmament is primarily the responsibility of states possessing nuclear weapons, whether parties to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons or not. A special responsibility lies with the two largest nuclear weapon states. The New START Treaty is an important mechanism to advance disarmament. We take note of Russia's offer to extend Russia's implementation by 1 year. We would also welcome nuclear arms discussions between the United States, Russia, and China. We are worried that China is expanding and diversifying its nuclear arsenal, and Russia is developing and deploying novel and destabilizing nuclear weapons. The NPT is the cornerstone and the success story of the global arms control architecture. Future. The upcoming NPT review conference is an important opportunity to strengthen the treaty across its three pillars. Especially the nuclear safety and security situation in Ukraine continues to raise serious concern amid the Russian aggression and its illegal attempt to take ownership of Ukraine's nuclear power plant in Zaporizhzhia. Finland demands Russia to immediately withdraw all its military and other unauthorized personnel from the Ukraine nuclear facilities. Finland continues also to be very concerned about Iran's nuclear programme, which the IAEA has not been able to declare exclusively peaceful. We regret Iran's lack of cooperation with the agency, and we call on Iran to fulfil its legal obligations under its safeguards agreement. The re-emergence of chemical weapons continues to threaten international peace and security. The use of chemical weapons anywhere, at any time, and under any circumstances is a violation of international law and needs to be addressed. Finland is a strong supporter of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention. We are encouraged by the deliberations of the Working Group on the strengthening of the convention and support the proposal to create an open-ended Working Group on verification and compliance. The rapid technological change presents both opportunities and challenges. The rapid rise of disruptive technologies presents new challenges to international peace and security, making regulation increasingly urgent. Also, in this national statement, I would like to underline the importance of the Arms Trade Treaty and preventing and combating the illicit proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Mr. Chair, Finland has formally notified its withdrawal from the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention in accordance with the procedures outlined in the convention. The withdrawal will take effect on the 10th of January, 2026. The decision to withdraw from the convention is based on Finland's defense needs in a deteriorated security environment. Finland has a long border with Russia, which is not a party to the Ottawa Convention. Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine has demonstrated a disregard for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other states. Finland will not deploy mines during times of peace. Mines are defensive tools for Finland. The withdrawal will not affect Finland's other obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, which will continue to be respected. Despite the withdrawal, Finland continues to support the humanitarian objectives of the convention and remains committed to humanitarian mine action. Humanitarian mine action will continue to be an important part of Finland's international engagement with an annual budget allocation of approximately €3 million. Finland does not encourage other states to withdraw from the convention. Mr. Chair, we support the UN 80 process for reforming the United Nations so that it can better respond to global challenges. We stand in full support for the United Nations' important role in multilateral arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation. Finally, yet importantly, we need to scale up our efforts towards gender equality and the full inclusion of women into our substantive work. We look forward to working with you and all delegations to make this first Committee session a success. I thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Finland for her statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan.

Mr. Chair, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. At the outset, allow me to warmly congratulate Mr. Maurizio Massari, Permanent Representative of Italy, on his election as the Chair of the First Committee, and the members of the Bureau on their assumption of responsibilities. Kazakhstan assures you of our full cooperation and support. This year carries the weight of history, marking both the 80th anniversary of the United Nations and 80 years since the first nuclear detonation. Yet, 8 decades later, the founding purpose of this organization to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war remains to be fulfilled. For Kazakhstan, disarmament is not an abstract notion. Over 450 explosions at the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site scarred our land and left our people suffering that endures across generations. Still today. This strategy taught us the hard way that real security cannot rest on weapons of mass destruction. Only cooperation and international law, the moral conscience of humanity, should be the guiding principles in our efforts. That is why Kazakhstan has proudly taken on responsibilities within the United Nations disarmament machinery. We chaired the disarmament commission acted as one of the presidents of the Conference on Disarmament and led the Second Preparatory Committee for the 2026 NPT Review Conference, seeking balance in a very polarized environment. And in March 2025, Kazakhstan successfully presided over the third meeting of state parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Together with Kiri Bati, We are advancing the establishment of an International Trust Fund for Victim Assistance and Environmental Remediation. This is not only institutional progress, but an attempt to launch a new vehicle for providing long-awaited relief for those who still carry the wounds of nuclear testing. Kazakhstan remains a staunch supporter of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty moratoria however welcome, cannot replace a legally binding prohibition. We urge all remaining Annex II states to ratify the treaty without delay. Nuclear weapon-free zones remain a critical component of the non-proliferation regime. To further strengthen these unique arrangements, Kazakhstan convened successive meetings of all existing zones in Astana, most recently in August 2021. To reinforce interzonal collaboration. On the occasion of the International Day Against Nuclear Tests on 29th of August this year, Kazakhstan hosted in Astana a dedicated meeting on reinforcing negative security assurances in the context of nuclear weapon-free zones. Excellencies, beyond the nuclear domain, new and emerging threats demand urgent attention. Biological risks, —natural, accidental, or deliberate—are existential. Kazakhstan has been championing the establishment of an international agency for biological security, now reflected in Action 26 of the Pact for the Future, to ensure that biotechnology serves humanity safely and responsibly. We must also confront the dangers posed by artificial intelligence and disruptive technologies. Air must never be integrated into nuclear command and control. The risks of miscalculation or blunder leading to catastrophic escalation are unacceptable. Kazakhstan welcomes the initiative of this committee to address meaningful human control in nuclear command systems. We will contribute constructively to this vital discussion. However, AI verification system could be helpful in general. The prevention of an arms race in outer space is likewise urgent. Outer space must remain a peaceful domain for all humankind. The illicit trade in conventional arms, particularly small arms and light weapons, continues to fuel conflict, terrorism, and organized crime. Kazakhstan calls for universal implementation of the Arms Trade Treaty and stronger transparency in national armaments. Kazakhstan will continue to act as a bridge builder. In August of this year, Almaty became host of the United Nations Regional Center for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan. The center opens a new chapter in regional cooperation and provides a unique platform to advance the interconnections between peace, security, and sustainable development. We are equally interested in building UN disarmament expertise and presence at the Almaty Regional Center. As proposed by Kazakhstan at the highest level during the opening of the 80th session of General Assembly, we stand ready to host a new dialogue on nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation to reinforce the NPT and CTBT. We also reiterate our call to advance the initiative on the International Biological Security Agency as a universal platform to govern biological risks and strengthen global preparedness. Mr. Chair, Kazakhstan's message is clear: lasting security can be obtained only through cooperation, trust, dialogue, and respect for our common humanity. Let us prove that the Charter's promise to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war remains not only relevant, but implementable. Kazakhstan stands firm on this course, guided by the principle and conscious and determined to contribute to a safer, more secure, and more just world. I thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Singapore.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Let me extend my delegation's congratulations to you and the members of the Bureau on your election. Singapore assures you of our full support for a productive session. We align ourselves with statements delivered by Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and by Malaysia on behalf of ASEAN. Please allow me to make the following 4 points from Singapore's perspective. First, Singapore reaffirms our strong and consistent commitment to the international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. The multilateral nuclear non-proliferation architecture has been under increasing stress against the backdrop of a deteriorating international security environment. We are disappointed by the lack of progress in the implementation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, or NPT, which remains the cornerstone of the global disarmament and non-proliferation regime. The absence of a consensus document and agreement on substantive recommendations again at this year's NPT Preparatory Committee unfortunately means that arriving at a meaningful outcome at the 2026 Review Conference will be an uphill task. We therefore urge all State Parties to demonstrate genuine political will to work towards tangible outcomes at next year's Review Conference. As we have stressed in previous disarmament fora, The NPT is only as meaningful as the actions we take to implement them. The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, or CTBT, is another vital element in the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. It is striking that prior to the adoption of the CTBT by the General Assembly in 1996, there were over 2,000 nuclear weapons tests, while this number has decreased to only 10 since the CTBT was opened for signature. The value of the CTBT is clear, and its entry into force is long overdue. Singapore calls on all remaining member states that have yet to sign and ratify the CTBT, particularly the Annex II countries, to bring it into force. Mr. Chair, Singapore supports regional efforts to establish nuclear weapon-free zones as concrete steps to achieve a nuclear weapon-free world. In our region, Singapore has committed to the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone We will continue to explore the possibility of allowing individual nuclear weapons states that are willing to sign and ratify the Protocol to the Sean Fest Treaty without reservations and provide written formal assurance of this commitment to go ahead with the signing. ASEAN will table the biennial resolution on the treaty at this session of the General Assembly and reaffirms our commitment to continuously engage all nuclear weapons states, including those with reservations, and intensify efforts of all parties to resolve all outstanding issues in accordance with the objectives and principles of the Sean Fest Treaty. Singapore also acknowledged the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, indispensable role in strengthening nuclear safety, security, and safeguards. We remain committed to working closely with the IAEA in the fulfillment of its mandate. In July 2025, we announced the renewal of a Third Country Training Programme Memorandum of Understanding with the IAEA, which enables Singapore to continue to provide capacity building and training for third countries through the hosting of fellowships, scientific visits, and training courses in areas such as human health, food and agriculture, environmental monitoring, and nuclear and radiation safety. Second, as the cyber landscape evolves, it is in our collective interest to ensure that cyberspace remains open, secure, stable, accessible, peaceful, and interoperable. Cyberspace is not a lawless domain, but one that is governed by international law, the principles of the UN Charter, as well as rules, norms, and principles for responsible state behaviour. The UN has played a paramount role in establishing the Framework for Responsible State Behaviour in the Use of Information and Communication Technologies that includes 11 voluntary non-binding norms. This, in tandem with international law, confidence-building measures, and capacity-building, strengthens states' ability to collectively address threats in cyberspace. In this regard, Singapore is happy to build on this work at the UN, including by convening the annual Singapore International Cyber Week each October, and partnering with UNODA to offer the UN-Singapore Cyber Fellowship Programme. Singapore is also honoured to have contributed to the UN's work through our chairmanship of the UN Open-Ended Working Group on Security of and "The UN in the Use of Information and Communications Technologies 2021 to 2025." We are very encouraged by the consensus adoption of the OEWG's Final Report in July 2025, and by the agreement by all States to establish a permanent UN global mechanism to continue work on this issue. In its capacity as the Chair of the OEWG, Singapore will table a draft resolution in the First Committee to endorse this consensus outcome that will lead to the formal establishment of the UN global mechanism. We urge all delegations to support our resolution and to join consensus in the First Committee. We look forward to working with all Member States to contribute to the work of the UN Global Mechanism. Third, Singapore supports the peaceful uses of outer space and reiterates the centrality of international law in governing all activities in the exploration and use of outer space. As space becomes increasingly contested domain, the risk of misunderstanding, of miscalculation or unintended escalation have increased. As such, an open and inclusive international framework is crucial to ensure that outer space can be preserved as a peaceful global commons for all. We are therefore encouraged by UNGA Decision 79/512 that convened the OEWG on the prevention of an arms race in all its aspects. We are pleased to note the substantive discussions during the recent OEWG session and look forward to working with all delegations to make meaningful progress at future substantive sessions of the OEWG. Fourth, Singapore is cognizant of the need to work towards a global consensus on the responsible use of artificial intelligence in the military domain. AI presents many opportunities in the military domain, but its rapid development often outpaces efforts by the international committee to govern such capabilities. Guardrails established through multi-stakeholder and inclusive discussions are thus imperative to mitigate the risk of misunderstanding and escalation. We look forward to productive discussions within the First Committee on the resolution proposed by the Netherlands and the Republic of Korea titled "Artificial Intelligence in the Military Domain and Its Implications for International Peace and Security." Committee, of which we are a core group member. We hope that these discussions will continue to complement existing multilateral platforms, such as the Responsible AI in the Military Domain process. Mr. Chair, to conclude, Singapore looks forward to working constructively with you and all member states to achieve a successful outcome at this year's First Committee. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Singapore, and I give the floor to the Distinguished Representative of Guyana.

Thank you, Chair. I congratulate you and the other members of the Bureau on your election to lead the First Committee during the 80th session and assure you of Guyana's full cooperation and support. My delegation aligns itself with the statements of CARICOM and NAM. In my national capacity, and as we commemorate 80 years of the United Nations, I offer the following additional reflections. I'll make 3 points. My first point concerns the complex dilemma created by the ongoing technological evolution, which has shaped our deliberations in the First Committee for quite some time and will become more complex in the years ahead. The dual nature of new and emerging technologies presents both profound opportunities and considerable risks for disarmament and non-proliferation efforts. In terms of the former, the use of artificial intelligence, for example, offers a myriad of possibilities in the areas of conflict prevention, peacebuilding, disaster prediction and response, and cybersecurity, among others. However, and has been the case since the Stone Age, advancements in technology are frequently leveraged to enhance the tools of warfare. The proliferation of nuclear weapons, coupled with the emergence of advanced delivery systems, like hypersonic missiles, has heightened the risk of a global catastrophe, making scenarios once considered unthinkable increasingly plausible. Meanwhile, advancements in conventional weapons also contribute to this escalating threat. The development of long, long-range precision strike weapons, autonomous weapon systems, as well as AI-driven modernization of older weapon systems and the weaponization of outer space further amplify the potential for catastrophic escalation of conflicts and complicate our efforts at arms control and implementation of global non-proliferation regimes. Closer to home, the rapid development of new technologies such as the use of polymers, 3D printing, and modularity in weapon design present new challenges to traceability and to our overall efforts to stem the flow of illegal arms and ammunition. For the Caribbean region, the proliferation of illegal arms and ammunition, especially small arms and light weapons and their ammunition, represents a grave threat to the peace, safety, security, and stability of our countries by fueling organized crime, gang crimes, and gender-based violence. They also pose a threat to gains made in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Looking ahead at the prospect of another 8 decades of multilateral action by the United Nations on disarmament and arms control, control, it is imperative that we carefully consider these risks posed by new and emerging technologies and how to collectively respond to them, ensuring that the disarmament agenda remains at the center of our efforts at the UN. Turning to my second point and the need for solutions, my delegation supports the view that our approaches to regulating the arms trade need to be brought in line with the magnitude of the problem and underpinned by international law. For some time now, we have realized that advancements in technologies are intensifying the global arms race in more ways than one, including introducing new complexities to arms control and disarmament frameworks. We have also long recognized that in addressing these challenges, the establishment of treaty-based obligations and limitations is essential. The strengthening of international law and reinforcing global norms regarding the military application —of new technologies, particularly in the context of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, as well as conventional weapons, must therefore remain our foremost priority. Only through a robust legal framework and firm and collective commitment to implementing them can we hope to curb the accelerating arms race and advance the cause of disarmament and nonproliferation. This approach also requires upholding commitments already made under existing instruments. Such as the NPT, the Arms Trade Treaty, the Biological and Chemical Weapons Conventions, inter alia, as well as strengthening the international legal frameworks by finally bringing the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty into force and promoting the universalization of the TPNW. In our search for solutions, we must also recognize the value of civil society engagement and ensure the full, equal, and meaningful and effective participation participation of women at all levels in decision-making. Experience has shown that disarmament initiatives have been most successful when they involve effective partnerships with— between governments, the expert community, and civil society. The priority must therefore be on ensuring better coordination and the integration of their expertise into our work. My third and final point, Chair, relates to the UNAT Initiative and the opportunity it offers to reinvigorate the disarmament agenda with a stronger UN, one where the vital work undertaken in establishing norms is matched by concrete action and firm political will toward their implementation. My delegation maintains the view that there must be equal focus on both aspects to truly realize the goal of global peace and security and progress in disarmament and nonproliferation. Every member state of this organization, by virtue of Every country accepting to be bound by the UN Charter has a duty and an obligation to commit to peace, diplomacy, and cooperation. This is our only means of overcoming security risks and conflicts. Last year, the world's military expenditure was $2.7 trillion. This year, the global humanitarian appeal is only $47 billion. This could provide life-saving aid to 190 million people across 72 countries. Redirecting even a portion of the global military expenditure to humanitarian cause could address critical development challenges, including poverty, economic instability, and inequality. Think about it. A fraction of current arms spending could significantly improve lives. Guyana calls upon the international community to summon the necessary political will to make this transformation. And to ensure the responsible application of modern technology so that advancements serve to enhance our security and well-being rather than exacerbate the existing risks. By making these changes, we take meaningful steps toward a safer, more equitable future for all. Finally, and as I close, Chair, Excellencies, I wish to reaffirm Guyana's commitment to disarmament, non-proliferation, and arms control, and to working with all member states to to further the cause of global peace and security.

I thank you. I thank the distinguished representative of Guyana for her statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Yemen. Mr.

Chair, my country's delegation wishes to congratulate you on your assumption of the chairmanship of the First Committee in this 80th session. We assure you of our full support and cooperation with you to ensure the success of this session. We align ourselves with the statement made by the Sultanate of Oman on behalf of the Arab Group and the statement of the Non-Aligned Movement. The Republic of Yemen reiterates its commitment to the principles and goals of non-proliferation, international security, and disarmament. These weapons constitute due to a threat to regional and international peace and security. We have supported all initiatives to ensure nuclear nonproliferation and the establishment of zones free from WMDs, especially in the Middle East. The Middle East is at a boiling point. It is witnessing further instability due to the war of genocide perpetrated by the Israeli occupying power in the Gaza Strip, killing more than 70,000 people, including thousands of women and children, and intentionally causing a famine documented by the United Nations, and forcibly displacing millions of people in a blatant violation of the principles and objectives of the United Nations Charter and international law. This session convenes 55 years into the entry into force of the NPT, 3 decades into the indefinite extension of the treaty. This reiterates the need for continuous applicability of the treaty and honoring its commitments. We regret the failure of the NPT Review Conference in adopting an outcome document for the second time consecutively following the failure of the 2015 Review Conference. We call for strengthened multilateralism to build a future future, or a world free from nuclear weapons to safeguard future generations. We look forward to the success of the 11th review conference to ensure the promotion of the effectiveness and universality of the treaty through the implementation of relevant commitments, including total elimination of nuclear weapons and the establishment of a zone free from nuclear weapons in the Middle East. Israel's refusal to join the NPT and the placement of its nuclear weapons under the Comprehensive Safeguard Regime of the IAEA, its rejection of all international initiatives to ensure the universality of the NPT and the establishment of a zone free from such weapons exacerbate instability and the arms race in the region. In this regard, we welcome the holding of the 5 sessions of the United Nations Conference on the Establishment of a Zone Free from Nuclear Weapons Weapons and other WMDs in the Middle East, as well as relevant resolutions pursuant to GA Resolution 73/546. We look forward to effective participation by all countries in the 6th session under the chairmanship of the sisterly Kingdom of Morocco, to be held from the 17th till the 21st of November, 2025, in New Mr. Chair, my country is still grappling with conflict due to the coup against the constitutional legitimacy and national consensus by the Iran-backed Houthi militia. This backing with ballistic missiles, UAVs, explosives, land and naval mines threatens the present and future of Yemen. This has also jeopardized the safety of international navigation in the Red Sea and the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, jeopardizing regional and international peace and stability. The Iranian regime must abide by international resolutions and laws and quit supplying the militias with weapons and ensure non-interference in our domestic affairs. Land, uh, Naval mines and explosives planted by the militias constitute a threat to thousands of Yemenis, including women and children. They threaten navigation in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea. Despite our cooperation with the Saudi project for land clearance, the international community must put pressure to bear upon these militias to put an end to the placement of landmines. We call upon the international —community and relevant organizations to galvanize its efforts to support the Yemeni government and mine clearance. As for small arms and light weapons, we once again reiterate the need to implement the Programme of Action amid increased weapons supply to armed militias and terrorist groups, which allows wars to persist and erodes opportunities for peace, stability, and security in Yemen and the region alike. As for cybersecurity, we reiterate the need for international cooperation to ensure the security of ICT, to strengthen country resilience and capacities to counter malicious attacks, and to enable LDCs to address challenges ensuing from ICT misuse. In conclusion, we reiterate our commitment to cooperate with the chairmanship and membership of the committee for the success of our deliberations and the achievement of disarmament and the safeguarding of international peace and security. Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of Yemen for her statement. I give the floor to Her Excellency, Permanent Representative of Belgium.

Esteemed Chair, congratulations on your appointment As Chair, you have Belgium's full support. Belgium aligns itself with the statement delivered by the EU and wishes to make the following remarks in its national capacity. Chair, the multiple crises confronting us today risk overshadowing the remarkable progress humanity has achieved over the past 8 decades in health, education, poverty reduction, and beyond. These advancements stem from our unique ability to communicate and cooperate. During the course of history, humans have cooperated on an ever-increasing scale. Many of the challenges we face today, such as the threat of nuclear conflict, transnational crime, pandemics, and climate change, demand international dialogue and cooperation. Such cooperation is essential for progress and in some cases for the survival survival of our species. 80 years ago, the United Nations emerged from the devastation of the Second World War, when cities in parts of Europe and Asia resembled today's Gaza Strip. After pre-war efforts had failed, leaders recognized the necessity of multilateral dialogue and the codification and implementation of international law. Having having unwillingly served as battleground for two major wars in the last century, Belgium has developed a profound commitment to international cooperation, regional integration, and peaceful dialogue. Therefore, Belgium continues to believe and invest in the international rules-based order with the UN at its core, a system that has proven far more effective in delivering security and prosperity prosperity than the recipes of old. Today, we might question whether the founders of the UN were overly optimistic. They aspired to general and complete disarmament. Were they naïve? No, they had a powerful vision that was shaped by their rejection of centuries of violent conflict. It would be foolish to assume that vision has lost its relevance. And yet, history's lessons seem to be fading and the world order is eroded by massive violations of international law, by undermining political rhetoric and by direct political attacks against its institutions such as the UN, the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice. Belgium deplores the consistent violation of the UN Charter by the Russian Federation. A permanent member of the Security Council that seeks to deny another member state its sovereignty and territorial integrity. This renders Russia's aggression of Ukraine both tragically exceptional and immensely consequential. Our common values are also breached in Africa when we look at the deteriorating situation in the Sahel, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sudan. Belgium is appalled by the situation in Gaza. It is a disgrace that in the 21st century children are dying of hunger because humanitarian aid is blocked. Belgium is hopeful that the signature of the agreement this morning will be a crucial step towards a ceasefire, particularly to enable an end to the aid blockade and the release of hostages. Chair, it is incumbent upon the General Assembly to demonstrate that despite the loud voices from opponents, the majority of nations stay committed to the respect of international law. For Belgium, armament and disarmament, they are not ends in themselves. What really matters is the preservation of peace, freedom, and security. Military weapons play an essential role as— tools for deterrence and defense against external aggression. But an arms race can also fuel destabilization and insecurity. Arms control is about striking a balance that ensures inclusive and sustainable security for all. A cornerstone of this balance is the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which has significantly reduced nuclear stockpiles, curbed proliferation, and enabled peaceful nuclear nuclear cooperation. Today, the NPT faces notable challenges. The DPRK's nuclear program is illegal and cannot claim a status not granted under the NPT. Belgium deplores that Russia undermines the treaty in exchange for North Korean ballistic missiles and cannon fodder for use in its war against Ukraine. Iran, another supplier of weapons to Russia, refuses to create transparency and clarity over its nuclear program and denies appropriate access to the IAEA. After years of unsuccessful dialogue to find a diplomatic solution, reinstating UN Security Council sanctions is therefore a justified response. Belgium urges nuclear weapons states to engage in risk reduction efforts and calls on those with the largest arsenals—Russia, the United States, and China—to negotiate new limits on strategic and non-strategic warheads. Chair, chemical weapons remain the only weapons of mass destruction used in 21st century conflicts. The Assad regime employed them against the Syrian population. Russia and DPRK have used them in assassinations, and Russia now in Ukraine. The international community must continue collecting evidence for attribution and prosecution. Impunity must stop. Belgium fully supports the Secretary-General's campaign to strengthen global mine action. As the first country to ban anti-personnel mines and cluster munitions, Belgium remains committed to humanitarian disarmament and defending the norm against these weapons. Controlling the international trade in military and dual-use goods is a responsibility for each state and vital in order to prevent weapons of mass destruction from being developed by proliferators or powerful weapons transferred to criminals or terrorists. The Arms Trade Treaty and the multilateral export control regimes are indispensable tools and deserve this Committee's full support. We are also witnessing rapid technological advances with military applications. These technologies have an enormous potential to benefit humanity and project a better future, but they also pose existential risks. This committee allows us to enter into dialogue to address these risks and promote responsible development and governments. Belgium advocates for human accountability for military applications of artificial intelligence and autonomous weapon systems. Decisions involving the use of force must remain under meaningful human weapon control. Given the maturity of the discussions in the Group of Governmental Experts on Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems, we are convinced that any remaining differences can be resolved in the context of subsequent negotiations towards an instrument. Chair, it is the duty of this committee to adopt resolutions that uphold a vision for a better future. So let's get to work, inspired by humanity's capacity for innovation, compassion, and dialogue. I thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Belgium for his statement. I give now the floor to the Permanent Representative, His Excellency, of Mozambique.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Chair, We align ourselves with the statements delivered by the African Group and the Non-Aligned Movement, and Mozambique wishes to add a few remarks in its national capacity. Mr. Chair, the First Committee meets as the multilateral disarmament architecture stands at a critical crossroad where technology, geopolitics, and inequality intersect to shape the contours of peace and war. Last year recorded the highest global military expenditure in history—$2.72 trillion, a staggering 30% increase over the past decade. Conflicts are multiplying, trust is eroding, and resources that should finance sustainable development are being diverted to military expenditures threatening to hollow out the very foundation of collective security that the United Nations was created to uphold. Mozambique reiterates that the total elimination of nuclear weapons remains the only absolute guarantee against their use or threat of use. We call for renewed commitment to Article Article 6 of the NPT, urging all nuclear weapons states to abandon doctrines of deterrence and modernization that perpetuate insecurity. We urge all states that have not yet done so to ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which now has 94 signatories and 73 ratifications. The upcoming First Review Conference under South African chairmanship is a crucial opportunity to restore credibility to multilateral disarmament. We commend UNIDIR's research confirming the risks of integrating artificial intelligence into nuclear command and control systems. Until their total elimination, nuclear weapons must remain under full human oversight. Never under autonomous control. Mr. Chair, on small arms and conventional weapons, Mozambique continues facing the destabilizing impact of illicit small arms and light weapons, which fuel terrorism and obstruct post-conflict recovery in the northern province of Cabo Delgado. As the first Secretary-General As the Secretary-General's report warns, non-state actors are adapting and seeking access to more sophisticated means, including chemical, biological, radiological, and cyber capabilities. Without coordinated international support, Mozambique and other frontline states risk confronting an evolving terrorist threat that blends traditional small arms violence with advanced technological tools. We call for enhanced cooperation and targeted capacity building in border control, tracing, and counterterrorism to halt the flow of illicit weapons. Mozambique attaches high importance to the Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons and to the new Global Framework on Ammunition Management adopted in this this year. We urge sustained international support for African states in tracing, stockpile management, and cross-border cooperation because without confronting the tools of violence, development will remain an unfulfilled promise. Mr. Chair, on emerging technologies, the disarmament agenda must evolve with the times. At Artificial intelligence, quantum computing, drones, and autonomous weapons are transforming warfare faster than regulation can keep pace. The open-ended working groups on ICT security and the military use of AI have made valuable progress, but we must now move towards binding norms ensuring that all weapons systems remain under meaningful human control. As UNIDID wardens, delegating life and death decisions to algorithms is incompatible with the principle of humanity and international law. Mozambique supports the creation of an international scientific advisory panel on AI under the United Nations to monitor dual-use technologies, bridge digital divides, and ensure capacity building for developing countries. Innovation must serve human security, not threaten it. Mr. Chair, on space and cyberspace— space and cyberspace have become new frontiers of competition. Preventing an arms race in outer space is indispensable to global stability. Mozambique welcomes the new open-ended working group on this matter and supports negotiation toward the legally binding instrument ensuring the peaceful use of outer space. In cyberspace, we observe civilian infrastructure increasingly being targeted. Mozambique supports establishing a permanent UN mechanism on ICT security ICT security to promote responsible state behavior and extend assistance to states with limited capacity. Mr. Chair, on regional contribution and multilateralism, amid these challenges, there are also some positive trends. The entry into force of the TPNW, Africa's steadfast commitment to the Palindaba Treaty, growing participation of women in disarmament diplomacy, and regional cooperation under the African Union's Silencing the Guns initiative. Mozambique's tenure on the Security Council and its role within A3+ in the adoption of Resolution 2719 on predictable financing for AU-led peace operations reaffirm our belief that regional organizations are equal partners in peace and security, not merely implementers. Yet many states still act outside the collective frameworks, eroding trust and weakening international law. Mr. Chair, in conclusion, as we commemorate the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, Mozambique calls for renewed commitment to the Charter, to the UN 80 reform agenda, and to the Pact for the Future, ensuring that the rules we build remain the shield of the weak and the discipline of the strong. Disarmament and development are mutually reinforcing. Mozambique will continue working with Africa and all partners for first committee anchored in the Charter, inspired by science and guided by humanity. I thank you, Mr.

Chair. I thank the Permanent Representative of Mozambique for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Pegu.

Microphone for the speaker, please.

I wish to convey to you, Mr. Chairman, my hearty congratulations on your election to steer the work of the First Committee. You, Mr. Chairman, have the full support of Peru to ensure the success of your work. We are meeting today in a global concept— context marked by manifold crises and challenges. Deeply rooted political tensions characterize the current international arena. As such, 4 years, Mr. Chairman, have elapsed since the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine. The extension of the war has eroded strategic trust, and that has quite frankly affected dialogue, multilateralism, and has caused global military expenditure to spike. In the Middle East, we're seeing the worsening of hostilities and the persistent humanitarian crisis in Gaza. These are a permanent threat in the region, and in that context, the latest news we've received is very heartening indeed, Mr. Chairman, and opens a window of hope. This hope, Mr. Chairman, is not accidental. It's the fruit of commitments and a tireless will to usher in dialogue. That now makes us harbor the deep conviction that another future is possible—a future with dignity, justice, and peace for the region. Consequently, we welcome the efforts being made by the parties, particularly by the mediators—Qatar, Egypt, Turkey, and the United States. In Asia is modernizing nuclear arsenals and repeating ballistic tests, and that is spiking risks of confrontation. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons is fueling violence and transnational organized crime. All of this is coming together to produce an environment of mistrust and fragmentation. There, multilateral cooperation is proving to be the most powerful tool and the only way to address these grave joint challenges. Today we are at a decisive juncture. In this context, the nuclear threat continues to be the greatest existential threat hovering over human kind. The relevance and strengthening of the Treaty on The Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and its enforcement are now more urgent than ever before. The NPT is not simply the pillar of the disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Rather, it is the icon of a moral pact between nations that is a promise to forge ahead towards a world free of nuclear weapons. The 2026 review conference will be held here in New York. That will be a decisive opportunity States Parties to renew our collective commitment to the three pillars of the NPT: disarmament, non-proliferation, and peaceful cooperation. Peru trusts that States Parties will achieve consensus which will revitalize the implementation of Article VI on nuclear disarmament. We trust that this review conference will be genuinely substantive in nature. We reiterate our unwavering support for the treaty as the cornerstone of global security. Security, and we reiterate our conviction that statements and words must turn into verifiable deeds. Mr. Chairman, disarmament cannot continue to be an unfulfilled promise. Our region, Latin America and the Caribbean, was a pioneer in demonstrating that denuclearization is possible. With the Tlatelolco Treaty in 1967, we established the first nuclear weapons-free zone in a densely populated area. That legacy inspires Peru to continue to support instruments such as the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. These instruments strengthen the international regime and give hope to future generations. In this endeavor, the Regional United Nations Center for Peace, Disarmament, and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, better known as UNLIREC, UNIREC, with its headquarters in Lima, Peru, plays an absolutely irreplaceable role. It was created by the General Assembly in 1986, and UNIREC is one of the three regional centers working under the ODA and the only entity specialized in disarmament and non-proliferation across Latin America and the Caribbean region. UNIREC's mission is to support member states with the implementation implementation of multilateral commitments that directly contributes to peace, citizen security, and sustainable development. Every year, Peru has the honor of hosting on behalf of GULAC and tabling on behalf of GULAC a resolution that recognizes UNILEC's work, reaffirms its commitment to Agenda 2030, and we reaffirm our commitment to fighting against transnational organized crime, terrorism, and the trade in small arms and weapons as part of UNIREC. UNIREC works on four fronts: one, policymaking; two, legal assistance; three, technical assistance; and four, regional dialogue. UNIREC's work is made possible thanks to voluntary contributions from countries such as Canada, Germany, the United States, Mexico, Panama, and Peru itself. In this vein, Peru reaffirms with great pride its unwavering support its presence in Lima strengthens Latin America as a whole and consolidates and strengthens our common voice ringing out in favor of peace. It is for this reason that it must continue to exist. But it's not enough to look back. The urgent disarmament agenda also involves the need to regulate the use of ITCs. Their impact on international security is increasingly more deeply felt. New technologies technologies pose unprecedented challenges. These include the military use of cyberspace, the manipulation and distortion of information, the convergence of AI with weapon systems, and the creation of autonomous weapon systems able to operate without human control. With all of that in mind, we welcome the adoption of the outcome report of the Open-Ended Working Group on Security and Use of ITCs 2021-2024. 5. That working group culminated in an agreement to establish a global mechanism on developments in ITCs in the context of international security and responsible state behavior. That is a major step forward towards proper cyber governance rooted in transparency, cooperation, and accountability. At the same time, Peru believes it is of vital importance to make progress with a legally binding instrument, one which prohibits and regulates autonomous weapons systems and other materials with warmongering potential fully in line with international humanitarian law and the ethical principles that should underpin technological innovation. To conclude, Mr. Chairman, in a world in which mistrust is surging once more alongside fear, disarmament is not a romantic pipe dream but rather it's a practical urgent and even moral need. Stability and security can only be developed on the basis of dialogue, trust, and cooperation. Humankind cannot afford the luxury of continuing to plump for destruction as an instrument of deterrence. For that reason, we reaffirm our commitment to diplo— consensus-based diplomacy, effective multilateralism, and the full implementation implementation of the NPT alongside the implementation of other instruments that are related. It's only in so doing that we can protect collective security, protect human dignity, and build a future which is genuinely free of the nuclear threat. Thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Peru, and I give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Lithuania.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. As Lithuanian delegate, I would like to express our full support and cooperation and wish you and the Bureau every success in guiding our work forward. Lithuania aligns itself with the statement by the European Union, and I would like to add the following remarks in my national capacity. Full text of the— of my statement will be distributed accordingly. Regrettably, this Committee convenes against the backdrop of deteriorating global security environment. The disarmament and non-proliferation architecture, built over decades, is facing mounting challenges and immense pressure by the actions and policies that undermine the objectives and principles of UN Charter and international law. Russia's unjustified and illegal full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine is accompanied by its dangerous nuclear rhetoric, and wider pattern of provocative behaviour, which includes weaponizing nuclear power plants, violations of sovereign airspace, and incidents involving drones in European countries bordering Russia. This is not the conduct to be expected from the responsible permanent member of the Security Council, nor from the nuclear weapons state under the NPT. We strongly condemn Belarus's complicity in Russia's war against Ukraine, including the announced deployment of Russian nuclear weapons on its territory. We are also alarmed by the deepening military cooperation between Russia, Iran, and the DPRK, including reports of arms transfers and the deployment of the DPRK's combat troops to support war efforts against Ukraine. We are disappointed by the insufficient efforts of the international community to curb the flow of military goods and dual-use items that enable the continuation of Russia's toward. We observe with deep concern the Democratic People's Republic of Korea's continued undermining of the global non-proliferation architecture, as well as Iran's unchecked expansion of its nuclear program. Additionally, we note a concerning lack of transparency from certain States, whose actions reveal a disconnect between declared commitments, such as a policy of minimum deterrence and no first use, and the scale, scope and intent of their rapidly expanding and diversifying nuclear arsenal. This inconsistency heightens global apprehension, fuels uncertainty, and undermines trust. Mr. Chair, Lithuania continues to strongly support the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. All nuclear-armed states must uphold their commitment to universal and verifiable disarmament. 2026 NPT Review Conference will be a key opportunity to reaffirm the relevance of this instrument despite today's challenging international landscape. Lithuania also stresses the importance of the successor agreement to the New START for the sake of the strategic stability that would benefit us all. Mr. Chair, I need to speak of highly worrying developments at the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant., which significantly heightens concerns over nuclear safety and security. The Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant has been without off-site power for nearly 2 weeks, relying solely on emergency generators—an unsustainable and dangerous situation. Russia's illegal seizure and militarization of the plant, along with continued deliberate shelling and drone attacks on Ukraine's civilian energy infrastructure, severely heightens risks to Zaporizhzhia and other nuclear facilities. Russia must immediately and unconditionally withdraw all military and associated personnel from the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant and from the entire territory of Ukraine before irreversible damage is done. Mr. Chair, it is regrettable that International Atomic Energy Agency experts have been unable to conduct full and effective monitoring and verification in Iran for nearly 4 months. We are deeply concerned about the agency's loss of continuity of knowledge, particularly regarding the highly enriched uranium stockpile. Lithuania fully supports the diplomatic efforts of the E3, EU, and IAEA Director General Grossi to reduce tensions and achieve a lasting solution. We urge Iran to engage constructively and to restore full cooperation with the IAEA and pursue a diplomatic resolution. These are essential steps for regional and global security. Lithuania remains gravely concerned about the Democratic People's Republic of Korea advancing of its unchecked nuclear and ballistic missile programs, including recent declarations of the irreversibility of its nuclear status. We strongly urge DPRK to return to and fully comply with the NPT and IAEA safeguards, refrain from destabilizing actions, and commit to complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. In this context, recent statements about strengthening military cooperation between Russia and the DPRK are deeply alarming. Mr. Chair, Lithuania remains dedicated supporter of the Biological Weapons Convention as well as of the Chemical Weapons Convention, and we commend the work of the organization for the prohibition of chemical Weapons. Again, Lithuania is deeply concerned by thousands of reports of Russia's use of riot control agents and possibly chloropicrin in Ukraine as a method of warfare, which is explicitly prohibited under the Convention. Despite mounting evidence, Russia refuses to provide a credible explanation under Article 9 of the CWC and resorting instead to disinformation. Lithuania calls for full accountability and timely attribution to uphold the global norm against chemical weapons. We would also like to highlight the issue of chemical munitions dumped at sea, which poses a latent yet growing global security threat. We urge this matter to be viewed through a security lens, especially amid rising maritime activity, natural degradation, and hybrid threats such as undersea infrastructure sabotage, including anchoring, dragging by the Russian shadow fleet. Mister Chair, the rapid evolution of emerging technologies is reshaping international warfighting realities on the ground. Lithuania believes that lethal autonomous weapon systems, artificial intelligence, and other emerging capabilities must be developed and used in ways that reinforce compliance with international humanitarian law. Technologies must enhance rather than erode The protection of civilians. In particular, Lithuania supports continued work within the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons Laws, and we encourage concrete balanced outcomes. Mr. Chair, earlier this year, Lithuania made the sovereign decision to withdraw from the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention. This followed our earlier withdrawal from the convention, on cluster munitions. These decisions reflect the grave and deteriorating security environment in our region, shaped by Russia's militarization and its war of aggression against Ukraine, disrespect for international humanitarian law. Let me be clear: Lithuania continues to uphold the humanitarian values that inspired the Ottawa and Oslo Conventions. We stand firmly against the indiscriminate use of weapons and remain committed to alleviating human suffering caused by mines, and explosive remnants of war. Lithuania's joining the joint leadership, together with Iceland, and then mining capability coalition for Ukraine demonstrates that commitment in action. We wish to reiterate Lithuania's strong and continuous commitment to arms control, disarmament, and nonproliferation. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished, the Permanent Representative of Lithuania, and I give the floor to His Excellency, the Permanent Representative of Iraq.

Shukran, Saeed Al-Rais. Filbidaya, Naudou Anouhan.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. At the outset, we'd like to congratulate you on your appointment to steer our proceedings throughout the 80th session. We also congratulate the Bureau. We align ourselves with statements delivered by Nam, and the Arab Group. Mr. Chairman, Iraq is concerned by the lack of progress on disarmament, as well as the lack of concrete progress on nuclear weapons. There is also the failure of achieving the universalization of the NPT. Not to mention the ongoing growth of nuclear stockpiling. The international security environment is seeing mounting challenges. Thus, we'd like to once again reiterate the need to implement pressing measures so as to achieve our objective— that is, complete nuclear disarmament. It is necessary to achieve universalization of disarmament instruments, especially as regards WMDs, first and foremost nuclear weapons. What's also required is full commitment to Article 6 of the NPT, especially on the part of nuclear states who continue to develop, modernize new types of nuclear weapons. The nuclear weapons states must shoulder their obligations and commitments entered into at the 1995 review conference as well as the 2010 review conference. This moves me to my second point. We need to kickstart as soon as possible negotiations on an international legally binding instrument that's non-discriminatory, an instrument on guarantees to not use nuclear weapons or threaten to use them against non-nuclear weapons states as well as parties to the NPT. Third, we must begin negotiations within the framework of the Conference on Disarmament so as to craft an international convention to prohibit fissile materials production and stockpiling. We also need to engage in multi-party— multi-party— multi-party efforts on the CTBT. We must also encourage the 8 Annex 2 countries to ratify the CTBT Treaty so that it can enter into force. Next, nuclear disarmament should remain front of mind for the international community until we achieve our ultimate objective, that is the full and complete elimination of nuclear weapons, the use thereof, or the threat of the use thereof. Mr. Chairman, turning now to nuclear weapons-free zones. Now, there's been a positive step, an important measure taken to enhance nuclear disarmament and international nonproliferation. We would like to once again warn about the corrosive consequences of non-respect of the 1995 Resolution on the Middle East and the impact this could have on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament regime, not to mention the very credibility of the NPT and its universalization. Some countries are insisting on the need to swiftly establish a Middle Eastern nuclear weapons free zone under Article 14 of the relevant Security Council resolution adopted in 1991, as well as relevant General Assembly resolutions, specifically the decision on the Middle East, specifically the 1995 review Conference and the 2010 Review Conference resolutions. We commend the success garnered by countries which partook in the Conference on the Middle East Nuclear Weapons and WMD-Free Zone. We believe the efforts undertaken at that conference are helpful which can converge with other efforts to establish such a zone. This is not a substitute for the 1995 Middle Eastern resolution. This was confirmed by the 2010 review conference decisions. We urge all parties to effectively contribute to this process so that the Sixth Review conference is a resounding success under the presidency of Morocco. This will be held next month in November. We categorically reject the dangerous pronouncements of an Israeli minister, pronouncements made in '23 regarding the possibility of using nuclear weapons against our brothers in Gaza. These threats reflect the fact that the entity Israel is running roughshod of international norms covering the use or threat of the use of nuclear weapons. Israel is also challenging the will of the international community. Therefore, the Israeli entity needs to join the NPT as a non-nuclear state and place all of its nuclear facilities under the auspices of the comprehensive safeguards regime of the IAEA until we establish a Middle Eastern nuclear weapons and WMD-free zone. This will, of course, help to bolster regional stability. Mr. Chairman, we welcome the adoption of the final report of the OEWG on security of and in the use of ICTs. This covers the, the period 2021-2025. We would also like to welcome the recommendations, practical recommendations aimed at strengthening international cooperation, building capacity, as well as responsible behavior. By way of conclusion, Mr. Chairman, we wish you every success throughout our deliberations so that we can achieve our stated objectives, taking into account the concerns of member states. I thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Iraq for his statement. I give now the floor to the distinguished delegate of— representative of Nigeria.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Chair, at the outset, allow me to extend my delegation's warm congratulations Congratulations to you on your election as Chair of the First Committee and other members of the Bureau at the 80th session. You can count on Nigeria's support and cooperation in the discharge of your important responsibilities. Let me also align my delegation with the statements delivered by the Non-Aligned Movement and the African Group and wish to add the following remarks in our national International capacity. Mr. Chair, the world continues to face grave threats to peace and security. Conflicts are escalating with devastating humanitarian consequences, and insecurity is becoming the order of the day in most developing countries. Nigeria therefore reiterates the call for an immediate cessation of hostilities in the Middle East and urge all parties to embrace dialogue and restrain, even as we hear some positive developments following the commencement of mediation in Cairo Monday. My delegation remains deeply concerned by the continued stagnation in nuclear disarmament and the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime. The reluctance of nuclear weapons states to take complete concrete irreversible steps towards eliminating their arsenals undermines global security and the credibility of the disarmament framework. The total elimination of nuclear weapons must remain our ultimate objective. Nigeria therefore calls on all states, particularly the nuclear weapons states, to recognize the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of these weapons and to take verifiable and time-bound measures towards their complete elimination. The disassembly and renunciation of nuclear arsenals are essential to safeguarding our collective future and ensuring sustainable global peace. Mr. Chair, Nigeria recalls with pride the historic entry into force of the TPNW, which comprehensively bans the development, testing, production, and possession of nuclear weapons. As one of the first signatories and ratifiers of the treaty, Nigeria commends the growing numbers of state parties and calls on all remaining states, especially nuclear weapons states, to accede to it without delay. We welcome the successful convening of the third meeting of state parties to the TPNW in March 2025 and look forward to the first review conference to be chaired by South Africa. We urge all member states to seize this opportunity to enhance— to advance our shared aspiration for a nuclear weapons-free world. As a state party to the African Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone Treaty, Nigeria reaffirms its steadfast commitment to the Treaty of Palindeba, which prohibits the testing and stationing of nuclear weapons anywhere on the continent. Africa's example demonstrates the value of regional confidence-building measures, and we encourage other regions to establish similar zones as contributions to global peace and security. Nigeria also underscores the importance of peaceful use of nuclear energy as a driver of sustainable development. We continue to apply nuclear science and technology to enhance national priorities in health, agriculture, power generation and water management. In this wise, we commend the IAEA for its essential role in promoting the safe and peaceful application of nuclear technology and urge all member states to fully implement their safeguards agreements and strengthen cooperation in capacity building and technical assistance. Nigeria further calls on all states to maintain the moratorium on nuclear testing and to work towards the universalization and entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. We urge all remaining Annex II states to ratify the treaty— to ratify the treaty without delay to bring it into full legal effect. Mr. Chair, my delegation welcomes the recent decision adopted by the Conference on Disarmament and reaffirms its vital role as the world's sole multilateral disarmament negotiating forum. Nigeria urges the CD to intensify efforts towards a comprehensive and balanced program of work that reflects the security interests of all states and enables the prompt commencement of substantive negotiation. We also reaffirm our commitment to combating the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons through the full implementation of the UN Programme of Action and the Arms Trade Treaty. We welcome the outcome of the Fourth Review Conference held in June 2024 and note the establishment of Nigeria's National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons, an institutional framework aimed at curbing the proliferation of these weapons and promote peace and security across our region. Nigeria is closely following discussions on the military application of artificial intelligence and lethal autonomous weapons, including related resolutions by the Netherlands, Japan, and Australia. My delegation further emphasizes the need for full applicability of international law, the necessity of meaningful human control, and the prohibition of weapon systems lacking such control. Finally, the peaceful use of outer space must be equitable and inclusive, ensuring that all states, regardless of technological capacity, benefits from the exploration and use of this shared domain for sustainable development and climate resilience. Therefore, Nigeria emphasizes the need to prevent an arms race in outer space through a legally binding instrument that complements the existing international legal framework. In closing, I want to reaffirm Nigeria's unwavering commitment to a world free of nuclear weapons, to strengthening global disarmament and non-proliferation regimes, and to advance the peaceful use of science and technology for benefit of all humanity. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

Distinguished Representative of Nigeria, and I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Canada.

Thank you very much, Chair. We congratulate you on your election and wish you all the best. You have our support. Chair, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the system crafted by our predecessors 80 years ago is rapturing. We have arrived at this point through increasingly gross violations of the UN Charter, expanding threats to sovereignty across the globe, and diminishing confidence in the order the system had created. Canada fundamentally believes in the pursuit of a safer world. To achieve this, we must not only demonstrate the strength of our values, but the value of our strength. From supporting Ukraine in its defense against Russia's illegal aggression to fortifying our collective defense through NATO and NORAD, Canada is engaging in the pursuit of sovereignty, peace, and security. While all must take the necessary measures to to protect our citizens and our sovereignty, Canada remains steadfast in its commitment to collective security, arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation. Our objective in this committee is to identify the risks associated with weapon types, to advocate for better safeguards of dangerous items and technologies, and to foster dialogue between adversaries to build confidence and reduce tensions. These efforts should ultimately culminate in a reduction in weapons and an increase in security. It is clear, however, that the multilateral system is struggling to accomplish its purpose of disarmament in the context of international security. Giving up on the system will not solve the problems plaguing it, but reinvigorating it might. To do this, our words must become actions. Declarations must demand accountability. Statements of support must be accompanied by the implementation of existing obligations and commitments and increased efforts to strengthen multilateralism. Calls to action must not simply identify the problem but propose innovative and practical solutions. Monsieur le Président.

Mr. Chairman, We are not the only ones to underscore the decline of the disarmament regime. Year in, year out, the same pronouncements are repeated, and there are many, many working groups, many conferences working on this, yet little progress is being made. Much like other delegations, Canada would like to urge all States to direct their First Committee efforts towards making headway on our common agenda and optimizing use of resources. In order to make headway on our agenda, we must keep front of mind our mandate entrusted to us by United Nations Member States as well as the citizens these member states represent, the mandate being preserving future generations from the scourge of war. To this end, our work should remain true to the fundamental principles of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction with a view to preventing and countering any arms race, whether that be on Earth or in outer space, and to address the threat posed by explosives, small arms, and light weapons, as well as emerging technologies which can pose a threat to life and people's livelihoods. In order to effectively use our resources, We need to forge new ways of collaboration, countering the obstructionism of a minority of states which wish to see the system collapse. We may need to undertake reforms to achieve this objective. For instance, we might need to reassess the principle of consensus when tackling procedural issues. We are committed to reducing repetition in resolutions, reports, and statements. The path to disarmament and security will require many a sacrifice, many a compromise. It will also require us to be patient. Nevertheless, This is a key pillar of the world our predecessors had hoped to build, thanks to the United Nations. Canada remains hopeful about our world and the principles that underpin it: international cooperation that is of mutual benefit to all of us, the rule of law, and the deepest respect for human life. These principles are the very bedrock of a stable future in which we can all coexist peacefully. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I thank the distinguished representative of Canada for his statement, and I give now the floor to His Excellency, Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka.

Mr. Chair, At the outset, allow me to congratulate you and the Bureau on your election. Sri Lanka assures you of its fullest support and looks forward to a constructive session that strengthens international peace and security. My delegation aligns itself with the statement delivered by Uganda on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and wishes to add the following remarks in our national capacity. Mr. Chair, When we adopted the Pact for the Future last year, we reaffirmed the urgency of addressing threats to peace and security, from nuclear weapons to the misuse of emerging technologies. As we sit here one year later, conflicts persist, arms builds-up accelerate, and the architecture of disarmament faces challenges. We have all committed to multilateral cooperation, but Distrust and militarization remain at a dangerous height. Nuclear weapons remain the most existential danger. Nuclear sharing arrangements and lower thresholds for use only worsen the risk. The step-by-step approach has stalled. As Nam has stressed, a new direction is needed. Sri Lanka reiterates that the only absolute guarantee against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is their complete elimination through a comprehensive, verifiable, and time-bound process. Sri Lanka is proud to be a state party to the NPT, CTBT, and TPNW. We call on all states to join these instruments without delay. Mr. Chair, other weapons of mass destruction must not be overlooked. On biological weapons, we stress the urgent need for a legally binding verification regime. We also caution against new and emerging types of WMDs, which must be prohibited before they add new risks to humanity. Outer space continues to ignite humankind's sense of wonder and must not be transformed into another battlefield. Sri Lanka supports early negotiations on a legally binding instrument to prevent an arms race in outer space, building on PPWT draft treaty and the 2024 report of the Group of Governmental Experts experts. We emphasize that space technologies, from climate monitoring to disaster management, are essential for sustainable development and must remain accessible to all, especially developing countries. Mr. Chair, conventional weapons continue to wreak havoc on societies. The illicit trade in small arms and light weapons fuels conflicts, displaces communities, and undermine stability. Sri Lanka welcomes the consensus outcome of the Fourth Review Conference on the Programme of Action and supports stronger marking, tracing, and international cooperation, including a dedicated funding mechanism for capacity building. We have taken tangible steps nationally. Sri Lanka completed stockpile destruction under the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention ahead of schedule and continues to clearance, with the goal of becoming mine-free by 2028. We have acceded to the Convention on Cluster Munitions, having never used, produced, or stockpiled such weapons. These efforts are about restoring land, dignity, and opportunity to our people. Mr. Chair, technological change is redefining the landscape of disarmament. Artificial intelligence, cyberspace, and lethal autonomous weapons systems pose profound legal and ethical challenges. Sri Lanka joins the NAM in calling for a legally binding instrument on autonomous weapons and reiterates Sri Lanka's call on the matter. We also support the establishment of a permanent UN mechanism on ICT security that ensures inclusivity capacity building, and preserve cyberspace for peaceful purposes. Emerging technologies must remain tools for development and not navigate to unfathomable new weapons. Mr. Chair, Sri Lanka is concerned to note that military expenditure strides to record levels while development and climate finance fall short. We cannot accept a future where humanity invests more in instruments of death and destruction than in the survival of our planet and the ability of all people to thrive. As the Lord Buddha's words remind us, "All beings tremble at violence. All fear death. Putting oneself in the place of another, one should not kill nor cause another to kill." Sri Lanka remains committed to working with all partners to advance disarmament and multilateralism as a path to human dignity and happiness, sustainable development, and a world free from the scourge of war—weapons. In seeing ourselves in others, we affirm that true security lies not in instruments of destruction, but in compassion, cooperation, and the will to do no harm. I thank you.

I thank the Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka for his statement. I give now the floor to His Excellency Ambassador Director for Disarmament, Arms Control, and Non-Proliferation, Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs of Austria.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Austria, Austria is, is aligned with the statement by the EU, which deals with some key issues for our delegation, such as our unequivocal condemnation of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, our deep concern about the situation in the Middle East, the nuclear issue in Iran, and the developments in the DPRK. We will add the following observations in our national capacity. Chair, we are meeting here against the backdrop of unprecedented challenges to the international security regime, to international law, and the very principles of multilateralism. —for which the United Nations were created and that they have embodied since 1945. The mechanisms of collective security created to address and manage these challenges are today struggling or failing. We see blatant violations of the UN Charter through wars of aggression, unacceptable nuclear rhetoric, and conflicts characterized —by disregard of IHL—with devastating humanitarian consequences for civilian populations. Geopolitical tensions, violation of international law, mistrust and mutual accusations, and heightened threat perceptions lead to an ever-broadening sense of insecurity. Military spending has reached record heights and arms race dynamics are accelerating in nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as in the new and disruptive technology weaponry and in outer space. Obstructionist behavior or maximalist or unilateralist approaches frequently make progress towards multilateral solutions all but impossible. Often those most responsible for this are also the ones that question in international law and the value of multilateralism as such. We are at an inflection point. My delegation is convinced that now more than ever we must do whatever we can to strengthen the UN, multilateralism, international law, and consequently to keep investing into the disarmament regime. This regime is far from perfect. It is a work in progress, a direction of travel towards reduction reduction of tensions and increased trust towards building common security. It is about the gradual creation of international law to achieve disarmament, to prevent proliferation, and to limit human suffering through the prohibition of particularly inhumane weapons. It is about creating a more peaceful world. We are convinced that there is a clear majority of states across all regions that shares this view and that does not want to move backwards to a world where might is right. This is not where we want to go to. Together with many like-minded states, Austria has championed initiatives in the past 30 years to strengthen and further develop this regime. We're a strong supporter of nuclear disarmament, as evidenced through our unwavering support for the NPT, the CTBT, and as one of the the United States that has led the humanitarian initiative and championed the TPNW. We're equally strong supporters of the BWC and the CWC. We are convinced that we need to move away from a security paradigm based on the threat of global mass destruction. For this, a focus on the growing body of scientific evidence about the catastrophic humanitarian and environmental consequences,— as well as the unacceptable risks of nuclear weapons offers the most promising way forward. We will expand on the legitimate security concerns resulting from nuclear deterrence-based paradigm in our nuclear statement. We invite all states to support the resolutions on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons and on the TPNW that Austria is again presenting on behalf of a large group of co-sponsors. Austria has been closely involved in global efforts to strengthen IHL through the prohibition of indiscriminate weapons such as anti-personnel mines and cluster munitions. The respective conventions present crucial progress for the protection of civilians, have saved countless lives in many parts of the world, and continue to do so every day. We categorically condemn any use of these weapons. As evidenced in many conflicts, the arguments for the military utility of such weapons pale against the immediate and long-term human suffering and the negative human security implications. In this regard, we regret the recent withdrawals from these conventions. Austria will continue to promote adherence to and universalization of these important norms. We also wish to underline our concern about the unspeakable suffering of civilian populations in several conflicts, in particular in Gaza, Sudan, and Ukraine. IHL must be complied with and the protection of civilians put at the centre of our efforts. In this context, we encourage States to endorse the Political Declaration on the Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas. We also reiterate our call for for the regulation of autonomous weapons systems. We have worked hard for several years, for several years to create momentum for this, inter alia through hosting a large international conference in Vienna last year and the Angar Resolution on laws. We invite all States to support this year's resolution. We welcome the progress made in the GGE in Geneva and hope that we can move to negotiations of a legally binding instrument based on the two-tier approach as soon as possible. This is truly an issue that requires urgent attention. Chair, these are all issues of high importance for international peace and security. Austria is a country for the seat— for a seat in the Security Council for the period 27-28. We have a strong track record of unequivocal support for the disarmament regime— and as a progressive and principled champion in this field. If elected, we would accord these issues high importance in the Council and represent the interests of all states wanting to safeguard and strengthen this regime. This, as well as the focus on the protection of civilians and support for multilateralism with the UN at its core, are central to our motivation. Finally, increased Cross-regional cooperation is essential if we wish to safeguard this regime, and with it, our collective security. One of the issues where there is needed— one of the issues where this is needed is to encourage the U.S. and Russia to not let the New START Treaty expire next year without any prospect of nuclear arms control negotiations. There have been some encouraging statements from both sides, which could provide an opening for negotiations for a follow-on agreement, which is clearly in all our security interests. Austria has circulated a joint statement on behalf of a cross-regional group of states that encourages both countries to do so. We invite all states to co-sign this statement. This would be an important sign of cross-regional convergence at the time when such convergence has become become scarce. Chair, the multilateral system is being tested as rarely before. But this is not— but this is a time not for resignation, but for resolve to work together to defend the gains of the past and strengthen the foundations for a more secure future. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Austria. I shall now call on delegations who have requested the right of reply. May I remind members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 4.5 minutes for the first intervention and 2.5 minutes for the second intervention. I give the floor now to the first— to the distinguished representative of DPRK.

Thanks.

Thanks, Mr. Chair, for giving me the floor. My delegation categorically and totally rejects the repeated sophistry of those delegations like Latvia, Poland, Belgium, and Lithuania, and Austria, who groundlessly blame the DPRK's sovereign rights and defensive measures. The possession of the nuclear deterrence is the legitimate obligation and sovereign right of the DPRK to defend its national security, deter, and protect people's life and future from the U.S.'s ever-increasing military threats and the regional security concern arising therefrom. As a matter of fact, Latvia, Poland, Belgium, Lithuania, and Austria's boring and stereotyped arguments do not make any contribution to the substantial progress of this committee, but simply reflecting their uneasiness and anxiety on the current status of the DPRK and the friendly cooperation between the independent sovereign states. They can change nothing by reciting CVID endlessly. If we must use their terminology of the CVID, we say the status of the DPRK as a nuclear weapons state is indeed complete, verifiable, and irreversible. The possession of the nuclear weapons is the national law of the DPRK. The DPRK will remain as a nuclear weapons state ever and forever and resolutely safeguard its national security interests and ensure the regional peace and stability. Mr. Chair, as our delegation clarified before, the relationship between the DPRK and the Russian Federation is completely just and falls into the domain of our sovereign rights. DPRK delegation recommends those member states like Lithuania, Latvia, Belgium, and Austria that are making an issue out of the legal cooperation between the DPRK and the Russian Federation to study carefully, to study carefully the Treaty on Comprehensive strategic partnership between the DPRK and the Russian Federation, and as well as the UN Charter. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

I thank the distinguished representative of DPRK for his intervention, and I call on the representative of Russian Federation to give his intervention.

Mr. Chairman, we believe it's necessary to respond and to categorically reject the ongoing attempts by a series of delegations, including the Republic of Korea, which took the floor yesterday, and the delegations of Belgium, Lithuania, Latvia, who took the floor today. They are trying to accuse the Russian Federation when it is legitimately developing its bilateral relations with the DPRK. In these attempts, we see an attempt to use multilateral fora to politicize and imbue with aggressive hues these groundless accusations which are being leveled at us, accusations that are shorn of the least bit of convincing rationale. The DPRK is a close neighbor and a longstanding partner of the Russian Federation. Our cooperation has historical roots which run deep. We believe that the gradual development of Russia-DPRK relations, forged on a sound legal, political, and economic foundation laid over the preceding decades, serves our interests and facilitates the strengthening of peace and security in Northeast Asia. In 2024, at a Russia-Korea summit in Pyongyang, an agreement was signed on comprehensive strategic partnership. This was to the— to a large extent driven by serious developments in global geopolitics and regional geopolitics. Now, the document sets forth the basic principles for further bilateral relationship development aimed at strengthening and deepening our partnership and strategic cooperation across a whole host of priority areas for Taurus, as well as the building of a just multipolar international system. Now, the agreement doesn't try to establish a military alliance in the Western mold, although it does call for mutual military assistance as per Article 51 of the UN and the legislation of the Russian Federation and the DPRK. On the basis of Article 4 of the aforementioned agreement, military units of the Korean People's Army did join operations to cast out Ukrainian armed groups and foreign mercenary bands from the temporarily occupied areas of the Kursk region of the Russian Federation. We'd like to emphasize that not a single Security Council nor GA resolution covers the inalienable right of the DPRK and the Russian Federation to— a right to collective and individual self-defense guaranteed by the UN Charter. Against this backdrop, we'd like to recall that in 2023, the US and the Republic of Korea signed the Washington Declaration, under which a non-nuclear state under the NPT, that is Korea, is being granted an unprecedented role in planning and decision-making on the use of American strategic forces. The US-South Korea union is openly being dubbed a nuclear alliance and is clearly moving towards the, the establishment of a tripartite bloc with Japan. Furthermore, the US is not even hiding its plans to to expand the regular deployment of strategic capabilities and equipment in and around the peninsula in order to strengthen its obligations on extended nuclear deterrence. We call on the U.S. and the Republic of Korea to stop their irresponsible, confrontational, and provocative policy vis-à-vis the DPRK, which undermines the fundamental principle of single and indivisible security, pushing Pyongyang to acquire additional— to acquire its own nuclear missile establish its own nuclear missile shield on a basis— as the basis for its independence and security.

Republic of Korea.

Please. Thank you, Chair. We would like to just respond briefly to the Russian delegation. As a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council that adopted numerous resolutions on the DPRK and one of the countries that led the efforts to build a global nonproliferation regime, Russia has a significant responsibility to uphold the integrity of the international nonproliferation architecture. In this regard, it is disappointing that Russia now seems to be abandoning its obligations. We urge them to promptly cease such illegal activities. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Republic of Korea and I give the I give the floor now to the distinguished representative of Lithuania.

Thank you very much, Chair. In response to the right of reply used by the Russian Federation, we would like to outline that calling out violations of international law is not politicization. It is a duty of responsibility responsible UN members. Russian and DPRK cooperation undermines international non-proliferation norms and violates multiple UN Security Council resolutions. It is not Lithuania's intention to politicize the debate, but to uphold the integrity of the global disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. Thank you.

I thank the distinguished representative of Lithuania for her intervention. I now call on the Representative of DPRK for the second intervention.

Thank you, Mr. Chair. My delegation is compelled to take the floor again in response to the repeated sophistry of the ROK and Lithuania delegation against the DPRK-Russian Federation relationship. As stated before, According to the international legal principles of friendly relations and cooperation among the sovereign states consistent with the UN Charter, no nation or group of nations has right to interfere in the issues belonging to the national sovereignty of the states or in the internal or external affairs of other states. Therefore, politically motivated criticism of the DPRK and Russian relations are just denial and violation of the UN Charter and recognized international law. I thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thank the distinguished representative of DPRK for the second intervention, and I give now the floor to the distinguished representative of Russian Federation for the second intervention.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to use this opportunity to support the statement delivered by the DPRK. We fully share their view. I thank you.

Thank you, the distinguished representative of Russia, for his intervention. Distinguished delegates, we have exhausted the time available for this meeting. Before we Before we adjourn, let me remind delegations that the list of speakers for the general debate closes today at 6 PM. The list of speakers for the thematic debate will open immediately thereafter. Next meeting of the Committee will be held tomorrow morning at 10 AM sharp in this conference room. I appeal to all delegations to be punctual to enable us to proceed with our work in a timely manner. The meeting is adjourned.